Certain miscellany works of the Right Honourable Francis Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Alban published by VVilliam Ravvley ... Selections. 1670 Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626. 1670 Approx. 164 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A28061 Wing B275 ESTC R21950 12619040 ocm 12619040 64460 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A28061) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64460) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 342:3) Certain miscellany works of the Right Honourable Francis Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Alban published by VVilliam Ravvley ... Selections. 1670 Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626. [5], 58 p. Printed by T.J. for H.R., and are to be sold by Wil. Lee ..., London : 1670. First published in 1629. Cf. NUC pre-1956. Each part except the first has special t.p. with slightly varying imprint: Printed by J.M. for Humphrey Robinson, 1670. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-06 Allison Liefer Sampled and proofread 2002-06 Allison Liefer Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CERTAIN Miscellany Works OF The Right Honourable , FRANCIS LORD VERULAM , Viscount St. Alban . PUBLISHED By VVILLIAM RAVVLEY , Doctor of Divinity , one of His Majesties Chaplains . LONDON , Printed by T. J. for H. R. and are to be sold by Wil. Lee , at the Turks = Head in Fleet-street . M. DC . LXX . TO THE READER . I Have thought good , as a Servant , to the Labours and Memory , of that Noble Lord , the Lord Viscount St. Alban , to Collect into one , these few , rather Parcells , than Just Works , of his excellent Pen. Which I have done for these Causes . First , to vindicate the Wrong his Lordship suffered , by a corrupt and surreptitious Edition , of that Discourse of his , Touching a War with Spain , lately set forth . Secondly , by way of Prevention , to exempt from the like Injury and Defacements , those other Discourses of his , herein contained . Lastly , to satisfie the Desires of some , who hold it unreasonable , that any the Delineations of that Pen , though in never so small a Model , should not be shewn to the World. I know , it carries the Excuse with it , after the Authors Death , to publish Fragments . Therefore I will make none . These Works , being all , for the Argument , Civil , I cannot represent better , than in Resemblance of Aristotles Parva Naturalia , to account them as his Lordships Parva Politica . Howsoever , I doubt not , but every Judicious Reader , finding of his Lordships Spirit in them , will know them to be his ; And will afford them , a Place of Reputation , amongst his Greater Works . W. RAWLEY . CONSIDERATIONS Touching a War with SPAIN . To the Prince . YOur Highness hath an Imperial Name . It was a CHARLES that brought the Empire first into France ; A CHARLES that brought it first into Spain : Why should not Great Britain have his turn ? But to lay aside all that may seem to have a shew of Fumes and Fancies , and to speak Solids : A War with Spain , ( if the King shall enter into it , ) is a mighty Work ; It requireth strong Materials , and Active Motions . He that saith not so , is zealous , but not according to knowledge . But nevertheless , Spain is no such Giant : And he that thinketh Spain to be some great Over-match for this Estate , assisted as it is , and may be , is no good Mint-man ; But takes greatness of Kingdoms according to their Bulk and Currency , and not after their intrinsique Value . Although therefore I had wholly sequestred my thoughts from Civil Affairs , yet because it is a new Case , and concerneth my Countrey infinitely , I obtained of my self , to set down , out of long continued Experience in Business of Estate , and much Conversation in Books of Policy and History , what I thought pertinent to this Business ; And in all humbleness present it to Your Highness ; Hoping , that , at least , you will discern the strength of my Affection , through the weakness of my Abilities : For the Spaniard hath a good Proverb ; Desuario siempre con la Calentura ; There is no Heat of Affection , but is joyned with some Idleness of Brain . To a War are required ; A Just Quarrel ; Sufficient Forces and Provisions ; And a prudent Choice of the Designs . So then , I will first justifie the Quarrel ; Secondly , ballance the Forces ; and lastly , propound variety of Designs for Choice , but not advise the Choice ; For that were not fit for a Writing of this Nature ; Neither is it a Subject within the Level of my Judgement , I being , in effect , a Stranger to the present Occurrences . Wars ( I speak not of ambitious Predatory Wars , ) are Suits of Appeal to the Tribunal of Gods Justice , where there are no Superiors on earth to determine the Cause . And they are ( as Civil Pleas are ) Plaints , or Defences . There are therefore three just Grounds of War with Spain : One Plaint , Two upon Defence . Solomon faith , A Cord of three is not easily broken : But especially when every of the lines will hold single by it self . They are these . The Recovery of the Palatinate ; A just Fear of the Subversion of our Civil Estate : A just Fear of the Subversion of our Church and Religion . For in the handling of the two last Grounds of War , I shall make it plain ; That Wars Preventive upon Just Fears , are true Defensives , as well as upon Actual Invasions : And again , That Wars Defensive for Religion , ( I speak not of Rebellion , ) are most just ; Though Offensive Wars , for Religion , are seldom to be approved , or never , unless they have some Mixture of Civil Titles . But all that I shall say in this whole Argument , will be but like Bottoms of Thred , close wound up , which with a good Needle ( perhaps ) may be flourished into large Works . For the Afferting of the Justice of the Quarrel , for the Recovery of the Palatinate , I shall not go so high , as to discuss the Right of the War of Bohemia ; Which if it be freed from doubt on our part , then there is no Colour nor Shadow , why the Palatinate should be retained ; The Ravishing whereof was a meer Excursion of the first Wrong , and a Super-Injustice . But I do not take my self to be so perfect in the Customs , Transactions , and Priviledges of that Kingdom of Bohemia , as to be fit to handle that part . And I will not offer at that I cannot master . Yet this I will say ( in passage ) positively , and resolutely : That it is impossible , an Elective Monarchy , should be so free and absolute , as an Hereditary : No more than it is possible for a Father , to have so full Power and Interest , in an Adoptive Son , as in a Natural : Quia Naturalis Obligatio fortior Civili . And again , that Received Maxim is almost Unshaken and Infallible ; Nil magis Naturae consentaneum est , quam ut iisdem modis Res dissolvantur , quibus constituuntur . So that , if the part of the People or Estate be somewhat in the Election , you cannot make them Nulls or Cyphers in the Privation or Translation . And if it be said , that this is a dangerous Opinion , for the Pope , Emperour , and Elective Kings : It is true , it is a dangerous Opinion , and ought to be a dangerous Opinion to such personal Popes , Emperors , or Elective Kings , as shall transcend their limits , and become Tyrannical . But it is a safe and sound Opinions for their Sees , Empires , and Kingdoms ; And for themselves also , if they be wise : Plenitudo Potestatis , est plenitudo Tempestatis . But the chief Cause , why I do not search into this point , is , because I need it not . And in handling the Right of a War , I am not willing to intermix matter doubtful , with that which is out of doubt . For as in Capital Causes , wherein but one Mans life is in question , in favorem vitae , the Evidence ought to be clear ; So much more , in a Judgement upon a War , which is Capital to Thousands . I suppose therefore the worst ; That the Offensive War upon Bohemia had been unjust ; And then make the Case ; Which is no sooner made , than resolved ; If it be made , not enwrapped , but plainly and perspicuously . It is this in Thesi. An Offensive War is made , which is unjust in the Aggressour ; The Prosecution and Race of the War , carrieth the Defendant , to affail and invade the Ancient and Indubitate Patrimony of the first Aggressour , who is now turned Defendant ; Shall he fit down , and not put himself in Defence ; Or if he be dispossessed , shall he not make a War for the Recovery ? No man is so poor of Judgement , as will affirm it . The Castle of Cadmus was taken , and the City of Thebes it self invested by Ehaebidas the Lace demonian , insidiously , and in violation of League : The Process of this Action drew on a Resurprise of the Castle by the Thebans , a Recovery of the Town , and a Current of the War , even unto the walls of Sparta . I demand , was the Defence of the City of Sparta , and the Expulsion of the Thebans , out of the ancient Laconian Territories , unjust ? The sharing of that part of the Duichy of Millain , which lieth upon the River of Adda , by the 〈◊〉 , upon Contract with the French , was an Ambitious and unjust Purchase . This Wheel set on going , did pour a War upon the Venetians with such a Tempest , as Padoua and Trevigi was taken from them , and all their Dominions upon the Continent of Italy abandoned , and they confined within the Salt Waters . Will any man say , that the Memorable Recovery and Defence of Padotia , ( when the Gentlemen of Venice , unused to the Wars , out of the love of their Countrey , became Brave and Martial the first day ; ) And so likewise the Readeption of Trevigi , and the rest of their Dominions , was matter of Scruple , whether just or no , because it had fource from a Quarrel ill begun ? The War of the Duke of Vrbin , Nephew to Pope Julius the second , when he made himself Head of the Spanish . Mutineers , was as unjust , as unjust might be ; A Support of desperate Rebels , An Invasion of St. Peters Patrimony , and what you will. The Race of this War fell upon the loss of Vrbin it self , which was the Dukes undoubted Right ; Yet in this case , no Penitentiary , ( though he had enjoyned him never so strait Penance to expiate his first Offence , ) would have counselled him to have given over the pursuit of his Right for Vrbin ; Which after he prosperously re-obtained , and hath transmitted to his Family yet until this day . Nothing more unjust than the Invasion of the Spanish Armada in 88. upon our Seas ; For our Land was holy Land to them , they might not touch it : Shall I say therefore , that the Defence of Lisbon , or Cales , afterward , was unjust ? . There be thousands of Examples ; Vtor in Re non dubia Exemplis non necessariis : The Reason is plain ; Wars are Vindicte ; Revenges , Reparations . But Revenges are not infinite , but according to the measure of the first Wrong , or Damage . And therefore , when a voluntary Offensive War , by the Design or Fortune of the War , is turned to a necessary Defensive War , the Scene of the Tragedy is changed , and it is a new Act to begin . For though they the particular actions of War , are complicate in Fact , yet they are separate and distinct in Right ; Like to cross Suits in Civil Pleas , which are sometimes both just . But this is so clear , as needeth no further to be insisted upon . And yet , if in things so clear , it were fit to speak of more or less clear , in our present Cause , it is the more clear on our part , because the Possession of Bohemia is setled with the Emperor . For though it be true , that , Non datur Compensatio Injuriarum ; yet were there somewhat more Colour to detain the Palatinate , as in the nature of a Recovery , in Value or Compensation , if Bohemia had been lost , or were still the Stage of War. Of this therefore I speak no more . As for the Title of Proscription or Forfeiture , wherein the Emperor ( upon the matter ) hath been Judge and Party , and hath justiced himself , God forbid but that it should well endure an Appeal to a War. For certainly the Court of Heaven , is as well a Chancery , to save and debar Forfeitures , as a Court of Common Law to decide Rights ; And there would be work enough in Germany , Italy , and other Parts , if Imperial Forfeitures should go for good Titles . Thus much for the first Ground of War with Spain , being in the Nature of a Plaint , for the Recovery of the Palatinate ; Omitting here that which might be the Seed of a larger Discourse , and is verified by a number of Examples ; That whatsoever is gained by an Abusive Treaty , ought to be restored in Integrum . As we see the daily Experience of this in Civil Pleas ; For the Images of great things are best seen contracted into small Glasses ; We see ( I say ) that all Pretorian Courts , if any of the Parties be entertained or laid asleep , under pretence of Arbiterment or Accord , and that the other Party during that time , doth cautelously get the start and advantage at Common Law , though it be to Judgement and Execution ; Yet the Pretorian Court will set back all things in statu quo prins , no respect had to such Eviction or Disposition . Lastly , let there be no mistaking ; As if when I speak of a War for the Recovery of the Palatinate , I meant , that it must be in lineae rectae , upon that Place : For look into Jus faeciale , and all Examples , and it will be found to be without scruple ; That after a Legation ad Res repetendas , and a Refusal , and a Denunciation or Indiction of a War , the War is no more confined to the Place of the Quarrel , but is left at large , and to choice , ( as to the particular conducing Designs , ) as Opportunities and Advantages shall invite . To proceed therefore to the second Ground of a War with Spain ; We have set it down to be , A just Fear of the subversion of our Civil Estate . So then , the War is not for the Palatinate onely , but for England , Scotland , Ireland , our King , our Prince , our Nation , all that we have . Wherein two things are to be proved . The one , that a Just Fear , ( without an Actual Invasion or Offence ) is a sufficient Ground of a War , and in the Nature of a true Defensive ; The other , that we have towards Spain Cause of Just Fear ; I say Just Fear ; For as the Civillians do well define , that the Legal Fear is , Justus Metus qui cadit in constantem Virum , in private Causes ; So there is , Justus Metus qui cadit in constantem Senatum , in causa publica ; Not out of Umbrages , light Jealousies , Apprehensions a far off ; But out of clear Foresight of imminent Danger . Concerning the former Proposition , it is good to hear what time saith . Thucydides , in his Inducement to his Story of the great War of Peloponnesus , sets down in plain Terms , that the true Cause of that War was ; The Overgrowing Greatness of the Athenians , and the fear that the Lacedemonians stood in thereby ; And doth not doubt to call it , A Necessity imposed upon the Lacedemonians of a War. Which are the Words of a meer Desensive : Adding , that the other Causes were but specious and Popular . Verissimam quidem , sed minime sermone celebratam , arbitror exitisse Belli Causam , Athenienses magnos effectos , & Lacedemoniis formidolosos , 〈◊〉 illts imposuisse Bellandi : Quae autem propalam 〈◊〉 utrinque 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 fuerunt , &c. The truest Cause of this War , though least voiced , I conceive to have been this ; That the Athenians being grown great , to the terrour of the Lacedemonians , did impose upon them a Necessity of a War : But the Causes that went abroad in speech were these , &c. Sulpitius Galba , Consul , when he perswaded the Romans to a Preventive War , with the latter Philip King of 〈◊〉 , in regard of the great Preparations which Philip had then on foot , and his Designs to ruine some of the Confederates of the Romans , confidently saith ; That they who took that for an Offensive War , understood not the state of the Question . Ignorare videmini mihi , ( Quirites ) non utrum bellum an pacem habeatis , vos consuli , ( neque enim liberum id vobis permittet Philippus , qui terra marique ingens bellum molitur , ) sedutrum in Macedoniam legiones transportetis , an hostem in Italiam recipiatis . Ye seem to me ( ye Romans , ) not to understand , that the Consultation before you , is not , whether you shall have War or Peace , ( for Philip will take order you shall be no Choosers , who prepareth a mighty War both by Land and Sea ; ) but whether you shall transport the War into Macedon , or receive it into Italy . Antiochus , when he incited 〈◊〉 King of 〈◊〉 , ( at that time in Leagne with the 〈◊〉 ) to joyn with him in War against them , setteth before him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fear of the over-spreading Greatness of the Romans , 〈◊〉 it to a Fire that continually took , and spread from Kingdom to Kingdom : Venire Romanos ad 〈◊〉 Regna tollenda , ut nullam usquam orbis terrarum nist Romanum imperium esset ; Philippum & Nabin expugnatos , se tertium peti ; Ut quisque proximus ab oppresso sit , per omnes velut continens incendium pervasurum . That the Romans came to pull down all Kingdoms , and to make the State of Rome an universal Monarchy ; That Philip and Nabis were already ruinated , and now was his turn to be assailed : So that as every State lay next to the other that was oppressed , so the Fire perpetually grazed . Wherein it is well to be noted , that towards ambitious States ( which are noted to aspire to great Monarchies , and to seek upon all occasions to enlarge their Dominions , ) Crescunt Argumenta justi Metus : All particular fears do grow and multiply out of the Contemplation of the general Courses and Practice of such States . Therefore in Deliberations of War against the Turk , it hath been often , with great judgement , maintained ; That Christian Princes and States have always a sufficient Ground of Invasive War against the Enemy : Not for Cause of Religion , but upon a Just Fear ; For as much as it is a Fundamental Law in the Turkish Empire , that they may ( without any other provocation , ) make War upon Christendom , for the Propagation of their Law ; So that there lieth upon the Christians a perpetual Fear of a War , ( hanging over their heads , ) from them : And therefore they may at all times , ( as they think good ) be upon the Prevention . Demosthenes exposeth to scorn Wars which are not Preventive , comparing those that make them , to Countrey Fellows in a Fencing-School , that never ward till the Blow be past : Ut Barbari Pugiles dimicare solent , it a vos bellum geritis cum Philippo , Ex his enim is qui ictus est , ictui semper inhaeret : Quod si cum alibi verberes , illo manus transfort ; Idum autem depellere , aut prospicere , neque scit , neque vult . As Country Fellows use to do when they