A00211	----	Articles to be inquired of in the metropoliticall visitation of the most reverend father, VVilliam, by Gods providence, Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and metropolitan in and for the dioces of London, in the yeere of our Lord God 163[blank], and in the [blank] yeere of His Graces translation. Church of England. Province of Canterbury. Archbishop (1633-1645 : Laud) 1635 Approx. 41 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A00211 STC 10265.5 ESTC S2639 24438958 ocm 24438958 27666 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A00211) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 27666) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1850:80) Articles to be inquired of in the metropoliticall visitation of the most reverend father, VVilliam, by Gods providence, Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and metropolitan in and for the dioces of London, in the yeere of our Lord God 163[blank], and in the [blank] yeere of His Graces translation. Church of England. Province of Canterbury. Archbishop (1633-1645 : Laud) Laud, William, 1573-1645. [12] p. By Richard Badger, Printed at London : 163[5?] Imprint date suggested by STC (2nd ed.); completed in manuscript as 1636. Signatures: A⁴(-A1) B⁴ (last leaf blank). Reproduction of original in the Christ Church (University of Oxford). Library. 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Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-03 TCP Staff (Oxford) Sampled and proofread 2002-03 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ARTICLES TO BE INQVIRED OF IN THE METROPOLITICALL VISITATION OF THE MOST REVEREND FATHER , VVILLIAM , By GODS Providence , Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , Primate of all England ; and METROPOLITAN : In and for the Dioces of LONDON , In the yeere of our LORD GOD 163● , And in the 〈◊〉 yeere of his Graces Translation . EX IGNE RESVRGIT VIRTVS Printed at London , by Richard Badger . 163● . The Tenour of the Oath , to be Ministred to the Church-wardens and Side-men . YOu shall sweare , that you , and every of you , shall duly consider and diligently enquire , of all and every of these Articles given you in charge ; and that all affection , favour , hatred , hope of reward and gaine , or feare of displeasure , or malice set aside ; you shall present all and every such person , that now is , or of late was within your parish , as hath committed any offence , or made any default mentioned in these , or any of these Articles ; or which are vehemently suspected or defamed of any such offence or default : Wherein you shall deale uprightly and fully ; neither presenting , nor sparing to present any , contrary to truth : having in this action GOD before your eyes , with an earnest zeale to maintaine truth , and to suppresse vice . So helpe you GOD , and the holy Contents of this Booke . Concerning the Church , the Ornaments thereof and the Churches possessions . IMprimis , Whether haue you in your seuerall Churches , and Chappels , the whole Bible of the largest volume , and the Booke of Common Prayer , both fairely and substantially bound . A Font of stone , set vp in the ancient vsuall place : A conuenient and decent Communion Table , with a Carpet of silke , or some other decent stuffe , continually laid vpon the same at time of diuine seruice , and a faire linnen cloth thereon , at the time of the receiuing of the holy Communion . And whether is the same Table placed in such conuenient sort within the Chancell or Church , as that the Minister may bee best heard in his Prayer and Administration : and that the greatest number may communicate . And whether is it so used out of time of diuine seruice , as is not agréeable to the holy use of it ; as by sitting on it , throwing hats on it , writing on it , or is it abused to other prophaner vses : and are the ten Commandements set vpon the East end of your Church or Chappell where the people may best sée and reade them , and other sentences of holy Scripture , written on the walles likewise for that purpose ? 2 Whether are the afternoones Sermons , in your seuerall Parishes , turned into Catechizing by question and answer ; according to the forme prescribed in the Booke of Common Praier ? and whether doth euery Lecturer reade diuine Seruice , according to the Liturgy printed by authority , in his Surplice and Hood before the Lecture ? And whether are his Maiesties Instructions in all things duly obserued ? 3 Whether haue you in your said Church or Chappel , a conuenient seat for your Minister to read Seruice in , together with a comly pulpet set vp in a conuenient place , with a decent cloath or cufhion for the same , a comely large Surplice , a faire Communion Cup , with a couer of siluer , a Flagon of siluer , tinne , or pewter , to put the Wine in , whereby it may be set vpon the Communion Table , at the time of the blessing thereof , with all other things and ornaments necessary for the celebration of Diuine Seruice , and administration of the Sacraments ? And whether haue you a strong Chest for Almes for the poore , with thrée Lockes and Keies , and another Chest for kéeping the Bookes , and Ornaments of the Church , and the Register Book ? And whether haue you a Register Booke in Parchment , for Christnings , Weddings , and Burials , and wether the same be kept in all points , according to the Canons in that behalfe prouided ? And is the Mothers Christian name therein Registred as well as the Fathers , and a transcript thereof brought in yearely within one moneth after the 25 of March into the Lord Archbishop or Bishop of the Diocesse his principall Register ? And whether haue you in your said Church or Chancell , a Table set , of the degrées wherein by Law men are prohibited to marry ? 4 Whether are your Church and Chappels , with the Chancels thereof , and your p●rsonage or vicarage house , your parish Almes-house and Church-house , in good reparations : and are they imployed to godly , and their right holy vses ? Is your Church , Chancell , and Chappell decently and comly kept , as well within as without , and the seats well maintained , according to the 85. Canon , in that behalfe provided ? Or haue any Patrons or others decayed the Parsonage , houses , and keepe a stipendary Priest or Curate , in place where an incumbent should be possessed ? Whether is your Church-yard well fenced with walles , railes , or pales , and by whom : and if not , in whose default the same is , and what the defect or fault is ? And whether any person haue incroached vpon the ground of the Church-yard , or whether any person or persons , haue vsed any thing or place consecrated to holy vse , prophanely or wickedly ? 5 Is your Church or Chappell decently paued , and is your Church-yard well and orderly kept without abuse ? Are the bones of the dead decently interred , or laid vp in ●ome fit place as beseemeth Christians ? And is the whole consecrated ground kept free from Swine and all other nastinesse , as becommeth the place so dedicated ? 6 Whether haue any ancient Monuments or Glasse-windowes béen defaced , or any ●rasse Inscriptions , Lead , Stones , or any thing else belonging to your Church or Chap●ell , beène at any time purloyned , and by whom ? 7 Whether haue you the Terrier of all the Gleabe Lands , Medowes , Gardens , Orchards , Houses , Stockes , Implements , Tenements , and portions of Tithes ( whether wi●hin your Parish or without ) belonging vnto your parsonage or vicarage , taken by the vsew of honest men in your said Parish ? And whether the same Terrier be laid vp in the Bishops Registery , and in whose hands any of them are now ? And if you haue no Terrier already made in Parchment , you the Church-wardens and Sidemen , together wi●h your Parson or Uicar , or in his absence with your Minister , are to make diligent in●uiry and presentment of the seuerall particulars following , and make , subscribe , and signe the said Terrier , as aforesaid . 1 How many seuerall parcelis of Glebe-land , doe you know , or haue you credibly heard to belong vnto your Rectory , Church , Parsonadge , Uicaridge &c. and by what Names are they ( or any of them ) commonly called and knowne ; And what yearly Rent haue you knowne or heard to haue beene paid , vnto the Parson , Uicar , or to his or their Asignes , for euery , or any of the said parcels ? ● In Whose occupation , are the said parcells at this present ? How much doth each pa●cell conteyne by measure of the 16. foote Poale ? How is each parcell Butted , on eu●ry parte ? And who is to repaire the Fences on each side thereof ? 3 What hedge , ditch méere , trée , thorne , doole or distination , is there now , at this pr●sent , whereby the said parcells of Church-lands may bee apparentlie knowne and di●●inguished , from the lands of other men , vpon whom they doe abutt ? 4 What Cart-way , Horse way , foote way , Gates or Styles doe leade from your Parsonadge or Uicaridge-House , vnto euerie of the said parcells of Gleab-land ? Decl●re your knowledge therein . 5 Whether doe you know , or haue you crediblie heard , that some Styles , gates , hedges , ditch , méere , Trée , Thorne , or other Doole ( formerlie growing or being , betwéene the said parcells of Gleabe ( or some of them ) and the Landes of other men ) haue bin digg●d vp , felled downe , destroied , put by or defaced ? And who had the said parcell ( so wrong●d ) in occupation , when the said Style , Gate , hedge , ditch , méere , Tree , Thorne , or oher antient Doole , was so digged vp , felled downe , destroyed , put by or defaced ? Concerning the Clergy . 1 VVHether doth your Parson , Uicar , or Curate , distinctlie and reuerently say Diuine seruice vpon Sundayes and Holidayes , and other dayes appointed to bee o●serued by the book of Common Prayer ; as Wednesdayes , ●nd Fridayes , and the Eues of euery Sunday and Holiday , at fit and vsuall times ? And doth he dulie obserue the Orders , Kites and Ceremonies , prescribed in the said Booke of Common Prayer , as well in reading publike prayers and the Letanie , as also in administring the Sacraments , solemnization of Matrimony , visiting the sicke , burying the dead , Churching of Women , and all other like Rites and Offices of the Church , in such manner and forme as in the said Booke of Common prayer he is inioyned , without any omission or addition . And doth he reade the Book of the last Canons yearely , and weare a Surplice according to the said Canons ? 2 Whether haue you any Lecturer in your Parish , who hath preached in his Cl●ake and not in his Gowne , and whether haue you any Lecturer who will not professe his willingnesse and readinesse to take vpon him a Liuing or Benefice , with cure of sotles , or who hath refused a Benefice when it hath béene offered vnto him ? 3 Doth your Minister bid Holidayes and Fasting-dayes , as by the Booke of Common prayer is appointed ? And doth he giue warning beforehand to the Parishioners , for the receiuing of the holy Communion , as the two and twentieth Canon requi●th : and whether hée doth administer the holy Communion so often , and at such times as that euery Parishioner may receiue the same , at the least thrice in euery yéere : whe●eof once at Easter , as by the Booke of Common prayer is appointed ? And doth your Minister receiue the same himselfe , on euery day that he administreth it to others , and vse the words of institution according to the Booke , at euery time that the Bread and Wine is renewed , accordingly as by the prouiso of the 21. Canon , is directed : And doth he deliuer the Bread and Wine to euery Communicant seuerally , and knéeli●g ? Whether he hath admitted to the holy Communion , any notorious Offender or Shismaticke , contrary to the 26. and 27. constitutions , or receiued any to the Communon , being not of his owne Cure , or put any from the Communion , who are not publckly infamous for any notorious crime ? Doth he use the signe of the Crosse in Baptisme , or baptise in any bason , or other vessell , and not in the vsuall Font , Or admit any Father to be God-father to his owne Child , or such who haue not receiued the holy Communion , or baptize any Children that were not borne in the parish , or wilf●lly refuse to Baptise any infant in his Parish , being in danger , hauing béene enformed of the weaknesse of the said child : and whether the child dieth through his default without Baptisme ? 4 Whether hath your Minister married any without a Ring , or without Banes p●blithed thrée seuerall Sundayes or Holidayes in time of Diuine seruice , in the seuerall Churches or Chappels of their seuerall abode , according to the book of Common p●ayer , or in times prohibited , albeit the Banes were thrice published , without a Licens● or dispensation from the Archbishop , the Byshop of the Diocesse , or his Chancellor , ●rst obtained in that behalfe ? Or not betwixt the houres of eight and twelue in the f●renoone , or haue maried any in any priuate house , or if the parties be under the age of 21. yéeres , before their Parents or gouernours haue signified their consent vnto him ? 5 Doth he refuse to bury any , which ought to be interred in Christian buriall , or defer the same longer than he should , or bury any in Christian buriall , which by the consttutions of the Church of England , or lawes of the Land , ought not to be so interred ? 6 Is your Minister a Preacher allowed ? If yea , then by whom ? If not , whether d●th he procure some who are lawfully licensed , to preach monethly amongst you at the least ? 7 Doth your Minister ( being licensed , ) preach vsually according to the Canois , either in his owne Cure , or in some other Church or Chappell neare adioyning , whre no other Preacher is , and how often he hath beèn negligent in that behalfe , and dot● he preach standing , and with his Hat off ? Or whether doth he or his Curate vpon eury Sunday , when there is no Sermon , reade an homilie , or some part thereof , accordng as hée ought to doe : or in case he bee not licensed to preach , doth he take vpon him to Preach or expound the Scriptures in his owne Cure , or elsewhere ? If so , then you ●e to present the same , the time and place , when , and where he did it ? 8 Doth your Minister use to pray for the Kings Majesty , King Charles , and for the Queenes Majesty , Prince Charles , and all the royall Progeny , with addition of such Stile and Titles as are due to his Highnesse , and exhort the people to obedience to his Majesty , and all Magistrates in authoritie vnder him : And doth he also pray for all Archbishops , Bishops , and other Ecclesiasticall persons ? 9 Is your Minister continually resident vpon his benefice , and how long time hath he ●in absent , and in case he be licensed to be absent , whe●her doth he cause his Cure to be s●fficiently supplied , according to the Canons ? Or in case he hath another Benefice , whe●her doth he supply his absence by a Curate sufficiently licensed to preach in that Cu●e where he himselfe is not resident ? Or otherwise , in case the smalnesse of the liuing can●ot find a preaching Minister , doth he preach at both his benefices vsually ? 10 Doth your Minister or Curate , serue any more cures than one : If yea , then what oth●r Cure doth he serue , and how farre are they distant ? 11 Doth your Minister or Curate euery Sunday and Holiday , before Euening pra●er , for halfe an houre or more , examine and instruct the youth and ignorant persons of ●is Parish in the Tenne Commandements , Articles of the Beliefe , and in the Lods Prayer , and the Sacraments , according as it is prescribed in the Catechisme , set forh in the booke of Common prayer only ? And if he doe not , where is the fault , either in he Parents and Masters of the children , or in the Curate neglecting his duty ? And in ●e carefull to tender all such youth of his Parish as haue béene well instructed in ther Catechisme to be confirmed by the Bishop in his Uisitation , or any other conuenie●t time , as is appointed by the booke aforesaid ? 12 Doth your Minister in the Rogation dayes , goe in perambulation of the circuit of the Parish , saying and vsing the prayers , Suffrages , and Thankesgiuing to God , appo●nted by Law , according to his duty , thanking GOD for his blessings , if there be plenty on the earth : Or otherwise , to pray for his grace and fauour , if there be a feare of ●carcity ? 13 Hath your Minister admitted any Woman , begotten with childe in adultery or for●ication , to be Churched without licence of the Ordinary ? 14 Hath your Minister , or any other Preacher , baptized children , churched any woman , or ministred the holy Communion in any priuate house , otherwise than by Law is allowed ? 15 Doth your Minister endeuour and labour diligently to reclaime the popish Recusa●ts in his parish from their errors ( if there be any such abiding in your parish . ) Or whether is your Parson , Uicar , or curate , ouer conuersant wish , or a fauourer of Recusa●ts , whereby he is suspected not to be sincere in Religion ? 16 Hath your Minister taken vpon him , to appoint any publike or priuate Fasts , Pophestes , or exercises , not approued by Law , or publike authority , or hath vsed to met in any priuate house or place , with any person or persons , there to consult how to impeach or depraue the Booke of Common Prayer , or the doctrine or discipline of the Curch of England : If yea , then you shall present them all ? 17 Hath your Minister staied the publication of any excommunications or suspentio●s , or doth he euery halfe yéere denounce in his Parish Church , all such of his parish a● are excommunicated , and perseuere therein without seeking to be absolued , or doth he vittingly and willingly kéep company with such as are excommunicate : And hath hee a●mitted into your Church any person excommunicate , without a certificate of his abs●ution from the Ordinary , or other competent Iudge ? 18 Doth your Minister carefully looke to the reléefe of the poore , and from time to time call vpon his Parishioners to giue some what , as they can spare to godly and ch●ritable vses , especially when they make their Testaments . 19 Whether your Minister or any , hauing taken holy Orders , being now silenced or suspended , or any other person of your knowledge , or as you haue heard , hold any co●uenticles , or doth preach in any place , or vse any other forme of Diuine Seruice ●ha●●s appointed in the Book of Common prayer : If yea , then you are to present their name , and with whom ? 20 Whether is your Curate licensed to serue , by the Bishop of this Diocesse , or b● any other , and by whom ? 21 Doth your Minister vse such decencie and comelinesse in his apparell , as by ●e 47. Cannon is enjoyned : is he of sober behauiour , and one that doth not vse such bodlie labour , as is not seemelie for his function and calling ? 22 Is your Minister noted or defamed , to haue obtained his Benefice or his orde● , by Symonie , or any other way defamed , to be a Symoniacall person , or any way no●d to be a Schismaticke , or schismatically affected , or reputed to be an incontinent perso● , or doth table or lodge any such in his house : or is he a frequenter of Tauernes , Inns , or Ale-houses , or any place suspected for ill rule : Or is he a common Drunkard , a co●mon Gamester , or player at Dice , a Swearer , or one that applieth himselfe not at hs studie , or is otherwise offensiue and scandalous to his function or Ministerie ? 23 Doth your Preacher or Lecturer reade Diuine seruice , before his Sermon , ●r Lecture , and Minister the Sacraments twice a yeere at least in his owne person , acc●ding to the Canons ? 24 When any person hath béene dangerously sicke in your Parish , hath he neglectd ●o visit him , and when any haue béene parting out of this life , hath he omitted to doe ●s last dutie in that behalfe ? 25 Doth your Minister , Curate , or Lecturer , in his or their Sermons deliuer suh doctrine as tends to obedience and the edifying of their Auditorie in faith and Religio● , without intermedling with matters of State , not fit to be handled in the pulpit , but ●o be discussed by the wisdome of his Maiesty and his Councell . And if you find any faulte herein , you shall present them ? Schoole-Masters . DOth any in your Parish openlie or priuatelie take vpon him to teach Schoole , wi●out license of the Ordinarie , and is he conformable to the Religion now establishe ? And doth he bring his Schollers to the Church , to heare diuine Seruice and Sermons ? And doth he instruct his Schollers in the grounds of the Religion now established ●n this Church of England , and is he carefull and diligent to benefit his Schollers in learning ? 2 Doth your Schoole master teach and instruct his youth in any other Catechisme than is allowed by publike authoritie ? And what Catechisme it is that he so teacheth ? 3 Is any Living or meanes giuen towards the erection or maintenance of any Schoole withholden backe or otherwise imployed , and by whom ? 4 Doth any kéepe Schoole in the Chancell or Church , by which meanes , that hoy place , and the Communion Table are many waies profaned , and the windowes brok●● ? Parish Clarke and Sextons . 1 HAue you a fit Parish Clarke , aged twentie yeeres at least , of honest conuersati●● , able to reade and write ? Whether are his and the S●xtons wages paid w●●out fraud , according to the ancient custome of your Parish : if not , then by whom are they so defrauded or denied ? by whom are they chosen ? and whether the said Clarke bee approued by the Ordinarie ? And hath hee taken an Oath , as in such cases is fit and ●●quired● and is he diligent in his Office , and seruiceable to the Minister , and doth he tale vpon him to meddle with any thing aboue his Office : as Churching of Women , burying the dead , or such like ? ● Doth your Clark or Sexton kéep the Church cleane , the doores locked at fit times ? Is any thing lost or spoiled in the Church , through his default ? are the Communion Tble , Font , Books , and other Ornaments of the Church kept faire and cleane ? doth he suffer any unseasonable ringing , or any prophane exercise in your Church ? Or doth he ( wen any is passing out of this life ) neglect to toll a bell , hauing notice thereof ? Concerning the Parishioners . 1 VVHether any of your Parishioners , being sixtéene yéeres of age or upwards , or others lodging or commonly resorting to any House within your Parish . d●e wilfully absent themselues from your parish Church , vpon Sundayes or Holidayes a● Morning and Euening prayers ? Or who come late to Church , and depart from Church before seruice be done vpon the said dayes ? Or who doe not reuerently behaue thmselues during the time of Diuine seruice , deuoutly knéeling , when the generall confession of sins , the Letany , the tenne Commandements , and all Prayers and Collets are read , and using all due and lowly reuerence , when the blessed name of the Lord ●esus Christ is mentioned , and standing vp when the Articles of the Beliefe are read ; 〈◊〉 who doe couer their heads in the Church during the time of Diuine Seruice , vnlesse 〈◊〉 be in case of necessity , in which case they may weare a Night cap or Coyfe ? Or who ●●e giue themselues to babbling , talking , or walking , and are not attentiue to heare the word preached , or read ? Whether any of your Parish , being of sixtéene yéeres of age o vpwards , doe not receiue the holy Communion in your Church thrice euery yéere : ●●ereof once at Easter , and whether they doe not deuoutly knéele at the receiuing thereo ? And whether any hauing diuerse houses of remoue , doe shift from place to place of p●rpose to defeat the performance of their Christian duties in that behalfe ? 2 Whether any of your parishioners , being admonished therof , do not send their Childen , Seruants , and Apprentices , to the Minister , to be catechized vpon such Sundayes ●●d Holydayes as are appointed ? Or whether any of them do refuse to come ; or if they cme , refuse to learne those instructions set forth in the Book of Common prayer ? 3 Whether any of your Parish doe entertaine within their house , any soiourner , cmmon guests , or other persons , who refuse to frequent Diuine Seruice , or receiue 〈◊〉 holy Communion , as aforesaid , present their names , their qualities , or conditions ? 4 What Recusant Papists are there in your Parish , or other Sectaries ? present t●eir names , qualities , or conditions ? whether they keep any Schoole master in their h●use , which commeth not to Church to heare Diuine Seruice and receiue the Com●uni●n ? What is his Name , and how long hath he taught there , or elsewhere ? 5 Whether any of the said Popish Recusants , or other Schismaticks , doe labour to ●ouce and with-draw others from the Religion now established ? Or instruct their familes or children in Popish religion : or refuse to entertaine any , especially in place of g●eatest seruice , or trust , but such as t●ntur●e with them in their opinions ? 6 How long haue the said popish Recusants abstained from Diuine Seruice ; or from the Communion , as aforesaid ? 7 Is there any in your Parish that retaine , sell , vtter , or disperse , any Popish bookes . o● Writings , or other Bookes , Libraries , or w●itings of any Sectaries , touching the Religion , State , or Gouernement Ecclesiastical of this Kingdom of England , or kéep any Monuments of Superstition vncancelled or vndefaced ? 8 Whether haue you any in your Parish , which heretofore being popish Recusants or Sectaries , haue since reformed themselues , and come to Church to heare Diuine Seruice , and receiue the Sacraments : If yea , then who are they ? And how long since haue they so reformed themselues ? And whether they still remaine and abide in that conformitie ? 9 Is there any in your Parish that refuse to haue ●heir Children Baptised , or the●selues to receiue the Communion at the hands of your Minister , taking excep●ion against him , and what causes or exceptions doe they alleage ; or haue any maried Wiues refused to come to Church , according to the Booke of Common Prayer , to giue G●d thankes after their child-birth , for their safe deliuerance ? And whether doe any of , or ●n your Parish , refuse to haue their children Bap●ized in your Parish Church , according ●o the forme prescribed in the booke of common Prayer ? 10 Doe any of your Parish usually goe to other Parish Churches to heare Diuine Seruice or Sermons ? Or doe they communicate , or Baptize their Children in any ●ther Parish ? 11 Whether there be any in your Parish who will come to heare the Sermon , b●t will not come to publike prayers ap●ointed by the Book of Common Prayer , making● Schisme or diuision ( as it were ) betwéene the use of publike prayer and preaching ? 12 What persons within your Parish , for any offence , contumacy , or crime , 〈◊〉 Ecclesiasticall Conusance doe stand excommunicate ? present their names , and for wh● cause they are excommunicated , and how long they haue so stood , and what person 〈◊〉 persons doe wittingly and usually kéepe them company ? 13 Whether any , not being in Orders , doe execute any Priestly or Ministeriall o●fice , in your Church , Chappell , or Church-yard , and what be their names ? 14 Whether any in your Parish , that hauing heretofore taken vpon him the orde● of Priest-hood or Deacon , hath since relinquished the same , and liues as a Lay-ma● neglecting his vocation ? 