play at Wasters , such a kinde of War do you ( Athenians ) make with Philip ; For with them he that gets a blow , streight falleth to ward when the blow is past , And if you strike him in another place , thither goes his hand likewise : But to put by , or foresee a blow , they neither have the skill , nor the will. Clinias the Candiaen , ( in Plato ) speaks desperately and wildly ; As if there were no such thing as Peace between Nations ; But that every Nation expects but his Advantage to War upon another . But yet in that Excess of Speech , there is thus much that may have a Civil Construction ; Namely , that every State ought to stand upon his Guard , and rather prevent , than be prevented . His words are ; Quam rem fere vocant Pacem , nudum & inane Nomen est ; Revera autem omnibus , adversus omnes Civitates bellum sempiternum perdurat : That which Men , for the most part , call Peace , is but a naked and empty Name ; But the truth is , that there is ever between all Estates a secret War. I know well this Speech is the Objection , and not the Decision , and that it is after refuted ; But yet ( as I said before ) it bears thus much of Truth , That if that general Malignity , and Pre-disposition to War , ( which he untruly figureth to be in all Nations , ) be produced and extended to a just Fear of being oppressed , then it is no more a true Peace , but a Name of a Peace . As for the Opinion of Iphicrates the Athenian , it demands not so much towards a War , as a just Fear ; but rather cometh near the opinion of Clinias ; As if there were ever amongst Nations a Brooding of a War , and that there is no sure League but Impuissance to do hurt . For he , in the Treaty of peace with the Lacedemonians , speaketh plain language , Telling them , there could be no true and secure Peace , except the Lacedemonians yielded to those things , which being granted , it would be no longer in their power to hurt the Athenians , though they would . And to say truth , if one mark it well , this was in all Memory , the Main Piece of Wisdom , in strong and prudent Counsels ; To be in perpetual watch , that the States about them , should neither by Approach , nor by Encrease of Dominion , nor by Ruining Confederates , nor by Blocking of Trade , nor by any the like means , have it in their power to hurt or annoy the States they serve ; And whensoever any such Cause did but appear , straightways to buy it out with a War , and never take up Peace at Credit , and upon Interest . It is so memorable , and it is yet as fresh , as if it were done yesterday , how that Triumvirate of Kings , ( Henry the Eighth of England , Francis the First of France , and Charles the Fifth , Emperour , and King of Spain , ) were in their times so provident , as scarce a Palme of Ground could bee gotten by either of the Three , but that the other Two would be sure to do their best to set the Ballance of Europe upright again . And the like diligence was used in the Age before , by that League , ( wherewith Guicciardine beginneth his Story , and maketh it ( as it were ) the Kalendar of the good dayes of Italy , ) which was contracted between Ferdinando King of Naples , Lorenzo of Medici , Potentate of Florence , and Lodovico Zforza Duke of Milan , designed chiefly against the growing Power of the Venetians ; But yet so , as the Confederates had a perpetual eye one upon another , that none of them should overtop . To conclude therefore , howsoever some School-men , ( otherwise Reverend Men , yet fitter to guide Pen knives than Swords , ) seem precisely to stand upon it ; That every Offensive War must be Ultio ; A Revenge , that presupposeth a precedent Assault or Injury ; yet neither do they descend to this Point , ( which we now handle ) of a Just Fear ; Neither are they of Authority to judge this Question against all the Presidents of time . For certainly , as long as Men are Men , ( the Sons , as the Poets allude , of Prometheus , and not of Epimetheus , ) and as long as Reason is Reason , A Just Fear will be a Just Cause of a Preventive War ; But especially , if it be Part of the Case , that there be a Nation that is manifestly detected , to aspire to Monarchy , and new Acquests ; Then other States ( assuredly ) cannot be justly accused for not staying for the first Blow ; Or for not accepting Poliphemus Courtesie , to be the last that shall be eaten up . Nay , I observe further , that in that passage of Plato , which I cited before , ( and even in the Tenet of that Person , that beareth the Resolving Part , and not the Objecting Part , ) a Just Fear is justified for a Cause of an Invasive War , though the same Fear proceed not from the fault of the Foreign State , to be assailed . For it is there insinuated , That if a State , out of the distemper of their own Body , do fear Sedition and Intestine Troubles to break out amongst themselves , they may discharge their own ill Humours , upon a Foreign War , for a Cure. And this kinde of Cure was tendred by Jasper Coligni Admiral of France , to Charles the Nineth , the French King , when by a vive and forcible Perswasion , he moved him to a War upon Flanders , for the better Extinguishment of the Civil Wars of France ; But neither was that Counsel prosperous ; Neither will I maintain that Position ; For I will never set Politiqu's against Ethicks ; Especially for that true Ethicks are but as a Hand-maid to Divinity and Religion . Surely , Saint Thomas , ( who had the largest heart of the School Divines , ( bendeth chiefly his stile against the depraved Passions , which reign in making Wars , speaking out of St. Augustine ; Nocendi Cupiditas , ulciscendi Credulitas , implacaius & implacabilis Animus , Feritas Rebellandi , Libido Dominandi , & si quae sunt similia , haec sunt qu ae in bellis jure culpaniur . And the same St : I hom as in his own Text , defining of the just Causes of a War , doth leave it upon very general Terms ; Requirilur ad Billum Cause justa , ut scilicet illi qui impugnaniur , propter al qu im culpam , Impugnationem mereantur ; For Impugnatio Culpae , is a far more general word than Vltio Injurae . And thus much for the first Proposition , of the Second Ground of a War with Spain : Namely , that A just Fear is a just Cause of a War ; And that A Preventive War is a true Defensive . The Second , or Minor Proposition was this , That this Kingdom hath Cause of Just Fear of Overthrow from Spain . Wherein it is true , that Fears are ever seen in dimmer lights , than Facts . And on the otherside , Fears use ( many times ) to be represented in such an Imaginary fashion , as they rather dazle Mens eyes , than open them . And therefore I will speak in that manner which the Subject requires ; That is , probably , and moderately , and briefly . Neither will I deduce these Fears to present Occurrences ; but point onely at general Grounds , leaving the rest to more secret Counsels . Is it nothing , that the Crown of Spain hath enlarged the Bounds thereof , within this last sixscore years , much more than the Ottomans ? I speak not of Matches , or Unions , but of Arms , Occupations , Invasions . Granada , Naples , Milan , Portugal , the East and West Indies ; All these are actual Additions to that Crown . They had a minde to French Britain , the lower Part of Piccardi , and Piemont ; but they have let fall their Bit. They have to this day , such a hovering possession of the Valtoline , as an Hobby hath over a Lark ; And the Palatinate is in their Tallons : So that nothing is more manifest , than that this Nation of Spain runs a race ( still ) of Empire , when all other States of Christendom stand in effect at a stay . Look then a little further into the Titles , whereby they have acquired , and do now hold these new Portions of their Crown , and you will finde them of so many varieties , and such natures , ( to speak with due respect , ) as may appear to be easily minted , and such as can hardly at any time be wanting . And therefore so many new Conquests and Purchases , so many Strokes of the Larum-Bell of Fear , and Awaking , to other Nations , and the Facility of the Titles , which hand over head have served their turn , doth ring the Peal so much the sharper , and the louder . Shall we descend from their general Disposition , to enlarge their Dominions , to their particular Disposition , and Eye of Appetite , which they have had towards us ; They have now twice sought to impatronize themselves of this Kingdom of England ; once by Marriage with Queen Mary ; And the second by Conquest in 88. when their Forces by Sea and Land , were not inferiour to those they have now . And at that time in 88. the Counsel and Design of Spain , was , by many Advertisements , revealed and laid open to be ; That they found the War upon the Low 〈◊〉 , so churlish and longsome , as they grew then to a Resolution ; that as long as England stood in state to succour those Countreys , they should but consume themselves in an endless War ; And therefore there was no other way , but to assail and depress England , which was as a Back of Steel to the Flemmings . And who can warrant ( I pray ) that the same Counsel and Design will not return again ? So as we are in a strange Dilemma of Danger : For if we suffer the Flemmings to be ruined , they are our Cut-work , and we shall remain Naked and Dismantled : If we succour them strongly , ( as is fit ) and set them upon their feet , and do not withal weaken Spain , we hazard to change the Scene of the War , and to turn it upon Ireland or England : Like unto Rheums and Destuxions ; which , if you apply a strong Repercussive to the Place affected , and do not take away the Cause of the Disease , will shift , and fall straightways to another Joynt , or Place . They have also twice invaded Ireland : Once under the Popes Banner , when they were defeated by the Lord Grey ; And after in their own name , when they were defeated by the Lord Mountjoy . So as let this suffice for a Taste of their Disposition towards us . But it will be said : This is an Almanack for the old Year ; Since 88. all hath been well , Spain hath not assailed this Kingdom , howsoever by two several Invasions from us migh tily provoked . It is true , but then consider , that immediately after 88. they were embroyled , for a great time , in the Protection of the League of France , whereby they had their hands full ; After being brought extream low , by their vast and continual Embracements , they were enforced to be quiet , that they might take breath , and do Reparations upon their former Wastes . But now of late Things seem to come a pace to their former Estate . Nay with far greater Disadvantage to us . For now that they have almost continued , and ( as it were ) arched their Dominions , from Milan , by the Valtoline , and Palatinate , to the Low Countreys ; We see how they thirst and pant after the utter Ruine of those States ; Having in contempt almost the German Nation , and doubting little opposition , except it come from England : Whereby either we must suffer the Dutch to be ruined , to our own manifest prejudice ; Or put it upon the hazard , I spake of before , that Spain will cast at the fairest . Neither is the point of Internal Danger , which groweth upon us , to be forgotten ; This ; That the Party of the Papists in England are become more knotted , both in Dependance towards Spain , and amongst themselves , than they have been . Wherein again comes to be remembred the Case of 88. For then also it appeared by divers secret Letters , that the Design of Spain was , ( for some years before the Invasion attempted ) to prepare a Party in this Kingdom , to adhere to the Foreigner at his coming . And they bragged , that they doubted not , but to abuse and lay asleep the Queen and Council of England , as to have any fear of the Party of Papists here ; For that they knew ( they said ) the State would but cast the eye , and look about , to see whether there were any Eminent Head of that Party , under whom it might unite it self ; And finding none worth the thinking on , the State would rest secure , and take no apprehension ; Whereas they meant , ( they said ) to take a course , to deal with the People , and particulars , by Reconcilements , and Confessions , and Secret Promises , and cared not for any Head of Party . And this was the true reason , why after that the Seminaries began to blossom , and to make Missions into England , ( which was about the three and twentieth year of Queen Elizabeth , at what time also was the first suspition of the Spanish Invasion ) then , and not before , grew the sharp and severe Laws to be made against the Papists . And therefore the Papists may do well , to change their thanks ; And whereas they thank Spain for their Favours , to thank them for their Perils and Miseries , if they should fall upon them : For that nothing ever made their Case so ill , as the Doubt of the Greatness of Spain ; which adding Reason of State , to Matter of Conscience and Religion , did whet the Laws against them . And this Case also seemeth ( in some sort ) to return again at this time ; except the Clemency of his Majesty , and the State , do superabound : As , for my part , I do wish it should ; And that the Proceedings towards them , may rather tend to Security , and Providence , and Point of State , than to Persecution for Religion . But to conclude ; These Things briefly touched , may serve , as in a Subject Conjectural , and Future , for to represent , how just Cause of Fear this Kingdom may have towards Spain : Omitting ( as I said before ) all present , and more secret Occurrences . The third Ground of a War with Spain , I have set down to be ; A Just Fear of the Subversion of our Church and Religion . Which needeth little Speech : For if this War be a Defensive , ( as I have proved it to be , ) no Man will doubt ; That a Defensive War , against a Foreigner for Religion , is lawful . Of an Offensive War there is more Dispute : And yet in that instance of the War for the Holy Land , and Sepulchre , I do wonder sometimes , that the School-Men want words to defend that , which St. Bernard wanted words to commend . But I , that in this little Extract of a Treatise , do omit things necessary , am not to handle things unnecessary . No man , I say , will doubt , but if the Pope , or King of Spain , would demand of us to forsake our Religion , upon pain of a War , it were as unjust a Demand , as the Persians made to the Grecians of Land and Water ; Or the Ammonites to the Israelites of their Right Eyes . And we see all the Heathen did stile their Defensive Wars , Pro Aris & Focis ; Placing their Altars before their Hearths . So that it is in vain of this to speak further . Onely this is true ; That the Fear of the Subversion of our Religion from Spain , is the more just , for that all other Catholick Princes and States , content and contain themselves , to maintain their Religion within their own Dominions , and meddle not with the Subjects of other States ; Whereas the Practice of Spain hath been , both in Charles the Fifth's time , and in the time of the League in France , by War ; And now with us , by Conditions of Treaty , to intermeddle with Foreign States , and to declare themselves Protectors General , of the Party of Catholicks , through the World. As if the Crown of Spain had a little of this ; That they would plant the Popes Laws by Arms , as the Ottomans do the Law of Mahomet . Thus much concerning the first main Point of Justifying the Quarrel ; if the King shall enter into a War ; For this that I have said , and all that followeth to be said , is but to shew what he may do . The Second main Part , of that I have propounded to speak of , is the Ballance of Forces between Spain and us . And this also tendeth to no more , but what the King may do . For what he may do , s of two kindes : What he may do as Just ; And what he may do as Possible . Of the one I have already spoken ; Of the other I am now to speak . I said , Spain was no such Giant ; And yet if he were a Giant , it will be , but as it was between David and Goliah ; for God is on our side . But to leave all Arguments that are Supernatural , and to speak in an Humane and Politick Sense ; I am led to think that Spain is no Over-match for England , by that which leadeth all Men ; That is , Experience , and Reason . And with Experience I will begin ; For there all Reason beginneth . Is it Fortune , ( shall we think , ) that in all Actions of War or Arms , great and small , which have happened these many years , ever since Spain and England have had any thing to debate one with the other , the English , upon all Encounters , have perpetually come off with honour , and the better ? It is not fortune sure ; She is not so constant . There is somewhat in the Nation , and Natural Courage of the People , or some such thing . I will make a brief List of the Particulars themselves , in an Historical Truth , no ways strowted , nor made greater by Language . This were a fit Speech , ( you will say , ) for a General , in the Head of an Army , when they wére going to Battel ; Yes ; And it is no less fit Speech , to be spoken in the Head of a Council , upon a Deliberation of Entrance into a War. Neither speak I this to disparage the Spanish Nation , whom I take to be of the best Soldiers in Europe . But that forteth to our honour , if we still have had the better hand . In the year 1578. was that famous Lammas Day , which buried the Reputation of Don Ihuan d' Austria , himself not surviving long after . Don Ihuan , being superiour in Forces , assisted by the Prince of Parma , Mondragon , Mansell , and other the best Commanders of Spain , confident of Victory , charged the Army of the States near Rimenant , bravely and furiously at the first ; but after a Fight maintained by the space of a whole day , was repulsed and forced to a Retreat , with great slaughter of his men , and the Course of his further Enterprizes was wholly arrested ; And this chiefly by the Prowess and Vertue of the English and Scottish Troops , under the Conduct of Sir John Norris , and Sir Robert Stuart , Colonels . Which Troops came to the Army but the day before , harrased with a long and wearisom march ; and ( as it is left for a Memorable Circumstance in all Stories , ) the Sculdiers , being more sensible of a little Heat of the Sun , than any cold Fear of Death , cast away their Armour and Garments from them , and fought in their Shirts : And , as it was generally conceived , had it not been that the Count of Bossu was slack in charging the Spaniards , upon their Retreat , this Fight had sorted to an absolute Defeat . But it was enough to chastise Don Ihuan , for his insidious Treaty of Peace , wherewith he had abused the States at his first coming . And the Fortune of the day , ( besides the Testimony