15 Hath any person in your Parish quarrelled , or stricken , or vsed any violence 〈◊〉 your Minister , or haue stricken or quarrelled with any other person within your Chur● or Church yard , or demeaned himselfe disorderly in the Church , by filthie or prophan talke , or any other base or immodest behauiour ? Or hath disturbed the Minister in tim of Diuine Seruice or Sermon , or hath libelled or spoken slanderous words again● your Minister , to the scandall of his vocation , or defa●ed any of his Neighbours , to●●ching any crime of Ecclesiasticall Conusance ? 16 Whether any of , or in your Parish , without consent of the Ordinarie , or othe● lawfull authoritie , haue caused any to do pennance , or to be censured or punished for an● matter of Ecclesiasticall Conusance , by any Uestrie méetings , or otherwise by thei● own authoritie ? Or haue taken any mony or commutation for the same ? Present thei● names that haue done it ? And who haue beene so punished ? In what manner , and vpo● what cause ? 17 Whether any person in your Parish , doe exercise any Trade or labour , buy o● sell , or kéepe open Shops or Ware-houses vpon any Sunday or Holiday by themselues their Seruants , or Apprentices , or haue otherwise prophaned the said dayes , contrar● to the orders of the Church of England ? And whether there be any Inne-kéepers , Ale house-kéepers , Uictuallers or other persons , that permit any persons in their houses , t● eate , drink or play , during the time of Diuine Seruice or Sermon , or reading the Ho●milies in the forenoone or afternoone , vpon those dayes ? 18 Whether the fifth day of Nouember , be kept holie , and thankesgiuing made t● God , for his Maiesties and this States happy deliuerance , according to the Ordinanc● in that behalfe ? 19 Whether any of your Parish hold or frequent any conuen●●cles or priuate Con●gregations , or make or maintaine any constitutions , agréed vpon in any such assem●blies ? Or any that doe write , or publikely or priuately speake against the Booke o● Common prayer , or any thing therein contained , or against any of the Articles of Re●ligion agréed vpon , in Anno 1562 or against the Kings Supremacie , in causes Eccless●●sticall , or against the Oath of Supremacie , or of Allegiance , as pretending the same t● be vnlawfull and not warrantable by the Word of GOD ? Or against any of the ●ites or Ceremonies of the Church of England , now established ? Or against the Gouernment of the Church of England vnder the Kings most excellent Majesty , by Arch-Bishops , Deanes , Arch-Deacons , and other Officers of the same : affirming ; ●hat the same is repugnant to the Word of God , and that the said Ecclesiasticall Offi●rs , are not lawfully ordained ? Or whether there be any Authors , Maintainers or Fa●urers of Heresie or Schisme , or that be suspected to be Anabaptists , Libertines , ●rownists , of the Familie of Loue , or of any other Heresie or Schisme ? present their ●m●s ? 20 Whether any in your Parish haue maried within the degrées by Law prohibited , ●●d where , and by whom ? And whether any couple in your Parish being lawfullie ma●ed , liue apart one from the other , without due separation by the Law , or any that haue bene diuorced , which kéepe company with any other at Bedde or at Boord ? 21 Whether doe any persons administer the goods of the dead without lawfull autho●ty , or suppresse the last will of the dead ? Or are there in your Parish any wils not yet ●oued , or goods of the dead ( dying intestate ) left vnadministred ? By authority in that ●halfe , you shall not faile to present the Executors and all others faultie therein : and ●●o how many persons being possessed of any goods and chattels , haue died within your ●arish , since the x. day of Februarie ? 1635. 22 Whether any with-hold the Stocke of the Church , or any goods or other things , euen to good and charitable vses ? 23 Whether your Hospitals and Almes-houses , and other such houses and corporati●s , founded to good and charitable vses , and the lands , possessions and goods of the same , ● ordered and disposed of as they should be ? And doe the Masters , Gouernours , Fellwes , and others of the said Houses and Corporations , behaue and demeane themselues acording to the godly Ordinances and statutes of their seuerall Foundations ? 24 Whether haue you any in your Parish to your knowledge or by common fame or ●port , which haue committed Adultery , Fornication , or Incest : or any which haue im●dently bragged or boasted , that he or they haue liued incontinently with any person or ●rsons whatsoeuer : or any that haue attempted the chastity of any Woman , or solici●● any Woman to haue the carnall knowledge of her bodie , or which are commonly ●puted to bee common Drunkards , Blasphemers of Gods holy Name ; common ●wearers , common Slanderers of their Neighbours , and sowers of discord , filthy and ●sciuious Talkers , Usurers , Symoniac all Persons , Bawdes , or Harborers of Wo●en with childe , which be vnmaried , or Conueying or suffering them to goe away be●e they haue made satisfaction to the Church , or any that hauing heretofore béene pre●nted , or suspected of any the aforesaid crimes , haue for that cause departed your Pa●h , and are now returned againe ? Or any which haue vsed any inchantments , sorce●es , incantations , or witchcrafts , which are not made felony by the Statutes of this ●ealme , or any which haue committed any perjurie in any Ecclesiasticall Court , in an ●cclesiasticall cause , or which haue committed any forgerie , punishable by the Ecclesi●●icall Lawes , and the procurors and abettors of the said offences : you shall truly pres●t the names of all , and singular the said offendors , and with whom they haue committd the said offences , in case they haue not béene publikely punished to your knowledge 〈◊〉 the same crimes ? Physitions , Chir●rgions , and Mid-wives . 2 HOw many Physitions , Chirurgions or Mid-Wiues , haue you in your Parish ? How long haue they vsed their seuerall Sciences or Offices , and by what authorite ? And how haue they demeaned themselues therein , and of what skil are they accountd to be in their profession ? Touching the Church-wardens and Side-men . 1 VVHether you and the Church-wardens , Quest-men , or Side-men from tine to time , doe , and haue done their diligence , in not suffering any idle persor to abide either in the Church-yard , or Church-porch , in Seruice or Sermon time , bu causing them either to come into the Church to heare Diuine Seruice , or to depart , an● not disturbe such as be hearers there ? And whether they haue , and you doe diligently se the parishioners duely resort to the Church euery Sunday and Holiday and there to renaine during diuine Seruice and Sermon ? And whether you or your predecessors , Ch●rch-Wardens there , suffer any playes , Feasts , drinkings , or any other prophane vsag●s , to be kept in your Church , Chappell , or Church-yards , or haue suffered to your and heir vttermost power and endeauour , any person or persons to be tipling or drinking in any Inne or Uictualling house in your Parish , during the time of Diuine Seruice or ●ermon , on Sundayes and Holidayes ? 1 Whether , and how often haue you admitted any to preach within your Churh or Chappell , which was not sufficientlie licensed ? And whether you together with your Minister , haue not taken diligent héed and care , that euerie parishioner being of sixtene yéeres of age or vpwards , haue receiued thrice euerie yéere , as aforesaid : and also hat no stranger haue vsuallie come to your Church , from their owne Parish-Church ? 3 Whether haue there béene prouided against euerie Communion , a sufficient q●antitie of fine white bread , and good and wholesome wine for the communicants that ●all receiue ? And whether that wine be brought in a cleane and swéet standing pot of pewter , or of other purer mettall ? 4 Whether were you chosen by the consent of the Minister and the Parishiones And haue the late Church-wardens giuen vp a just account for their time , and deliu●red to their successors by Bill indented the money , ●nd other things belonging to the Church which was in their hands ? And are the Almes of the Church faithfullie distributed to the vse of the poore ? 5 Whether doe you sée the names of all Preachers which are strangers and pre●ch in your Parish Churches , to be noted in a Booke for that purpose , and whether eu●ie Preacher doe subscribe his name , and of whom he had his License ? 6 Whether any man doe trouble or molest you for doing your duties ? 7 Whether there be any Legacies witholden giuen to the Church or poore people o● to the mending of Highwayes , or otherwise by the Testators ? In whose hands it is , by whom it was giuen , and by whom it is with-holden ? 8 Do you know of any thing that hath béene complained of , that is not yet redresse ? Concerning Ecclesiasticall Magistrates and Officers . 1 VVHether doe you know or haue heard of any payment , composition or agrement , to , or with any Ecclesiasticall Magistrate , Iudge , or Officer , for wil●ing at or sparing to punish any person for any offence of Ecclesiasticall Conusance , ●r for suppressing or concealing of any excommunication , or any other Ecclesiasticall C●sure , of or against any Recusant , or any other offendor in the cases aforesaid ? Wh●t summe of money , or other consideration hath béene receiued or promised , by , or to any ●f them , in that respect , by whom , and with whom ? 2 Hath any person within your Parish , paid or promised any summe of money or ●ther reward , for commutation of pennance , for any crime of Ecclesiasticall Conusance ? If so , then with whom ? When , and for what , and how hath the same beéne impl●yed ? 3 Are your Ecclesiasticall Iudges and their substitutes Masters of Arts , or Batcellors of the Lawes at the least , Learned and practised in the Ciuill and Ecclesiastic●l Lawes : Men of good life and fame , zealously affected in Religion , and iust and v●right in executing their Offices ? Haue they heard any matter of Office priuatel●e in th●●● Chambers , without their sworne Registers , or their Deputies presence● 4 Doe you know , or haue you heard , that any Ecclesiasticall Iudge , Officer or Mi●nister hath receiued or taken any extraordinarie fées , or other rewards or promises , b● any vayes or meanes , directly or indirectlie , of any person or persons whatsoeuer , eithe● for th● granting of the administration of the Goods and Chattels of those that haue die● inte●●te , to one before another , or for allotting of larger portions of the G●ods and Chatels of those that haue died i●testate , to one more than to another : or for allowing large and vnreasonable accounts , made by Ex●cutors or administrators : or for giuing them Quietus est , or discharges , without Inuentory or account , to defraude Creditors , Leg●aries , or those who are to haue portions . And what summ●s of money doe you knov , or haue you heard , that any Ecclesiasticall Iudge or Officer hath taken out of the s●te of any dying intestat● , vpon pretence to bestow the same , in Pios vsus : and how ●aue the same béene bestowed ? 5 Hath any Ecclesiasticall Magistrate , Iudge , Officer , or any o●her exercising Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction within this your Diocesse : Or any Aduocate , Register , Procter , Cla●kes , Apparators , or other Minister belonging to the same Ecclesiasticall Courts exaced or taken by any wayes or meanes , directly or indirectly , extraordinarie or greater Fées than are due & accustomed ? And whether is there a Table for the rates of all Fée● , set vp in their seuerall Courts and Offices ? And whether they haue sent or suffered my Processe to goe out of the Ecclesiasticall Courts otherwise than by Law they oug●t ? Or haue they taken vpon them the Offices of Informers or Promoters to the said Courts , or any other way abused themselues in their Offices , contrarie to the Law and Canons in that behalfe prouided ? 6 What number of Apparators haue euery seuerall Iudge Ecclesiasticall ? And whe●ein , and in what manner is the Countrey ouerburthened by them ? And wherein hau● they caused or summoned any to appeare in the said Courts , without a presentme●t or Citation first had ? Or whether haue they threatned any to prosecute them in the said Courts if they would not giue them some rewards , and what bribes in that behal● haue they taken ? 7 What reward or fees hath any of the Apparators taken , to saue the iournies to the Ec●esiasticall Court of any persons , & what ( after composition so made ) haue they or any of hem taken and receiued , and what acquittance or discharge haue they giuen or promised them , and whether haue they not cited some to appeare before the Arch-Deacon , or his Officiall , after they haue béene ordered by the Commissary , and done their pennance acc●rdingly , and whom haue they so cited and troubled , and what hath it cost them , as you 〈◊〉 or haue heard , or by inquiry can finde ? I● you know of any other default or crime of Ecclesiasticall Conusance , you are to ●●●ent the same by vertue of your Oathes ? ●he Minister of euerie Parish , may and ought to ioyne in presentment with the Ch●rch-wardens , and Side men , and if they will not present , the Minister may and ou●ht himselfe to present the defaults and crimes aforesaid : and there must be seuerall pr●entments made to euery seuerall article : and the Minister , Church-wardens , and Sw●rne-men , are to méete and conferre about the said presentments , and answering of eu●ry of the aforesaid Articles ? FINIS . 
A05166	----	A sermon preached at VVhite-hall, on the 24. of March, 1621 Beeing the day of the beginning of his Maiesties most gracious reigne. By the Bishop of S. Dauids. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 1622 Approx. 62 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A05166 STC 15300 ESTC S101899 99837702 99837702 2042 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A05166) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 2042) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 804:06) A sermon preached at VVhite-hall, on the 24. of March, 1621 Beeing the day of the beginning of his Maiesties most gracious reigne. By the Bishop of S. Dauids. Laud, William, 1573-1645. [2], 49, [1] p. Printed by Bonham Norton, and Iohn Bill, printers to the Kings most excellent Maiestie, London : 1622. The Bishop of S. Dauids = William Laud. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2002-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON PREACHED at White-Hall , on the 24. of March , 1621. Beeing the day of the beginning of his MAIESTIES most gracious Reigne . By the Bishop of S. Dauids . LONDON Printed by BONHAM NORTON , and IOHN BILL , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . 1622. PSAL. 21. 6,7 . For thou hast set him as Blessings for euer : thou hast made him glad with the ioy of thy countenance . Because the King trusteth in the Lord : and in the mercy of the most High hee shall not miscary . MY Text begins , where euery good man should end ; that is , in Blessing . Not an Esau ; but he cryes , when the Blessing is gone , Genes . 27. This Psalme is a Thankesgiuing for Dauid ; for the King. In Thankesgiuing , two Blessings : One , in which God blesseth vs ; and for that wee giue thankes : The other , by which we blesse God : For he that praiseth him , and giues him thanks , is said to blesse him . Exod. 18. Now wee can no sooner meet Blessing in the Text , but we presently find two Authors of it , God and the King : For there is God Blessing the King ; and the King Blessing the people . And a King is euery way in the Text : For Dauid the King set the Psalme for the People ; and the People , they sing the Psalme reioycing for the King. And all this is , that the King may reioyce in thy strength , O Lord , v. 1. And when this Psalme is sung in Harmonie , between the King and the People , then there is Blessing . This Psalme was sung in Ierusalem ; But the Musicke of it is as good in the Church of Christ , as in their Temple . Nor did the spirit of Prophecie in Dauid , so fit this Psalme to him , as that it should Honour none but himselfe : No ; For in this the learned agree ; That the letter of the Psalme , reads Dauid ; that the Spirit of the Psalme , eyes Christ : that the Analogie in the Psalme is for euery good King , that makes Dauid his example , and Christ his God. The Psalme in generall is a Thankesgiuing for the happy estate of the King. In particular , it is thought a fit Psalme to be recited when the King hath recouered health ; or when a gracious King begins his Reigne : Because these times are Times of blessing from the King : And these are , or ought to be , times of Thankesgiuing from the people . My Text then is in part for the day : For I hoped well it would haue been Tempus restaurationis , a time of perfect restoring for the Kings health , and thankes were due for that : And it is Dies creationis , the Anniuersary day of his Crowne ; and thankes is due for that . And there is great reason , if you will receiue the Blessing , that you giue the Thankes . The Text it selfe is a reason of that which is found v. 5. There it is said , that God hath layd great dignitie and honour vpon the King. And here is the Meanes by which , and the Reason why hee hath layd it there . So three parts wil diuide the Text , and giue vs order in proceeding . The first is the Meanes , by which God layes honour vpon the King. Not honour onely , which they all haue as Kings : but that great honour in his saluation , which attends good and gracious Kings . And the Meanes are two-fold in the Text : Dando & Laetificando , By Giuing , and by Ioying . By giuing the King as a Blessing to the people ; Thou hast giuen him , or set him as Blessings for euer . And by Ioying the King for blessing the people : Thou hast made him glad with the ioy of thy Countenance . The second is the Reason both of the Honour and the Meanes of laying it vpon the King : And that is , Quia sperat ; Because the King puts his trust in the Lord. The third is the Successe , which his Honour shall haue by his Hope , That in the mercy of the most High he shall not bee mooued , he shall not miscarie . I beginne at the first : The Meanes by which God adds Honour euen to the Maieiestie of Princes . And because that doubles in the Text , I will take the first in order , which is , Dando : Thou layest great Honour vpon the King , by giuing or setting him , as Blessings for euer . In which Meanes of laying Honour , the circumstances are three . And the first of the three tells vs what a King is ; and that 's worth the knowing : And marke the Holy Ghost , how he begins . He describes not a King by any of his Humane infirmities , such as all men haue : And no meane ones are registred of Dauid , the particular King spoken of : No , that had beene the way to dishonour the King ; which is no part of Gods intention . But hee begins at that which crownes the Crowne it selfe . He is Benedictio , a Blessing , and no lesse , to the people . And therefore in all things , and by all men , is to bee spoken of , and vsed as a Blessing . Now it is one thing for a King to bee blessed in himselfe , and another thing to be giuen or set vp , as a Publike Blessing to other men . Dauid was both , and he speakes of both . A King then is a Blessing to , or in himselfe ( as the Septuagint and Tremellius giue the words : Dedisti illi benedictiones ; Thou hast giuen blessings to him ) when by Gods grace hee is Particeps sanctificationis , Partaker of Gods hallowing Spirit . For no man , King or Subiect , can be blessed in his soule without Religion and Holinesse . And if these bee counterfeites , such also is his Blessednesse . But a King is giuen as a Blessing to others , when in the riches of Gods grace vpon him , he is made Diuinae Bonitatis fons medius , A mediate fountaine of Gods goodnesse and bounty streaming to the people ; When he turnes the graces which God hath giuen him , to the benefite of them which are committed to him . For marke the Heauens , and the Earth will learne . God did not place the Sunne in the heauens onely for heighth , but that it might haue power to Blesse the inferiour world , with Beames , & Light , and Warmth , and Motion . Dauid was thus , and thus was Christ , and such is euery King in his proportion , that sets vp these for his example . It is not easie to match Dauid ; but a better example then Christ cannot be found . And therefore when Clem. Alex. had described a King indeed , One that is Beatus & Benedicens , a blessed and a blessing King ; Or , if you will , as it is here in the Abstract , Ipsa benedictio , Blessing it selfe , He is ●t Cumsmodi est Dominus : Such as is Christ. There , the perfect example of Blessing . Now while the King is said to bee a Blessing , let me put you in mind that there is a double Benediction . Descendens vna ; Altera ascendens , One descending , and another ascending . That which Descends , is the Blessing of Benefit ; That is the Kings blessing . He aboue , and this drops from him . In this , like God , whose immediate Vicegerent he is . For Gods Blessings also are said to come downe and descend . S. Iacob 1. The Blessing which Ascends , is that of Praise , and Thankes , and faire interpretation of Princes Actions : And this is the peoples Blessing . And they are both in Scripture together . 3. Reg. 8. For there , ver . 55. Solomons blessing comes downe vpon the people ; and ver . 66. the peoples blessing goes vp backe againe , to Solomon . Betweene these two is the happy commerce that a Prince hath with his people : when they striue to out-blesse one another . When the King labours the Peoples good : that is his blessing descending vpon them . And the people labour his honour : that is their blessing reaching vp to him . And in this sence also as well as the former , a King is said , Poni in benedictionem , to be set vp as a Blessing , that is , for one whom the people ought to blesse . For Gods ordinance , Honour the King , 1. S. Pet. 2. doth as much , if not more , require the people to blesse , that is , to honour the King , then it doth the King to blesse , that is , to doe good to his people . And there is no good diuision betweene a King and his people , but this one ; That in parting of this great good of a gracious gouernement ; The Kings part be the Honour : The peoples part may be the Benefit : and both meete againe in the Blessing . And it is so in my Text ; For , Ar. Mont. renders the Originall by Pones eum . There the King blesses the people : And the Septuagint and Tremel : by Posuisti ei : There God promises that he will , or rather saith he already hath : and ties the people that they doe Blesse the King. And you may obserue too , that while a King keepes to the two great examples of the Text , Dauid and Christ ; He is not onely a Blessing , but he comes as hee writes , Plurall . And so it is in the Text. Benedictiones ; not one , but many Blessings . And indeed the Blessings which descend from a King vpon a people , seldome come single and alone : and in this , Kings keepe their honour , that they blesse by number . Esau could not beleeue that his father Isaac ( who was farre lesse then a King to Blesse ) had but one Blessing in his store . Gen. 27. But be the Blessings neuer so many , neuer so great : Be the Assistants which a King hath , neuer so deseruing : ( And Dauid had his Worthies you know . 1. Chron. 11.10 . ) yet none of them may share with him in his honour of Blessing the people , nor none ought to steale away the hearts of his people vpon any popular pretences whatsoeuer . For these wheeles , of what compasse soeuer they be , mooue all in his strength , and therefore ought to mooue to the conseruation of his Honour . And this is in the Text too : for Dauid , no question , had a wise and a prouident Councell , Nobles of great worth ; and these wanted not their deserued Honours : ( God forbid they should : ) And yet when it came to blessing the people , that great meanes of specialtie of Honour to a King ; there Dauid stands alone without a sharer . Dedisti , yea but whom ? not eos , but Eum : not them , but Him , as Blessings to the people . The vision which Ezechiel saw . c. 1. seemes to me an expression of this ; It was a vision of Wheeles : the Wheeles were many : the motion vniforme ; one wheele within another , the lesse within the greater : yet in the apparition , these vnder-wheeles haue no name , but only the great compassing wheele , Rota ecce vna : One wheele appeared . And in this case , euery man is bound to bee in the seruice , but the best may not looke to share in the Honour . And seldome meane they well to Princes , that against the phrase of the holy Ghost in this place , Dedisti Eum , thou hast giuen Him as Blessings , will needes bee thought Blessers of the People : For such men do but fish , and baite troubled waters to their owne aduantage : yet these men speaking oftentimes with more freedome , then either Trueth , or Temper , so long as they finde fault with the present gouernment , neuer want ( saith Hooker ) Attentiue and fauourable hearers . Neuer : for my part I will keepe to the words of my Text : And if there be a Blessing ( as who sees not but there is ? ) vnder God , I will goe to Dedisti Eum , Him whom God hath giuen . If you thinke I haue stayed too long in this circumstance , I hope you will pardon me : You should be as loth as I , to go from amidst the Blessings : but I must proceede . Secondly then , a King , a Blessing ; yea , but how long continues he so ? My Text answeres , It is for Euer . For Euer : And so Christ and Dauid are both in the Letter , Christ a Blessing for euer ; & that simply : for of his Kingdom no end . S. Luc. 1.33 . Dauid a blessing for euer : but that not in himselfe , but as Christ was to descend from him , as he was Radix Iesse . Esai . 11. from whence did spring Christ the Blessing for euer . And Christian Kings in their generations , a blessing for euer too : but that limited ; as they professe Christ , and as they imitate Dauid . Now Dauid is obseru'd , to haue Blessed the people vnder him three wayes ; and to these three generals , all the Blessings of a King are reducible . These three are , The true worship of the true God , that is the first : The second is , Preseruation from forraine Enemies : And the third is , Life and vigor of Iustice and iudgement among the people . The closer a King keepes to these three , the larger his Blessings : but if he fall short in any of these , so much doeth hee lessen his Blessings vpon the people . For if hee mainteine not true Religion among them , then his Blessings are not for Euer , but end in the Peace and Plenty of this life . If he preserue them not from forraine violence ; then his Blessings reach not so farre as to the Euer of this life , but are hewen downe by the sword of the Enemie . If hee doe keepe out forraine force , yet if Iustice and Iudgement , bee not in life and in blood at home , his best Blessings will bee abused , euen by them which are trusted with dispensing them , and that for Euer . Now this In perpetuum , for euer , was absolute in Christ : but in Dauid and other Kings , bee they neuer so eminent in their times , it is but respectiuely for euer . That is , not for the Euer of eternity : no nor for the Euer of time : But onely for the Euer of perpetuity of their owne Reigne , in their allotted time . And this is a large for euer . For you can haue no longer Blessings from the best King , then God giues him time to blesse in : for hee is constant in Blessing , that giues it not ouer but with life , and this was Iosiahs honour . 4. Reg. 23. And yet I may not forget , that some times this for euer extends the blessings of Kings beyond their life . Namely , when they blesse their people with a Blessing successor : for the Septuagint read it heere , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that implyes Succession : So it is a Present , and an after blessing . A blessing in himselfe , and a blessing in his feede . In his person , and in his posterity a Blessing . And the Text fitted Dauid home . In himselfe , all his life : and in Solomon after his life , a blessing for euer . And in this the Text applies it selfe , and so will doe , I hope , for euer : and I will euer pray , that the King may be a Blessing long , and his Solomon after him , to his people , euen in seculum seculi , age after age in an Euer of succession , and so proceed . Thirdly then , the King is a Blessing to his people , and that for euer : but who makes him so ? yea , now wee are come to the great Father of blessings God himselfe : for if you marke , the Text begins at Tu dedisti , or Tu posuisti ; Thou Lord hast giuen him , thou hast set him for blessings : And God as in other , so in this particular , very gracious : for no people can merit this at Gods hand , that their King should bee a Blessing to them , & continue so . No , you see Tu dedisti , thou hast giuen him , makes him Donum , a meere gift , no purchase . Againe , no King can promise and performe this out of his owne strength , that he will bee a Blessing to his people , and that for euer . No , you see Tu posuisti , thou hast set him , keepes him at his disposing , leaues him not to his owne . And indeed in this , a Kings felicitie is borne as Christs was , by an ouershadowing power . And you cannot , no not with a curious eye , search all the Reasons , how hee is set for Blessings : because God in disposing it , hath hid Lumen intra vmbram , and thickned the vaile that is drawne ouer it . There is much , I confesse , in the King , to compasse the Affections of his People : and there is much in the people , not to distaste the heart of their King for trifles , not to vrge him with indignities . But when all is done , and the blessing stands betweene the King and the People , ready to descend from the One to the other ; yet you must goe to Tu dabis , Thou Lord shalt giue it : For if he giue it not , it will not be had : There will be a rub where it is not looked for , and a stop in the Blessing . For is there conquest ouer enemies , or rest from them ? why that is Tua gratia , Gods fauour . So S. Basil. Is a King , or a State , famous for the ordering of it ? why there is auxilium à te , All helpe from God. So Theodor. And God sells neither his helpe , nor his fauour : It is all at Tu dedisti , his gift , his free gift , where ere it is . There is a great Errour in the world , I pray God it bee not as Common as Great : And it is , to thinke that this blessing can be brought about by Policie onely . Policie is necessary ; and I denie nothing but the Onely . And they which maintaine that , leaue no roome for Tu dabis , Thou shalt giue the blessing : But will carrie the world before them whether God will or no : Whereas there is more in Tu dabis , in Gods gift , then in all the Policies of the world . And it must needes be so : For all Policie is but a piece of Gods gift , a branch of Gods wisedome : Therfore not so great as the whole . And no Policie can promise it selfe successe ; there it must needes waite and stay , for Tu dabis : Therefore not so great as that vpon which it attends . And when miserable euents dogge the wisest proiects , then Achitophel himselfe will confesse this ; though perhaps not till hee goe home to hang himselfe . 2. Reg. 17. With this Politicke errour , went another of Destinie . The former leaues Gods Altar , and the sacrifice is to their owne net . Hab. 1. This other hampers God in the net ; and makes both his Blessings vpon Kings , and his Blessings from Kings to the People , to be all fatall . And this was too common among the Heathen . So Flau. Vopiscus . Fato Remp. regi satis constat : It is euident enough that Kingdomes are gouerned by fate . And then , where is Tu dedisti ? Thou hast giuen him , if hee and his Blessings must be whether God will or not ? But these blinde men had Blessings , and knew not whence they came , vnlesse perhaps they vnderstood Prouidence by Fate : ( And Minut. Foel . is not much against it . ) And if they did , then Prouidence , and Tu dabis , are all one . For God neuer giues a blessing to a King and his people , but hee giues it , and orders it by Prouidence . Yet here the wisest of the Heathen are vnexcusable , in that they enioyed the gift , and would not serue the giuer , Rom. 1. Looke right therefore vpon The Author of Blessings . And where it is , Tu dedisti , Thou hast giuen him as Blessings ( as it is with vs ) there know , it is worth Thanks both from Prince and people . And where it is , Tu dabis , Thou shalt giue ( and my Text is read both wayes ) there know , it is worth the asking , both for Prince and people ; that God will giue their King vnto them as blessings for euer . And as it is , Tu dedisti , Thou hast giuen ; So that is not all , but , Tu dedisti priùs , Thou hast giuen first . God is first in the worke , where euer a gracious King is a blessing to his people . For that which is simply a gift in the Text , is a preuention , ver . 3. And , Praeuenis eum , preuents the King with blessings first , that he after may blesse the people : So that in this common blessing God is the prime moouer , aswell as in grace giuen to particular men . And it is true of both , which S. Augustine deliuers but of one : Auertat Deus hanc amentiam , God turne away this phrensie from vs , that in his owne gifts ( And here it is , Tu dedisti ) we should place our selues first , & set him after . No ; where euer comes , Tu dedisti , Thou hast giuen : God is euermore first in the worke to beginne it , yea , and last in the worke to perfect it , or else no blessing . And therefore marke the Text , and yee shall finde , that wheresoeuer there is , Tu dedisti , Thou hast giuen , there is still , Posuisti , and disposuisti , Thou hast set him , and disposed him to be so . And these two perfect the gift : For , Tu pones , that sets and settles the King to be Blessings . And there is his Constancie : Not a Blessing to day , and none to morrow . And , Dispones eum , ( for so Tremellius will haue it ) that disposes and orders the King in his blessings . And there is his wisedome , to sit and steare his Passengers ; That he may make all things suite with the opportunities , and fit the varieties of the people : For they , doe the Gouernour neuer so worthily , will not thinke themselues blessed , if they bee not fitted . And a Commonwealth , when the humors of the people feele a spring , and are swelling , ( as it was once said of that of Rome ) suffers almost all those various motions , Quae patitur in homine vno mortalitas , which mortalitie it selfe suffers in a particular man. And it should not bee passed ouer neither , for whose mouthes Dauid fits this passage . And first there is no question , but that Dauid speakes it for himselfe : And there is the King acknowledging Tu dedisti , Gods gift in making him all the Blessings that hee is to his people . Next I finde , Pij loquuntur ; they are the faithfull that speake it : Not a religious and a good subiect , but hee is at Tu dabis , that God would blesse his King , and make him a Blessing for euer . And therefore when God giues , and the King blesses , and the people take no notice of it , it is grosse ingratitude : when they haue a blessing and know it not , it is a dangerous slumber : when they may haue a blessing and will not , it is a sullen pet , and shewes they haue no minde to bee thankefull , either to God or the King for Blessing them . Against this : say , The blessings are not perfect . Well , suppose that , what then ? Are not the best actions of the best men mixed ? Shall we refuse degrees of happinesse , because they are not Heauen ? No sure : for Angels dwel not in bodies of men . And in the very Text it is not simply , Thou hast giuen blessings ; But the words are , Dedisti Eum : thou hast giuen Him as blessings . Therefore the Blessings here spoken of , come not immediately from God to the people , that they should bee thought euery way perfect . But they are strain'd Per eum , through him , through the Man , and therefore must relish a little of the Strainer , Him and his Mortality : And there cannot bee a greater wrong done vnto Princes , in the mid'st of their care for the people , then for men to thinke they are not Blessed by them , vpon supposall that some things may be imperfect . For the secret lets , and difficulties in publike proceedings , and in the manageing of great State affaires , are both innumerable , and ineuitable : and this euery discreete man should consider . And now I am come to the second meanes , of Gods laying Honour vpon the King. The first , ye see , was by giuing him as blessings : And this second is Laetificando , by making him glad with the ioy of his countenance . The Text goes on cheerefully , ( and so I hope doe you in hearing it : ) from blessing to Ioy ; And here againe the circumstances are three . And first , God layes Honour vpon the King , Laetificando , by ioying him , while he blesses the people : And the Ioy which God giues cannot but be great ; and therefore the Septuagint expresses it by two words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thou shalt Ioy him with Ioy : that is , thou shalt make him exceeding glad : and it is requisit a King should haue Ioy , great Ioy , for he cannot sit at the stearne , without a great deale of Care : And therefore it is fit hee should bee rewarded with a great deale of Ioy. Now if a King will not faile of this Ioy , he must goe to the right Owner of it , God himselfe , that both hath and giues aboundantly . If hee seeke it in Himselfe , if in the very People which he blesses ; it will not euer there bee found . For when a King Blesses his people , if the blessing bee as discreetly taken , as it is graciously ment ; then there is Ioy , great Ioy , of al hands . But when a people hath furfetted long vpon Peace and Plenty , it is hard to please them with blessing it selfe : and euery little thing is a burden to thē , that in long time haue felt the waight of none : And in such times , Malecontents are stirring . And there want not in all States , those that are D●cti in perturbanda Reipub. pace , very learned in disturbing the Peace of the Common-wealth : And the factious aime of such men , is either to hinder and diuert the blessings which are readie , and vpon the point of descending from the King vpon the People : or else in misinterpreting , or extenuating Blessings already come downe . And these ( let the world doat on them while they will ) are the hinderers of mutuall Ioy betweene the Prince and the People . Therefore , if the King will looke to the preseruation of his owne Ioy , he must seeke it where these cannot hinder it , at Tu laetificasti , Thou Lord hast Ioy'd him . And the word in my Text is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies a Ioy that is inward , and referred to the mind . And Tu laetificasti , is euer at this Ioy ; Let the Intentions be right and honorable , and Ioy will follow them . It was Dauids case : I wil forbeare to tell you how scornfully , how vnworthily , he was vsed by the basest of the people : but God kept close to him , Tu laetificasti , and made him Ioyfull . Secondly , where you find Tu laetificasti , God ioying Dauid , there the Ioy is not like Lightning , a flash and gone , but a true and a permanent Ioy : True in regard of the Author of it , God ; for here is another Tu dedisti , God gaue this also ; and true in regard of the Obiect of it vpon which it settles , which is God too ; God , & the light of his countenance . And how can it be other then true Ioy , that hath God at both ends of it , as this hath ? For it begins at God the Author ; and it continues , and ends , in God the Obiect . God ; but not simply so expressed in the Text , but God and his countenance , expressing after the maner of men : For a man is Ioyed at the countenance hee loues ; And yet not simply so neither , not his Countenance onely , but the Ioy of his Countenance . And a man would not see sadnesse in the face he loues ; Ioy there , reioyces him . But no countenance like to Gods ; an eye vpon the Beauty of his Countenance fill's with ioy . Now Vultus Dei , Gods Countenance heere , signifies Gods presence . So Bellarm. It is true ; yet not his presence onely , but his Fauour and his Loue too : So Theodor. It is true ; yet not empty Loue only , but succour and protection too : So Euthym. It is true , yet is it not these alone , but all these and more . And this consider'd , it is no great matter how you reade my Text ; A , or Cum , or Iuxta , or Apud vultum : For the King needs all , and God giues all . For when hee is once come to Tu laetificasti ; this ioy begins at à vultu , from his Countenance : It goes on cum vultu , in company with his Countenance ; It enlarges it selfe Iuxta vultum , when it comes neere his Countenance ; And at the last it shall bee made perfect apud vultum , when it comes to his Countenance , to vision . And as Dauids cares were great , so God would answere them with degrees of Ioy. For had God any more Faces then one ( as Ar. Mont. renders the Original Cum faciebus eius ) he would hide none of them from Dauid . If any were more comfortable then other , he shall see that . And indeed though the Countenance of God be but one and the same , yet it doth not looke Ioy vpon all men . But his Aspects to the creature are Planetary ( as it were ) & various . And Dauid is happy , that in the midst of all these various turnes of Gods Countenance , A , and Cum , and Iuxta , and Apud , wee finde not ( nor I hope neuer shall ) that disasterous Aspect of opposition , which is contra , against : For then all Ioy were gone . For if it should bee Rex contra vultum Dei , then it were all sinne . And if it should bee vultus Dei contra Regem , ( both which God forbid ) then it were all punishment ; In neither Ioy , in neither Blessing . It is farre better in my Text , if wee take care to hold it there , Cum vultu , with , or in , the fauour of his Countenance . Thirdly , this ioy begins at the King , Laetificasti eum ; Thou hast made him glad . He must haue the greatest care , and therefore the Ioy must bee first or chiefest in him : and if you will take a view of my Text , you will find Him excellently seated for the purpose : for I find Eum , that is Dauid , that is the King , standing betweene Laetificasti and Gaudium , as if God would haue the Kings place knowne , by Ioy on the right hand , and Ioy on the left , heere God places the King : this is his ordinance to season his cares : therefore if any attempt to displace him , to plunge him into griefe , to make him struggle with difficulties ; it is a kinde of Deposing him . The care of Gouernement should be eased , not discomfited : else doubtlesse God would neuer haue placed Dauid betweene Laetificasti & gaudium , Ioy and Ioy. And it is fit for the people , especially the greater , in their families , to looke to this , that Dauid may keepe Inter Laetificasti & gaudium , the place where God hath set him : for when all is done , and the braine weary of thinking , this will be found true ; They cannot holde their places in gaudio , in ioy , if Dauid sit not sure in his : and it is an excellent obseruation made by Cassidore , ( a Senator he was , and Secretary of State to Theodoricus , and after a most strict and deuoted Christian. ) He makes all sad that endeauours not the Kings Ioy : Et omnes affligit , qui Regi aliquid necessarium subtrahit : And hee afflicts all men , that withholds necessaries from the King. And certainely it is the glory of a State , to keep Dauid vpright where God sets him : and that you see is , Inter laetificasti & gaudium , betweene Ioy and Ioy , where God euer keepe Him , and His. And now I am come to the second generall of the Text , the Reason both of the Thing , and the Meanes : of the Honour , and the Manner of Gods laying it vpon Kings . And the Reason is , Quia sperat , because the King puts his trust in the Lord : In which , may it please you to obserue three circumstances . The first of these is the Vertue it selfe , which God first gaue the Prophet , and for which hee after gaue him a Blessing to the People , and Ioy in himselfe . The Vertue is Hope ; That Hope , in the Lord. Now Hope followes the nature of Faith : And such as the Faith is , such is the Hope : Both must bee in Domino , in the Lord , or neither can bee true . And it is in a sort , with the deniall of Hope in any Creature , That the Hope which is founded vpon God alone ( I say alone as the prime Author ) may be firme , and not diuided . Nulli hominum fidens , trusting vpon no man , is Theodoret. Not in armies , nor in riches , nor in any strength of man , is Euthymius . Not in sword , nor speare , nor shield , but in the Name of the Lord of hostes , is Dauid himselfe , 1. Reg. 17. And Dauid could not lay better hold any where . For since before , all lies vpon God , Tu dedisti , and , Tu laetificasti , Thou hast giuen , and , Thou hast made glad : where could any man fasten better ? And indeed the words are a reciprocall proofe , either to other : For because God giues , Dauid hopes : And because Dauid hopes , God giues more abundantly , Honour , Blessing , and Ioy. It is in the Text , Quia sperat , euen because hee trusts . Secondly , Is trust then , and relying vpon God , a matter of such consequence , that it alone stands as a cause of these ? Yes , Hope and Trust rightly layde vpon God , haue euer beene in his children , Loco meriti , in stead of merit . And what euer may bee thought of this Hope , it is a Kings vertue in this place . And Thomas prooues it ; That Hope is necessary for all men , but especially for Princes . And the more trust in God , Honoratior Princeps , the more honour hath the King , as Apollinarius obserues it . And therefore Hope is not here a naked expectation of somewhat to come : But it is Hope , and the ground of Hope , Faith , as some later Diuines thinke not amisse . And Faith embraces the Veritie of God , as well as the Promises made vpon it : And this was right : For so God promised , and so Dauid beleeu'd , he would performe , 2 Reg. 7.29 . And since wee haue found Faith and Hope in this action of Trusting God ( as our English well expresses it ) let vs neuer seeke to shut out Charity ; And if Faith , Hope and Charitie bee together , as they loue to goe , then you may vnderstand the Text , Quia sperat , because he Hopes , De toto cultu , of the entire worship of God. For ( as S. Isidor obserues ) in all inward worship , which is the heart of Religion , are these three , Faith , Hope , and Charitie . And in the most vsuall phrase of Scripture , ( though not euer ) scarce one of these is named but all are vnderstood to be present : and if so , then , because he trusts , is as much as Quia colit , because he worships . So at last we are come to the cause indeed , why God set Dauid for such a Blessing to his people : why he filled him with such ioy of his countenance . And all was , Quia culto● , because he was such a religious worshipper . It is in the Text then , that a Kings Religion is a great cause of his happinesse . The greatest Politicians that are , haue confessed thus farre : that some Religion is necessary , to make a King a Blessing to his People , and a common-wealth happy : But the matter is not great with them , whether it bee a true , or a false Religion , so it be one . But they are heere in a miserable error : for since they suppose a Religion necessary ( as they must ) my Text will turne all the rest vpon them ; that true Religion is most apt , and most able , to Blesse and Honour both King and People . For first , Trueth is stronger then falsehood , and will so prooue it selfe , wheresoeuer it is not preuented or abused : and therefore it is more able . Next , true Religion breeds euer true Faith , and true Hope in God ; which no false Religion can : therefore it is more apt . Then , true Hope and Faith haue heere the promise of God , for the Kings Ioy , & the Peoples Blessing , euen Quia sperat , because he trusts : whereas the rest haue onely his permission . Therefore it is both : both more apt , and more able , to blesse King and Common-wealth , then any false Religion , or superstition , is , or can be . It was but a scoffe of Lucian , to describe Christians , simple and easie to be abused : or if any in his time were such , the weakenesse of the men , must not be charged vpon their Religion : for Christ himselfe the founder of Religion , though he did vnsting the Serpent in all his charge to his Apostles , yet he left his vertue vncheck'd : nay he commanded that . Be innocent , but yet as wise as Serpents . Mat. 10.16 . And this Wisedome and Prudence is the most absolute vertue for a Common-wealth . So that till Christians forsake Christs rule , Lucians scoffe takes no hold of them . Thirdly , Since Quia sperat , the Faith and Religion of a King , is that which brings God to giue him as a Blessing ; It must not be forgotten , that Trust in God , is inter fundamenta Regum , amidst the very foundations of Kings . And spes is quasi pes , Hope ( sayth Isidore ) is the foot , and the resting place . Now no building can stand , if the foundation be diggd from vnder it . The Buildings , are the Blessings of a State. A prime foundation of them , is the Kings trust in God. Take away the trueth of this Hope , Faith and Religion , and I cannot promise the Blessings to stand : For then there is neuer another Quia , or cause in the Text , to mooue God to giue . But if the cause stand ( as Theodor. and Euthym. here make it ) all is well . And here it were sacriledge for me , and no lesse , to passe by his Maiestie , without thankes both to God and Him. To Him , for , Quia sperat , because hee trusteth : For no Prince hath euer kept more firme to Religion . And it is sperans in the present in my Text ; hee continueth it and will continue it . And to God , for , Quia dedit , because in mercy hee hath giuen Him this Blessing so to Trust , and by this trust in him , to be this , and many other Blessings to vs. And so I come to the last part of my Text , which is the happy Successe which Dauid shall haue for trusting in the Lord. It is a Reward , and Rewards come last . And it is , That in this trust , he shall not sli●●e , he shall not miscarry . And here ( to make all parts euen ) are three circumstances too . The first of these , is the Successe or Reward it selfe : And it is a great one : Non commouebitur , He shall not be mooued ; or at least not remooued , not miscarry . And this is a great Successe , To haue to doe with the greatest mooueables in the world , the people , and not miscarry . So that trust in the Lord , makes a King in the midst of a mightie people , Petram in mari turbido , A Rocke in a working Sea : Ebbe , and flow , and swell , yet insolent waues dash themselues in pieces of all sides the Rocke , and the King is at Non commouebitur , Hee shall not be mooued . Secondly , This great Successe doeth not attend on Kings , for either their wisdome , or their power , or any thing else that is simply theirs ? No , wee must fall backe to spes in Domino , their trust in the Lord : yea and this trust too , is not simply vpon the Lord ; but vpon his Mercy . And indeed to speake properly , Man hath no ground of his Hope but Mercy ; no stay vpon the slippery , but Mercy . For if he looke vpon God , and consider him in Iustice ; If hee looke vpon himselfe , and weigh his soule by merit ; it is impossible for a man to Hope , or in Hope not to miscarry . And therefore the Prophet heere , though hee promise Non commouebitur , that the King shall not miscary ; yet he dares promise it no where els then In misericordia , in Mercy . Thirdly , I wil not omit the Expression , whose Mercy it is that giues successe to Princes ; and that is Altissimi , the mercie of the most high , which is one of Gods vsuall Names in Scripture . Now Sperat & non commouebitur ; The Kings Hope and his Successe , doe both meete in the Highest mercie . It is true , Hope stands below , and out of sight : For , Hope that is seene is no hope , Rom. 8. yet as lowe as it stands it contemplates God qua Altissimus , as hee is at highest . And this shewes the strength of this vertue of Hope : For as Hope considered in nature is in men that are warme and spirited , so is it also considered as a vertue . And therefore giue it but due footing , which is vpon Mercy , and in the strength of that , it will clime to God , were it possible hee should bee Higher then hee is . The footing of Hope is lowe : therefore it seekes mercie : And the Kings hope keepes the foote of the hill ; Rex humili corde sperat : ( so S. August . ) And the best hope beginnes lowest ; not at merit , but at mercie . But then marke how it soares : For the same hope that beares the soule of man company vpon earth , mounts till it comes ad Altissimum , to the most High in heauen . Now in this Mercie-seate it is obseruable , three Grandies are met together ; Blessing , Ioy , and Hope ; and yet there is no strife for precedencie : For Blessing goes first ; Ioy comes after , for no man so ioyfull as hee that is blessed ; and then Hope , to supplie the defects of both , because nor Blessings nor Ioy , can be perfect in this life . And they haue chosen to themselues an excellent and a safe place in the Mercie of the most High. An excellent place , and all receiue vertue from it . For , that Dauid is able to be a Blessing to the people ; that he can Ioy in the Blessing ; that his Hope can support him through the cares in ordering the Blessing ere hee can come to the Ioy : All is from Mercie . And a safe place it is : For there are in all times , and in all States , Conatus impio●●●n , endeuours of wicked men . And the labour of these is , to turne Blessing it selfe into a curse : To ouercloude Ioy with sorrow at least , if not Desolation : To crush Hope , or rather , Decollare , to behead it . No place safe from these attempts , but that which is high , and out of reach . And no place so high , as Sinus Altissani , the bosome of the Highest , which is his Mercy . The reason then why Dauid shall not miscarry , nay , not so much as Nutare , 〈◊〉 ( as Ar. Mont. renders 〈◊〉 : ) why the scepter in his hand shall not bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A shaken reed , S. Matt. 11. ( And that is the word heere in the Septuagint , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is the Mercy of the Highest . And when his feet are got vpon this , hee shall not slide . And Apollinaris calls the feete of the King , while they rest vpon Gods Mercy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bold and confident feete , that dare venture , and can stand firme any where . And so no question they can , that are vpheld by Mercy . And now to reach downe some of the Mercies of the Highest vpon our selues : For when I reade Dauid , at Rex sperat , The King trust's in the Lord ; and heare him speaking in the third person , as of another King : mee thinkes the prophecie is worth the bringing home to our most gracious Soueraigne . For , his constancie in Religion is knowen to the world : And the freedome of his life , argues his trust in the Lord : And the assurance of his Hope shall not vanish . For , let him keepe to the mercy of the Highest , and there hee shall not miscarry . And giue mee leaue to speake a little out of my Spes in Domino , my trust in the Lord ; mee thinkes I see , Non commouebitur , Hee shall not miscarrie , three wayes doubling vpon him . First , for his Priuate ; I haue two great inducements among many in another Kingdome , to thinke that hee is so firme in the mercies of God , that hee cannot miscarry . The one is as old as Nouemb . 