of all Stories ) , may be the better ascribed to the Service of the English and Scottish , by comparison of this Charge near Rimenant , ( where the English and Scottish , in great numbers came in action , ) with the like Charge given by Don Ihuan , half a year before at Glembours , where the Success was contrary ; There being at that time in the Army , but a Handful of English and Scottish , and they put in disarray by the Horsemen , of their own Fellows . The first Dart of War which was thrown from Spain , or Rome , upon the Realm of Ireland , was in the year 1380. For the Design of Stukeley blew over into Africk ; And the Attempt of Sanders , and Fitz Maurice , had a spice of Madness . In that year , Ireland was invaded by 〈◊〉 and Italian Forces , under the Popes Banner , and the Conduct of St. Josepho , to the number of seven hundred , or better , which landed at Smerwick in Kerey . A poor number it was , to conquer Ireland to the 〈◊〉 use ; For their Design was no less : But withal they brought Arms for five thousand men above their own Company , intending to arm so many of the Rebels of Ireland : And their purpose was to fortifie in some strong Place of the wilde and desolate Countrey , and there to nestle till greater Succours came ; They being hastened unto this Enterprise , upon a special Reason of State , not proper to the Enterprise it self ; Which was , by the Invasion of Ireland , and the noise thereof , to trouble the Council of England , and to make a diversion of certain Aids that then were preparing from hence for the Low-Countreys . They chose a place , where they erected a Fort , which they called The Fort del Or ; And from thence they bolted like Beasts of the Forest , sometimes into the Woods and Fastnesses , and sometimes back again to their Den. Soon after Siege was laid to the Fort , by the Lord Gray , then Deputy , with a smaller number than those were within the Fort ; Venturously indeed ; But haste was made to attache them before the Rebels came in to them . After the siege of four days oneiy , and two or three Sallies , with loss on their part , they that should have made good the Fort for some moneths , till new Succours came from Spain , or at least from the Rebels of Ireland , yielded up themselves without Conditions , at the end of those four days . And for that there were not in the English Army enough to keep every man a Prisoner ; And for that also the Deputy expected instantly to be assailed by the Rebels ; And again , there were no Barques to throw them into , and send them away by Sea , they were all put to the sword ; With which Queen Elizabeth was afterwards much displeased . In the year 〈◊〉 . was that Memorable Retreat of Gaunt ; Than the which there hath not been an Exploit of War more celebrated . For in the true judgement of Men of War , Honourable Retreats are no ways inferior to brave Charges ; As having less of Fortune , more of Discipline , and as much of Valour . There were to the number of three hundred Horse , and as many thousand Foot English , ( Commanded by Sir John Norris , ) charged by the Prince of Parma , coming upon them with seven thousand Horse ; Besides that , the whole Army of Spaniards was ready to march on . Nevertheless Sir John Norris maintained a Retreat without Disarray , by the space of some miles , ( part of the way Champagne ) unto the City of Gaunt , with less loss of Men than the Enemy : The Duke of Anjou , and the Prince of Aurange , beholding this noble Action from the Walls of Gaunt , as in a Theatre , with great Admiration . In the year 1585. followed the Prosperous Expedition of Drake , and Carlile , into the West-Indies . In the which , I set aside the Taking of St. Jago , and St. Domingo in Hispaniola , as Surprizes , rather than Encounters . But that of Cartagena , where the Spaniards had warning of our coming , and had put themselves in their full strength , was one of the hottest Services , and most dangerous Assaults , that hath been known . For the Access to the Town , was onely by a Neck of Land , between the Sea on the one part , and the Harbour Water , or Inner Sea , on the other ; Fortified clean over with a strong Rampier and Barracado ; So as upon the Ascent of our Men , they had both great Ordnance and small Shot , that thundred and showred upon them , from the Rampier in front , and from the Galleys that lay at Sea in flank . And yet they forced the Passage , and wan the Town , being likewise very well manned . As for the Expedition of Sir Francis Drake , in the year 1587. for the destroying of the Spanish Shipping , and Provision upon their own Coast ; As I cannot say , that there intervened in that Enterprize , any sharp Fight or Encounter ; So nevertheless , it did strangely discover , either that Spain is very weak at home , or very slow to move ; When they suffered a small Fleet of English to make an hostile Invasion , or Incursion , upon their Havens and Roads , from Cadez to Capa Sacra , and thence to Cascais ; And to fire , sink , and carry away , at the least , ten thousand Tun of their great Shipping , besides fifty or sixty of their smaller Vessels : And that in the sight , and under the favour of their Forts ; And almost under the Eye of their great Admiral , ( the best Commander of Spain by Sea , ) the Marquis De Sancta Cruz , without ever being disputed with by any fight of importance . I remember Drake , in the vaunting stile of a Souldier , would call this Enterprize , The Cingeing of the King of Spains Beard . The Enterprize of Eighty Eight deserveth to be stood upon a little more fully , being a Miracle of Time. There armed from Spain in the year 1588. the greatest Navy that ever swam upon the Sea. For though there have been far greater Fleets for number , yet for the Bulk and Building of the Ships , with the Furniture of great Ordnance and Provisions , never the like . The Design was to make , not an Invasion onely , but an utter Conquest of this Kingdom . The number of Vessels were one hundred and thirty , whereof Galliasses and Gallions seventy two , goodly Ships like floating Towers , or Castles , manned with Thirty thousand Souldiers and Mariners . This Navy was the Preparation of five whole years at the least . It bare it self also upon Divine Assistance ; For it received special Blessing from Pope Zistus , and was assigned as an Apostolical Mission , for the Reducement of this Kingdom to the obedience of the See of Rome . And in further token of this holy Warfare , there were amongst the rest of these Ships , Twelve , called by the name of the Twelve Apostles . But it was truely conceived , that this Kingdom of England could never be over-whelmed , except the Land-Waters came in to the Sea-Tides . Therefore was there also in readiness , in Flanders , a mighty strong Army of Land-Forces , to the number of Fifty thousand veterane Souldiers , under the Conduct of the Duke of Parma , the best Commander , next the French King Henry the Fourth , of his time . These were designed to joyn with the Forces at Sea ; There being prepared a number of Flat-bottom'd Boats , to transport the Land Forces , under the Wing and Protection of the Great Navy . For they made no account , but that the Navy should be absolute Master of the Seas . Against these Forces , there were prepared , on our part , to the number of near one hundred Ships ; Not so great of Bulk indeed , but of a more nimble Motion , and more serviceable ; Besides a less Fleet of 30 Ships , for the Custody of the Narrow Seas . There were also in readiness at Land , two Armies , besides other Forces , to the number of Ten thousand , dispersed amongst the Coast Towns , in the Southern Parts . The two Armies were appointed ; One of them consisting of Twenty five thousand Horse and Foot , for the Repulsing of the Enemy , at their landing ; And the other of Twenty five thousand for safeguard and attendance about the Court , and the Queens Person . There were also other Dormant Musters of Souldiers , throughout all Parts of the Realm , that were put in readiness , but not drawn together . The two Armies were assigned to the Leading of two Generals , Noble Persons , but both of them rather Courtiers , and Assured to the State , than Martial Men ; yet lined and assisted with Subordinate Commanders , of great Experience & Valor . The Fortune of the War made this Enterprize , at first , a Play at Base . The Spanish Navy set forth out of the Groyne in May , was disperst and driven back by Weather . Our Navy set forth somewhat later out of Plimouth , and bare up towards the Coast of Spain , to have fought with the Spanish Navy ; And partly by reason of contrary Winds , partly upon advertisement that the Spaniards were gone back , and upon some doubt also that they might pass towards the Coast of England , whilest we were seeking them afar off , returned likewise into Plimouth , about the middle of July . At that time , came more confident Advertisement , ( though false , ) not onely to the Lord Admiral , but to the Court , that the Spaniards could not possibly come forward that year ; Whereupon our Navy was upon the point of Disbanding , and many of our Men gone ashore . At which very time , the Invincible Armada , ( for so it was called in a Spanish Ostentation throughout Europe ) was discovered upon the Western Coast. It was a kinde of Surprize ; For that ( as was said ) many of our men were gone to Land , and our Ships ready to depart . Nevertheless the Admiral , with such Ships only as could suddenly be put in readiness , made forth towards them : In so much as of one hundred Ships , there came scarce thirty to work . Howbeit with them , and such as came dayly in , we set upon them , and gave them the chase . But the Spaniards , for want of Courage , ( which they called Commission ) declined the Fight , casting themselves continually into Roundels , ( their strongest Ships walling in the rest , ) and in that manner they made a flying march towards Callis . Our Men , by the space of five or six days , followed them close , fought with them continually , made great slaughter of their Men , took two of their great Ships , and gave divers others of their Ships their Deaths wounds , whereof soon after they sank and perished ; And ( in a word ) distressed them almost in the nature of a Defeat ; We our selves , in the mean time , receiving little or no hurt . Near Callis the Spaniards anchored , expecting their Land-Forces , which came not . It was afterwards alledged , that the Duke of Parma did artificially delay his Coming . But this was but an Invention and Pretension given out by the Spaniards ; Partly upon a Spanish Envy against that Duke , being an Italian , and his Son a Competitor to Portugal ; But chiefly , to save the Monstrous Scorn and Disreputation , which they and their Nation received , by the Success of that Enterprize . Therefore their Colours and Excuses ( forsooth ) were , that their General by Sea had a limitted Commission , not to fight until the Land-Forces were come in to them : And that the Duke of Parma had particular Reaches , and Ends of his own , underhand , to cross the Design . But it was both a strange Commission , and a strange Obedience to a Commission , for Men in the midst of their own blood , and being so furiously assailed , to hold their hands , contrary to the Laws of Nature and Necessity . And as for the Duke of Parma , he was reasonably well tempted to be true to that Enterprize , by no less Promise , than to be made a Feudatary , or Beneficiary King of England , under the Seignorie ( in chief ) of the Pope , and the Protection of the King of Spain . Besides it appeared , that the Duke of Parma held his place long after , in the Favour and Trust of the King of Spain , by the great Employments and Services that he performed in France : And again , it is manifest , that the Duke did his best to come down , and to put to Sea : The Truth was , that the Spanish Navy , upon those proofs of Fight which they had with the English , finding how much hurt they received , and how little hurt they did , by reason of the Activity and low building of our Ships , and skill of our Sea-men ; And being also commanded by a General of small Courage and Experience ; And having lost , at the first , two of their bravest Commanders at Sea , Petro de Valdez , and Michael de Oquenda ; durst not put it to a Battel at Sea , but set up their rest wholly upon the Land-Enterprize . On the other side , the Transporting of the Land-forces failed in the very foundation . For whereas the Council of Spain made full account , that their Navy should be Master of the Sea , and therefore able to guard and protect the Vessels of Transportation ; When it fell out to the contrary , that the Great Navy was distressed , and had enough to do to save it self ; And again , that the Hollanders impounded their Land-forces with a brave Fleet of thirty Sayl , excellently well appointed ; Things ( I say ) being in this state , it came to pass , that the Duke of Parma must have flown , if he would have come into England , for he could get neither Barqne nor Mariner to put to Sea : Yet certain it is , that the Duke looked still for the coming back of the Armada , even at that time , when they were wandring , and making their Perambulation upon the Northern Seas . But to return to the Armada , which we left anchored at Callis . From thence , ( as Sir Walter Rawleigh was wont prettily to say ) they were suddenly driven away with Squibs ; For it was no more but a Stratagem of Fire-boats , Manless , and sent upon them by the favour of the Wind , in the night time , that did put them in such terrour , as they cut their Cables , and left their Anchors at Sea. After they hovered some two or three days about Graveling , and there again were beaten in a great Fight , at what time our second Fleet , which kept the Narrow Seas , was come in and joy ned to our main Fleet. Thereupon the Spaniards entring into further terrour , and sinding also divers of their Ships every day to sink , lost all courage , and in stead of coming up into the Thames Mouth for London , ( as their Design was ) fled on towards the North , to seek their Fortunes ; Being still chaced by the English Navy at the heels , until we were fain to give them over for want of Powder . The Breath of Scotland the Spaniards could not endure ; Neither durst they as Invaders land in Ireland ; But onely ennobled some of the Coasts thereof with shipwracks . And so going North wards aloof , as long as they had any doubt of being pursued , at last when they were out of reach , they turned , and crossed the Ocean to Spain , having lost fourscore of their Ships , and the greater part of their Men. And this was the End of that Sea-Giant , the Invincible Armada . Which having not so much as fired a Cottage of ours at Land , nor taken a Cock-boat of ours at Sea , wandred through the Wilderness of the Northern Seas ; And according to the Curse in the Scripture ; Came out against us one way , and fled before us seven ways . Serving onely to make good the judgement of an Astrologer , long before given ; Octuagesimus Octavus Mirabilis Annus ; Or rather , to make good , ( even to the astonishment of all Posterity ) the wonderful Judgements of God poured down , commonly , upon vast and proud Aspirings . In the year , that followed , of 1589. we gave the Spaniards no breath , but turned Challengers , and invaded the Main of Spain . In which Enterprize , although we failed in our End , which was to settle Don Antonio in the Kingdom of Portugal , yet a man shall hardly meet with an Action , that doth better reveal the great Secret of the Power of Spain : Which Power , well sought into , will be found rather to consist in a Veterane Army , ( such as upon several Occasions and Pretensions , they have ever had on foot , in one part or other of Christendom , now the space of ( almost ) sixscore years , ) than in the strength of their Dominions and Provinces . For what can be more strange , or more to the Dis-valuation of the Power of the Spaniard upon the Continent , than that with an Army of Eleven thousand English , Land-Souldiers , and a Fleet of Twenty six Ships of War , besides some weak Vessels for Transportation , we should within the Hour-glass of two Moneths have won one Town of importance by Escalada ; Battered and Assaulted another ; Overthrown great Forces in the Field , and that upon the disadvantage of a Bridge strongly barracado'd , Landed the Army in three several places of his Kingdom ; Marched seven days in the Heart of his Countreys ; Lodged three nights in the Suburbs of his principal City ; Beaten his Forces into the Gates thereof ; Possessed two of his Frentire Forts ; And come off , after all this , with small loss of Men , otherwise than by Sickness . And it was verily thought , that had it not been for four great Disfavours of that Voyage ; ( That is to say ; The failing in sundry Provisions that were promised , especially of Cannons for Battery ; The vain Hopes of Don Antomo concerning the People of the Countrey , to come in to his aid ; The Disappointment of the Fleet that was directed to come up the River of Lisbon ; And lastly , the Diseases which spred in the Army , by reason of the Heat of the Season , and of the Souldiers Misrule in Diet ; ) the Enterprize had succeeded , and Lisbon had been carried . But howsoever , it makes proof to the World , that an Invasion of a few English upon Spain , may have just hope of Victory , at least of Pasport to depart safely . In the year 1591. was that Memorable Fight , of an English Ship called The Revenge , under the Command of Sir Richard Greenvil ; Memorable ( I say ) even beyond credit , and to the Height of some Herorcal Fable . And though it were a Defeat , yet it exceeded a Victory ; being like the Act of Sampson , that killed more Men at his Death , than he had done in the time of all his Life . This Ship for the space of fifteen hours , sate like a Stag amongst Hounds , at the bay , and was seiged , and fought with , in turn , by fifteen great Ships of Spain ; part of a Navy of Fifty five Ships in all ; The rest like Abettors looking on afar off . And amongst the fifteen Ships that fought , the great St. Philippo was one , a Ship of fifteen hundred Tun ; Prince of the twelve Sea Apostles , which was right glad , when she was shifted off from the Revenge . This brave Ship the Revenge , being Manned onely with two hundred ( Souldiers and Mariners , ) whereof eighty lay sick , yet nevertheless after a Fight maintained ( as was said ) of fifteen hours , and two Ships of the Enemy sunk by her side ; Besides many more torn and battered , and great slaughter of men , never came to be entred , but was taken by Composition ; The Enemies themselves having in admiration the Vertue of the Commander , and the whole Tragedy of that Ship. In the year 1596. was the Second Invasion , that we made upon the Main Territories of Spain , prosperously atchiev'd by that Worthy and Famous , Robert Earl of Essex , in consort with the Noble Earl of Notingham , that now liveth , then Admiral . This Journey was like Lightning ; For in the space of fourteen hours , the King of Spains Navy was destroyed , and the Town of Cadez taken . The Navy was no less than fifty tall Ships , besides twenty Gallies to attend them . The Ships were straightways beaten , and put to flight . with such terrour , a the Spainards , in the end , were their own Executioners , and fired them all with their own hands . The Gallies , by the benefit of the Shores and Shallows , got away . The Town was a fair , strong , well built , and rich City ; Famous in Antiquity , and now most spoken of for this Disaster . It was mann'd with 4000 Soldiers Foot , and some 400 Horse ; It was sacked , and burned , though great Clemency was used towards the Inhabitants . But that which is no less strange than the sudden Victory , is the great patience of the Spaniards ; Who , though we staid upon the place divers days , yet never offered us any play then , nor ever put us in suit , by any Action of Revenge , or Reparation , at any time after . In the year 1600 , was the Battel of Newport in the Low Countries , where the Armies of the Arch-Duke , and the States , tried it out by a just Battell . This was the only Battell , that was fought in those Countries , these many years . For Battels in the French Wars have been frequent ; But in the Wars of Flanders , rare , as the Nature of a Defensive requireth . The Forces of both Armies were not much unequal : That of the States exceeded somewhat in number ; but that again was recompensed in the quality of the Souldiers ; For those of the Spanish Part were of the Flower of all the Forces . The Arch Duke was the Assailant , and the Preventer , and had the fruit of his Diligence and Celerity . For he had charged certain Companies of Scottishmen , to the number of eight hundred , sent to make good a Passage , and thereby severed from the Body of the Army , and cut them all in pieces : For they like a brave Infantry , when they could make no honorable Retreat , and would take no dishonorable Flight , made good the place with their Lives . This Enterance of the Battel did whet the Courage of the Spaniards , though it dulled their Swords ; so as they came proudly on , confident to defeat the whole Army . The Encounter of the Main Battel , which followed , was a just Encounter , not hastening to a sudden Rout , nor the Fortune of the day resting upon a few former Ranks , but fought out to the proof by several Squadrons , and not without variety of success ; Stat pedi pes , densusque viro vir . There fell out an Errour in the Dutch Army , by the over-hasty Medly of some of their Men , with the Enemies , which hindred the playing of their great Ordnance . But the End was , that the Spaniards were utterly defeated , and near five thousand of their Men , in the Fight , and in the Execution , slain , and taken ; Amongst whom were many of the principal Persons of their Army . The Honour of the Day was , both by the Enemy , and the Dutch themselves , ascribed unto the English ; Of whom Sir Francis Vere , in a private Commentary , which he wrote of that Service , leaveth testified ; That of fifteen hundred in number , ( for they were no more ) eight hundred were slain in the field ; And ( which is almost incredible in a day of Victory , ) of the remaining seven hundred , two onely Men came off unhurt . Amongst the rest Sir Francis Vere himself had the principal honour of the Service , unto whom the Prince of Aurange ( as is said ) did transmit the Direction of the Army for that day . And in the next place , Sir Horace Vere his Brother , that now liveth , who was the principal in the Active part . The Service also , of Sir Edward Cecill , Sir Iohn Ogle , and divers other brave Gentlemen , was eminent . In the year 1601. followed the Battel of Kinsale in Ireland . By this Spanish Invasion of Ireland , ( which was in September that year ) a Man may guess , how long time a Spaniard will live in Irish ground ; which is a matter of a quarter of a year , or four moneths at most . For they had all the Advantages in the world ; And no man would have thought , ( considering the small Forces imployed against them ) that they could have been driven out so soon . They obtained , without resistance , in the end of September , the Town of Kinsale ; A small Garison of 150 English , leaving the Town upon the Spaniards approach , and the Townsmen receiving the Foreiners as friends . The number of Spaniards that put themselves into Kinsale , was 2000 men , Soldiers of old Bands , under the command of Don Ihuan d'Aquila , a man of good valour . The Town was strong of it self ; neither wanted there any Industry to fortifie it on all parts , and make it tenable , according to the Skill and Discipline of Spanish Fortification . At that time the Rebels were proud , being encouraged upon former Successes ; For though the then Deputy , the Lord Mountjoy , and Sir George Carew , President of Munster , had performed divers good Services to their prejudice ; Yet the Defeat they had given the English at Blackwater , not long before ; And their Treaty ( too muth to their honor ) with the Earl of Essex , was yet fresh in their memory . The Deputy lost no time , but made haste to have recovered the Town , before new Succors came , and sate down before it in October , and laid siege to it by the space of three Winter Months , or more : During which time , Sallies were made by the Spaniard , but they were beaten in with loss . In January came fresh Succors from Spain , to the number of 2000. more , under the Conduct of Alonzo d'Ocampo . Upon the Comforts of these Succors , Tirone and Odonnel , drew up their Forces together , to the number of 7000. besides the Spanish Regiments , and took the field , resolved to rescue the Town , and give the English Battel . So here was the Case : An Army of English , of some 6000 , wasted and tired with a long Winters Siege , engaged in the middest between an Army of a greater number than themselves , fresh and in vigor , on the one side ; and a Town strong in fortification , and strong in Men , on the other . But what was the Event ? Thus in few words ; That after the Irish and Spanish Forces had come on , and shewed themselves in some Bravery , they were content to give the English the honor , as to charge them first ; And when it came to the Charge , there appeared no other difference between the Valour of the Irish Rebels , and the Spaniards , but that the one ran away before they were charged , and the other straight after . And again , the Spaniards that were in the Town , had so good Memories of their Losses , in their former Sallies , as the Confidence of an Army , which came for their deliverance , could not draw them forth again . To conclude , there succeeded an absolute Victory for the English , with the slaughter of above 2000 of the Enemy ; The taking of nine Ensigns , whereof six Spanish ; the taking of the Spanish General , D'Ocampo , Prisoner ; And this with the loss of so few of the English , as is scarce credible ; Being ( as hath been rather confidently , than credibly reported ) but of one Man , the Cornet of Sir Richard Gream , though not a few hurt . There followed immediate y after the Defeat , a present yielding up of the Town by Composition ; And not onely so , but an Avoiding ( by express Articles of Treaty accorded ) of all other Spanish Forces thorowout all Ireland , from the Plaees and Nests where they had setled themselves , in greater strength ( as in regard of the natural Situation of the Places ) than that was of Kinsale : Which were , Castle haven , Baltimore , and Beere-haven . Indeed they went away with sound of Trumpet ; For they did nothing but publish and trumpet all the Reproaches they could devise against the Irish Land and Nation ; Insomuch as D'Aquila said in open Treaty ; That when the Devil , upon the Mount , did shew Christ all the Kingdoms of the Earth , and the Glory of them , he did not doubt , 〈◊〉 the devil left out Ireland , and kept it for himself . I cease here , omitting not a few other proofs of the English Valor and Fortune . in their later times : As at the Suburbs of Paris , at the Raveline , at Druse in Normandy , some Encounters in Britanny , and at Ostend , and divers others ; Partly because some of them have not been proper Encounters between the Spaniards and the English , and partly because others of them have not been of that greatness , as to have sorted in company with the Particulars formerly recited . It is true , that amongst all the late Adventures , the Voyage of Sir Francis Drake , and Sir John Hawkins , into the West-Indies , was unfortunate ; Yet in such sort , as it doth not break or interrupt our Prescription ; To have had the better of the Spaniards upon all Fights of late . For the Disaster of that Journey was caused chiefly by sickness ; As might well appear by the Deaths of both the Generals , ( Sir Francis Drake , and Sir John Hawkins ) of the same sickness amongst the rest . The Land-Enterprise of Panama , was an ill measured and immature Counsel ; for it was grounded upon a false account , that the Passages towards Panama were no better fortified , than Drake had left them . But yet , it sorted not to any Fight of importance , but to a Retreat , after the English had proved the strength of their first Fort , and had notice of the two other Forts beyond , by which they were to have marched . It is true , that in the Return of the English Fleet , they were set upon by Avellaneda , Admiral of 20 great great ships Spanish , our Fleet being but 14 , full of sick men , deprived of their two Generals at Sea , and having no pretence but to journey homewards : And yet the Spaniards did but salute them about the Cape de los Corientes , with some small offer of Fight , and came off with loss ; Although it was such a new thing for the Spaniards to receive so little hurt up on dealing with the English , as Avellaneda made great brags of it , for no greater matter , than the waiting upon the English a far off , from Cape de los Corientes to Cape Antonio ; Which nevertheless , in the Language of a Souldier , and of a Spaniard , he called a Chace . But before I proceed further , it is good to meet with an Objection , which if it be not removed , the Conclusion of Experience , from the time past , to the time present , will not be sound and perfect . For it will be said , that in the former times ( whereof we have spoken ) Spain was not so mighty as now it is ; And England on the other side , was more afore-hand in all matters of Power . Therefore let us compare with indifferency , these Disparities of times , and we shall plainly perceive , that they make for the advantage of England at this present time . And because we will less wander in Generalities , we will fix the Comparison to precise Times ; Comparing the State of Spain and England in the year 88. with this present year that now runneth . In handling of this Point , I will not meddle with any Personal Comparisons , of the Princes , Councellors , and Commanders by Sea or Land , that were then , and that are now , in both Kingdoms , Spain and England ; but onely rest upon Real Points , for the true Ballancing of the State , of the Forces , and Affairs of both Times . And yet these Personal Comparisons I omit not , but that I could evidently shew , that even in these Personal Respects , the Ballance sways on our part : But because I would say nothing that may favour of a spirit of Flattery , or Censure , of the present Government . First therefore , it is certain , that Spain hath not now a foot of Ground in quiet possession , more than it had in 88. As for the Valtoline , and the Palatinate , it is a Maxim in State , that all Countreys of new Acquest , till they be setled , are rather matters of Burthen , than Strength . On the other side , England hath Scotland united , & Ireland reduc'd to obedience , and planted , which are mighty augmentations . Secondly , in 88. the Kingdom of France , able alone to counterpoize Spain it self , ( much more in conjunction ) was torn with the Party of the League , which gave Law to their King , and depended wholly upon Spain . Now France is united under a valiant young King , generally obeyed , if he will himself ; King of Navarre as well as of France ; And that is no ways taken Prisoner , though he be tyed in a double chain of Alliance , with Spain . Thirdly , in 88. there sate in the See of Rome , a fierce thundering Fryer , that would set all at six and seven ; Or at six and five , if you allude to his Name . And though he would after have turned his teeth upon Spain , yet he was taken order with before it came to that . Now there is ascended to the Papacy , a Personage that came in by a chaste Election , no ways obliged to the Party of the Spaniards ; A man bred in Embassages and Affairs of State ; That hath much of the Prince , and nothing of the Fryer ; And one , that though he love the Chair of the Papacy well , yet he loveth the Carpet above the Chair ; That is , Italy , and the Liberties thereof , well likewise . Fourthly , in 88. the King of Denmark was a stranger to England , and rather inclined to Spain ; Now the King is incorporated to the Blood of England , & Engaged in the Quarrel of the Palatinate . Then also Venice , Savoy , and the Princes and Cities of Germany , had but a dull Fear of the Greatness of Spain , upon a general Apprehension onely of the spreading and ambitious Designs of that Nation : Now that fear is sharpned and pointed , by the Spaniards late Enterprises , upon the Valtoline , and the Palatinate , which come nearer them . Fiftly and lastly , the Dutch ( which is the Spaniards perpetual Duellist ) hath now , at this present , five Ships to one , and the like Proportion in Treasure and Wealth , to that they had in 88. Neither is it possible ( whatsoever is given out ) that the Coffers of Spain should now be fuller , than they were in 88. For at that time Spain had no other Wars save those of the Low Countreys , which were grown into an Ordinary : Now they have had coupled therewith , the Extraordinary of the Valtoline , and the Palatinate . And so I conclude my Answer to the Objection raised , touching the Difference of times ; Not entring into more secret passages of State ; But keeping that Character of Stile , whereof Seneca speaketh , Plus significat quam loquitur . Here I would pass over from Matter of Experience , were it not that I held it necessary , to discover a wonderful Erroneous observation that walketh about , and is commonly received , contrary to all the Account of Time , and Experience . It is , that the Spaniard , where he once getteth in , will seldom ( or never ) be got out again . But nothing is less true than this . Not long since they got footing at Brest , and some other parts in French Britain , and after quitted them . They had Calais , Ardes , and Amiens , and rendred them , or were beaten out . They had since Verseilles , & fairly left it . They had the other day the Valtoline , and now have put it in deposite . What they will do with Ormus , which the Persian hath taken from them , we shall see . So that to speak truly of later Times , they have rather poched and offered at a Number of Enterprizes , than maintained any constantly , quite contrary to that idle Tradition . In more antient times ( leaving their Purchases in Africk , which they after abandoned , ) when their great Emperor Charles had clasped Germany , ( almost ) in his fist , he was forced in the end , to go from Isburg , ( and as if it had been in a Masque , by Torch-light , ) and to quit every foot in Germany round that he had gotten ; which I doubt not , will be the Hereditary Issue of this late Purchase of the Palatinate . And so I conclude the Ground , that I have to think , that Spain will be no Over-match to Great Britain , if his Majesty shal enter into a War , out of Experience , & Records of time . For Grounds of Reason they are many : I will extract the principal , and open them briefly , and ( as it were ) in the Bud. For Situation , I pass it over ; though it be no small point : England , Scotland , Ireland , and our good Confederates the United Provinces , lie all in a plump together , not accessible but by Sea , or at least by passing of great Rivers , which are Natural Fortifications . As for the Dominions of Spain , they are so scattered , as it yieldeth great choice of the Scenes of the War , and promiseth slow Succours unto such Part as shall be attempted . There be three main parts of Military Puissance ; Men , Money , and Confederates . For Men , there are to be considered , Valour , and Number . Of Valour I speak not : Take it from the Witnesses that have been produced before : Yet the old observation is not untrue ; That the Spaniards Valour lieth in the Eye of the Looker on ; But the English Valor lieth about the Souldiers Heart . A Valor of Glory , and a Valor of Natural Courage , are two things . But let that pass , and let us speak of Number . Spain is a Nation thin sown of People ; Partly by reason of the Sterility of the Soil ; And partly because their Natives are exhausted by so many Employments , in such vast Territories as they possess . So that it hath bin accounted a kind of Miracle , to see ten or twelve thousand Native Spaniards in an Army . And it is certain , ( as we have touched it a little before in passage ) that the Secret of the Power of Spain , consisteth in a Veterane Army , compounded of Miscellany Forces of all Nations , which for many years they have had on foot upon one occasion or other : And if there should happen the Misfortune of a Battel , it would be a long work to draw on Supplies . They tell a Tale of a Spanish Ambassador , that was brought to see the Treasury of St. Mark at Venice , and still he lookt down to the ground ; And being asked why he so lookt down , said ; He was looking to see whether their Treasure had any Root , ( so that if it were spent , it would grow again ) as his Masters had . But howsoever it be of their Treasure , certainly the Forces have scarce any Root ; Or at least such a Root , as buddeth forth poorly & slowly . It is true , they have the Wallons , who are tall Souldiers ; but that is but a Spot of Ground . But on the other side , there is not in the world again , such a Spring and Seminary of brave Militar People , as in England , Scotland , Ireland , and the United Provinces . So as if Wars should mowe them down never so fast , yet they may be suddenly supplyed , and come up again . For Money , no doubt it is the principal Part of the Greatness of Spain ; For by that they maintain a Veterane Army ; And Spain is the onely State of Europe , that is a Money grower . But in this Part , of all others , is most to be considered , the tick lish and brittle State of the Greatness of Spain . Their Greatness consisteth in their Treasure ; their Treasure in their Indies ; And their Indies ( if it be well weighed ) are indeed but an Accession to such , as are Masters by Sea. So as this Axeltree whereupon their Greatness turneth , is soon cut in two , by any that shall be stronger than they by Sea. Herein therefore I refer me to the Opinions of all Men ( Enemies , or whomsoever ) whether that the Maritime Forces of Great Britain , and the United Provinces , be not able to beat the Spainard at Sea. For if that be so , the Links of that Chain whereby they hold their Greatness , are dissolved . Now if it be said , that admit the Case of Spain be such , as we have made it , yet we ought to descend into our own Case , which we shall finde ( perhaps ) not to be in State , ( for Treasure ) to enter into a War with Spain . To which I answer ; I know no such thing ; The Mint beateth well ; And the Pulses of the Peoples Hearts beat well . But there is another Point that taketh away quite this Objection : For whereas Wars are generally Causes of Poverty , or Consumption ; on the contrary part , the special Nature of this War with Spain , ( if it be made by Sea ) is like to be a Lucrative and Restorative War. So that , if we go roundly on at the first , the War in continuance will find it self . And therefore you must make a great difference between Hercules Labors by Land , and Jasons Voyage by Sea for the Golden Fleece . For Confederates , I will not take upon me the knowledge , how the Princes , States , and Councels of Europe , at this day , stand affected towards Spain ; For that trencheth into the secret Occurents of the present Time , wherewith in all this Treatise I have forborn to meddle . But to speak of that which lieth open and in view : I see much Matter of Quarrel and Jealousie , but little of Amity and Trust towards Spain , almost in all other Estates . I see France is in competition with them , for three noble Portions of their Monarchy ; Navarre , Naples , and Millain ; And now freshly in difference with them about the Valtoline . I see once in 30 or 40 years cometh a Pope , that casteth his eye upon the Kingdom of Naples , to recover it to the Church : As it was in the minds of Julius 2. Paulus 4. and Zistus 5. As for that great Body of Germany , I see they have greater reason to confederate themselves with the Kings of France , and Great Britain , or Denmark , for the liberty of the Germane Nation , and for the Expulsion of Spanish and foreign Forces , than they had in the years 1552. and 1553. At which time they contracted a League with Henry II. the French King , upon the same Articles , against Charles V. who had impatronized himself of a great part of Germany , through the discord of the German Princes , which himself had so wen and fomented , Which League at that time did the Deed , and drave out all the Spaniards out of that part of Germany ; and re-integrated that Nation in their antient Liberty and Honor . For the West Indies , though Spain hath had yet not much actual disturbance there , except it have been from England ; yet nevertheless I see all Princes lay a kind of claim unto them ; accounting the Title of Spain , but as a Monopoly of those large Countreys , wherein they have , in great part but an Imaginary Possession . For Africk upon the West , the Moors of Valentia expulsed , and their Allies , do yet hang as a Cloud or Storm over Spain . Gabor on the East , is like an Anniversary Wind , that riseth every year upon the Party of Austria . And Persia hath entred into Hostolity with Spain , and given them the first blow by taking of Ormus . It is within every mans observation also , that Venice doth think their State almost on fire , if the Spaniards hold the Valtoline . That Savoy hath learnt by fresh experience , That Alliance with Spain is no Security against the Ambition of Spain ; And that of Bavaria hath likewise bin taught , that Merit and Service doth oblige the Spaniard but from day to day . Neither do I say , for all this , but that Spain may rectifie much of this ill blood , by their particular and cunning Negotiations : But yet there it is in the Body , and may break out , no man knows when , into ill Accidents : but at least it sheweth plainly that which serveth for our purpose ; That Spain is much destitute of Assur'd and Confident Confederates . And therefore I will conclude this Part , with the Speech of a Councellor of State , in Spain , at this day , which was not without Salt. He said to his Master , the King of Spain , that now is , upon occasion : Sir , I will tell your Majesty thus much for your comfort ; Tour Majesty hath but two Enemies ; whereof the one is , All the World ; And the other is , Tour own Ministers . And thus I end the Second Main Part , I propounded to speak of ; which was , The Ballancing of the Forces , between the Kings Majesty , and the King of Spain , if a War must follow . FINIS . AN ADVERTISEMENT Touching an HOLY WAR . Written in the Year , 1622. Whereunto the Author prefixed an Epistle to the Bishop of WINCHESTER last deceased . LONDON , Printed by J. M. for Humphrey Robinson , and Sold by William Lee , 1670. TO THE RIGHT REVEREND Father in GOD Lancelot Andrews , Lord Bishop of WINCHESTER ; And Counsellour of Estate to his MAJESTY . My Lord , AMongst Consolations , it is not the least , to represent to a Mans self , like Examples of Calamity in others . For Examples give a quicker Impression , than Arguments ; And besides they certifie us that , which the Scripture also tendreth for satisfaction ; That no new thing is happened unto us . This they do the better , by how much the Examples , are liker in circumstances , to our own Case ; And more especially , if they fell upon Persons , that are greater , and worthier , than our selves . For as it savoureth of Vanity , to match our selves highly , in our own conceit ; So on the otherside , it is a good sound Conclusion , that if our Betters have sustained the like Events , we have the less cause to be grieved . In this kind of Consolation , I have not been wanting to my Self , Though as a Christian , I have tasted ( through Gods great goodness , ) of higher Remedies . Having therefore , through the Variety of my Reading , set before me , many Examples , both of Ancient and Later Times , my Thoughts ( I confess ) have chiefly stayed upon three Particulars , as the most Eminent , and the most Resembling . All three Persons , that had held chief place of Authority in their Countries ; All three ruined , not by War , or by any other Disaster , but by Justice , and Sentence , as Delinquents , and Criminals ; All three famous Writers , insomuch as the remembrance of their Calamity , is now as to Posterity , but as a little Picture of Night-work , remaining amongst the fair , and excellent Tables , of their Acts , and Works . And all three ( if that were anything to the matter , ) fit Examples to quench any Mans Ambition of Rising again ; For that they were every one of them restored with great glory , but to their further Ruine and Destruction , ending in a violent Death . The Men were , Demosthenes , Cicero , and Seneca ; Persons , that I durst not claim Affinity with , except the Similitude of our Fortunes had contracted it . When I had cast mine Eyes upon these Examples , I was carried on further to observe , how they did bear their Fortunes , and principally , how they did employ their Times , being banished , and disabled for Publick Business : To the end , that I might learn by them ; And that they might be , as well my Counsellours , as my Comforters . Whereupon I happened to note , how diversly , their Fortunes wrought upon them , especially in that point , at which I did most aim which was the employing of their Times , and Pens . In Cicero , I saw , that during his Banishment , ( which was almost two years , ) he was so softned , and dejected , as he wrote nothing , but a few Womanish Epistles . And yet , in mine opinion , he had least reason of the Three , to be discouraged : For that although it was judged , and judged by the highest kind of Judgment , in form of a Statute , or Law , that he should be banished ; And his whole Estate confiscated , and seized ; And his houses pulled down ; And that it should be highly penal , for any Man , to propound his Repeal ; Yet his Case , even then , had no great Blot of Ignominy , but it was thought , but a Tempest of Popularity , which overthrew him . Demosthenes contrariwise , though his Case was foul , being condemned for Bribery ; And not simple Bribery , but Bribery in the Nature of Treason , and Disloyalty ; yet nevertheless took so little knowledge of his Fortune , as during his Banishment , he did much busie himself , and intermeddle with matters of State ; And took upon him to Counsel the State , ( as if he had been still at the Helm , ) by letters ; As appears by some Epistles of his , which are extant . Seneca indeed , who was condemned , for many Corruptions , and Crimes , and banished into a solitary Island , kept a Mean ; And though his Pen did not freese , yet he abstained from intruding into Matters of Business ; But spent his time , in writing Books , of excellent Argument , and Use , for all Ages ; Though he might have made better Choice , ( sometimes ) of his Dedications . These Examples confirmed me much in a Resolution , ( whereunto I was otherwise inclined , ) to spend my Time wholly in Writing ; And to put forth that poor Talent , or half Talent , or what it is , that God hath given me , not as heretofore to particular Exchanges , but to Banks , or Mounts of Perpetuity , which will not break . Therefore having not long since , set forth a part of my Instauration ; Which is the Work , that in mine own judgment , ( Si nunquam fallit Imago , ) I do most esteem ; I think to proceed in some new paris thereof . And although I have received from many Parts beyond the Seas , Testimonies touching that Work , such as beyond which I could not expect at the first , in so abstruse an Argument ; yet nevertheless I have just cause to doubt , that it flies too high over Mens Heads : I have a purpose therefore , ( though I break the order of Time , ) to draw it down to the sense , by some Patterns of a Natural Story , and Inquisition . And again , for that my Book of Advancement of Learning , may be some Preparative , or Key , for the better opening of the Instauration ; Because it exhibits a Mixture , of new Conceits , and old ; whereas the Instauration , gives the new unmixed , otherwise than with some little Aspersion of the old , for tastes sake ; I have thought good to procure a Translation of that Book , into the General Language , not without great and ample Additions , and Enrichment thereof ; Especially in the Second Book , which handleth the Partition of Sciences : In such sort , as I hold it may serve , in lieu of the First Part , of the Instauration , and acquit my promise in that part . Again , because I cannot altogether desert , the Civil Person , that I have born ; Which if I should forget , Enough would remember ; I have also entred into a work touching Laws ; Propounding a Character of Justice , in a middle term , between the Speculative , and Reverend discourses of Philosophers , and the Writings of Lawyers , which are tied , and obnoxious to their particular Laws . And although it be true , that I had a purpose , to make a particular Digest , or Recompilement , of the Laws , of mine own Nation ; Yet because it is a Work of Assistance , and that , that I cannot master by mine own Forces , and Pen , I have laid it aside . Now having in the Work of my Instauration , had in contemplation , the general Good of Men , in their very Being , and the Dowries of Nature ; And in my Work of Laws , the general good of Men likewise , in Society , and the Dowries of Government ; I thought in duty I owed somewhat unto mine own Country , which I ever loved ; Insomuch as although my Place , hath been far above my desert , yet my Thoughts , and Cares concerning the Good thereof , were beyond , and over , and above my place : So now being ( as I am ) no more able to do my Country Service , it remained unto me , to do it Honour : Which I have endeavoured to do , in my Work , of the Reign , of King HENRY the Seventh . As for my Essayes , and some other Particulars of that nature , I count them , but as the Recreations of my other Studies , and in that sort purpose to continue them ; Though I am not ignorant , that those kind of Writings , would , with less pains , and embracement , ( perhaps , ) yield more Lustre , and Reputation to my Name , than those other , which I have in hand . But I account the Vse , that a Man should seek , of the publishing of his own Writings before his Death , to be but an untimely Anticipation of that , which is proper to follow a Man , and not to go along with him . But revolving with my self , my Writings , as well those which I have published , as those , which I had in hand , me thought they went all into the City , and none into the Temple ; Where because I have found , so great Consolation , I desire likewise to make some poor Oblation . Therefore I have chosen an Argument , mixt of Religious and Civil Considerations ; And likewise mixt between Contemplative , and Active . For who can tell , whether there may not be an Exoriere aliquis ? Great Matters ( especially if they be Religious ) have ( many times ) small beginnings ; And the Platform , may draw on the Building . This Work , because I was ever an Enemy to flattring Dedications , I have dedicated to your Lordship ; In respect of our ancient , and private Acquaintance ; And because amongst the Men of our Times , I hold you in especial Reverence . Your Lordships Loving Friend , Fr. St. Alban . AN ADVERTISEMENT Touching an HOLY WAR . The persons that speak . EVSEBIVS . GAMALIEL . ZEBEDAEUS . MARTIVS . EVPOLIS . POLLIO . THere met at Paris , ( in the House of Eupolis , ) Eusebius , Zebedaeus , Gamaliel , Martius ; All Persons of eminent Quality , but of several Dispositions . Eupolis himself was also present : And while they were set in conference , Pollio came in to them from Court ; And as soon as he saw them , after his witty and pleasant manner , he said . Pollio . Here be four of you , I think , were able to make a good World ; for you are as differing as the Four Elements , and yet you are Friends . As for Eupolis , because he is Temperate , and without Passion , he may be the Fifth Essence . Eupolis . If we five ( Pollio , ) make the Great World , you alone may make the Little ; Because you profess and practise both , to refer all things to your Self . Pollio . And what do they that practise it , and profess it not ? Eupolis . They are the less Hardy , and the more Dangerous . But come , and sit down with us , for we were speaking of the Affairs of Christendom , at this day : Wherein we would be glad also , to have your Opinion . Pollio . My Lords , I have journeyed this Morning , and it is now the heat of the Day ; Therefore your Lordships Discourses had need content my Ears very well , to make them entreat mine Eyes to keep open . But yet if you will give me leave to awake you , when I think your Discourses do but sleep , I will keep watch the best I can . Eupolis . You cannot do us a greater Favour . Only I fear , you will think all our Discourses , to be but the better sort of Dreams : For good wishes , without power to effect , are not much more . But Sir , when you came in , Martius had both raised our Attentions , and affected us with some Speech he had begun ; And it falleth out well , to shake off your Drowsiness , for it seemed to be the Trumpet of a War. And therefore , ( Martius , ) if it please you , to begin again ; For the Speech was such , as deserveth to be heard twice ; And I assure you , your Auditory is not a little amended , by the presence of Pollio . Martius . When you came in , ( Pollio , ) I was saying freely to these Lords , that I had observed , how by the space now , of half a Century of years , there had been ( if I may speak it , ) a kind of Meanness , in the Designes , and Enterprises of Christendom . Wars with Subjects ; Like an angry Sute for a Man 's own , that might be better ended by Accord . Some petty Acquests of a Town , or a Spot of Territory ; Like a Farmers Purchase of a Close , or nook of ground , that lay fit for him . And although the Wars had been , for a Naples , or a Millain , or a Portugal , or a Bohemia , yet these Wars were but as the Wars of Heathen , ( of Athens , or Sparta , or Rome , ) for secular Interest , or Ambition , not worthy the Warfare of Christians . The Church ( indeed ) maketh her Missions , into the extream parts of the Nations , and Isles ; And it is well : But this is , Ecce Vnus Gladius hic . The Christian Princes , and Potentates are they , that are wanting , to the Propagation of the Faith , by their Arms. Yet our Lord , that said on Earth , to the Disciples , Ite & praedicate ; Said from Heaven , to Constantine , In hoc Signo Vince . What Christian Souldier is there , that will not be touched , with a Religious Emulation , to see an Order of Jesus , or of Saint Francis , or of Saint Augustine , do such service , for enlarging the Christian Borders ; And an Order of Saint Fago , or Saint Michael , or Saint George , only to Robe , and Feast , and perform Rites , and Observances ? Surely the Merchants themselves , shall rise in judgment against the Princes , and Nobles of Europe : For they have made a great Path , in the Seas , unto the ends of the World ; And set forth Ships , and Forces , of Spanish , English , and Dutch , enough to make China tremble ; And all this for Pearl , or Stone , or Spices : But for the Pearl of the Kingdom of Heaven , Or the Stones of the Heavenly Hierusalem , Or the Spices of the Spouses Garden , not a Mast hath been set up . Nay they can make shift , to shed Christian Bloud , so far off amongst themselves , and not a Drop for the Cause of Christ. But let me recall my self ; I must acknowledge , that within the space of fifty years ( whereof I spake , ) there have been three Noble , and Memorable Actions , upon the Infidels , wherein the Christian hath been the Invader . For where it is , upon the Defensive , I reckon it , a War of Nature , and not of Piety . The first was , that Famous and Fortunate War by Sea , that ended in the Victory of Lepanto ; Which hath put a Hook into the Nostrils of the Ottomans , to this day : Which was the Work ( chiefly ) of