5. 1605. The powder was ready then , but the Fire could not kindle . The other is as young as Ianuary last , the 9. The water was too ready then , and hee fell into it . Neither of these Elements haue any mercy : but the mercy of the Highest was His Acquittance from both . In the first , hee learned , that when desperate men haue sacramented themselues to destroy , God can preuent and deliuer , Act. 24. In the second he learn'd , that a Horse is but a vaine thing to saue a man ; but God can take vp , take out , and deliuer . And in the very Psalmes for that day , Morning prayer , thus I reade , Psal. 46. God is our helpe and strength , a very present helpe in trouble . And I know not what better vse hee can make of this , then that which followes in the next verse ; I will not feare , ( nor distrust God ) though the earth be mooued . Next , me thinkes , I haue a Non commouebitur , hee shall not miscarry , for , or in his publike affaires . Prophet I am none , but my Heart is full , that the mercy of the Highest , which hath preserued Him in great sickenesses , and from great dangers , hath more worke for him , yet to doe : the Peace of Christendome is yet to settle . Will God honour this Iland in him , and by his wisedome , to order the Peace , and settle the distracted State of Christendome , and edge the sword vpon the common Enemie of Christ ? Why should there not be trust in God , that in the mercy of the Highest , he shall not miscarry ? Thirdly , For that which is greater then both these to him , the Eternall safetie of his Soule ; here is a Non commouebitur , hee shall not miscarry for this neither : For so some read , and some expound the word of my Text : Thou shalt giue him Euerlasting felicitie . Therefore , let him be strong and of a good courage , for in the mercy of the most High there is no miscarrying . Thus you haue seene the Kings blessing , the Kings Ioy , the Kings Hope , and the Kings Assurance . In the first you haue seene , that the King is a Blessing to his People : that a gracious King ( such as God hath giuen vs ) is a Blessing for Euer . That he is so , Quia tu dedisti , because God hath giuen , and set him to bee so : from Blessing to Ioy. And there you haue seene , that the Ioy which followes a Blessed gouerment , is a great Ioy , a true and a permanent Ioy , a Ioy that is either first , or chiefest in the King. Now Blessing and Ioy , are both grounded vpon Hope : this Hope in the Lord , this Hope includes , Faith , and Religion , and so this Hope stands amidst the foundations of Kings . The Successe assured vnto him is Non commouebitur , hee shall not miscary , not so long as hee rests on Mercie ; that Mercie of the Highest . Non commouebitur : driue wind and tide , he shall not miscarry . Shall not ? what ? is it absolute then , for Dauid , or for any King ? No , I say not so neither . There is a double condition in the Text , if Dauid will not miscary : the one is Ex parte Dauidis , on Dauids side : and that is at Sperat , a religious heart to God that cannot but trust in him . The other is Ex parte Dei , on Gods side , and that is at Misericordia , a mercifull prouidence ouer the King , which knowes not how to forsake , till it be forsaken , if it doe then . Let vs call in the Prophet for witnesse , Psal. 94. When I said , My foot hath slipped , thy mercie , O Lord , held mee vp . Now the foote of a man slips from the condition , from the trust , ( as Cassian obserues ) Mobilitate Arbitrij , by the changings of the will , which is too free to sinne , and breach of trust : the Holder vp in the slip is Mercie , therefore it is safest relying vpon the condition which is on Gods side , that is Mercy , for that holds firme , when men breake . And marke my Text , Hope goes before , and Non commouebitur , hee shall not miscary , followes after : but yet it followes not , till the Mercy of the Highest bee come in betweene . And indeed to speake properly , all those things which the Scripture attributes to the Faith and Hope of man , are due onely Misericordiae Altissimi , to the Mercy of the Highest , which both giues and rewards them . And yet for all this , the Hope of the Beleeuer , and the mercie of God in whom hee trust's , are happily ioyned in my Text. Because the Hope of Faith can obtaine nothing without the Mercie of the Highest : And that Mercie & goodnes will not profit any man , that doth not beleeue & trust in it . And Hope , and Mercie are not better fitted to secure Dauid , then Mercie and the Highest are , to make him apprehensiue of his assurance . For Goodnesse and Mercie are inualid without Power : Now that is supplied by Altissimus the Highest . And power is full of terrour when it stands apart from goodnesse : and that is supplied by Mercie : When both meete , the Hope of man is full . So Dauid cannot but see all firme on Gods side ; And sure hee is not to miscarry , if hee looke to performance of his owne . And though it be safestelying vpon God , yet it is neuer safe to disioyne them whom God hath put together : And therefore as hee is mercifull , so man must bee faithfull ; Hee must trust . And now to end at home Dauid is gone long since to his Hope , the Mercy of the Highest : But a King , a gracious King , is liuing ouer vs in Peace , and Happinesse , as our eyes see this day . I know Hee remembers why God set Him ouer this great and numerous people : that is , in Benedictionem , euen to blesse them : And that he hath beene a Blessing vnto them , malice it selfe cannot deny . And I make no question , but hee will goe on with the Text , and be Blessings to them for euer : For euer through his whole time : and for euer in his generous Posteritie . Tu dedisti , Gods gift is through all this ; and I will euer pray , that it may neuer faile . He hath giuen this people all His time , the Blessing of Peace : And the sweete Peace of the people , is Praeconium Regnantium , the Glory of Kings . And Gods gift is in this too : For though it be the King that Blesses , yet it is God that giues Blessing to Blessing it selfe . And suppose Peace end in Warre , Tu dedisti ; Gods gift reaches thither too : For the Battell is the Lords . 1. Reg. 17. The Battell , yes , and the Victory . For ( sayth S. Basil ) Dextera victrix , Whosoeuer be the Enemie , the right hand that conquers him is the Lords . Now for his Blessing , it is fit hee should receiue Ioy : But if hee will haue that true and permanent , ( and no other is worth the hauing ) he must looke it in vultu Dei , in Gods countenance . If hee looke it any where else , especially where the Ioy of his countenance shines not , there will be but false representations of Ioy that is not . This day , the Anniuersarie of his Crowne , is to all his louing Subiects , Dies Gaudij , and Dies Spei , A day of Ioy , and a day of Hope . A day of Ioy : For what can be greater , then to see a Iust , and a gracious King multiplying his yeres ? And , a day of Hope ; And what can be fitter , then to put him in minde euen this day , that a Kings strength is at sperat in Domino , His trust in the Lord , the preseruer of men . Iob 7. That as God vpon this day did settle His Hope , and His Right to this Kingdome vpon Him ; So vpon this day , ( which in this yeeres reuolution prooues His day too , Dies Domini , the Lords day as well as His ) hee would continue the setling of his Hope on him , by whom all the Kings of the Earth beare rule . Prou. 8. I say , Settle vpon Him , and his Mercie : that is the last . The very feete of Kings stand High. And in high places slippes are dangerous . Nothing so fit , so able to stand by them , as Misericordia Altissimi , the Mercy of the Highest . In the goodnesse and the power of this Mercy he hath stood a King now almost fiue and fiftie yeeres : nay a King Hee was , before Hee could stand . Through many dangers the Mercy of the Highest hath brought Him safe . Let Him not goe from vnder it , and it followes my Text , v. 8. His right hand shall finde out all that hate Him : And for himselfe , Non commouebitur , Hee shall not be mooued , not miscarry . And so wee offer vp our Euening sacrifice vnto God , for Him , and for our selues , that God will euer giue , and he may euer bee a Blessing to his People : That His yeeres may multiply , and yet not outliue His Ioy : That this day may come about often , and yet neuer returne , but In Gaudio vultus Dei , in the Ioy of Gods countenance vpon the King : and , In Gaudio vultus Regis , in the Ioy of the Kings countenance vpon the People : That the mercy of the most High may giue Him hope in the Lord , and strengthen it : That His Hope may rest vpon the Mercy that gaue it : that in all His businesses , as great as His place , His Successe may be , Non commoueri , not to miscarry : That Hee may goe on a straight course from Blessing others in this life , to bee Blessed Himselfe in Heauen : And that all of vs may enioy Temporall Blessings vnder Him , and AEternall with Him for euermore . And this CHRIST IESVS for his infinite merit and mercie sake graunt vnto vs : To whom , with the Father , and the holy Spirit , three persons and one God , bee ascribed all might , Maiestie , and Dominion this day , and for euer , AMEN . LONDON Printed by BONHAM NORTON and IOHN BILL , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M.DC.XXII . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A05166-e80 Or , giuen him . Or , not be mooued . Gen. 27.34 . Exod. 18.10 . Verse 1. S. Hieron . S. August . Iansen . Calu. Lorin . ibid. Verse 5. Lib. 1. stro . Iaco. 1.17 . 3. Reg. 8. Vers. 55. Vers. 66. 1 Pet. 2.17 . Gen. 27.38 . 1. Chro. 11.10 . Ezek 1.15 . Lib. 1. verbis primis . Luk. 1.33 . Esai . 11.1 . 4. Reg. 23.25 . Iansen . & Copp . ibid. S. Basil. Ib. Theodor. Ib. 2. Reg. 17. Haba . 1.16 . Flau. Vop . in vita Cari. M. Feel . in Octau . p. 96. Rom. 1.21 . Ver. 3. Lib. 1. con . duas epist. Pelag. c. 9. Ar. Mon. Flau. Vopis . in Caro. Hook. Lib. 1. Ecc. Pol. §. 1 Prin. Bellarm. ibid. Theodor. ibid. Euthy . ibid. Lib. 12. Epist. 19. Theodor. ib. Euthym. ib. 1. Reg. 17.45 . Lib. 2. de Erudit . prin . cap. 6. Ibid. Calu. Musc. Tremell . Moller . ibid. 2. Reg. 7.29 . Lib. 8. Orig. cap. 2. In morte Peregri . Mat. 10.16 . Lib. 8. Orig. cap. 2. Theodor. & Euthym. ib. Ar. Mont. Rom. 8.24 . Ibid. S. Matt. 11.7 . Ibidem . Act. 24. 12 Psal. 33. ●5 . Psal. 46. 1. Verse . 2. Tremel . vers . Angli . vet . Appollinar . Ibid. Psal. 94.18 . Collat. 3. c. 12. Cassiod . lib. 5. epist. 39. 1. Reg. 17.47 . S. Basil. ib. Iob 7 ●● Prou. 8.15 . Vers. 8. 
A05167	----	A sermon preached before his Maiesty, on Tuesday the nineteenth of Iune, at Wansted. Anno Dom. 1621. By D. Laud Deane of Glocester, one of his Maiesties chaplaines in ordinary. Printed by commandement Laud, William, 1573-1645. 1621 Approx. 54 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A05167 STC 15301 ESTC S104881 99840611 99840611 5133 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A05167) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 5133) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 892:08) A sermon preached before his Maiesty, on Tuesday the nineteenth of Iune, at Wansted. Anno Dom. 1621. By D. Laud Deane of Glocester, one of his Maiesties chaplaines in ordinary. Printed by commandement Laud, William, 1573-1645. [2], 44 p. Imprinted by F. K[ingston] for Matthew Lownes, dwelling in Pauls Church-yard, at the signe of the Bishops head, At London : 1621. Printer's name from STC. Running title reads: Psalme 122.6,7. Print show-through; some pages stained. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Sermons Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2002-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON PREACHED BEFORE HIS MAIESTY , ON TVESday the nineteenth of Iune , at Wansted . Anno Dom. 1621. By D. LAVD Deane of Glocester , one of his Maiesties Chaplaines in ordinary . Printed by commandement . AT LONDON , Imprinted by F. K. for Matthew Lownes , dwelling in Pauls Church-yard , at the signe of the Bishops head , 1621. PSALM . 122. 6 , 7. 6. Pray for the peace of Jerusalem ; let them prosper that loue thee . 7. Peace be within thy walles , and prosperity within thy Palaces . THe Arke of the Lord was brought out of the house of Obed-edom the Gittite , with musike and great ioy into Ierusalem , and there placed , 2. Reg. 6. The learned are of opinion , that Dauid composed this Psalme , and deliuered it to be sung at this solemnity . Before this , the Arke was in Gibeah , a high place in the City Baalah of Iudah , 2. Reg. 6. otherwise called Kiriathiearim , Iosh. 15. 9. But now the presence of it , made the City of Dauid , Domicilium religionis , the house of Religion , as well as Regni , of the Kingdome . It is Domus Dei , the house of Religion , Gods House , verse 1. and the last of this Psalme . And it is the house of the kingdome too : for there is the seate of Iudgement , and there is the house of Dauid , vers . 5. And it is fit , very fit it should be so : the Court , and the great Temple of Gods seruice together : That God , and the King may be neighbours : That as God is alwayes neere to preserue the King , so the King might bee neere to serue God : and God and the King cannot meet in Ierusalem without a solemnity . Now this Psalme was not fitted by Dauid for the people onely , when the Arke was brought to , and placed in , Ierusalem : but also for their comming at their solemne feasts to Ierusalem , to which they were bound thrice a yeere by the Law , Exod. 23. For then ( some thinke ) they sung this Psalme , either in their iourney as they came vp ; or else on the steps as they ascended to the Temple : so the comming to the Temple was alwayes with ioy : And they were glad when the solemnity came . At this ioy the Psalme begins : I was glad when they said vnto me , We will goe into the House of the Lord. Glad they were , but no vanity in the mirth . For as they went vp with ioy , vers . 1. so did they with prayer heere at the 7. And the prayer is for the peace of Ierusalem . Why , but in Dauids time the Temple was not built ; and how then this Psalme composed by him for this solemnity ? Yes , well enough : for though the Temple was not then built , yet the Tabernacle was then vp , 2. Reg. 6. according to which patterne the Temple was to be built . So all the seruice was there : and therefore the solemnity too . Beside , the eye of the Prophet was cleare , and saw things farther off , then the present . For first it is euident , Qui non videbat , praeuidebat : Dauid that saw not the Temple built , foresaw it was to be built by his Sonne , 2. Reg. 7. And so fitted the Psalme both to a present Tabernacle , and a future Temple . And it is not improbable , but that hee saw farther ; or if hee did not , the Spirit of God did ; and so fitted his pen , that the same Psalme might serue the lewes at their returne from Babylon , to reedifie the ruines of both City and Temple . For then the people assembled as one man to Ierusalem , and kept their wonted ceremonies , Esra 3. Nay , I make no question but that hee saw further yet . For what should hinder the Prophet , but that hee might looke quite thorow the Temple , which was 〈◊〉 the figure , or shadow , and so see Christ , his Church , and Kingdome at the end of it ? So the Psalme goes on for both Iew and Christian : Temple , and Church , that ye , as well as they , might pray for the peace of Ierusalem , and that they may prosper that loue it . The words containe two things : an Exhortation both to Princes and people , to pray for the peace of Ierusalem : and the Prophets owne prayer for it , Los then prosper that loue thee : Peace bie within thy walles , and prosperity within thy Palaces . In the exhortation to both Princes and people , that they pray for the peace of Ierusalem , I shall obserue three particulars . The Body , for which hee would haue vs carefull ; that is , Ierusalem . The Action ; by which wee should expresse our loue to it . Our care of it ; that is , Prayer . And the Blessing which our prayers should intreat for it ; and that is Peace . First then , heere is the Body , for which , and all the members of it , he would haue them pray , and that is , Ierusalem . Now Ierusalem was at this time ( as I told you ) made Domus religionis & regni : Gods House , & the Kings . And so it stands not here for the City and the State onely , ( as many of the Ancient name the City onely ) nor for the Temple and the Church onely : but ioyntly for both . For both : Therfore when you sit downe to consult , you must not forget the Church : And when we kneele downe to pray , wee must not forget the State : both are but one Ierusalem . There are some in all ages , ( too many in this ) which are content to bee for the State , because the liuelihood both of them and theirs , depends vpon it : but it is no matter for the Church , they can liue without that . And there are some , which are all , at least in their out-cry , for the Church : as if Templum Domini , the Church , the Church , might swallow vp kingdoms , and State-affaires . But there is no Religion in the one ; And neither that , nor ciuill wisedome in the other . Both then were commended to the Iewes , and both are to vs. And both vnder one name , Ierusalem . One name , and good reason for it . First , because the chiefe house of the Common-wealth , the Kings house , and the chiefe house of Gods seruice , the Temple ; were both in one Ierusalem . And secondly , because they are as neere in nature , as in place . For both Common-wealth , and Church are collectiue bodies , made vp of many into one . And both so neere allyed , that the one , the Church , can neuer subsist but in the other , the Common-wealth . Nay so neere , that the same men , which in a temporal respect make the Common-wealth , doe in a spirituall make the Church : so one name of the mother City serues both , that are ioyned vp into one . Now though in nature the Common-wealth goe first : first men , before religious and faithfull men : and the Church can haue no being but in the Common-wealth . Yet in grace the Church goes first : religious and godly men , better then men : and the Common-wealth can haue no blessed and happy being , but by the Church . For true Religion euer blesses a State : prouided that they which professe it , doe not in their liues dishonour both God , and it . And it blesses the State , ( among other ) two waies . One by putting a restraint vpon the audaciousnesse of euill . And this the wise men among the Heathen saw . For Seneca tels vs , that this placing of an armed Reuenger , God , ouer the head of impious men , ( which is an acknowledgement of Religion ) is a great restraint , because against him , Nemo sibi satis potens videtur , no man can thinke himselfe able enough , either to shun , or resist . The other way by which it blesses the State , is by procuring Gods blessings vpon it . So it is , Psal. 68. 32. Sing vnto God , O ye kingdomes of the earth . There is exercise of Religion . And then it followes , vers . 35. God will giue strength and power vnto his people ; there is the blessing . And it is plaine in my Text : for heere prayer is to obtaine blessing for Ierusalem , for the State. But it is expresly said to be propter domum Domini , for the House of Gods sake , vers . 9. Now I would all States would remember this : that they haue a restraint from euill by , and a blessing for Religion . It would make me hope , that yet at last , Religion should be honoured for it selfe , and not for pretences . Secondly , wee are come from Ierusalem the Body , as it comprehends both State and Church , to that which the Prophet would haue vs doe for it . That is , Prayer . Pray for Ierusalem . Pray for it . Why , but is that all ? Can a State bee managed , or a Church gouerned , onely by Prayer ? No : the Prophet meanes not so . You must seeke , and endeuour the good of both , as well as pray for the good of both . And this is in my Text too . For the word in the Septuagint is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aske and inquire after the good of Ierusalem : labour it . And yet , it is often read in Scripture for Oráto , pray for it . Both then . And the Fathers beare witnesse to both , in this place . For S. Hierome , August . Hilar. and Prosp. are for the proper sence of the word . Quaerite , seeke it , follow it . Saint Basil , Theod. and most of the later Diuines , are for the borrowed sence , Orate , pray for it . And surely God would haue the great Ministers of State , & the prouident Gouernours of the Church , doe both : seeke , enquire , consult , doe all good to both . And yet when they haue done all , hee would haue them pray too . And there is good reason for this ; for nothing more needfull for Ierusalem , for State and Church , then prayer : for the State necessary . For God is President of all Counsels of State ; and shall he not be so much as called to Counsell , and desired to fit ? And for the Church necessary too . For the Son of God , Christ Iesus , is Head of the Church ; and can the Body do any thing well , if the Head direct it not ? And yet of the two , the Church hath most need to be prayed for : And that both because the consultations of the Church haue more immediate reference to God. And because the Enmity of the world is more set against the Church , for God. And while Christ tels Saint Peter that the gates of hell shall not preuaile against the Church , Math. 16. He insinuates withall , that those open gates , gape not wider for any thing , then for it : therefore prayer for the Church very necessary . And certainly , so much danger ouer it , and so little praier for it , agree not . Now Rogate , pray for Ierusalem reacheth euery man in particular ; and all men when they are assembled together . For what can a Senate consult vpon orderly , or determine prouidently , if God bee not called into the Assembly ? If there bee not Deus stat , God standeth in the congregation of Princes ? Psal. 82. And such a superiour cannot be called into the Assembly mannerly , but by Prayer . Nay , solemne State-Assemblies , ( because if they erre , they erre not lightly ) haue greatest need of Prayer , both in , and for them . Hence is that ancient Christian custome , that Parliaments assemble not for the State : Councels meet not for the Church : but they beginne both the first dayes worke , and euery dayes worke with Prayer . And the Heathen which knew not the true God , knew that this duty was owing to the true God , to pray vnto him most solemnly , in their greatest consultations : and therefore Caesar being to enter the Senat , sacrificed first : And Appian speakes of that Act , as of a thing of custome . And it cannot bee thought they did sacrifice without prayer : Since Litare , which is to appeace by Sacrifice , is to please by prayer too . But I leaue them . My Text is more ancient , and more full then their practice . For heere vers . 5. the Tribes are no sooner gone vp to the seats of Iudgement , to the house of Dauid ; but they are followed close by my Text , that they pray for Ierusalem : So prayer their first worke , and consultation after . And doubtlesse the Spirit of God sees Prayer wonderfull necessary for Ierusalem , that he makes that , as it were , the doore of entrance , both into the Seates of Iudgement among men , and the places of diuine worship , and Adoration of God. We haue done with the Action , Prayer . Thirdly then , heere is the blessing which wee are to beg and desire at Gods hands for Ierusalem , for both the State , and the Church : and that ( if you will beleeue the Prophet ) is Peace . Peace is one of the greatest temporall blessings , which a State , or a Church can receiue . For where God himselfe describes the excellency of gouernment , he describes it by Peace . Esa. 37. The worke of Iustice shall be peace : And my people shall dwell in the Tabernacles of peace . I will not load you with a long discourse of peace , and the benefits it brings . It hath the same fate , that some other of Gods blessings haue . It is better knowne by want , then vse : and thought most worth the hauing , by them that haue it not . Looke therfore not vpon your selues in peace , but vpon a State in blood : vpon a Church in persecution . Aske them which are diuided by the sword ; which are rosting at the flame : conceiue your case theirs . That is the touch-stone which deceiues not . Then tell me whether it bee not good counsell : Rogare pacem , to pray for the peace of both . And I doe ill to call it barely Peace . Our Prophet calles it The blessing of Peace , Psalm . 29. And doubtlesse it is to teach the world , that all earthly benefits are , as it were , vnblessed , till peace be vpon them : for till then , no inioying of any . Now Rogate pacem , pray for the peace of Ierusalem , seemes but a plaine and a naked Exhortation for peace . I must finde more in it then so , and yet offer my Text no violence , nor bee busie with any thing aboue me , or out of my profession . Obserue then : When Dauid made this Exhortation to pray for peace , it was Tempus Pacis , A time of peace . For he composed the Psalme when hee carried the Arke to Ierusalem : and before that , hee had smote the Philistims twice , and made all at peace , 2. Sam. 5. A time of Peace ? Why then a man should thinke there is least need to pray for it . Yea but the Prophet thinkes not so . Hee was pleas'd the State and Church vnder him should inioy Gods benefits longer . And therefore calles for , not Peace , which they had : but continuance of Peace , which they could not tell how long they might hold . To giue thankes to God for the peace he had giuen , vers . 4. and to pray for the continuance of it , vers . 6. And certainly it is one great degree of vnworthinesse of a blessing , to grow wearie of it . Why , but there is a time for Warre , as well as for Peace , is there not ? Yes , there is , Eccles. 3. And this time is in God to fit . I make peace , and create euill , Esa. 45. And in the King to denounce and proclaime . But it is not Dies Belli , the day of warre it selfe that can make voyd this duety Rogandi pacem , of praying for peace . For since the eye of nature could see , that the end of all iust warre , is , but that men may liue in a more iust and safe peace : This Rogate pacem , pray for peace , must bee in the heart , euen when the sword is in the hand . I will not meddle with the State : but there are many times , in which God will punish and afflict his Church . And may we then Rogare pacem , pray peace for it ? Yes , we may , nay , we must , euen then pray for peace , when his will is , not to giue it . For first , so much of his will as is reuealed , is here expressed to pray for peace . And that is a sufficient warrant to vs , euen against that of his will which is not reuealed ; so long till he reueale it : For the will of God bindes vs no longer , nor no farther to Action , then it is reuealed . The secret things belong to the Lord our God , but the things reuealed , belong to vs , and our children , that we may doe them , Deut. 29. And againe , Saint Augustine disputes it at large , that a man may , etiam voluntate bona , with a will that is good , will that which God will not . And whatsoeuer hee may will voluntate bona , with a good will , that he may pray for : so he submit to his will , and rest when his will appeares . Besides , who knowes ( so long as the secret of his will is to himselfe ) whether it be any more then Rogate pacem , pray for peace , and haue it ? For many times that which God will not giue without prayer , he will giue with it . And then the cause of Non pax , is non rogant : no peace , because not prayed for . And in that case , the State and Church haue not more misery , in that there is not peace , then they haue sinne , in that they might haue had peace for asking , and would not pray for it . Now this rule varies not : we are neuer to neglect that which God hath reuealed ( which heere in our case is to pray for peace ) vpon any presumption of that which remaines secret . Therefore the obiection of the Puritan against our Church Let any , in which we pray to bee deliuered from Famine , & from Battell : And against the prayer which followes it , that we may bee hurt by no persecution : as if it were an vnlawfull prayer , because it is sometimes Gods wil to punish and afflict his Church : is as ignorant as themselues . For in the old Testament , heere is Dauids call vpon vs , Rogare pacem , to pray for peace . And in the new there is Saint Pauls charge , to pray that we may leade a quiet and a peaceable life , 1. Timoth. 2. And hath the Church of England such ill lucke , that it cannot doe as Dauid , and Saint Paul bids it , but it must anger the Puritan ? Againe , while you follow the Prophets exhortation , and pray for peace , euery kind of false worldly peace will not serue the turne . For as Christ was at Pacem do vobis , sed meam : Peace , but it is my Peace that I giue vnto you , S. Ioh. 14. So Dauid , the type of Christ , would haue you pray for peace , but his peace for Ierusalem . And in this relation , the words are generall . Rogate , pray for the peace of Ierusalem : of the whole State : of the whole Church : It must not be broken in any corner of Ierusalem , if it may be preserued . A sedition , or a schisme in a corner , in a Conuenticle , ( which is the place where they are vsually hatched ) will fire all if it bee suttered . For the State , none doubts this , and it is as true for the Church . But where peace is truly laboured for , and not had , there the Apostles limitation , Rom. 12. will. helpe all . Haue peace with all men ( saith the Apostle ) but it followes , si possibile , if it bee possible : and Quantum in vobis , as much as lies in you . When we therefore pray for peace with all men , and cannot get it , Heathonisme , and Turcisme , and Iudaisme , and Heresie , and Superstition , and Schisme , will not repent , and come in , we are quit by si possibile , if wee doe what is possible for their conuersion . And againe , when any of these that haue changed the truth of God into a lye , would haue vs come ouer and make peace with them , we are quit , though wee doe it not ; by quantum in nobis , as much as lies in vs. For God hath not left it in our power , to bee at peace against his truth : And therefore here is neuer a rogate , no Counsell to pray for that . Indeed peace against truth is not Pax Ierusalem , a peace fit for the Church . The Church of Rome challengeth vs for breach of this peace in our separation from them . But we say , and iustly , the breach was theirs , by their separation not only from disputable , but from euident truth . Nor are wee fallers out of the Church , but they fallers off from verity . Let them returne to primitiue truth , and our quarrell is ended . In the meane time it is possibile , & in nobis : both possible , and in vs , to pray , that God would in his time , fill the Church with truth first , and then with peace . Now rogate pacem , pray for peace , is a very full circumstance in the Text ; I cannot leaue it yet : For when I consider that he that calles so earnestly for peace , is Dauid , it filles mee with wonder . For Dauid was a sword man with a witnesse . One of the greatest warriers that euer was , 2. Sam. 7. and most victorious . Nay , though God had anoynted him before to the Kingdome ; yet the meanes which first made him knowne to Saul , and afterwards famous in Israel , was first his conquest of Goliah , 1. Reg. 17. and then his sword against the Philistims . Therefore if Dauid bee come in vpon rogate pacem , pray for peace : it cannot bee accounted onely the Gowne-mans , or the weake-mans prayer : but it is the wise , and the stout mans too : for Dauid was both . And certainly it is not cowardize to pray for peace : nor courage to call for troubles . That is the spirit of Dauid , that can sing before the Arke of God , rogate pacem , pray for peace . But if the Philistims will disturbe Gods peace , and his , then , and not before , hee will dye them in their owne blood . And Rogate pacem , pray for peace , lookes yet another way vpon Dauids person . For at the first , Dauid was King onely ouer the Tribe of Judah , where hee raigned seuen yeeres , and sixe moneths , 2. Sam. 5. The other eleuen Tribes followed Jshbosheth the sonne of Saul , 2. Sam. 2. But hee did not compose this Psalme , till the carrying of the Arke to Ierusalem : at which time hee was King ouer all , both Israel , and Iudah . So Rogate pacem , pray for peace , was not Dauids counsell onely , when his Territories were lesse , Iudah and Hebron : but after the great accesse of the eleuen Tribes too ; when he was strong ; when God had diuided his enemies before him , euen as water is diuided asunder : As himselfe praiseth God and confesseth , 2. Sam. 5. And therefore either Dauids example is not worth the following : or else , a King in honour , and a King in plenty ; and a King that hath added Ierusalem to Hebron , eleuen Tribes to one , may make it his high honour Rogare pacem Ierusalem , to pray to God , and perperswade with men , for the peace of Christendome . And Dauid had good reason to bee at Rogate pacem , pray for peace . For though hee scarce tooke any warre in hand , but with Gods approbation , and against Gods enemies : yet wee finde , 1. Chron. 22. that his Battels and his Blood were the cause , why God would not suffer him to build his Temple . Hee might sing before the Arke , Hee might serue him in the Tabernacle : But no Temple would hee haue built by hands in blood . Salomons hands ; Hands of peace must doe that . What is the reason ? What ? Why it may be it is , because when the blood and spirits of a man are heated , be the warre neuer so iust , yet ( to say no more ) aliquid humani interuenit , some heated passion strikes where , and as , it should not . And ( as Saint James hath it ) The wrath of man doth not accomplish the righteousnesse of God : And the Historian tels vs they are not a few that are guilty to themselues , parum innocenter exactae militiae . Againe , I cannot bee so vnthankfull to God and my Text , but that I must fit one circumstance more to Rogate pacem , pray for peace . And it is , Pray for it this day : Why this day ? Why ? Why Dauid brought vp the Arke with this Psalme , and would haue built the Temple : But Gods answere to him was : No : But behold , a sonne is borne vnto thee , which shall be a man of peace , for I will giue him rest from all his enemies round about , therefore his name is Salomon , and I will send peace and quietnesse vpon Israel in his dayes , 1. Chron. 22. And had not Dauid then great reason to call vpon his people , euen all of all sorts to pray for that Peace , which God would giue by Salomon ? And surely we haue a Ierusalem , a State , and a Church to pray for , as well as they . And this day was our Salomon , the very Peace of our Ierusalem borne . And though hee were not borne among vs , yet hee was borne to vs , and for the good and wel-fare of both State and Church . And can yee do other then Rogare pacem , pray for peace in the day , nay Natiuity , the very birth-day of both Peace , and the Peace-maker ? Certainly so vnnaturall to your Prince , so vnthankfull to God you cannot bee . I will leade you the way to pray for Him , his Honour , and his Peace : That this day may returne often , and crowne many happy and blessed yeeres vpon him . I had now done with Rogate pacem , pray for peace , but that Ierusalem is come againe in my way . But it is a strange Jerusalem . Not the old one , which is litterall in my Text. For which Dauid would haue prayers : nor that which succeeded it , Ierusalem of Jew and Gentile conuerted : for which wee must pray . But a Jerusalem of gold and precious stones , ( as is described , Apoc. 21. ) which shall be built for them againe vpon earth in greater glory then euer it was . And this Jerusalem vpon earth , is that which is called the Heauenly Jerusalem , Heb. 12. 22. And the new Jerusalem , Apoc. 21. 2 , 10. So it is not now sufficient that the Iewes shall be ( in Gods good time ) conuerted to the faith of Christ , as the Apostle deliuers it , Rom. 11. But these conucrted Jewes must meet out of all Nations : the ten Tribes , as well as the rest , and become a distinct , and a most flourishing Nation againe in Jerusalem . And all the Kings of the Gentiles shall doe homage to their King. Good God , what a fine people haue we here ? Men in the Moone . I will not trouble you with any long discourse , wherein this errour meets with , or parts from the Chiliasts : nor is it worth any settled confutation : Onely I cannot desire you Rogare pacem , to pray for any peace to this Ierusalem . It was an old errour of the Iewes , ( which denied Christ come ) that when their Messias did come , they should haue a most glorious temporall Kingdome , and who but they ? I cannot say the Author of this vanitie denies Christ come . God forbid . But this I must say : that many places of the old Testament , which concerne the Resurrection from the dead , & which looke vpon Christ in his first or second comming , are impiously applyed to this returne of the lewes , which ( saith he ) is to them , as a Resurrection from the dead . And this exquisite Arithmetician , beside the first comming of Christ in the flesh ; and his second to Iudgement : ( which are all the personall commings of Christ , that euer the Scripture reuealed , or the Church knew ) hath found out a Third , betweene One and Two : namely , his comming to this conuersion of the Iewes . But see a little : I will not be long a passing . Shall Jerusalem bee built againe after this euersion by the Romans ? The Prophet Esay saith no , Esa. 21. But this ( saith our Author ) is not meant of Jerusalem , but of her enemies . Yes , it is meant of Ierusalem , as well as other Cities ; as appeares , vers 6 , 7. and is confirmed by Saint Hierome , and some Moderne Diuines . And suppose the place were doubtful , whether meant of Ierusalem or not , yet that other is vnauoydable , Ier. 19. 11. I will breake this City and this people , as one breakes a Potters vessell , that cannot be made whole againe . Well : But this new-built Jerusalem , must be the Heauenly , and the new . Yea , but it is against the receiued iudgement of the Church , that these places should bee vnderstood of any Church vpon earth onely , whether Iew , or Gentile , or both . And apparent it is , that there are some circumstances in Apoc. 21. which cannot possibly be applyed to any Church on earth only . Which made Saint Ambrose professe , that this Exposition is against Scripture . And suppose they may be meant of a Militant Church onely : yet what should leade vs to see this conuersion of the Iewes there , I see not . For the Ten Tribes comming in to the rest , the good man should doe well to tell vs first ; Where those ten Tribes haue been euer since before the Babylonish Captiuity : or poynt out the Story that sayes they remained a distinct people . No : they degenerated , and liued mixed with other Nations that captiued them , till not onely their Tribes were confounded ; but their name also vtterly lost , for almost two thousand yeeres since . And yet now for sooth we shall see them abroad againe . It is strange wee should not know our friends all this while . For within these seuenty foure yeeres , they shall haue quite rooted out both the Pope and the Turke , our two great Enemies . And shall begin to make both of them stagger within lesse then these thirty yeeres . I cannot tell here whether it bee Balaam that prophecieth , or the Beast hee rode on . As for the Kings of the Gentiles , that they shall serue this King of Ierusalem , you need not beleeue that till you see it . If Christ be King there ; I make no question , but the Kings of the Gentiles will easily submit to him . But if it be any other ; they haue reason to hold their owne . And it seemes it is not well resolued yet , who shall be King. For pag. 56. and 102. The Author tells vs , Christ shall be King there . And pag. 163. he vnthrones Christ againe , and assures vs One shall bee King , whom the Iewes shall set vp among themselues . I will follow this vanity no further . Only doe you not thinke the Papists will triumph , that such monstrous opinions are hatched among vs ? Sure they will : yet they haue little reason ; heere . For two of their learned Iesuites are of opinion , ( they are Salmer : and Lori : ) that the Apostles did not sinne , when led with the errour of the Iewes , they thought Christs Kingdome should be temporall , Act. 1. 6. which is the ground of all this vanity . And Tullius Crispoldus , one of theirs , left notes behinde him ( which are yet in Manuscript in the Library at Millain ) which agree in all things almost with this present folly . So whatsoeuer is amisle in this lewish dreame , the Primogenitus , the first borne of it , after the Iew , is theirs . Only herein their care out goes ours . They keepe the Frensie locked vp : and we publish it in Print . I will leaue these men to out-dreame the Iewes : And hasten to , and thorow the second generall part of the Text ; which is the Prophets owne prayer for Ierusalem : In which the circumstances are sixe . First then , whether you reade the Text , with Saint Hierome , and the Geneua Translation : ( Let them prosper that loue thee ) and so make it a Prayer . Or with Ar. Mon. Tremel . and of the last Translation , ( They shall prosper that loue thee , ) and so make it a Reason , full of promise , to induce vs to pray for it : It is not much materiall . It seemes both may stand , and I will not make my Text narrower then it is . Take the words then first as a Motiue . Pray for the peace of Jerusalem : for there is great reason you should doe so . For They shall prosper that pray for it . So the Argument is drawne from prosperity ; and prosperity is a reason that is very potent with men in all things else : why then should it not be preuailing in this , to make men pray both for the State , and for the Church ? But shall men prosper that do so indeed ? Yes : you haue no probable cause to distrust it . The words are , They shall prosper . And if you take them for an earthly promise , you haue a Kings word for it . If for a spirituall , you haue a Prophets word for it . Would you haue any man testifie that hath had experience ? You haue Dauids word for it : And he had often triall in himselfe , that God made him prosper for his praier sake , and his loue to that State and Church . And since you cannot distrust a King , a Prophet , a man of experience ; be sure to pray for the peace of Ierusalem , if it be but that your selues may prosper . Take the words next as a Prayer : Pray for the peace of Jerusalem : For there is great example to moue you to doe so . For the Kingly Prophet goes before you ; hee askes no more of you , then he doth himselfe . Hee would haue you pray for Ierusalem , and so doth he : Let them prosper that loue it . The Prophet is not of their humor , that care not what burthens they bind vpon other mens shoulders , so themselues may escape the load . No , he prayes too : And no maruell . For ( as Saint Leo obserues ) Prayer is one , and the first , of the three things , which doe most properly belong to all religious actions . He prayes then , and in his prayer this is remarkable : Prius orat pro orantibus pro Ierusalem : Hee prayes for them that pray for Ierusalem , before he prayes for Ierusalem it selfe . First , Let them prosper that loue Ierusalem , vers . 6. And then , Peace be within the walles of it , vers . 7. And there is a great deale of spirituall wisedome in this too . For while his prayer strengthens them that pray for Ierusalem , both his , and their prayers meet , and goe stronger to God , then if any ( bee it Dauid ) prayed for it alone . And therefore Ignatius telles his people at Smyrna , that their prayers reached as far as Antioch , ( who no doubt prayed for it selfe too ) and these ioyned prayers , obtained peace for that Church . Secondly , as Dauid prayes , as well as he would haue others pray : so prayes he also for the selfe same thing , for which hee exhorts others to pray : That is , for peace . Peace be within thee . And it is an argument that his exhortation came hartily from him , because hee falles to it so close himselfe . And it is an excellent thing full of honour to God and themselues , when Rex & Propheta , the King , and the Prophet , goe first in prayer for the States and the Churches peace . Now he prayes not for the peace of it alone , but for that which followes peace , the prosperity of it too . Hee well knew , that God hath pleasure in the prosperity of his seruants . Nor doth he so pray for the temporall peace of the State ; as that hee forgets the spirituall peace of the Church . Nor doth hee so pray for the externall peace of either : but that hee preferres the inward , and soule-peace of both . Not peace without vertue : For that is but a painted peace : and therefore Saint Hilar. will haue them together . Peace and Vertue Connexa sibi sunt , must bee knit together in Ierusalem . For Vertue is the strength and preseruatiue of Peace . And wheresoeuer Vertue is not , there Peace will bee the first that will abuse it selfe . Not Peace without Faith. For that is but a profane Peace . And therefore Saint Hierome tells vs , it is Dominus Christus , our Lord Christ , that is the true Peace of both State and Church . As if hee so long before had foreseene and prayed for ( in these words , Peace be within thee ) the comming of the Messiah . And foresee it ( no question ) he did . And I will not denie , but that he prayed for it : since neither Ierusalems peace could , nor our peace can , be firme without him . But then if you aske me why so many States , and Churches , are diuided for , and about Christ , and so not at peace : the cause I must tell you , is the sinne of men . They diuide and teare Christ first , and then what wonder if they bee diuided about him ? Thirdly , heere is his prayer for peace and prosperity for Ierusalem , for the State , for the Church : but whereabouts would hee haue these excellent blessings seated ? Where ? Why euery where , but especially in Muris & Palatiis , about the Wall and the Palace . And they are excellently fitted . He would haue them spread all ouer Ierusalem : But Loca Dominu , the places of their exaltation , are these in my Text ; the Wall , and the Palace : For peace that keepes at the wall , and so workes inward to calme the City : But the child of peace , Prosperity , that is borne after in the Palace , and comes outward , to inrich to the very Wal. The strength of a City is in the Walles . In Walles that are fenced and fortified with Turrets , ( as Euthymius renders it : ) therefore if a tempest of warre beate vpon the walles of it ; possesse the strength of it : there cannot bee peace . Therefore the Prayer is fit : Sit pax in muris , peace bee within the walles . And Dauids prayer is as full as fit : For the Church hath the same walles , that the State hath . It is in my Text. For it is in Muris Jerusalem , in the walles of Ierusalem , and the Temple stood within it . And by reason of the knot which God himselfe hath knit betweene the bodies : ( which is , that the same men , which in respect of one Allegiance make the Common-wealth , doe in respect of one faith , make the Church ) the walles of the State cannot bee broken , but the Church suffers with it : nor the walles and fences of the Church trampled vpon , but the State must be corrupted by it : therefore the Prayer is full ; that Peace may sit vpon the Walles , that Prosperity may fill all that is within them . Now neither the Walles of the State , nor the Walles of the Church , can keepe or defend themselues , or that which they compasse . There must bee Men , and they must keepe both the Wall , and the Palace , and the Peace : Viri-Muri , Men-Wals . And among these , all are not bound to equall care in preseruing the Peace . But as the greatest strength of the dead Walles is in Turribus , in the Towers and Bulwarkes , so the greatest care in the liuing Walles lyes in Turribus , in the Towers too ; vpon those that are eminent in State and Church . Now Saint Hierome telles vs plainly , that for the State , the Noble , and the Wise , and the Valiant men , they are the Towers . And for the Church , Saint Paul telles vs , the Apostles were the Pillars , Gal. 2. And S Chrysost. that the Priests are Muri Ecclesiae , the walles of the Church . Heere therefore the Prayer must goe home : Dauids did : Peace be in these walles too . For if these walles shake vpon their foundations : If these knocke one against another : there can be no firme peace in either Body . A wall-palsie is euer dangerous . Fourthly , when there is peace in Muris & Palatiis , in the Wall and the Palace , stayes either the Prayer for it , or the benefit of it , there ? No sure . The benefit stayes not . For the peace of the Wall and the Palace , is very diffusiue . All Ierusalem is the better for it presently . Not the meanest in the Body of the State , not the lowest in the Body of the Church : but they are the better , or may bee , for this peace . And it is implyed in the Text : For in Palatiis , in the Palaces , names indeed the Kings house , but vnder that greater , comprehends the lesse . And S. Hierome expresseth it so , and reades in Domibus , prosperity in the Houses . For the houses of Subiects cannot be empty of peace , when the Palace of the King is full . This for the Benefit ; and peace is no niggard of it selfe . Then the rule is : Where the benefit goes on and multiplies , there must not be a stop in the prayer ; that must goe on to , as Dauids did ; Peace be within the walls . Fiftly . The forme of this prayer , Sit pax in muris , Peace be within the walls , and prosperity within the Palaces ; tells vs , that Ierusalem had both these . And no doubt can bee made , but that Ierusalem , that State , that Church had both . And to this day as little doubt there is of ciuill States , muros habent , & Palatia , they haue both walls and Palaces . But for the Church , sacriledge ( in many places ) makes all the haste it can , to frustrate this prayer , that there may be nor Palaces , nor walls , for peace , or plenty , to be in . Doubtlesse , this ceremoniall Church will rise in Iudgement against the pillage of Christendome . For the Children of that Church left not their Mother without Walls for defence , not without Palaces for honour . Ye see it is plaine in my Text. But many Children of the substantiall Church , haue shewed themselues base and vnnaturall . Palaces : no , Cottages are good enough . As if it were a part of Religion , that Christ and his Priests must haue lesse honour in the substance , then they had in the ceremony . And yet when I consider better , I begin to thinke it is fit the Priests house should be meane , where the Church , which is Gods House , is let lye so basely . For he that hewed Timber afore out of the thicke Trees , was known to bring it to an excellent worke ; but now they haue beaten downe all the carued worke thereof with Axes and Hammers , Psalm . 74. So that now I doubt wee must vary the Prayer : from Sit pax , to Sint muri : not presume to pray , there may bee peace and plenty within the walls , but that the very wals themselues may stand . But yet I will doe the People right too . For as many of them are guilty of inexcusable sin , both by cunning and by violent sacriledge : so are too many of vs Priests guilty of other as great sins as sacriledge can bee ; for which , no doubt , we and our possessions lye open to the waste . It must needs be so . For the hand of sacriledge it self , though borne a Theefe , could neuer touch Palatia Ecclesiae , the Palaces of the Church , as long as God kept the wall of it . But while our sinnes make God out of peace with the Walles ; while he is at Diruam , I will breake the wall thereof , Esai . 