that excellent Pope , Pius Quintus ; whom I wonder his Successours have not declared a Saint . The second was , the Noble , though Unfortunate , Expedition , of Sebastian King of Portugal , upon Asrick , which was atchieved by him alone ; So alone , as left somewhat for others to Excuse . The last was , the brave Incursions of Sigismund the Transilvanian Prince ; The thred of whose Prosperity was cut off , by the Christians themselves ; contrary to the Worthy and Paternal Monitories of Pope Clement the Eighth . More than these , I do not remember . Pol. No! what say you , to the Extirpation of the Moors of Valentia ? At which sudden Question , Martius was a little at a stop , and Gamaliel prevented him , and said . Gamaliel . I think Martius did well in omitting that Action , for I , for my part , never approved it ; And it seems , God was not well pleased with that Deed ; For you see the King , in whose time it passed , ( whom you Catholicks count a Saint-like , and Immaculate Prince , ) was taken away , in the Flower of his Age : And the Author , and great Counsellour of that Rigour , ( whose Fortunes seemed to be built upon the Rock , ) is ruined : And it is thought by some , that the reckonings of that Business , are not yet clear'd with Spain : For that numbers of those supposed Moors , being tried now by their Exile , continue constant in the Faith , and true Christians in all points , save in the thirst of Revenge . Zebed . Make not hasty Judgment , ( Gamaliel , ) of that great action ; Which was as Christs Fan , in those Countries ; Except you could shew , some such Covenant , from the Crown of Spain , as Josuah made with the Gibeonites ; That that Cursed Seed should continue in the Land. And you see , it was done by Edict , not tumultuously ; The Sword was not put into the Peoples hand . Eupol . I think , Martius did omit it , not as making any Judgment of it , either way ; But because it sorted not aptly , with Actions of War , being upon Subjects , and without resistance . But let us , if you think good , give Martius leave , to proceed in his Discourse ; For methought he spake , like a Divine in Armour . Martius . It is true , ( Eupolis , ) that the Principal Object , which I have before mine Eyes , in that whereof I speak , is Piety , and Religion . But nevertheless , if I should speak only as a Natural Man , I should perswade the same thing . For there is no such Enterprise , at this day , for secular Greatness , and terrene Honour , as a War upon Infidels . Neither do I , in this , propound a Novelty , or Imagination , but that , which is proved by late Examples of the same kind , though perhaps of less difficulty . The Castilians , the Age before that wherein we live , opened the New World ; And subdued , and planted Mexico , Peru , Chile , and other Parts of the West Indies . We see what Floods of Treasure , have flowed into Europe , by that Action ; So that the Cense , or Rates of Christendom , are raised since ten times , yea twenty times told . Of this Treasure , it is true , the Gold was Accumulate , and Store Treasure , for the most part ; But the Silver is still growing . Besides , infinite is the Access of Territory , and Empire , by the same Enterprise . For there was never an Hand drawn , that did double the Rest , of the Habitable World , before this ; For so a Man may truly term it , if he shall put to account , as well that that is , as that which may be hereafter , by the further Occupation , and Colonizing of those Countries . And yet it cannot be affirmed , ( if one speak ingenuously , ) that it was the Propagation of the Christian Faith , that was the Adamant of that Discovery , Entry , and Plantation ; But Gold , and Silver , and Temporal Profit , and Glory : So that , what was first in Gods Providence , was but second in Mans Appetite , and Intention . The like may be said , of the famous Navigations , and Conquests of Emanuel , King of Portugal , whose Armes began to circle Africk and Asia ; and to acquire not only the Trade of Spices , and Stones , and Musk , and Drugs , but Footing , and places , in those extream parts of the East . For neither in this , was Religion the principal , but Amplification , and Enlargement , of Riches , and Dominion . And the Effect , of these two Enterprises , is now such , that both the East , and the West Indies , being met in the Crown of Spain , it is come to pass , that as one saith in a brave kind of Expression ; The Sun never sets in the Spanish Dominions , but ever shines , upon one part , or other of them : Which , to say truly , is a beam of Glory , though I cannot say , it is so solid a Body of Glory , wherein the Crown of Spain , surpasseth all the former Monarchies . So as to conclude , we may see , that in these Actions upon Gentiles , or Infidels , only or chiefly , both the Spiritual , and Temporal , Honour and Good , have been in one pursuit and purchase conjoyned . Pol. Methinks , with your favour , you should remember , ( Martins , ) that Wild , and Savage People , are like Beasts , and Birds , which are Ferae Naturae , the Property of which passeth with the Possession , and goeth to the Occupant ; But of Civil People , it is not so . Mar. I know no such difference , amongst reasonable Souls ; But that what soever is in order , to the greatest , and most general good of people , may justifie the Action , be the people more , or less Civil . But , ( Eupolis ) I shall not easily grant , that the people of Peru , or Mexico , were such brute Savages , as you intend ; or that there should be any such difference between them , and many of the Infidels , which are now in other parts . In Peru , though they were unapparelled People , according to the Clime ; And had some Customs very barbarous ; Yet the Government of the Incae's , had many parts of Humanity , and Civility . They had reduced the Nations , from the Adoration of a multitude of Idols and Fancies , to the Adoration of the Sun. And , as I remember , the Book of Wisdom noteth degrees of Idolatry ; making that of Worshipping Petty and Vile Idols , more gross , than simply the Worshipping of the Creature . And some of the Prophets , as I take it , do the like , in the Metaphore , of more ugly , and bestial Fornication . The Peruvians also , ( under the Incaes , ) had magnificent Temples of their Superstition ; They had strict and regular Justice ; They bare great Faith , and Obedience to their Kings ; They proceeded in a kind of Martial Justice with their Enemies , offering them their Law , as better for their own good , before they drew their Sword. And much like , was the State of Mexico , being an Elective Monarchy . As for those people of the East , ( Goa , Calecute , Malaca , ) they were a fine , and dainty people , Frugal , and yet Elegant , though not Militar . So that if things be rightly weighed , the Empire of the Turks may be truly affirmed , to be more barbarous , than any of these . A cruel Tyranny , bathed in the blood of their Emperours , upon every Succession : A heap of Vassals and Slaves : No Nobles , No Gentlemen : No Free-men , No Inheritance of Land , No Stirp or Ancient Families : A people that is without Natural Affection , and , as the Scripture saith , that Regardeth not the desires of Women : And without Piety , or care towards their Children : A Nation without Morality , without Letters , Arts , or Sciences ; That can scarce measure an Acre of Land , or an hour of the Day : Base and sluttish in Buildings , Diets , and the like : And in a word , a very reproach of Human Society : And yet this Nation hath made the Garden of the World , a Wilderness ; For that , as it is truly said , concerning 〈◊〉 Turks ; Where Ottomans Horse sets his Foot , people will come 〈◊〉 thin . Pollio . Yet in the midst of your Invective , ( Martius , ) do the Turks this right , as to remember , that they are no Idolaters : For if , as you say , there be a difference , between Worshipping a 〈◊〉 Idol , and the Sun ; There is a much greater difference , between worshipping a Creature , and the Creator . For the Turks do acknowledge God the Father , Creator of Heaven , and Earth , being the first Person in the Trinity , though they deny the rest . At which Speech , when Martius made some pause , Zebedaeus replied with a Countenance of great Reprehension , and Severity . Zebed . We must take heed , ( Pollio , ) that we fall not at unawares , into the Heresie of Manuel Comnenus , Emperour of Grecia ; Who affirmed , that Mahomets God , was the true God ; Which Opinion was not only rejected , and condemned by the Synod , but imputed to the Emperour , as extream Madness ; Being reproached to him also , by the Bishop of Thessalonica , in those bitter , and strange Words , as are not to be named . Martius . I confess , that it is my Opinion , that a War upon the Turk , is more worthy , than upon any other Gentiles , Infidels , or Savages , that either have been , or now are , both in point of Religion , and in point of Honour ; Though facility , and hope of Success , might ( perhaps ) invite some other Choice . But before I proceed , both my Self would be glad to take some Breath ; And I shall frankly desire , that some of your Lordships would take your turn to speak , that can do it better . But chiefly , for that I see here some , that are excellent Interpreters of the Divine Law , though in several ways ; And that I have reason to distrust mine own Judgment , both as weak in it self , and as that , which may be overborn by my Zeal , and Affection to this Cause . I think it were an Errour to speak further , till I may see some sound Foundation laid , of the Lawfulness of the Action , by them that are better versed in that Argument . Eupolis . I am glad , ( Martius , ) to see in a Person of your Profession , so great Moderation , in that you are not transported in an Action , that warms the blood , and is appearing Holy , to blaunch , or take for admitted , the point of Lawfulness . And because methinks this Conference prospers , if your Lordships will give me leave , I will make some motion , touching the distribution of it into Parts . Unto which , when they all assented , Eupolis said . Eupolis . I think , it would not sort amiss , if Zebedaeus would be pleased , to handle the Question ; Whether a War , for the Propagation of the Christian Faith , without other cause of Hostility , be lawful , or no , and in what Cases ? I confess also , I would be glad to go a little further ; And to hear it spoken to , concerning the Lawfulness , not only permissively , but whether it be not Obligatory , to Christian Princes , and States , to design it : Which part , if it please Gamaliel to undertake , the point of the Lawfulness , taken simply , will be Compleat . Yet there resteth the Comparative : That is , it being granted , that it is either Lawful , or Binding , yet whether other things be not to be preferr'd before it ; As Extirpation of Heresies ; Reconcilements of Schisms ; Pursuit of Lawful Temporal Rights , and Quarrels ; and the like : And how far this Enterprise , ought either to wait upon these other Matters ; Or to be mingled with them ; Or to pass by them , and give Law to them , as inferiour unto it self ; And because this is a great part , and Eusebius hath yet said nothing , we will , by way of Mulct , or Pain , if your Lordships think good , lay it upon him . All this while , I doubt much , that Pollio , who hath a sharp Wit of Discovery , towards what is Solid and Real , and what is Specious and Aiery , will esteem all this but Impossibilities , and Eagles in the Clouds : And therefore we shall all intreat him , to crush this Argument , with his best Forces ; That by the Light , we shall take from him , we may either cast it away , if it be found but a Bladder ; Or discharge it , of so much as is vain , and not sperable . And because , I confess , I my self am not of that Opinion , although it be an hard Encounter to deal with Pollio , yet I shall do my best , to prove the Enterprise Possible ; And to shew , how all Impediments may be either removed , or overcomen . And then it will be fit for Martius , ( if we do not desert it before , ) to resume his further Discourse , as well for the Perswasive , as for the Consult , touching the Means , Preparations , and all that may conduce unto the Enterprise . But this is but my Wish , your Lordships will put it into better order . They all not only allowed the Distribution , but accepted the Parts : But because the Day was spent , they agreed , to defer it , till the next Morning . Only Pollio said . Pollio . You take me right , ( Eupolis ; ) For I am of opinion , that except you could bray Christendom in a Mortar , and mould it into a New Past , there is no Possibilitie of an Holy War. And I was ever of opinion , that the Philosophers Stone , and an Holy War , were but the Rendezvous of Crackt Brains , that wore their Feather in their Head , instead of their Hat. Nevertheless , believe me of Courtesie , that if you Five shall be of another mind , especially after you have heard what I can say , I shall be ready to certifie with Hippocrates , that Athens is mad , and Democritus is only sober . And lest you should take me for altogether Adverse , I will frankly contribute to the Business , now at first . Ye , no doubt , will amongst you devise and discourse many solemn Matters : But do as I shall tell you . This Pope is Decrepit , and the Bell goeth for him . Take order , that when he is Dead , there be chosen a Pope of fresh years , between fifty and threescore ; And see that he take the Name of Urban , because a Pope of that Name did first institute the Cruzada ; And , ( as with an holy Trumpet , ) did stir up the Voyage , for the Holy Land. Eupolis . You say well ; but be , I pray you , a little more serious in this Conference . The next day , the same Persons met , as they had appointed ; And after they were set , and that there had passed some sporting speeches from Pollio , how the War was already begun ; For that , ( he said ) he had dream't of nothing but Janizaries , and Tartars , and Sultans all the night long , Martius said . Martius . The Distribution of this Conference , which was made by Eupolis yesternight , and was by us approved , seemeth to me perfect , save in one Point ; and that is , not in the Number , but in the Placing of the Parts . For it is so disposed , that Pollio and Eupolis , shall debate the Possibility , or Impossibility of the Action , before I shall deduce the Particulars of the Means , and Manner , by which it is to be atchieved . Now I have often observed in Deliberations , that the entring near hand , into the manner of Performance , and Execution of that , which is under Deliberation , hath quite overturn'd the Opinion formerly conceiv'd , of the Possibility , or Impossibility . So that things , that at the first shew , seemed Possible , by Ripping up the Performance of them , have been convicted of Impossibility ; and things , that , on the other side , have shewed Impossible , by the Declaration of the Means to effect them , as by a back Light , have appeared Possible , the way thorow them being discerned . This I speak , not to alter the Order , but only to desire Pollio , and Eupolis , not to speak peremptorily , or conclusively , touching the Point of Possibility , till they have heard me deduce the Means of the Execution : And that done , to reserve themselves at liberty for a Reply , after they had before them , as it were , a Model of the Enterprise . This grave and solid Advertisement , and Caution of Martius , was much commended by them all ; Whereupon Eupolis said . Eupolis . Since Martius hath begun to refine that , which was yesternight resolved ; I may the better have leave , ( especially in the mending of a Proposition , which was mine own , ) to remember an Omission , which is more than a misplacing . For I doubt , we ought to have added , or inserted into the point of Lawfulness , the Question ; How far an Holy War is to be pursued , whether to Displanting , and Exterminion of People ? And again , whether to enforce a new Belief , and to vindicate , or punish Infidelity ; Or only to subject the Countries and People ; And so , by the Temporal Sword , to open a Door , for the Spiritual Sword to enter , by Perswasion , Instruction , and such Means , as are proper for Souls and Consciences ? But it may be , neither is this necessary , to be made a Part by it self ; For that Zebedaeus , in his wisdom will fall into it , as an incident to the Point of Lawfulness , which cannot be handled without Limitations , and Distinctions . Zebedaeus . You encourage me , ( Eupolis , ) in that I perceive , how in your Judgment , ( which I do so much esteem , ) I ought to take that Course , which of my self I was purposed to do . For as Martius noted well , that it is but a loose thing , to speak of Possibilities , without the particular Designs ; So is it , to speak of Lawfulness , without the particular Cases . I will therefore , first of all , distinguish the Cases ; Though you shall give me leave in the handling of them , not to sever them , with too much Preciseness : For both it would cause needless Length ; And we are not now in Arts , or Methods , but in a Conference . It is therefore , first to be put to Question in general , ( as Eupolis propounded it , ) whether it be lawful for Christian Princes , or States , to make an Invasive War , only and simply , for the Propagation of the Faith , without other Cause of Hostility , or Circumstance , that may provoke and induce the War ? Secondly , whether it being made part of the Case , that the Countries were once Christian , and Members of the Church , and where the Golden Candlesticks did stand , though now they be utterly alienated , and no Christians left ; it be not lawful to make a War , to restore them to the Church , as an ancient Patrimony of Christ ? Thirdly , if it be made a further part of the Case , that there are yet remaining in the Countries , multitudes of Christians , whether it be not lawful to make a War , to free them , and deliver them , from the servitude of the Infidels ? Fourthly , whether it be not Lawful to make a War , for the Purging , and Recovery of Consecrate Places , being now polluted , and Prophaned ; As the Holy City , and Sepulchre , and such other places of principal Adoration , and Devotion ? Fifthly , whether it be not Lawful , to make a War , for the Revenge , or Vindication of Blasphemies , and Reproaches , against the Deity , and our Blessed Saviour ; Or for the Effusion of Christian Blood , and Cruelties against Christians , though ancient , and long since past ; Considering that Gods Visits , are without limitation of Time ; And many times , do but expect the fullness of the Sin ? Sixthly , it is to be considered , ( as