5. it is in vaine to shift off by humane policies : for the Palaces cannot stand . Sixthly ; I may not omit , that while the Prophet prayes heere , for the State and the Church , and them that pray for both ; yet his expression is not , Pro orantibus , but Pro diligentibus ; not for them that pray for it , but for them that loue it : Let them prosper that loue it , and wish it good : so the payer ( as Euthym. obserues ) did not comprehend the Iewes onely , but as many of other nations too , as were Diligentes , louers of Ierusalem . And indeede these two , to loue , and to pray for the State , and the Church , make one in my Text : For no man can pray hartily for them , but hee , that loues them . And no man that truly loues them , can abstaine from praying for them , and the peace of them . This is certaine , neither loue , nor prayer , can stand with practising against either ; nor with spoile and rapine vpon either . Nor is Diligentibus te , that loue thee , an idle or an empty specification in the prayer of the King. For as Ierusalem had , so hath euery State , and euery Church , some false members , whose harts are neerer the enemie , then Ierusalem . Therefore sit Pax , sed diligentibus , let there bee peace , but to them that loue thee . But if any man haue a false heart to Ierusalem , let him haue no portion in the prosperitie of it . Thus you see , the Prophets care is for Ierusalem . For this State and Church he would haue you pray . In this prayer he would haue you beg for Peace . That which hee would haue others doe , hee doth himselfe : He prayes both for Ierusalem , and for them that pray for it . That which he also prayes for , is peace and prosperity . This peace hee would haue in the Walles , and this prosperity in the Palaces . From thence he knowes it will diffuse it selfe to meaner houses . Yet it seemes by the way , that that ceremoniall Church had both Walls and Palaces . And last of all , that this peace , this Prosperity , might be the reward onely Diligentium , of such as loue both State and Church . And now there is little behinde . For my Text is an Exhortation , and preacheth it selfe . Rogate Pacem , pray for the peace of Ierusalem . Pray for it ? Why , it seemes strange to mee that any age should bee weary of peace ; or need an exhortation to pray for it , either in Church or Common-wealth . Yet the age in which Dauid liued , was such . For though the instant time of the composure of this Psalme , was a time of Peace : yet it was but a time picked out , in an age that loued not Peace . Dauid tells vs so himselfe a little before my Text , Psal. 120. My soule hath long dwelt among them that are enemies vnto Peace : I labour for peace , but when I speake vnto them therof , they make thē ready to battell . So there he speaks for peace . And in my text he exhorts to pray forpeace . And after that , him selfe prayes for peace . And all this is little enough among them that loue not peace . Howbeit take this with you : They beare not the best mindes , ( Cases of necessity , and honourable safety , alwayes excepted ) that desire the waters , either of the Church , or the Common-wealth , should run troubled , that they may haue the better fishing . And the Historian sets his brand vpon them . Who are they whom peace cannot please ? Who ? Why , Quibus pessima est , & immodica cupiditas : They whose desires are worse then naught , in their Obiect : and voyd of all moderation in their pursuit . This I am sure of : since Dauid at the placing of the Arke , exhorts all sorts of men Rogare pacem , to pray for the peace of Ierusalem , he did not intend to leaue out the Priest , whom it concernes most , to preach peace to the people ; neither the High Priest , nor the rest , but they should bee most forward in this duty . This for the Priesthood then . And Christ himselfe , when he sent out the Seuenty to preach , gaue them in charge , to begin at euery house in which they entred , with Peace . Peace be to this house , S. Luk. 10. And he that preacheth not peace , or labours not for it , must confesse one of these two . Namely , that he thinkes Dauid was deceiued , while he calles to pray for peace . Or that himselfe is disobedient to his call . Caluin of opinion , that he which will order his prayers right , must begin , not with himselfe , but at Dominus Ecclesiae corpus conseruet : That the Lord would preserue the Body of his Church . It is iust with the Prophet , Peace for Ierusalem . For if any man bee so addicted to his priuate , that hee neglect the common State , he is voyd of the sence of piety , and wisheth peace and happinesse to himselfe in vaine . For who-euer he be , he must liue in the Body of the Common-wealth ; and in the Body of the Church : and if their ioynts be out , and in trouble , how can hee hope to liue in peace ? This is iust as much as if the exterior parts of the body should thinke they might liue healthfull , though the stomake be full of sicke and swolne humours . To conclude then : God hath blessed this State and Church , with many and happy yeeres of peace and plenty . To haue had peace without plenty , had been but a secure possession of misery , To haue had plenty ( if it were possible ) without peace , had been a most vncertaine possession of that , which men call happinesse , without inioying it . To haue had both these , without truth in Religion , & the Churches peace , had bin to want the true vse of both . Now to be weary of peace , especially peace in truth , is to slight God that hath giuen vs the blessing . And to abuse peace & plenty to Luxurie , and other sins , is to contemne the blessing it selfe . And there is neither of these , but will call apace for vengeance . My exhortation therefore shall keepe euen with S. Pauls , 1. Tim. 2. That praiers and supplications be made , especially for Kings , and for all that are in authority , that vnder them we may liue a quiet , and a peaceable life , in all godlinesse and honesty . Heere S. Paul would you pray for the king 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the King would haue you pray for the State , & the Church . His peace cannot be 〈◊〉 theirs . And your peace cannot bee without his . Thus hauing made my Text my Circle , I am gone round it , and come backe to it ; and must therefore end in the poynt where I began : Pray for the peace of Jerusalem ; Let them prosper that loue it : Peace be within the walles of it , and prosperity within the Palaces : That the Peace of God which passeth our vnderstanding heere , may not leaue vs , till it possessers of eternall Peace . And this , Christ for his infinite Merit and Mercy sake grant vnto vs. To whom with the Father , and the holy Spirit , be ascribed all Mighty , Maiesty , and Dominion , this day , and for euermore . Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A05167-e120 2. Reg. 6. 17. 2. Reg. 6. 2 , 3 Iosh. 15. 9 Vers. 1. 9. Vers. 5. Exod. 23. 17 Vers. 1. Vers. 7. 2. Reg. 6. 17. 2. Reg. 7. 13. Esra . 3. 1. 2. S. Hierom. Bafil , Theod. Hilar. Arnok . Euthym. Ibid. L. 2. Nat. Q. c. 42. Psal. 62. 32. and vers . 35. Vers. 9. S. Hierom. Aug. Hilar. Prosp. Ibid. S. Basil. Theodoret , &c. Ibid. Mat. 16. 18. Psal. 82. 1. L. 2. Bel. Ciuil . p. 100. f. Vers. 5. Esa. 37. 12. Psal. 29. 10. 2. Reg. 5. Vers. 4. Vers. 6. Eccles. 3. 8. Esa. 45. 7. Deut. 29. 29. Enchi . c. 101 1. Tim. 2. 2. Ioh. 14. 27. Rom. 12. 18. 2. Reg. 7. 9. 1. Reg. 17. 2. Reg. 5. 5. 2. Reg. 2. 2. Reg. 5. 20. 1. Chron. 22. 8. S. Iaco. 1. 20. Appian . L. 2. Bel. Cius . p. 504. A. 1. Chron. 22. 9. Apoc. 21. 2. 10. G. devoca . Iudae . pag. 44. Pag. 66. and 79. Rom. 11. Posit . 7. pag. 2. Posit . 44. & 45. Pag. 48. Esa. 25. 2. Pag. 105. Vers. 6 , 7. S. Hierom. & Geneu . Aunot . Ibid. Ier. 19. 11. Apoc. 21. L. 3. de Virginibus . Pag. 56. & 75. Pag. 56. & 102. Pag. 163. Sal. To. 4. Tract . 37. Lorin . in Act. 1. 6. Act. 1. 6. Lorin . in Act. 1. 6. S. Hierom. Ar. Mon. Trem. Saerm . 1. de Ieiu . 10. Men. 〈◊〉 . 19. Vers. 6. Vers. 7. Epist. 7. ad Smyrnen . S. Hilar. ibid. S. Hierom. Ibid. Euthym. Ibid. Nihil firmius , aut vtilius , aut celfius , Turribus . S. Hilar. Ibid. S. Hierom. Ibid. Gal. 2. 9. S. Chrysost. Hom. 10. in S. Mat. S. Hierom. Ibid. Psal. 74. 5. 6. Esa. 5. 5. Euthym. Ibid. Psa. 120. 5. Paterc . L. 2. 25. S. Luk. 10. 5. Calu. Ibid. 1. Tim. 2. 1. 
A05168	----	A sermon preached before his Maiestie, on Sunday the XIX. of Iune, at White-Hall Appointed to be preached at the opening of the Parliament. By the Bishop of S. Dauids. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 1625 Approx. 58 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A05168 STC 15302 ESTC S108347 99844006 99844006 8785 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A05168) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 8785) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1353:13) A sermon preached before his Maiestie, on Sunday the XIX. of Iune, at White-Hall Appointed to be preached at the opening of the Parliament. By the Bishop of S. Dauids. Laud, William, 1573-1645. [2], 49, [1] p. Printed by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, printers to the Kings most excellent Maiesty, London : M.DC.XXV. [1625] On Psalms LXXV, 2,3. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2002-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON PREACHED before His MAIESTIE , On Sunday the XIX . of Iune , At WHITE-HALL . Appointed to be preached at the opening of the PARLIAMENT . By the Bishop of S. DAVIDS . LONDON , Printed by BONHAM NORTON and IOHN BILL , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiesty . M. DC . XXV . PSALM . 75. 2 , 3. When I shall receiue the Congregation , ( or , when I shall take a conuenient time ) I will iudge according vnto right . The earth is dissolued , ( or , melted ) and all the inhabitants thereof ; I beare up the pillars of it . THIS Psalme is accounted a kinde of Dialogue betweene God and the Prophet . For David somtimes speaks in his owne person , and sometimes in Gods. Some thinke the time , when hee sung this Psalme , was , when he was now ready to be crowned king ouer Israel , aswell as Iuda . The occasion of this his solemne deuotion was , not onely the care which hee had of the world in generall , the earth , but much more , and much neerer the care which hee tooke of the Kingdome of Israel , now committed by God vnto his Gouernement . That Kingdome was then filled with ciuill combustions ; and the Church ( as it vses to be in a troubled State ) was out of order too . The Learned , both the Fathers , and the later Diuines , differ much about my Text. For some will read it Time ; and some , The Congregation . And the best is , there 's warrantable authoritie for both . Againe , some will haue it , that this speech ( I will iudge acoording vnto right ) is Dauids promise to God , of his iust administration of the Kingdome ; and some , that it is Gods promise to Dauid , of his Grace and Assistance , to inable him so to gouerne . If it be Gods speech , they are not all agreed , neither whether it be meant of his temporary execution of Iudgement in this life ; or of his great and finall iudgement . Nor do they all agree , whether by the Earth , bee meant the whole world , and the Church spread ouer it ; or the kingdome of the Iewes , and the Church , as then conteined in it . But the matter is not great . For the Scripture is not onely true , but full in all these senses ; and all of them come in close vpon the letter of the Text. And therefore for ought I know , it is the safest way , which shuts out nothing that the Text includes . And my Text will easily take in all , if you consider the wordes , as Dauids speech ; yet so , as that one way Dauid be vnderstood to speake in his owne person ; and another way in Gods. And this is no newes . For vsually in the Psalmes , one and the same speech is meant of Dauid , and Christ ; and one and the same action applyed to God and the King. And the reason of this is plaine : For the King is Gods immediate Lieutenant vpon earth ; and therefore one and the same action is Gods by ordinance , and the Kings by execution . And the power which resides in the King , is not any assuming to himselfe , nor any gift from the people , but Gods power , aswellin , as ouer him . So God and the King stand very neere together . And it is an infinite blessing both vpon the King , and the people , when the Kings heart keepes as neere vnto God , as Gods power is to the King. For then t' is but reading of my Text , and you both see and enioy the blessing presently . For then the Congregation that comes vp , the great Congregation ; great in number , great in place , and great in power , it shall not loose it's labour . For , I will receiue it , saith God ; and I , saith the King. The Congregation , whether it bee to serue God , or the State , or both , comes vp at an appointed time ; and , I will make a conuenient time for it ; saith God ; and I wil take a conuenient time for it , saith the King. When I haue receiued it , and in this time , I will iudge in it , and by it , according vnto right , saith God ; and I , saith the King. If Iustice and Iudgement bee not executed , the Earth will dissolue , the Kingdomes will melt away , all things will sinke and fall ; but I will beare vp the pillars of it , saith God ; and I , saith the King. If the Earth dissolue , the Militant Church which dwells vpon it shakes presently . It must needs beare part with the State in which it is ; but I will beare vp the pillars of that too , saith God ; and I , saith the King. So blessed a thing it is , where God and the King keepe neere , and worke together . The Text hath Two parts . The one is the state of the Earth , of the Kingdomes , and the Inhabitors thereof ; and they , when the Prophet wrote this , were in weake estate , melted , and dissolued . The other is , the Remedie , which God and the King will take to settle it . And concerning this Remedie , heere are Three things expressed . First , the Execution of Iustice , I will iudge according vnto right . Secondly , the Establishment , or settling of the Pillars , I beare top the pillars of it . Thirdly , the Time for both these , and that is a conuenient Time , euen when Hee shall receiue the Congregation . I begin at the state in which Dauid , when hee came to the Crowne , found the Earth , the world in generall ; the Kingdome of Iuda in particular ; and the Church of God. And surely my Text giues mee no hope , but Liquefacta est , weakenesse , dissolution , and melting in them all . For the world first , that so farre as the Assyrian Monarchie preuailed , in those dayes of Dauid , melted betweene riot and crueltie . And the rest of the world which was not vnder them , was broken and dissolued into petty Dynasties and Gouernements ; which did nothing almost but prey one vpon another . And for the Kingdome of Iuda , ( the speciall ayme of my Text ) that melted first in the great disobedience of Saul , and after that in ciuill dissentions betweene Dauid , and Ishbosheth the sonne of Saul , for diuers yeeres together . And as for the Church , that had no publicke roome then giuen it , but in Iudea ; and there it could not stand fast when the Earth melted vnder it . And we finde toward the end of Saul , 85. Priests were put to the sword at once , and vniustly all . And the Church cannot choose but melt when her Priests are slaine : for the speediest melting that is , is to melt in blood . Now this melting , whether it bee in State or Church , is no small thing . For the Scripture when it would expresse a great Calamitie vpon men or Kingdomes , vses the word melting , or dissoluing . And that shewes that their honour and strength drops away and decayes , till they become as nothing , or quite another thing . In trouble , the heart of Dauid melted like waxe , Psal 22. When their enemies preuailed , The heart of the people melted like water , Ios. 7. In the time of vengeance , The vngodly of the Earth shall melt and consume away like a snaile , Psal. 58. And that 's melting indeed : Put but a little falt vpon a snaile , and he will drop out of his house presently . Melting then is a great Calamity vpon a Kingdome . And 't is not Iuda onely , but all Kingdomes of the Earth are subiect to melting . The many changes of the world haue Preach'd this ouer and ouer ; That whatsoeuer hath Earth to the foundation , is subiect to dissolution . And the Sermon is still made vpon this Text , Terra liquefacta est : The Earth is dissolued . Now vsually before melting there goes a Heate : And so it was , Hos. 8. A fire first , and then the melting of Israel . There neither is , nor can bee any Kingdome , but it hath many Heates . These are most felt by them , that are at the working of the State. But these are all quite aboue me , saue to pray for their temper : and I will not further meddle with them . Heates then there are , but all Heates are not by and by a Furnace ; nor are all Furnaces able to melt and dissolue States . No God forbid . Not all , but yet some there are , that can melt any kingdome , especially two . The one of these Heates is Sinne , great and multiplied sinne . For ( saith S. Augustine ) delinquere , est de liquido fluere . To sinne , is to melt , and drop away from all steddinesse in vertue , from all foundation of Iustice. And here a State melts inward , there 's little seene yet . The other is Gods punishment for these sinnes . For that makes emptie cities , and a desolate Land. And there a State melts outwardly , and in view . And by this we haue found what , and who it is that melts great and glorious Kingdomes . In the Text there 's no more then liquefacta est , the earth is dissolued ; not a word by whom , or for what . But it is expressed Vers. 7. that it is by God. And it is too well knowen , that it is for sinne , and for great sinne too . For as there goes sinne , before God heates ; so there goe great and multiplied sinnes , before God makes his fire so hote , as to melt , or dissolue a Kingdome . The sinnes of the Amorite not yet full , therefore not yet cast into the melting pot . But so soone as their sinnes were full , their State melted . The fruit of it from aboue , and the root of it from beneath , all destroyed . And this was not the Amorites case onely ; for all Stories are ful of it , That when States haue melted into wanton , and lustfull sinnes , they haue not long after dissolued into desolation . For ( as S. Ierome obserues ) . that course God holds with impious , and impenitent Kingdomes , aswell as men , absque discretione personarum , without any difference of persons , or places . Well , when t' is Terra liquefacta , when a Kingdome dissolues and melts , what then ? What ? why then no man is in safety , till it settle againe ; not a man. For the Text goes on : The earth is dissolued , and all that dwell therein . All men then to seeke what to doe ; the wisest to seeke , and the strongest to seeke , All. And it must needes be so . For so long as a State is Terra , like solide ground , men know where to set their footing ; and it is not euery Earth-quake , that swallowes the place . But when it is once Terra liquefacta , molten and dissolued , there is no footing , no foundation then . I sticke fast in the myre , where no ground is , Psal. 69. and myre is but terraliquefacta , molten and dissolued earth . All foule then , and no foundation . And when a Kingdome melts indeed , that is , both wayes , In sinne , and vnder punishment , there 's great reason the inhabitants should melt with it into feare , into danger , into ruine . For God neuer puts his fire to the melting of a State , but for sinne , and sinne , that is neuer committed by the dead State , but by the liuing . For when a fruitfull land is made barren , it is for the wickednesse of them that dwell therein . And therefore there is great reason , when the earth dissolues , that the inhabitants should all sweat , and melt too . When Dauid came to the Crowne t' was thus . How is it now ? Why , if you take the earth at large , for the Kingdomes about you , out of question there hath beene liquefactio ; a melting in the earth , and many Kingdomes haue swet blood . But if you take the earth for the State at home , then t' is high time to magnifie God : First , for the Renowmed , Religious , and peaceable Reigne of our late dread Soueraigne of blessed Memorie , who for so many yeeres together , kept this Kingdome in peace , and from melting : And secondly , that now in the change of Princes , ( which is not the least occasion for a State to melt ) wee liue to see a miracle , Change without Alteration . Another King ; but the same life-expression of all the Royall and Religious Vertues of his Father ; and no sinewes shrinking , or dissoluing in the State. If you aske me the cause of this happinesse , I can direct you to no other but God , and God in mercie . For as for the Kingdome , that is made of the same Earth with others , and is consequently subiect to the same dissolution . And as for vs that dwell therein , I doubt our sinnes haue been as clamorous vpon God to heate his fire , and make it fall on melting , as the sinnes of them that inhabit other Countreys . And though I doubt not but God hath the sure mercies of Dauid in store for the King , and will neuer faile him , yet if Habitatores in ed , they that dwell in this good and happy soile , will burden it and themselues with sinne , great sinne , multiplied sinne , vnrepented sinne ; it will not be in the power , or wisdome , or courage , or piety of a King , to keepe the State from melting . For Dauid was all these , and yet liquefacta est terra , the Earth was as good as dissolued for all that . And therefore that this Kingdome is not a melting too , I can giue no firme reason , but God and his Mercy . For hee is content to giue longer day for repentance , and repentance is able to doe all things with God. And the time calles apace for repentance : The Heauens they melt into vnseasonable weather ; and the Earth melts and dissolues her Inhabitants into infectious humours ; and there 's no way to stay these meltings , but by melting our selues , in , and by true repentance . Would you then haue a settled and a flourishing State ? Would you haue no melting , no dissolution in the Church ? I know you would , it is the honourable and religious designe of you all : Why , but if you would indeed , The King must trust , and indeere his people : The people must honour , obey , and support their King : Both King , and Peeres , and People must religiously serue and honour God ; shut out all Superstition on Gods Name , the farther the better ; but let in no prophanenesse therewhile . If this bee not done , take what care you can , God is aboue all humane wisedome , and in some degree or other there will bee Liquefactio terrae , a melting , or a waste , both in Church and State. And this falls in vpon the second generall part of the Text ; which is The Remedy , as it was then with the Iewes , The Preuention , as it is now with vs ; which God and the King will vse to keepe the State and the Church from melting . This Remedy ( and the Preuention is iust the same ) is expressed first in the Execution of Iustice. And this God promises for the King ; and the King promises vnder God. I will iudge according vnto right , saith God ; and I , saith the King. Now Iustice and Iudgement is the greatest binder vp of a State ; The great bounder of Peace and Warre . And it is not possible to finde dissoluing sinews in a Kingdome , that is gouerned by Iustice. For if the King flourish , the Kingdome cannot melt : And the Kings Throne , that is established by Iustice. Nay farther ; Nothing but Iustice can establish the Throne , and make it firme indeed . But when God blesses the King with a heart full of Iustice , when God strengthens the King in the Execution of Iustice , when the King followes God as close as hee can , with Ego iudicabo , I my selfe will looke to the administration of Iustice , with which God hath trusted me ; there can bee no melting about the Throne of the King , none in the State , none in the Church . But then this Iustice , which preserues the King , and blesses the people , must be habituall . To doe Iustice casually , though the thing done be iust , yet the doing of it is not Iustice. The State may melt for all that , because the Remedy is but casuall . Againe , since the whole State hath interest in the Iustice of the King , his Iustice must be spreading ouer all persons , and in all causes . And so 't is plurall in the Text , I will iudge , Iusticias , for euery mans cause , so farre as it is iust . Why , but then must the King doe all this himselfe ? No , God forbid that burden should lye vpon him ? Moses was not able alone for that . It was , and it is too heauy . What then ? why then Iethro's counsell must bee followed . There must bee inferiour Iudges and Magistrates deputed by the King for this : Men of courage , fearing God , and hating Couetousness . These must quit Moses from the inferiour trouble , that he may be actiue , and able for the great affaires of State. For if they be suffered to melt and drop downeward , there can be no standing dry or safe vnder them . And hence it followes , that , Ego iudicabo , I will iudge according vnto right , is not onely the Kings engagement betweene God , and the People ; but it is the engagement of euery Iudge , Magistrate , and Officer betweene God , the King , and the State. The Kings power , that 's from God. The Iudges , and the subordinate Magistrates power , that 's from the King. Both are for the good of the people , That they may lead a peaceable life in all godlinesse , and honestie . All Iudges , and Courts of Iustice , euen this great Congregation , this great Councell , now ready to sit , receiue influence and power from the King , and are dispensers of his Iustice , aswell as their owne , both in the Lawes they make , and in the Lawes they execute : in the Causes which they heare , and in the Sentences which they giue . The King , Gods High Steward , and they Stewards vnder him . And so long as Iustice and Iudgement sits vpon all the Benches of a Kingdome , either it is not possible for Fluxes and Meltings to begin in the State ; or if they doe begin , their Drip will be cured presently . Now while the King keepes close to Ego judicabo , I will iudge that which comes to me according vnto right ; if inferiour Iudges ( which God forbid ) iudge other then right , they sin against three at once , and against God in all , For first , they sinne against the people , by doing them wrong in stead of Iustice. Secondly , they sinne against their owne conscience , not only by calling , but by sentencing Good Exill , and Euill Good. Thirdly , they sin against the King , the fountaine of Iustice vnder God , in slandering of his Iustice to the people , with the administration whereof they are trusted vnder him . And once againe for Inferiour Gouernours of all sorts . The King is the Sunne . Hee drawes vp some vapours , some support , some supply from vs. T' is true : hee must doe so . For , if the Sun draw vp no vapours , it can powre downe no raine , and the Earth may bee too hard , as well as too soft and too melting . Now this Raine which descends , and is first caused by the Sunne , is prepared in the Clouds before it falleth on the Earth . And all Great Men that are raised higher then the rest , especially Iudges and Magistrates of all sorts , they are the Clouds . They receiue the more immediate influence from the King ; and if they bee Gods Clouds , and retaine what hee gaue them , thev drop fatnesse vpon the people . But , if they bee clouds without water , they transmit no influence . If they bee light clouds in the wind , then no certaine influence . If they be cloud , driuen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a whirlewind , then it is passionate , and violent influence . And the Clouds , I hope , are not , I am sure , should not bee thus , betweene the King , and his people . There is then Ego judicabo , I will iudge according vnto right , both for the King , and all subordinate Magistrates vnder him . But here 's Ego judicabo , and I will iudge according to right , for God too . For many of the * Fathers will haue this to be Gods speech , or Dauids in the person of God. And then whatsoeuer men doe with Iustice and Iudgement , God comes two wayes in vpon the iudgements of men to reuiew them . For first , God comes in , when the Earth is melting by violence , and iniustice . And then Gods Ego judicabo , I will iudge , is either in Mercy to repayre the breaches , to stay the melting of the State ; or else in Iudgement to punish the debasers of Iustice. And this God sometimes doth in this life . But if hee doe it not here , yet hee neuer failes to doe it at the last , and finall Iudgement ; to which diuers of the * Fathers referre this passage of my Text. Secondly , God comes in when the Seats of Iustice , supreme and inferiour , are all entire . And then Gods Ego judicabo , I will iudge , is alwayes to confirme , and countenance the proceedings of Iustice , and to blesse the Instruments . And my Text hath it full . For it is not here said , I will iudge the causeonely , or the men onely whose cause it is , or