Eupolis now last well remembred , ) whether a Holy War , ( which , as in the Worthiness of the Quarrel , so in the Justness of the Prosecution , ought to exceed all Temporal Wars , ) may be pursued , either to the Expulsion of People , or the Enforcement of Consciences , or the like Extremities ; Or how to be moderated , and limited ; Lest whilst we remember we are Christians , we forget that others are Men ; But there is a Point , that precedeth all these Points recited ; Nay , and in a manner dischargeth them , in the particular of a War against the Turk : which Point , I think , would not have come into my thought , but that Martius giving us yesterday , a Representation of the Empire of the Turks , with no small vigour of words , ( which you ( Pollio ) called an Invective , but was indeed a true Charge , ) did put me in mind of it : And the more I think upon it , the more I settle in Opinion ; That a War , to suppress that Empire , though we set aside the Cause of Religion , were a just War. After Zebedaeus had said this , he made a Pause , to see whether any of the rest would say any thing : But when he perceived nothing , but Silence , and Signs of Attention , to that he would further say , he proceeded thus . Zebedaeus . Your Lordships will not look for a Treatise from me , but a Speech of Consultation ; And in that Brevity and Manner , will I speak . First , I shall agree , that as the Cause of a War ought to be Just ; So the Justice of that Cause ought to be Evident ; Not Obscure , not Scrupulous . For by the consent of all Laws , in Capital Causes , the Evidence must be full and clear : And if so , where one Mans life is in Question , what say we to a War , which is ever the Sentence of Death upon many ? We must beware therefore , how we make a Moloch , or an Heatlien Idol , of our Blessed Saviour , in sacrificing the Blood of Men to him , by an unjust War. The Justice of every Action , consisteth in the Merits of the Cause , the Warrant of the Jurisdiction , and the Form of the Prosecution . As for the Inward Intention , I leave it , to the Court of Heaven . Of these things severally , as they may have Relation to the present subject of a War against Infidels ; And namely , against the most Potent , and most Dangerous Enemy of the Faith , the Turk . I hold , and I doubt not , but I shall make it plain , ( as far as a Sum , or Breef can make a Cause plain , ) that a War against the Turk , is Lawful , both by the Laws of Nature , and Nations ; And by the Law Divine , which is the Perfection of the other two . As for the Laws Positive , and Civil of the Romans , or other whatsoever , they are too small Engins , to move the Weight of this Question . And therefore , in my judgment , many of the late Schoolmen , ( though excellent Men , ) take not the right way in disputing this Question ; Except they had the gift of Navius , that they could Cotem novaculâ scindere ; Hew Stones with Pen-knives . First , for the Law of Nature . The Philosopher Aristotle is no ill Interpreter thereof . He hath set many Men on work , with a witty speech of Naturâ Dominus , and Naturâ Servus ; Affirm ing expresly , and positively ; That from the very Nativity , some things are born to Rule , and some things to Obey . Which Oracle hath been taken in diverssenses . Some have taken it , for a Speech of Ostentation , to entitle the Grecians to an Empire over the Barbarians ; Which indeed was better maintained by his Scholar Alexander . Some have taken it , for a Speculative Platform , that Reason and Nature would , that the best should govern ; But , not in any wise to create a Right . But for my part , I take it neither for a brag , nor for a wish ; but for a Truth , as he limiteth it . For he saith , That if there can be found , such an Inequality between Man and Man , as there is between Man and Beast , or between Soul and Body , it investeth a Right of Government ; Which seemeth rather an Impossible Case , than an untrue Sentence . But I hold both the Judgment true , and the Case possible ; And such as hath had , and hath a Being , both in particular Men , and Nations . But ere we go further , let us confine Ambiguities , and Mistakings , that they trouble us not . First , to say , that the more Capable , or the better Deserver , hath such Right to Govern , as he may compulsorily bring under the less Worthy , is Idle . Men will never agree upon it , who is the more Worthy . For it is not only in order of Nature , for him to govern , that is the more Intelligent , as Aristotle would have it ; But there is no less required for Government , Courage to protect ; and , above all , Honesty , and Probity of the Will , to abstain from Injury . So Fitness to govern , is a perplexed Business . Some Men , some Nations , excel in the one ability , some in the other . Therefore the Position , which I intend , is not in the Comparative , that the Wiser , or the Stouter , or the juster Nation should govern ; But in the Privative , that where there is an heap of People ( though we term it a Kingdom , or State , ) that is altogether unable , or indign to govern ; There it is a just Cause of War , for another Nation , that is Civil , or Polliced , to subdue them : And this , though it were to be done , by a Cyrus , or a Caesar , that were no Christian. The second mistaking , to be banished , is ; That I understand not this of a Personal Tyranny , as was the State of Rome , under a Caligula , or a Nero , or a Commodus ; Shall the Nation suffer for that wherein they suffer ? But when the Constitution of the State , and the fundamental Customs , and Laws of the same , ( if Laws they may be called , ) are against the Laws of Nature , and Nations , then I say , a War upon them is lawful . I shall divide the Question into three parts . First , whether there be , or may be , any Nation , or Society of Men , against whom it is lawful to make a War , without a Precedent Injury , or Provocation ? Secondly , what are those Breaches of the Law of Nature , and Nations , which do forfeit , and devest , all Right , and Title , in a Nation to govern ? And thirdly , whether those Breaches of the Law of Nature , and Nations , be found in any Nation , at this day ; And namely in the Empire of the Ottomans ? For the first , I hold it clear , that such Nations , or States , or Societies of People , there may be , and are . There cannot be a better ground laid , to declare this , than to look into the Original Donation of Government . Observe it well ; Especially the Inducement , or Preface . Saith God : Let us make man after our own Image , and let him have dominion , over the Fishes of the Sea , and the Fowls of the Air , and the Beasts of the Land , &c. Hereupon De Victoria , and with him some others , infer excellently , and extract , a most true , and divine Aphorism ; Non sundatur Dominium , nisi in Imagine Dei. Here we have the Charter of Foundation : It is now the more easie to judg of the Forfeiture , or Reseisure . Deface the Image , and you devest the Right . But what is this Image , and how is it defaced ? The Poor Men of Lyons , and some Fanatical Spirits will tell you , that the Image of God , is Purity ; And the Defacement Sin. But this subverteth all Government : Neither did Adams Sin , or the Curse upon it , deprive him of his Rule , but left the Creatures , to a Rebellion , or Reluctation . And therefore , if you note it attentively , when this Charter was renewed unto Noah , and his Sons , it is not by the words , Tou shall have Dominion : But , Your Fear shall be upon all the Beasts of the Land , and the Birds of the Air , and all that moveth ; Not re-granting the Soveraignty , which stood firm ; But protecting it against the Reluctation . The sound Interpreters therefore , expound this Image of God , of Natural Reason ; Which if it be totally , or mostly defaced , the Right of Government doth cease : And if you mark all the Interpreters well , still they doubt of the Case , and not of the Law. But this is properly to be spoken to , in handling the second Point , when we shall define of the Defacements . To go on . The Prophet Hosea , in the Person of God , saith of the Jews ; They have reigned , but not by me ; They have set a Signory over themselves , but I knew nothing of it . Which place proveth plainly , that there are Governments , which God doth not avow . For though they be ordained by his secret Providence , yet they are not knowledged by his revealed Will : Neither can this be meant of evil Governours , or Tyrants : For they are often avowed , and stablished , as lawful Potentates ; But of some perversness and defection , in the very Nation it self ; Which appeareth most manifestly , in that the Prophet speaketh , of the Signory in Abstracto , and not of the Person of the Lord. And although some Hereticks , of those we speak of , have abused this Text , yet the Sun is not soiled in Passage . And again , if any Man infer , upon the words of the Prophets following , ( which declare this Rejection , and to use the words of the Text , Rescision of their Estate , to have been for their Idolatry , ) that by this Reason , the Governments of all Idolatrous Nations , should be also dissolved , ( which is manifestly untrue , ) in my judgment it followeth not . For the Idolatry of the Jews then , and the Idolatry of the Heathen then and now , are Sins of a far differing Nature , in regard of the special Covenant , and the clear manifestations , wherein God did contract , and exhibit himself to that Nation . This Nullity of Policy , and Right of Estate , in some Nations , is yet more significantly expressed , by Moses in his Canticle : In the Person of God to the Jews : Ye have incensed me with Gods , that are no Gods , and I will incense you with a People , that are no People . Such as were ( no doubt ) the People of Canaan , after Seisin was given , of the Land of Promise , to the Israelites . For from that time , their Right to the Land was dissolved , though they remained in many Places unconquered . By this we may see , that there are Nations in Name , that are no Nations in Right , but multitudes only , and swarms of People . For like as there are Particular Persons , utlawed , and proscribed by civil Laws , of several Countries ; So are there Nations , that are utlawed , and proscribed , by the Law of Nature , and Nations ; Or by the immediate Commandment of God. And as there are Kings de Facto , and not de Jure , in respect of the Nullity of their Title ; So are there Nations , that are Occupants de Facto , and not de Jure , of their Territories , in respect of the Nullity , of their Policy , or Government . But let us take in some Examples , into the midst of our Proofs ; For they will prove as much as put after ; And illustrate more . It was never doubted , but a War upon Pyrates , may be lawfully made , by any Nation , though not infested , or violated by them . Is it because , they have not Certas Sedes , or Lares ? In the Pyratical War , which was atchieved by Pompey the Great , and was his truest , and greatest glory ; the Pyrates had some Cities , sundry Ports , and a great part of the Province of Cilicia ; And the Pyrates now being have a Receptacle , and Mansion in Algiers . Beasts are not the less Savage ; because they have Dens . Is it because the danger hovers , as a Cloud , that a Man cannot tell , where it will fall ; And so it is every Mans Case . The Reason is good ; But it is not all , nor that which is most alledged . For the true received Reason is , that Pyrates are Communes Humani Generis Hostes ; Whom all Nations are to prosecute , not so much in the Right of their own Fears , as upon the Band of Humane Society . For as there are formal and written Leagues , Respective to certain Enemies ; So is there a Natural , and Tacite Confederation , amongst all Men , against the common Enemy of Humane Society . So as there needs no Intimation , or Denunciation of the War ; There needs no Request from the Nation grieved ; But all these Formalities , the Law of Nature supplies , in the Case of Pyrates . The same is the Case of Rovers by Land ; Such as yet are some Cantons in Arabia ; And some petty Kings of the Mountains , adjacent to Streights , and Ways . Neither is it lawful , only for the Neighbour Princes , to destroy such Pyrates , or Rovers ; But if there were any Nation , never so far off , that would make it an Enterprise of Merit , and true Glory , ( as the Romans , that made a War for the Liberty of Grecia , from a distant and remote part , ) no doubt they might do it . I make the same Judgment , of that Kingdom of the Assasins , now destroyed , which was situate upon the Borders of Saraca ; And was , for a time , a great Terrour to all the Princes of the Levant . There the Custom was , that upon the Commandment of their King , and a blind Obedience to be given thereunto , any of them was to undertake , in the nature of a Votary , the insidious Murther of any Prince , or Person , upon whom the Commandment went. This Custom , without all question , made their whole Government void , as an Engine built against Humane Society , worthy by all Men to be fired , and pulled down . I say the like , of the Anabaptists of Munster ; And this , although they had not been Rebels to the Empire : And put Case likewise , that they had done no Mischief at all actually : yet if there shall be a Congregation , and consent of People , that shall hold all things to be lawful ; Not according to any certain Laws , or Rules , but according to the secret , and variable Motions , and Instincts of the Spirit ; This is indeed no Nation , no People , no Signory , that God doth know : Any Nation , that is Civil , and Polliced , may ( if they will not be reduced , ) cut them off , from the Face of the Earth . Now let me put a feigned Case , ( And yet Antiquity makes it doubtful , whether it were Fiction , or History , ) of a Land of Amazons , where the whole Government , publick and private , yea the Militia it Self , was in the hands of Women . I demand , is not such a Preposterous Government , ( against the first Order of Nature , for Women to rule over Men , ) in it self void , and to be suppressed ? I speak not of the Reign of Women ; ( For that is supplied by Counsel , and subordinate Magistrates Masculine ; ) But where the Regiment of State , Justice , Families , is all managed by Women . And yet this last Case , differeth from the other before : Because in the rest there is Terrour of Danger , but in this there is only Errour of Nature . Neither should I make any great difficulty , to affirm the same , of the Sultanry of the Mamaluches ; where Slaves , and none but Slaves , bought for Money , and of unknown Descent , reigned over Families of Free-men . And much like were the Case , if you suppose a Nation , where the Custom were , that after full Age , the Sons should Expulse their Fathers , and Mothers , out of their Possessions , and put them to their Pensions : For these Cases , of Women to govern Men , Sons the Fathers , Slaves Free-Men , are much in the same degree ; All being total Violations and Perversions , of the Laws of Nature , and Nations . For the West-Indies , I perceive ( Martins ) you have read Garcilazzo de Viega , who himself was descended of the race of the Incaes , a Mestizo , and is willing to make the best , of the Vertues and Manners of his Country . And yet , in troth , he doth it soberly , and credibly enough . Yet you shall hardly edifie me , that those Nations might not , by the Law of Nature , have been subdued by any Nation , that had only Policy , and Moral Vertue ; Though the Propagation of the Faith , ( whereof we shall speak in the proper place , ) were set by , and not made part of the Case . Surely , their Nakedness , ( being with them , in most parts of that Country , without all Vail or Covering , ) was a great Defacement : For in the acknowledgment of 〈◊〉 , was the first Sense of Sin : And the Heresie of the Adamites , was ever accounted an affront of Nature . But upon these I stand not : Nor yet upon their Idiocy , in thinking that Horses did eat their Bitts , and Letters speak , and the like . Nor yet upon their Sorceries , which are ( almost ) common to all Idolatrous Nations . But , I say , their Sacrificing , and , more especially , their Eating of Men , is such an Abomination , as ( methinks ) a Mans Face should be a little confused , to deny , that this Custom joyned with the rest , did not make it lawful , for the Spaniards to invade their Territory , forfeited by the Law of Nature ; And either to reduce them , or displant them . But far 〈◊〉 from me , yet nevertheless to justifie the Cruelties , which were at first used towards them ; which had their reward soon after ; There being not one of the Principal , of the first Conquerors , Lut died a violen Death himself ; And was well followed by the Deaths of many more . Of Examples enough : Except we should add the Labours of Hercules : An Example , which though it be flourished with much Fabulous Matter , yet so much it hath , that it doth notably set 〈◊〉 , the consent of all Nations , and Ages , in the approbation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and debellating of Gyants , Monsters , and Foren 〈◊〉 , not only as lawful , but as Meritorious , even of Divine 〈◊〉 . And this , although the Deliverer came , from the one End of the World , unto the other . Let us now set down some Arguments , to prove the same ; Regarding rather Weight , than Number , as in such a Conserence as this is fit . The first Argument shall be this . It is a great Errour , and a narrowness , or straightness of Mind , if any Man think , that Nations have nothing to do one with another , except there be , either an Union in Soveraignty , or a Conjunction in Pacts or Leagues . There are other Bands of Society , and implicite Confederation . That of Colonies , or Transmigrants , towards their Mother Nation . 