the Iudges onely that sentence the cause ; but Ego iustitias , I will iudge the very Iudgements themselues , how right , or otherwise they passe . And then this must needs be to confirme and honour them , if they bee iust ; or to condemne and dissolue them , if they bee vniust , rather then they shall melt , or dissolue the State , or sometimes to send a melting into that State in which Iustice is peruerted . Now , howsoeuer men sometimes breake from their dutie in iudging according to right , yet there can bee no question of Gods proceedings . Hee will bee sure to iudge all things , and all men according to right , who euer doe not . Shall not the Iudge of all the world doe right ? Yes , no question . And therefore euen Kings themselues , and all mightie men of the Earth , and Iudges of all sorts haue need to looke to then waies . For God is ouer them with Ego iudicabo , I will one day call for an accompt . I will iudge all the Executions of Iustice , with which I haue trusted them . And this is the first Preuention of the melting of a kingdome ; the first Remedy when it begins to melt : The maintenance and Execution of Iustice. The second followes ; and it is the establishing of the Pillars of the Earth . I beare vp the Pillars of it . I , saith God , and I , saith the king . Where first , it is not amisse to consider , what these great Pillars of the earth are . The Earth it selfe , that hath but one Pillar , and that is the poize , and aequilibre of the Center . And that is borne vp by the Word and Ordinance of God. Thou commandedst , and it stood fast ; And ( saith S. Ambrose ) it needes no other thing to stay it . The kingdomes of the Earth , they haue more Pillars then one . This one , which is Gods ordinance for gouernment , they haue ; but they haue diuers Administratours of this ordinance . And these Pillars are Kings , and Peeres , and Iudges , and Magistrates . Not one of these vnder the nature of a Pillar : not one ; but yet with a great deale of difference . For though there be many Pillars , yet there is but Vnus Rex , one King ; one great and Center-pillar ; and all the rest in a kingdome doe but beare vp vnder , and about him . The Church , that is not without Pillars neither . No , God forbid . And it resembles in this the kingdomes among which it soiournes . The great Master pillar Christ , hee is the Foundation of all the rest ; and other foundation can no man lay of the Church . Next to Christ , the Apostles and the Disciples are Pillars too , and so called , Gal. 2. After these their Successours , Bishops , and Priests , the Fathers of the Church in their seuerall ages , they came to bee Pillars . And shall so successiuely continue to the end of the world . And so soone as Emperours and Kings were conuerted to the Faith , they presently came into the nature of Pillars to the Church too . If any man doubt this truth , I 'le call in the Pope himselfe to witnesse it . There are too great Props , or Pillars of the Church ( saith Leo ) The Kings authoritie , and the Priests ; both these : And the Pope was content then to put the Kings first . And Kings ( saith S. Augustine ) are indeed great Pillars of the Church , especially if they vse their power , ad cultum Dei dilat andum , to enlarge ( and support ) the true religious worship of God. You haue seene what these Pillars are : Will you consider next what they haue to doe both in Church and Common-wealth ? The office of a Pillar is knowne well enough what it is . T' is Justinere , to prop , and beare vp the Earth . Quantum est columnarum nihil sustinentium , sed in ornamentum tantum . I know in luxurient buildings many Pillars stand only for ornament , but beare no weight . It is not so with Pillars that are crown'd . Honour and ornament they haue , and they deserue it , but they are loaded too . Kingdomes and States , the greatest , the strongest in the world , are as mouldring Earth , as men . Iuda at this time was Terra liquefacta , like a dissoluing Body . They cannot stand sine Columnis , without their pillars to beare them . And therefore the king hath euer beene accounted , and truely , columna stare faciens terram , the maine pillar , and stay of the State. And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the king is the pillar , the foundation of the people . So S. Gregory ; for hee beares subiectorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not onely his subiects , but their burdens too . The office then of the Pillars is to beare ; but when is there vse of them ? When ? Why continually , they can bee spared at no time : if they leaue bearing , the State meks presently . Wee reade it foure times repeated in Scripture , but vpon two great occasions onely , Idolatry , and Abominable lust , that there was no King in Israel , Iudg. 17. and 19. no King. And still there followed a melting and a dissoluing of the State. Euery man did what seem'd good in his owne eyes ; and the punishment was great . At this time Dauid was King of Iuda , and Ishbosheth would bee King of Israel : Ioab was for the one , and Abnor with the other . The Pillars heere , in stead of bearing , fell a iustling : What followed ? Why you see , Liquefacta est terra , that kingdome melted . The Pillars then can neuer be spared from their worke , continuall vse of them ; but yet at one time more need then another . And the time of the greatest necessitie of these Pillars is , when there is any Liquefaction , or weakening of the Earth . And that is in the Text , the Earth dissoluing ; and then by and by recourse to the Pillars . To the Pillars ; and therefore they which weaken the gouernement ; nay , which doe but offer to impaire the honour and reputation of the Gouernours , are dangerous and vnworthie members of any Common-wealth . For to murmure , and make the people beleeue , there are I know not what cracks and flawes in the Pillars ; to disesteeme their strength ; to vnderualue their bearing : is to trouble the earth , and the Inhabitants of it ; To make the people feare a melting , where there 's none . And what office that is , you all know . Continuall vse there is then of the Pillars . But what then ? Can the Pillars beare vp the earth in a melting time , by their owne strength ? No sure , that they cannot ; not at any time ; and therefore least at a melting time . But what then ? Why then heere 's Ego & Ego , I beare vp the Pillars that are about me , saith Dauid ; and I , saith God , beare vp both these and Dauid too . And indeed all Pillars are too weake , if they bee left to themselues . There must bee one to beare them , or else they can neuer beare the Earth . One , and it can be none vnder God : Ego confirmani , 't is I that in all times haue borne vp the Pillars of it . And it is per me , by me , saith God , Prou. 8. that Kings reigne . And per me , by me , is not onely by Gods ordination , once set , and then no more , but by his preseruation , & his supportation too . And ( as S. Augustine obserues ) Quid essent ipsae columnae ? What could the Pillars themselues doe , if they were not borne vp by God ? But when it once comes to Ego confirmaui , I beare vp the Pillars , there 's nothing then to be feared . Now these of which we speake , are not stonie or insensible , but liuing and vnderstanding Pillars : vnderstanding , therefore they feele Onus terrae , the burden of the Earth which lies vpon them , when the dull earth feeles not it selfe ; therefore as they feele , so are they able to compare their strength , and the burden , and the difference of the burden at seuerall times ; therefore while they compare they are sensible of the difference betweene supporting of earth , and Terrae liquefactae , dissolued , or dissoluing earth : For this latter is heauier a great deale ; therefore in the difference they can tell where they are likeliest to shrinke vnder the burden , if God come not in to beare them vp . And in all these cases , and many more , the Pillars of the earth must goe to God , as fast as the Inhabitants of the earth come to them . They must pray for themselues . And the Church , and the people must pray for them too . And the cloze of the prayers must still bee , that God would beare vp the Pillars , that they may be able to beare vp the earth . And for the honour of Kings and their great Assistants ; marke it , God doth not say here , I beare vp the Earth , and the inhabitants of it , though he doth that too , and they cannot subsist without him ; but as if he had quite put them ouer to the King , and the great Gouernours vnder him , he saith , I beare vp the pillars ; and then , I looke and will require of them , that they beare vp the State , and the people . Let mee speake a little boldly , ( saith G. Nazianz. ) Shew your selues gods to your subiects ; gods , and no lesse : Gods ; why then you must doe Gods worke . And Gods worke euer since the Creation , is to preserue , and beare vp the world . Therefore as God beares vp you , so you must beare vp the Earth , and the people . God reteines his owne power ouer you ; but hee hath giuen you his owne power ouer them , Rom. 13. His owne power , and that is to beare vp the people at home ; and in all iust quarrels to force enemies abroad . And in all this t' is Gods power still , but yet he will exercise it by the Pillars . Therefore in the first great leading of his people , himselfe went before them in the forme of a pillar , Exod. 13. And when he smote the armie of Egypt , he looked out of the pillar while he strooke it , Exod. 14. And because this was an extraordinary pillar , and therefore can be no principle for ordinary conclusions , He makes Moses , which was the ordinary pillar , not beare onely , but strike too . He must stretch out his band vpon the Sea , Exod. 14. Now this great worke of God in supporting the pillars , kings and mighty Potentates of the Earth , is so manifest , that no reason can bee brought to deny it . First , in that the wisest , and mightiest kings that euer were , haue beene in their seuerall times most religious . Secondly , in that euen those kings , and great men vnderthem , which haue not accounted God their strength , haue yet thought it necessary to beare the world in hand , that they did rely vpon God to beare them vp . And this is a full proofe , that this principle is naturally printed in the heart of man , that God is Basis Columnarum , the foundation of the pillars . Thirdly , in that very many times , weaker Gouernours both for wisedome and courage , doe prosper , and performe greater workes , then some , which in themselues had farre greater abilities , and a more prouident Councell about them . A famous instance of this , is Pope Iulius 2. To ascribe this to Fortune onely , worldly wisedome it selfe would condemne for folly . To giue it to Destinie , is to binde vp God in chaines vnworthy for men : For worldly wisedome knowes this , that God in his workes ad extra , must be most free , or no God. To worldly wisedome it selfe ; it cannot be ascribed : For she hath openly disclaymed many of their Actions , which haue prospered best . Therefore of necessitie so much be ascribed to Gods blessing and protecting them . And certainly there 's no true reason can be giuen of it , but this . First , Ego confirme , I establish and beare vp the pillars . For so long the world cannot shake them . And secondly , Ego apto , I make fitte the Pillars , ( as Tremel . reades it ; ) for so long they beare , euen aboue their strength . And out of doubt , there is very much in the fitting of the Pillars . T' is not the great massinesse of a Pillar , but the cleane , and true working of him , that makes him beare ; the fitting of him in time , and to his place . And here , as for many other , so especially for two things , wee haue great cause to blesse and magnifie God. First , that since he would remoue our Royall Pillar , which had stood now vnder the weight of this Gouernment full 22. yeeres , yet he would not doe it , till he had prepared another , and brought him to full strength , to beare vp this kingdome , to Gods great honour , and his owne . Secondly , that by Gods great blessing , and his Royall Fathers prudent education , hee is , and was from the first houre , confirmata columna , an established , and a settled Pillar . And I make no question , but aptata Columna too , A Pillar euery way fitted to the State he beares ; fitted to the difficulties of the time ; fitted to the State , and fitted to the Church . Now the Church , no question , for the externall support of it , hath need , great need of Temporall Pillars too . At this time a great Pillar of this Church is falne ; and doubtlesse a great part of the edifice had falne with it , if God had not made supply of another , and a very able Pillar . I finde Gen. 28. that there was an Anoynted Pillar ; that it was anoynted by Iacob . The place was Bethel , the house of God. In it the Ladder of heauen , by which the Angels goe and come . But out of doubt this Pillar is here . This Pillar not yet anoynted by the hand of the Priest ; but anoynted already to the inheritance and by the blessing of Iacob . The place where Iacob left him behind is the Church of God , and he left him a Pillar , for so hee rested on him , and well hee might . Old Iacob is gone by the Angels way to heauen , but he left the Pillar here behind at Bethel , for the house of God. And al the blessings of Heauen & Earth bee vpon him all the dayes of his life . The Church in all times of her dissensions , when schisme and faction haue made great Rents in her buildings , hath still had recourse to her Pillars , to her Ciuill and his Ecclesiasticall Pillars ; and shee goes right . For her Pillars must support her , or shee cannot be borne vp . This very time is a time of Church diuision . What followes vpon it ? what ? why the Church is become Terra liquefacta , there 's melting almost in euery part of it Christendome through , melting in all places , but not at the same Fire . For in one place Truth melts away from the doctrine of the Church . In another deuotion and good life melt away from the practise of the Church . In a third all externall meanes , and necessary supply melts away from the maintenance of the Church . And but that I know Hell gates cannot preuaile against it , it melts so fast sometimes , that I should thinke it is , as the world takes it , for a house of butter against the Sunne . Well , what 's the cause that there should be such melting in the Church ? what ? why surely there are many causes , would I complaine to you of them . But there are two in the very letter of my Text , and them I cannot bauk . But I speake of the Church in generall , and still hope the best of our owne . The One is , that the Ecclesiasticall Pillars , which are the Churches most immediate bearers , are in many places of Christendome but hollow Pillars . And there 's no trusting of hollow Pillars with such a weight as the Church is . And therfore here where God in mercy will stay the melting , t' is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I will make the pillars solid . I will not leaue the Church any longer vpon hollow ; hypocriticall , and deceiptfull Pillars . The Other is , that the Church oft-times relyes too much vpon her Pillars , vpon the wisedome , and the power of them . And so farre , that sometimes Ego confirmani , God that heares vp the pillars is quite forgotten . And then whensoeuer shee and her Pillars leaue to rest vp on God , they fall on melting presently , and no wonder . But whatsoeuer the Churches Error be , this I am sure will concerne the State , and You. It is not possible in any Christian Commonwealth , that the Church should melt , and the State stand firme . For there can be no firmenes without Law ; and no Lawes can be binding if there be no conscience to obey them ; penalty alone could neuer , can neuer do it . And no schoole can teach conscience but the Church of Christ. For where-euer you finde the Church melt and dissolue , there you shal see consciēce decay . Therefore be Pillars to the Church , and you shal be Pillars , strong Pillars to the State , and to your selues . The Third and last Circumstance of the Text is , The Time , that is chosen for both these , both for the execution of Iustice , and establishing the Pillars . And that is a set , and a conuenient time , euen when he shal receiue the Congregation . For that time I 'le take , saith God , and I , saith the King. The first instant of this time set or taken is Opportunity . T' is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Text. And opportunity is the best moment in all the extension of time . loose it , and loose all . The right vse of it is one of the things that differences wisedome from folly . Now a man would thinke that for these things in the Text , all times were times of opportunity . For can any time be vnfit to doe iustice , to iudge according to right , to beare vp the pillars of State and Church ? no sure , there cannot . And yet , euen for these , here 's both God and the King for opportunity . For here Dauid promises both for God and himselfe , that he will take a conuenient time . But then there is a great deale of difference betweene God and the King in taking of it . For when the King comes to beare vp the State , t' is simply cùm accepero tempus , when I shall take a conuenient time . For no regall power hath any command ouer tim . It can neither force on , nor draw backe , nor make stay of opportunity . Hee must take it when God offers it , or not haue it . And if it be let slip , he cannot promise it shall returne to his hand againe . Nor can this great Court make an Act of Parliament , to stay or reduce it . But when God comes to doe iustice and to beare vp the pillars themselues ; then cùm accepero tempus is not simply the taking of a conuenient time , but the making of it too . And it stands not for eligere but statuere , not for a choyce of time , as if God must waite vpon it ; but for appointing of time ; and making it fit to serue both God and the King. For ( saith S. Augustine ) Deus non accipit ( propriè , ) sed gubernat tempora . God doth not attend opportunities of time , as if he could not worke without them , but hee gouernes and disposes of time , and occasion , and makes them ready for vs to take them . Otherwise obsequiae temporum ( as Arnobius cals them ) the pliantnes of time , will not attend , nor bee commanded by vs. So that here God's taking of the time is nothing but God's fitting of the time to vs , and vs to it . And when he is said to take it , it is for vs , not for himselfe . Now though God bee at this taking of the time , yet it is not in men to giue it him . No ability of man or any creature can doe that . And therefore where the speech is of God , it is absolute , and simply Quum ego , when I shall take it . Not I and you , not I from you . But out of his owne wisedome he finds it , and out of his owne goodnes he takes it , and by his owne power he vses it , to beare vp the pillars of the Earth . And therefore here in the Text is neuer a Quum tu das , when thou giuest mee an opportunity , but when I take and order time by my selfe . And yet let me tell you , that where mans strength can doe nothing to giue God an opportunity to preserue the Earth , and the kingdomes of it from melting , there his weaknes can . For as weaknes is the thing that needs , so the time of melting is the opportunity of establishing the pillars of the earth . And so God in mercy is often pleased to make it . T' was so Psal. 9. The Lord will minister true iudgement vnto the people : He will be a defence for the oppressed . When will he do this ? in opportunitatibus , in the needfull time of trouble ; and that is the melting time . And t' is so in the Text , I beare vp the Pillars of the Earth . When doth hee beare them ? Quum terra liquefacta est , when States shake and seeme to be dissoluing . And since our sufficiency can giue Gods wisdome no opportunity ; but yet our weaknes giues his mercy opportunity enough ; it is manifest , that no one thing is more necessary for preseruation against the melting of a kingdome , then humble and heartie prayer , that God will come alwayes in to that opportunity which our weaknes makes . And now because God doth often take vnto himselfe second meanes , and vses them in time , to watch ouer the oportunity which himselfe giues , here 's a touch in the Text for that too , when this fit time of bearing vp of the pillars of the Earth comes . And that is ( as S. Basil and some others read it ) at the Receiuing of the Congregation , that is , when the people shall meet in the Synagogue to pray , & praise God : or , when the Honorable and the selected of the people shal be summon'd , & gathered together in the name of the Lord , for Counsell or Iustice. For no time so fit to honor God , none to execute Iustice ; none to beare vp the pillars of the Earth ; as when the Congregation is receiued to meet , and consider and weigh all those things which make for the honor and safety of a kingdome And beginning that seruice with Gods : For God forbid this Honourable Councell of State should sit downe and begin any where els then at God. Now the great Congregation among the Iewes was the Sanedrim . And the going vp of the Tribes to Ierusalem , was first to giue thanks vnto the Lord , and then to sit downe on the seate of iudgement . Psal. 122. And Ierusalem at that time was the seat both of Religion and the State. Differences I know there are many between vs and them , our gouernment & theirs , but not in this , That the Tribes are assembled and come vp to one place ; Nor in this , That they come vp first to giue thankes to God , before they possesse the seate of iudgement ; Nor in this much , that there is a Session , a Conuocation for Religion , aswell as Parliament for State. But to leaue them , and come to our owne . This great Councell of the Kingdome , this Congregation is neuer receiued to meeting , but about the Pillars of the State , the Lawes , and the Gouernement . That by the Lawes there might be Iudgement according to right ; and by the Gouernement the Pillars may both beare and bee borne . I say beare , and be borne . For though in the text it be , I beare vp the Pillars . That is , I at al times ; and I in some cases , where none can but I ; and I when all forsake saue I ; yet that is not so to be taken , as if the people were not bound to beare vp the Pillars , aswell as the Pillars them . No , for there 's no question but they are bound , and strictly bound too , Rom. 13. And certaine it is no State can flourish , if there be not mutuall support betweene the Earth and the Pillars : if it faile of either side , there 's some melting or other presently . For the strength of a King is in the multitude of his people . Prou. 14. His supply , and his defence is there . And the stregth of a People is in the honour and renowne of their King : His very name is their shield among the Nations ; and they must make accompt to beare , if they will be borne . And this is read in the very Dictates of Nature for gouernement . For no man cuer saw a building of State , but the Pillars which beare vp it , are borne by the Earth . Now God and the King doe both receiue this Congregation , and in fitnesse of time , and yet with a difference too . For the King receiues the Congregation to consult , and a duise with it ; but God receiues it , to direct , and to blesse it . And God with his blessing is neuer wanting to vs at these and the like times , if we bee not wanting to Him , and our selues . And thus you haue seene in what state the kingdome of Israel was in Dauids time ; and how easie it is for any kingdome to be in the like ; in a melting , and a dissoluing estate . You haue likewise seene what Remedy was then , and what Preuention is now to bee thought of against this melting . This both Remedy , and Preuention consists especially in impartial distribution of Iustice to the people ; and in Gods gracious and powerfull supporting of the pillars of the State. The time for this neuer so fit , as when the Congregation is receiued by the King to consultation , and by God to blessing . It is not much which I haue more to say . The Congregation is now ready to be receiued . The very Receiuing it ioynes it with the fitnesse of opportunity . For it is the Kings opportunity to blesse his people with Iustice and Iudgement ; and it is Gods opportunity to beare vp both King and Peeres , both greater , and lesser pillars of the State. My text deliuers a promise of both . For'tis Dauids speech for himselfe , and for God. I 'le doe both , saith God , and I , saith the King. Now you may not distrust this promise on either side ; neither on Gods , nor Dauids . Not on Gods side . For that is Infidelity . Nor on the Kings . For what hath he done that can cause misbeliefe ? or what hath hee not done , and that aboue his yeeres , that may not merit , and challenge beliefe of all ? And for the comfort of this Kingdome , and all that dwell therein , the seruice of the day , which was first designed for this businesse , seemes to mee to prophecie , that another Hezekiah , a wise , and a religious King hath begun his Reigne . For the first Lesson appointed in the Church for Euening Prayer that day , is 4. Reg. 18. which begins the story of Hezekiah . Hezekiah was twenty fiue yeeres old when hee began to reigne . There 's his age . What did he when hee came first into the Throne ? Why one of his first workes was , Hee gathered the Princes of the Citie ( there was the receiuing of the Congregation ) and so went vp to the house of the Lord. After this , what was the course of his life ? It followes ; He claue to the Lord , and departed not from him . ( And I hope I may make a prophecie of that which followes . ) So that there was none like him among the kings of Iudah , neither were there any such before him . And thus is our Hezekiah come this day to receiue this great Congregation in the Name of the Lord. Let vs therefore end with Prayer vnto God. That he would blesse both the King and the State. That this Kingdome may neuer be Terra liquefacta , like molten and dissolued Earth . That if at any time for our sins it begin to melt , and wash away , the remedy may be forth with applied . That Iustice and Iudgment may be giuen according to right . That the pillars of the Earth may bee borne vp ; the inferiour and subordinate pillars by the King , and both the King as the Master-pillar , and they by God. That all this may be done in fit and conuenient time . That God would make fit the time , and then giue the King and the State , and this great Councell all wisedome to lay hold of it . That this great Congregation may bee in the fitnesse of time . That God would be pleased to receiue and blesse it . That the King will be pleased to receiue and grace it . That it will be pleased to receiue the King , according to his desert , and their dutie , with loue , honour , and necessary supplies . That so he may beare vp this Kingdome , and the honour of it with comfort ; and bee a strong and a lasting pillar , to support both it and vs , in the true worship of God , and all inferiour blessings . That he may dwell before God for euer ; and that God would prepare his louing mercy and faithfulnesse , that they may preserue him . That all the blessings of Grace may attend him and this Congregation in this life ; and all the blessings of Glory crowne both Him and vs in the life to come . And this Christ for his infinite mercy grant vnto vs : To whom , &c. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A05168-e120 2. Reg 5. Rom. 13. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Reg. 15. 23. 1. Reg. 22. Psal. 22. 18. Iosua 7. 5. Psal. 58. 7. Hos. 8. 14. In Text. Ezech. 12. 20. Verse 7. Gen. 15. 16. Amos 2. 9. In Amos 9. Psal. 69. 2. Psal 107. 34. Prou. 28. 2. Tene magis salnum populus velit , an populum Tu. Seruat in ambiguo qui consulit & Tibi , & vrti Iupiter . Horat . li. 1. ep . 16. Prou. 19. 12. Septnag . S. Hier. Ar. Mont. Erod . 18. 18. V. 21. 1. Tim. 2. c. Esay 5. 20. Psal. 65. 12. Iudev . 12. 1. Pet. 2. 17. * S. Basil , Hier. Russin . Aug. Theod. Euthym. Ibid. & S. Bern. serm . 15. in Cant. * S. Basil. Hier. Aug. Euthym. Theod. Ibid. Greg. 10. moral . 21. Bere . cp . 1. Gen. 15. 25. Psal. 33. 9. Hexam . l. 1. c. 6. 1. Cor. 3. 10. Gal. 2. 9. Russ. Aug Exib , m. ibid. S. Bern. cp . 77. Ephes. 4. 11. Ep. 31. 5. De Cimit . Des. 24. Seuec. Ep. 86. Ar. Mont. Pro. 29. 4. Lib. 9. Mor. 13. Iudg. 17. 6. & 13. 1. & 19. 1. & 21. 25. 2. Reg. 2. Pro. 8. 15. In Psalm . 74. A Deo 〈◊〉 rebus sessis , languentibusque 〈◊〉 . Arnob . lib. 1. contrà Gent. 1. Tim. 2. 2. Ocat . 27. n. 13. Rom. 13. 1. Exod 13. 21. Exod. 14. 24. Exod. 14. 26. Sitatum man. 〈◊〉 Deus , qui 〈◊〉 , gubernat , quo in loco , vel sui creaturae Casus , & 〈◊〉 , & Fortunae dominabitur . Paulin. Ep 38. Tremel . ibid. Gea . 28. 18. S. Matt. 16. 18. In Text. Lib. 1. 〈◊〉 Gert. Psal. 9. 9. Per desolationem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad solidam consolationem . Gers n. Lib 1. de consol . Theol. pros . 4. S. Bas. 〈◊〉 vers . Angl. 〈◊〉 Psal. 122. 4 , 5. Ians . ibid. Rom. 13. 6 , 7. Prou. 14. 28. 4. Reg , 18. 2. 2. Chro. 29. 20. 4. Reg. 18. 5. Psal. 61. 7. 