〈◊〉 unius labii is somewhat ; For as the Confusion of Tongues , was a mark of Separation , so the Being of one Language , is a mark of Union . To have the same Fundamental Laws , and Customs , in chief , is yet more ; As it was between the Grecians , in respect of the Barbarians . To be of one Sect , or Worship ; If it be a False Worship , I speak not of it , for that is but Fratres in Malo. But above all these , there is the Supream , and Indissoluble Consanguinity , and Society , between Men in general : Of which the Heathen Poet , ( whom the Apostle calls to witness , ) saith ; We are all his Generation . But much more , we Christians , unto whom it is revealed in particularity , that all Men came from one Lump of Earth ; And that two singular Persons , were the Parents , from whom all the Generations of the World are descended . We ( I say ) ought to acknowledge , that no Nations , are wholly Aliens , and Strangers , the one to the other : And not to be less charitable , than the person introduced by the Comick Poet ; Homosum , Humani nihil à me alienum puto . Now if there be such a Tacite League , or Confederation , sure it is not idle ; It is against somewhat , or some Body : Who should they be ? Is it against Wild Beasts ? Or the Elements , of Fire , and Water ? No , it is against such Routs , and Sholes of People , as have utterly degenerate , from the Laws of Nature ; As have , in their very Body , and frame of Estate , a Monsirosity ; And may be truly accounted , ( according to the Examples we have formerly recited , ) Common Enemies , and Grievances of Mankind ; Or Disgraces , and Reproaches to Humane Nature . Such People , all Nations are interessed , and ought to be resenting , to suppress ; Considering that the Particular States themselves , being the Delinquents , can give no redress . And this I say , is not to be measured so much , by the Principles of Jurists , as by Lex Charitatis ; Lex proximi , which includes the Samaritan , as well as the Levite ; Lex Filiorum Adae de Massâ unâ : Upon which Original Laws , this Opinion is grounded : Which to deny , ( if a man may speak freely , ) were almost to be a Schismatick in Nature . The rest was not perfected . AN OFFER To our Late Sovereign KING JAMES , OF A DIGEST To be made of the LAWS of ENGLAND . LONDON , Printed by J. M. for Humphrey Robinson , and Sold by William Lee , 1670. TO THE KING ; OF A DIGEST To be made of the LAWS of ENGLAND . Most Excellent Soveraign , AMongst the Degrees and Acts of Soveraign , or rather Heroical Honour , the First , or Second , is the Person , and Merit , of a Lam-giver . Princes that govern well , are Fathers of the People . But if a Father breed his Son well , or allow him well , while he liveth , but leave him nothing at his Death ; whereby both he , and his Children , and his Childrens Children may be the better ; Surely the care and Piety of a Father , is not in him compleat . So Kings , if they make a Portion of an Age happy by their good Government , yet if they do not make Testaments , ( as God Almighty doth , ) whereby a Perpetuity of Good may descend to their Country , they are but Mortal and Transitory Benefactors . Domitian , a few days before he died , dream't , that a Golden Head did rise upon the nape of his Neck . Which was truly performed in the Golden Age , that followed his times , for five Successions . But Kings , by giving their Subjects good Laws , may ( if they will ) in their own time , joyn and graft this Golden Head , upon their own Necks , after their Death . Nay they may make Nabuchadonozors Image of Monarchy , golden from Head to Foot. And if any of the Meaner sort of Politiques , that are sighted only to see the worst of things , think ; That Laws are but Cobwebs , and that good Princes will do well without them , and bad will not stand much upon them ; The Discourse is neither good , nor wise . For certain it is , that good Laws , are some bridle to bad Princes ; And as a very Wall about Government . And if Tyrants ( sometime ) make a breach into them , yet they mollifie even Tyranny it self ; As Solons Laws did the Tyranny of Pisistratus : And then ( commonly ) they get up again , upon the first Advantage of better times . Other means to perpetuate the Memory , and Merits of Soveraign Princes , are inferiour to this . Buildings of Temples , Tombs , Palaces , Theaters , and the like , are honourable things , and look big upon Posterity . But Constantine the Great gave the Name well to those works , when he used to call Trajan , that was a great Builder , Parietaria , Wall-Flower ; Because his Name was upon so many Walls . So if that be the Matter , that a King would turn Wall-flower , or Fellitory of the Wall , with cost he may . Adrian's vein was better ; For his mind was to wrestle a fall with Time ; And being a great Progressour through all the Roman Empire , when ever he found any Decaies of Bridges , or High-ways , or Cuts of Rivers and Sewers , or Walls , or Banks , or the like , he gave substantial order , for their repair with the better . He gave also Multitudes of Charters , and Liberties , for the comfort of Corporations , and Companies in decay . So that his Bounty did strive with the Ruines of Time. But yet this , though it were an excellent Disposition , went but ( in effect ) to the Cases and Shells of a Common-wealth . It was nothing to Vertue or Vice. A bad Man might indifferently take the benefit and ease of his Waies and Bridges , as well as a good ; And bad People might purchase good Charters . Surely , the better Works of Perpetuity in Princes , are those , that wash the in-side of the Cup. Such as are Foundations of Colledges , and Lectures , for Learning and Education of youth ; Likewise Foundations and Institutions of Orders and Fraternities , for Nobleness , Enterprise , and Obedience , and the like . But yet these also , are but like Plantations , of Orchards , and Gardens , in Plots and Spots of Ground , here and there ; They do not till over the whole Kingdom , and make it fruitful , as doth the Establishing of good Laws and Ordinances ; Which makes a whole Nation , to be as a well ordered Colledg , or Foundation . This kind of Work , in the memory of Times , is rare enough to shew it Excellent ; And yet not so rare , as to make it suspected , for Impossible , Inconvenient , or Unsafe . Moses , that gave Laws to the Hebrews , because he was the Scribe of God himself , is fitter to be named for honours sake to other Law-Givers , than to be numbred or ranked amongst them . Minos , Lycurgus , and solon , are Examples for Themes of Grammar Scholars . For ancient Personages , and Characters , now adays , use to wax Children again ; Though that Parable of Pindarus be true ; The best thing is Water . For Common and Trivial Things are ( many times ) the best ; And rather despised upon Pride , because they are vulgar , than upon Cause , or Use. Certain it is , that the Laws of those three Law-Givers , had great Prerogatives . The first , of Fame ; Because they were the Pattern amongst the Grecians . The second , of Lasting ; For they continued longest without alteration . The third ; of a Spirit of Reviver ; To be often oppressed , and often restored . Amongst the seven Kings of Rome , four were Law-Givers . For it is most true , that a Discourser of Italy saith : There was never State , so well swadled in the Infancy , as the Roman was , by the vertue of their first Kings : Which was a principal Cause of the wonderful growth of that State , in after times . The Decemvirs Laws , were Laws upon Laws , not the Original ; For they grafted Laws of Grecia , upon Roman Stock , of Laws , and Customs . But such was their success , as the Twelve Tables , which they compiled , were the main Body of the Laws , which framed and weilded the great Body of that Estate . These lasted a long time , with some Supplementals , and the Pretorian Edicts in Albo ; Which were in respect of Laws , as Writing Tables in respect of Brass ; The one to be put in and out , as the other is permanent . Lucius Cornelius Sylla reformed the Laws of Rome . For that Man had three Singularities , which never Tyrant had , but he . That he was a Law-Giver ; That he took part with the Nobility ; And , That he turned Private Man , not upon Fear , but upon Confidence . Caefar long after desired to imitate him only in the First ; For otherwise he relied upon new Men : And for resigning his Power , Seneca describeth him right : Caesar gladium citò condidit , nunquam posuit . Caesar soon sheathed his Sword , but never put it off . And himself took it upon him , saying in scorn of Sylla's Resignation . Sylla nescivit literas , dictare non potuit . Sylla knew no letters , he could not dictate . But for the part of a Law-Giver , Cicero giveth him the Attribute . Caefar , si ab eo quaereretur , quid egisset in Togâ ; leges se respondisset , multas & praeclaras tulisse . If you had asked Caesar , what he did in the Gown , he would have answered , that he made many excellent Laws . His Nephew Augustus did tread the same steps , but with deeper print , because of his long Reign in peace ; Whereof one of the Poets of his time saith ; Pace datâ terris , animum ad Civilia vertit : Jura suum , legesque tulit justissimus Author . From that time , there was such a Race of Wit and Authority , between the Commentaries and Decisions of the Lawyers , and the Edicts of the Emperours , as both Laws and Lawyers were out of breath . Whereupon Justinian in the end recompiled both ; And made a Body of Laws , such as might be weilded ; which himself calleth gloriously , and yet not above truth ; The Edifice or Structure of a sacred Temple of Justice ; Built indeed , out of the former Ruines of Books , as Materials , and some Novel Constitutions of his own . In Athens they had Sexviri , ( as AEschincs observeth , ) which were standing Commissioners ; Who did watch to discern , what laws waxed unproper for the Times , and what new Law did in any branch cross a former Law , and so Ex officio propounded their Repeal . King Edgar collected the Laws of this Kingdom , and gave them the strength of a Faggot bound , which formerly were dispersed : Which was more glory to him , then his Sailing about this Island , with a potent Fleet. For that was , as the Scripture saith , Via navis in mari ; The way of a Ship in the Sea ; It vanished ; but this lasteth . Alphonso the Wise , ( the ninth of that Name , ) King of Castile , compiled the Digest of the Laws of Spain , Intituled the Siete Partidas ; An excellent Work , which he finished in seven years . And as Tacitus noteth well ; That the Capitol , though built in the beginings of Rome , yet was fit for the great Monarchy that came after ; So that Building of Laws sufficeth the Greatness of the Empire of Spain , which since hath ensued . Lewis the eleventh had it in his mind , ( though he performed it not , ) to have made one constant Law of France ; Extracted out of the Civil Roman Law , and the Customs of Provinces which are various , and the Kings Edicts which with the French are Statutes . Surely he might have done well , if , like as he brought the Crown , ( as he said himself , ) from Page ; So he had brought his People from Lacquay ; Not to run up and down for their Laws , to the Civil Law , and the Ordinances , and the Customs , and the Discretions of Courts , and discourses of Philosophers , as they use to do . King Henry the Eighth , in the twenty seventh year of his Reign , was authorized by Parliament , to nominate 32 Commissioners , part Ecclesiastical , and part Temporal ; To purge the Canon Law , and to make it agreeable to the Law of God , and the Law of the Land. But it took not effect . For the Acts of that King were ( commonly ) rather Proffers , and Fames , than either well grounded , or well pursued . But I doubt , I erre in producing so many examples . For as Cicero said to Caesar , so may I say to your Majesty ; Nil vulgare te dignum videri possit . Though indeed this well understood is far from Vulgar . For that the Laws of the most Kingdoms and States , have been like Buildings of many pieces , and patched up , from time to time , according to occasions , without Frame , or Model . Now for the Laws of England , ( if I shall speak my Opinion of them , without partiality , either to my Profession , or Country , ) for the Matter and Nature of them , I hold them Wise , Just , and Moderate Laws : They give to God , they give to Caesar , they give to the Subject , what appertaineth . It is true , they are as mixt , as our Language , compounded of British , Roman , Saxon , Danish , Norman Customs . And surely , as our Language is thereby so much the richer ; So our Laws are likewise by that Mixture , the more compleat . Neither doth this attribute less to them , than those that would have them to have stood out the same in all Mutations . For no Tree is so good first set , as by transplanting , and Grafting . I remember what happened to Callisthenes , that followed Alexanders Court , and was grown into some displeasure with him , because he could not well brook the Persian Adoration . At a Supper , ( which with the Grecians was a great part Talk , ) he was desired , ( the King being present , ) because he was an Eloquent Man , to speak of some Theme ; Which he did ; And chose for his Theme the praise of the Macedonian Nation ; Which though it were but a filling Thing , to praise Men to their Faces , yet he performed it with such advantage of Truth , and avoidance of Flattery , and with such Life , as was much applauded by the Hearers . The King was the less pleased with it , not loving the Man , and by way of discountenance , said ; It was easie to be a good Oratour in a pleasing Theme ; But saith he to him ; Turn your stile ; And tell us now of our faults , that we may have the profit , and not you the praise only : Which he presently did , with such Quickness , that Alexander said ; That Malice made him Eloquent then , as the Theme had done before . I shall not fall into either of these extreams , in this subject , of the Laws of England . I have commended them before for the Matter , but surely they ask much amendment for the Form ; Which to reduce and perfect , I hold to be one of the greatest Dowries , that can be confer'd upon this Kingdom . Which Work , for the Excellency , as it is worthy your Majesties Act , and Times ; So it hath some circumstance of Propriety agreeable to your Person . God hath blessed your Majesty with Posterity ; And I am not of opinion , that Kings that are barren , are fittest to supply Perpetuity of Generations , by perpetuity of Noble Acts ; But contrariwise , that they that leave Posterity , are the more interessed in the Care of Future Times ; That as well their Progeny , as their People , may participate of their Merit . Your Majesty is a great Master in Justice , and Judicature ; And it were pity , the fruit of that your Vertue , should not be transmitted to the Ages to come . Your Majesty also reigneth in learned times , the more , ( no doubt , ) in regard of your own perfection in Learning , and your Patronage thereof . And it hath been the Mishap of Works of this Nature , that the less Learned Time , hath ( sometimes ) wrought upon the more Learned ; Which now will not be so . As for my self , the Law was my Profession , to which I am a Debter : Some little helps I have of other Arts , which may give Form to Matter ; And I have now , ( by Gods merciful Chastisement , and by his special Providence , ) time and leisure , to put my Talent , or half-Talent , or what it is , to such Exchanges , as may perhaps exceed the Interest of an Active Life . Therefore , as in the beginning of my Troubles , I made offer to your Majesty to take pains in the Story of England , and in compiling a Method and Digest of your Laws ; So have I performed the first , ( which rested but upon my self , ) in some part ; And I do , in all humbleness , renew the offer of this latter , ( which will require Help and Assistance , ) to your Majesty , if it shall stand with your good pleasure , to imploy my Service therein . THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF KING Henry the Eighth . LONDON , Printed by J. M. for Humphrey Robinson , and Sold by William Lee , 1670. THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF KING Henry the Eighth . AFter the Decease of that Wise and Fortunate King , Henry the VII . who died in the Height of his Prosperity , there followed ( as useth to do , when the Sun setteth so exceeding clear , ) one of the fairest Mornings of a Kingdom , that hath been known in this Land , or any where else . A young King , about 18 years of Age , for Stature , Strength , Making , and Beauty , one of the goodliest Persons of his time : And though he were given to Pleasure , yet he was likewise desirous of Glory ; So that there was a passage open in his Mind , by Glory , for Vertue . Neither was he un-adorned with Learning , though therein he came short of his Brother Arthur . He had never any the least Pique , Difference , or Jealousie , with the King his Father , which might give any occasion , of altering Court , or Counsel upon the change , but all things passed in a Still . He was the first Heir of the White , and the Red Rose ; So that there was no discontented Party now left in the Kingdom , but all Mens Hearts turned towards him . And not only their Hearts , but their Eyes also . For he was the only Son of the Kingdom . He had no Brother , which though it be a comfortable thing , for Kings to have , yet it draweth the Subjects Eyes a little aside . And yet being a married Man in those young years , it promised hope of speedy Issue , to succeed in the Crown . Neither was there any Queen Mother , who might share any way in the Government , or clash with his Counsellours for Authority , while the King intended his pleasure . No such thing , as any Great and Mighty Subject , who might any way eclipse , or overshade the Imperial Power . And for the people , and State in general , they were in such lowness of obedience , as Subjects were like to yield , who had lived almost four and twenty years , under so politique a King , as his Father ; Being also one who came partly in by the Sword ; And had so high a Courage in all points of Regalitie ; And was ever victorious in Rebellions , and Seditions of the People . The Crown extreamly rich , and full of Treasure , and the Kingdom like to be so in short time . For there was no War , no Dearth , no Stop of Trade , or Commerce , it was only the Crown , which had sucked too hard , and now being full , and upon the head of a young King , was like to draw less . Lastly , he was Inheriter of his Fathers Reputation , which was great throughout the World. He had streight Alliance , with the two Neighbour States , an ancient Enemy in former times , and an ancient Friend , Scotland , and Burgundy . He had Peace and Amity with France , under the Assurance , not only of Treaty and League , but of Necessity and Inhability in the French to do him hurt , in respect that the French Kings Designs were wholly bent upon Italy . So that it may be truly said ; there had scarcely been seen , or known , in many Ages , such a rare Concurrence of Signs , and Promises of a happy , and flourishing Reign to ensue , as were now met in this young King , called , after his Fathers name , HENRY the Eighth , &c. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A28061-e11860 Characters of the Persons . Eusebius beareth the Character of a Moderate Divine . Gamaliel of a Protestant Zelant . Zebedaeus of a Romish Catholick Zelant . Martius of a Militar Man. Eupolis of a Politick . Pollio of a Courtier .