A05169	----	A sermon preached before his Maiestie, on Wednesday the fift of Iuly, at White-hall At the solemne fast then held. By the Bishop of S. Davids. Wm. Laud. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 1626 Approx. 65 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A05169 STC 15303 ESTC S102878 99838640 99838640 3026 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A05169) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 3026) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 804:07) A sermon preached before his Maiestie, on Wednesday the fift of Iuly, at White-hall At the solemne fast then held. By the Bishop of S. Davids. Wm. Laud. Laud, William, 1573-1645. [2], 53, [1] p. Printed [by B. Norton and J. Bill] for Richard Badger, London : M.DC.XXVI [1626] Printers' names from STC. Print slightly faded and show-through. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2002-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON PREACHED Before His MAIESTIE , On Wednesday the fift of Iuly , AT WHITE-HALL . At the solemne FAST then held . By the Bishop of S. DAVIDS . Wm Laud. LONDON , Printed for RICHARD BADGER . M. DC . XXVI . PSAL. 74. 22. Arise , O God ( plead or ) maintaine thine own Cause : Remember how the foolish man ( reprocheth or ) blasphemeth thee daily . THis Psalme in the very Letter is a complaint of the waste that was made vpon the Citie of Ierusalem ; and the prophanation of the Temple that was in it . And these goe together . For when did any Man see a Kingdome , or a great Citie wasted , and the Mother Church left standing in beauty ? sure I think neuer . For Enemies when they haue possessed a Citie seldome thinke themselues Masters of their owne possessions , till they haue ( as they thinke ) plucked that God out of his House , which defended the citty . As you may see in that bragge of the Heathen in * Minu. Foelix . And so 't was heere . The Enemies roared in the Citty , and displayed their Banners , verse 5. And then by and by followes the defiling of the holy Place . Downe goes the carued worke with Axes and Hammers , and Fire on the rest , verse 6. A prophanation vpon the Temple , and vpon all the Rights of Religion there was . All agree vpon that . But it was yet but in Prophecie , not come . And the learned which liued after , and looked backe vpon the Prophecy , and the accomplishment of it , are not agreed . For some say , the Text refers to the first great desolation by Nebuchadonozor ; some , to the last by Titus : some , to that which came between by Antiochus Epiphanes : and some indefinitly to all . The best is you cannot referre the Text amisse . For ineuery of these , the Cittie and the Temple ; the State and the Church were threatned alike . And I for my part see no great reason yet , why the Prophet should not meane all , since certaine it is both State and Church did suffer in all . This Psalme as in the Letter it lookes backe vpon the State and Church of the Iewes , so in the Figure it lookes forward vpon the whole course of the Church of Christ , entertained in any State : For if the State come to suffer 't is madnesse to thinke the Church can be free . And therefore this Psalme certainely was penned to be Documentum perpetuum an euerlasting document to the Church of Christ , to labour and pray for the safety of the State ; Because if any violence threaten the Kingdome with Wast , it must needs at once threaten the Church with both Prophanation and Persecution . Well : This danger is vsually threatned before it come . And so 't was heere . But vpon that threatning what remedy hath the State ? What ? why wisely to fore-see , carefully to prouide against , and vnanimously and stoutly to resist the Insolence and the violence of the Enemie . And to this work euery Subject is bound by all Law , of God , of Nature , and of Nations , to put hand , and meanes , life and liuely-hood . But what remedy hath the Church ? What ? Why a Remedy beyond all this . Maiora arma as Saint Chrysostome calls them , greater , sharper weapons . For fore-sight , and care , and vnanimity , and courage , sometimes come all too short . For all these may dwell in greater proportion in the Enemies Camp. Whither goes the Church then ? Whither ? Why doubtlesse to God. For when all things else faile , The helpe that is done vpon Earth , hee doth it himselfe , verse 13. To God ; and to God by Prayer . That 's the Church way . And the Church way is Via Regia the Kings way ( as Epiphan : calls it ) . The Prophet heere is all vpon this way . For heere in the Psalme is a Noyse of Enemies comming . There 's a Prophecy what they will doe if they get the better . What doth the Church ? Doth shee stay till the Enemies be come ? No sure . 'T is no wisedome in the State ; 'T is no Religion in the Church to doe so . No : nor did the Church so heere . But shee called to minde what strange things God had done of old for his Seruants , verse 14. Vpon that mercy shee grounds her confidence ; That vpon the same Repentance , she shall haue the like deliuer ance . And vpon this Faith and hope shee repents and prayes , verse 20. My Text is the conclusion of this Prayer : And it hath two parts . The one is the Inuocation , That God would bestur himselfe . Arise O God. The other is what the Prophet would haue him doe when hee is Risen : And they are two things which he doth expresly desire of him . The one is that he would pleade and maintaine his owne cause . The other that hee would remember how the foolish man reproaches , or blasphemes him daily . Arise O God , maintaine thine owne cause : Remember how the foolish man blasphemeth thee daily . The Text it selfe is all as it begins a Prayer . It must needs fit the work of the day ; For that Proclaimes for Prayer . No time is or can be vnfit to call vpon God ; But such Times as this are necessary . And there cannot more well bee said , then such Times as this . The Prophet Dauid where he points out opportunity for Prayer goes not so farre . Call vpon me in the day of trouble , so will I heare thee , and thou shalt glorifie me , Psal. 50. There 't was but the day of Trouble . But these Times , might I bee bold to put them vnder their iust character , for difficulties both at home , and abroad , are more then the day of trouble . For , beside that they haue made vp a long Day of Trouble alreadie : These Times are the very concurse of Feare and Danger . The Clowdes haue threatned from heauen now many daies together , to destroy a hopefull and a plentifull Haruest in the Day of Possessiō . As the Prophet speakes , Esay 17. The Pestilence as if it were angry that God had driuen it out of this great Cittie of the Kingdome , wastes and destroyes farre and neere in other places of it . The Sword of a forraine Enemie threatens to make way for it selfe : And if it enter , 't is worse then Famin and the Pestilence . The Prophet calls it a Rasor , Esay 7. But such as is reddier to cut the Throat , then shaue the Beard . Can yee tell where to sue out remedy against these , but at God ? Perhaps you may think vpon second and subordinate Helpes ; And 't is fit yee should : For these are simply necessary too . And 't is Gods great blessing vpon the Kingdome , that to meete with the Distractions of the Time , hee hath placed ouer vs in the Throne , a wise , a stout , a vigilant , and a most prouident King. Well : But can you alwaies haue these second helpes at hand ? Can you alwaies by them effect your end ? Haue you them ready at this time ? Haue you the Sinewes that moue them ? T is well if you haue . But I doubt 't is a great part of the sorrow and trouble of the time that you haue not . And howsoeuer , haue , or haue not , there is a commanding power both ouer you and these . And therefore this is a time for Humiliation vnder that power , that hee which giues Grace to the Humble , would resist the Pride of our Enemies : S. Iaco. 4. I need not presse this any further . The necessity of these Times speakes out . T is past whispering now that this is a day of Trouble . Of Trouble : therefore it ought to be a day of Prayer , humble and deuout prayer , which may Out-Cry our sinnes to God. And as it ought to be , so Authority in a most religious hand commands it . And a powerfull Edict hath made that duty publique , which else perhaps would haue beene , as much neglected in the priuate , as the time it selfe and the danger both haue beene . Will ye say : vvee see by the threatnings , that God is angry vvith vs ? vvill ye adde to this ? If he be angry , he vvill not succour vs ; no nor regard the prayers that are made for succour ? Well , suppose this : yet Prayer is necessarie , and the ready way to bring God into the Battell on our side . Will ye see how ? First , God giues Grace : In the strength of Grace do you repent , and God cannot continue angrie . In your repentance pray , and God cannot but heare ; and some way or other come in to helpe . And it vvas neuer a Church Conclusion ; God is angrie , therefore I will not pray . No , But therefore I will , was the Churches voice . First , pray to appease his anger , and then pray againe to obtaine his loue , & those blessings which he giues , vvhere he loues . And the Church of old often did vpon great apprehensions , as vve do this day , Fast and Pray together . That is , labour by all meanes to make God for the State. First , because if there be any euill Spirit , as you lately heard , got in betweene Abimelech and the Men of Sechem , betweene the King and his People . Iud. 9. There 's no Exorcisme so soueraigne to cast him out , as Fasting and Prayer . For some Diuells , you know , vvill not otherwise out . S. Mat. 17. And because a soule , humbled by Fasting , growes hungrie after God. And that hunger shall be satisfied ; S. Mat. 5. But one Fast there is , take heed of it . 'T is a mighty Enemy both to Prayer and him that prayes . 'T is to Fast from sustenance vvhile vvee are in the Church : and to fall greedily like hungrie Men , vpon all our old sinnes , so soone as we are out of the Church dore . God himselfe cries out against this Fast , and will none of it , Esay 58. Well : Fasting then and Prayer's necessary . But how doth this Prayer of the Prophet fit vs ? Hovv ? VVhy sure it fits vs euery way . And wee haue as much need , euery way as much , to power out our praiers to God , as Israel had . The Prayer is Exurge Deus , Arise , O God. When the Priests of Baall had prayed long and were not heard , Elias bid them cry lowder : Their God was asleep , and must be awaked , ere he could help them . 3. Reg. 18. Asleepe : Yes , dead asleepe . And it was in iust scorne of their grosse Idolatrie , that hee bid them crie lowder vpon a deafe Idoll . But that God that watches ouer Israell , doth neither slumber nor sleepe . Psal. 121. As appears in the speedie return which he there made to the praiers of Elias . Why but then , if the God of Israell doth neither flumber nor sleepe ; why doth the Prophet call vpon him to arise , and take care of the People ? VVhy ? Surely not because he vvas laid downe to rest : But because this is one of the manie speeches which are vttered of God in Scripture , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after the manner of men . Not to expresse any such thing in God , but to make vs vnderstand some thing of God by our selues . So that while the Prophet praies , that God would arise ; heer 's no signification of any slumber in God : But t is to to teach vs , that God sometimes in his prouidence ouer vs , is Dormienti fimilis , like to a man that sleepes . As some in S. Bafil render that , in the Psalme 44. 23. For , as hee that sleepes must haue some call to awaken him . So when God either for our sinnes , or for triall of our Faith and Patience , or for some other cause best knowne to himselfe , shall suspend or drawe in the sensible comfort of his prouidence , by which wee are presently exposed to Feare or Danger , our Prayers must bee the Call , to make it appeare by the Actiuenesse of his prouidence that he sleeps not . And God is then said to Arise , when after long with-drawing , as it were his Act of Power and prouidence , ( For so 't is called ver . 12. Why with-drawest thou thy hand ? ) he at last shewes he was waking ouer his people . And to manifest this to their comfort is the Prophets praier : Arise , O God. Now the Prophet pray'd heere in the name of the Church & of the State. And the manner of the Praier tells me , both were in danger , great danger : as they must euer bee when God withholds his mercie , as heere he did . For , Nisi Dominus , except the Lord keepe the Citie , the watch-man waketh but in vaine , Psal. 127. And Nisi homo , except Men haue some sensible experience of Gods fauour that he doth keepe the Citie : they are apt to doubt and distrust his goodnes . And very ready to thinke he sleepes . Whereas he doth but as earthly Parents sometimes doe with their lesser children , hide themselues that they may bee sought . And the more their children crie at their absence , the stronger Argument they draw of their loue ; and Ioy in their verie Teares , to see they cannot call but Crying . And poore Infants they cry , because they knowe no safetie but in their Mothers Armes . And certainly no safetie for vs , but in the hand of God : And therefore 't is time to call , that God would bee found of vs , and Arise to succour vs. But you will say . Though God cannot , yet Christ as man could and did sleepe . And 't is in vaine for vs to make anie addresse to God , if Christ be a sleep and not with vs. For , the well-pleasing of God is in him , not in vs , S. Matt. 3. Yea , but marke . Though Christ could and did sleepe while his body was passible : yet after his Resurrection , that his bodie was glorified , as he can dye no more , Rom. 6. So can he sleep no more . And he is more vigilant , a great deale , ouer all the Praiers we make , then we are to make them : Else wee must deny him to be God. For ( as S. Austin tels vs ) Aures Dei in Corde Precantis sunt , The eares of God are in the heart of him that prayes . Not a motion in the heart , but the eare of God hath it presently . And so of Christ , or he cannot be God : So , no feare that Christ is a sleepe neither . And euen in the time while he carried about him our flesh mortall , vvee neuer read that he slept but once , And that was at Sea : and at Sea in a Tempest S. Mat. 8. An ill time chosen , you will say , to sleepe in ; But that 's not so neither . For hee tooke opportunitie only of the Tempest , to shew his Disciples that his Command could lay the Sea. If any Enemie come vpon vs , hee must come by Sea. It 's therefore fit for vs to pray , that though CHRIST now slumber not , yet that he would remember where hee once slept , but Arose to make a Calme . VVe haue been in one Tempest , and we haue cause to feare another . Let vs in any case get Christ to Sea , and a board our Shippes . That no Tempest may vntackle them , or rent their Keeles ; or hewe down their Masts . That no enemie may come neere them with safetie ; nor slide from them by escape . This is the waie , and you are now vpon it , to make God and Christ arise together . And this very Prayer heere in the Text is grounded vpon a wonderfull deliuer ance at Sea , Ver. 14. Well : wee are safe enough at Sea and at Land , if wee can but get God to Arise on our part . But how shall we be able to do it ? How ? why neuer dream , ( for it is a Dreame indeed , and a fond one too ) that ye can euer be able without Gods Grace , to make God yours . But knowe that he hath Grace for you , and giues it , and he is halfe yours alreadie : Hee will Arise and bee all yours , if you pray in Graee . But here two things are especially to be taken heed of , if we will haue our Fasting and our Prayers preuaile . And I doubt we are guiltie of both : and haue taken heed of neither . The one is Pride : and the worst of it Rising against God. For , wee must not looke that God should Arise to helpe vs , if wee arise to oppose and vnglorie him . And marke the phrase of Scripture . God resists the proud , S. Iac. 4. Resists : therefore that time which wee would haue God spend to defend vs , our Pride forces him to vse to Resist vs. And certainely Rising against God , and raising our sinnes with vs , euen aboue Mercy , were it possible , is not the way to make God Arise for vs but against vs. If we will haue God Arise , wee must fall lowe on our face before his Footstoole , for hee is Holy , Psal. 99. And humble our selues as wee haue begun this day , that hee which is all Mercy and Power , may be as willing , as we know him able to deliuer vs. The other is Security . And the worst kinde of that too Security in and vnder danger . For wee must not looke that God should Arise and take care of vs , if wee will sleepe on in Security , without care of our selues . And no destruction so suddaine as that which comes when security sings Peace and Safety , 1 Thes. 5. Nay , which is worse , the Apostle there tells vs , that in the time of security God threatens it shall come . So Security is both a meanes to bring danger , and a disinabling to resist it . And therefore if you will haue God Arise , you must arise too . Arise in soule by deuotiō : Arise in life by the workes of Sanctification . And arise in prudence and in prouident care to be vp , and not found sleeping in riot and excesse when an Enemie is , or ought to be feared . I know 't is hard to make you confesse that you haue been or are , either secure amongst men , or proud against God. And I am sorry 't is so . For the very difficulty of confession makes mee doubt you are guilty of both , and so continue . For he was a wise Man , that gaue this reason why a man doth not confesse his faults , namely , Quia etiam nunc in illis est ; because he continues in them still . And you know Somnium narrare , vigilantis est . 'T is a proofe that a man is awaked , when hee can tell , and doth acknowledge how his dreaming fancie fool'd him while he slept . But if after all this you doe not yet see you haue binne in a dreame , I must craue leaue to thinke you are secure and asleepe still . Let vs therefore confesse and amend these and all our other sins , that haue made God stand a loose from vs , and then God will Arise before we can call him vp . This for the Inuocation . The second generall part of the Text is , What the Prophet would haue God doe when he is Risen . And they are two things . The first is , that God when hee is risen would pleade and maintaine his owne cause . In which the circumstances are many and important . And first I finde acknowledged here by the Prophet , that God hath a cause in hand ; not alwaies the same , but still a cause ; and a cause in continuall agitation among the Sonnes of Men. So 't is alwaies Terme with God ; some cause still , and a trying . And yet the opinion which some of the Heathen had , that God could not worke in prouidence ouer vs , but he must be vnquiet and troubled in himselfe , is as weake as false . Christ tels vs otherwise , S. Ioh. 5. My Father worketh hitherto , & I worke . For ( as the Schoole obserues ) though he ceased the Seauenth day from the work of the generall Creation of the kinds of things ; yet there is another worke from which he ceased not . That worke is in gubernatione Creaturarum , in his prouidence and gouernement of the world . But this worke of God is questioned too . For many things in the workes of prouidence , many Men , yea and sometimes the best , are a great deale to busie with . For instance . They would faine know why many wicked Men prosper in the world ; And why many vertuous Men suffer ? This secret hath exercised the world in all Ages , and the Church euer since it had a being . It put such a stresse vpon the Prophet , that it crushed these words out of him . It is in vaine that I haue clensed my heart and washed my hands in Innocency , Psal. 73. In vaine ; No , God forbid . And the Prophet corrects his passion after , verse 16. In the meane time , heer 's the cause of God at triall ; And men apt to quarrell that for Iniustice , which is not against the Rule , but aboue their reach : As at the day of Iudgement shall plainely appeare saith S. Augustine . Againe ; They would faine know all the secrets of Predestination . But 't is one of Gods foundations : And such a foundation as hee hath set a Seale vpon it , 2 Tim. 2. The Lord knowes who are his . 'T is very dangerous breaking vp of Seales , especially Gods. The indorcement is enough for vs , and very plaine to be read . It followes . And let euery Man that calls on the name of Christ , depart from Iniquity . If he doe not that , hee is not Christ's ; Let him talke of Predestination while he will. And in these and all other causes of God try them where you will , and how you can ; Dauid and Saint Paul agree vpon it : He will be Iustified in his sayings and cleare and ouercome when hee is Iudged , Psal. 51. & Rom. 3. Well : Gods cause is at triall : But what cause of his is it , that 's particularly meant in this place ? For , if it bee Gods , 't is worth the knowing what ere it bee . And no cause of his can be heere , but Men owe it , as well as him , some duty . And therefore necessary to be knowne , that due may be performed vnto it . Now the Cause of God meant heere though it bee proposed , as Causa vna , one cause , yet 't is very large , and comprehends many particulars vnder it . Some directly concerne God , and some only by reflex . But God is so tender of his Iustice and his Honor , that nothing can so much as touch vpon him , but 't is Gods cause presently : In as much as yee haue done it , or not done it , to one of these little ones , you haue done it , or not done it to mee , S. Matt. 25. And so goes the Text , Gods Cause , all , and but one , whether it be directed against him , or reflected vpon him . Whether it bee the Reproach which the Sonne of God suffered for vs , Or the troubles , and afflictions which we suffer for him ; 't is Gods Cause still , and accounted as one . As one : And yet I find three things agreed vpon , to bee principally contain'd in this Cause of God. First , the Magistrate and his Power and Iustice. And resist either of these , and yee resist the power , and the ordinance of God. Rom. 13. There 's Gods cause plaine . And the Eye of nature could see Aliquid diuinum , somewhat that was diuine in the Gouernours and Orderers of Common-wealths . In their verie Office : In as much as they are singled out , to be the Ministers of diuiue Prouidence vpon Earth : And are expresly called the Officers of Gods Kingdom Sap. 6. And therfore the Schoole concludes , that any the least irreuerence of a King ; as to dispute of his Iudgements : And whether wee ought to follow and obey him : Sacrilegium dicitur , is iustly extended to be called Sacriledge . And since all Sacriledge is a violation of some thing that is Holy ; it is euident that the Office and Person of the King is sacred . Sacred ; and therefore cannot be violated by the Hand , Tongue , or Heart of any Man , that is , by deede , word or thought . But 't is Gods cause , and hee is violated in him . And here Kings may learne if they will , I am sure 't is fit they should , That those Men which are sacrilegious against God and his Church , are for the very Neigbour-hood of the sinne , the likeliest men to offer violence , to the Honour of Princes first , and their Persons after . Secondly : the cause of the Church in what kinde soeuer it be . Be it in the cause of Truth , or in the cause of Vnity ; or in the cause of Right and meanes , 't is Gods cause too : And it must needes be so . For Christ and his Church are Head and Body , Ephes. 1. And therefore they must needs haue one common cause . One cause : And you cannot corrupt the Church in her Truth , or persecute her for it , nor distract her from her Vnity , nor impouerish and abase her in her meanes , but God suffers in the oppression . Nay more : no man can wilfully corrupt the Church in her doctrine , but he would haue a false God. Nor persecute the profession of the Church , but he would haue no God. Nor rent the Church into Sects , but hee would haue many Gods. Nor make the Church base , but he would plucke GOD as lowe , Were God as much in his power as the Church is . And therefore the Churches Cause , is Gods Cause . And as Eusebius tells vs , when by Stephen Bishop of Laodicea , the state of that Church was much hazarded ; it , and the meanes of it , were mightily vpheld by God himselfe . And Elias Cretensis goes full vpon it in the generall . 'T is Gods cause , any controuersie that he debates against his Enemies . Now this euer holds true , in whatsoeuer the Church suffers for the name of God and Christ. And therefore if either State or Church will haue their cause Gods , the State must looke their proceedings be iust , and the Church must looke their Deuotions & Actions be pious . Else , if the State be al in vvorme-wood & Iniustice : if the Church sauour of impurity and irreligion : If either of these threaten either Bodie , neither can call vp God then . For sinne is their owne and the diuells cause , no cause of Gods , who punishes sinne euer , but neuer causes it . Thirdly : 'T is Gods cause , which is directly against himselfe , when Iniustice that he will not , or weakenesse that hee cannot , Arise and Helpe , are most vnworthily , nay blasphemously cast vpon him . The very Text you see calls it no lesse then Blasphemie . And as S. Basil tells vs 't was audacter effusa , most audaciously cast into the face of God. But how I pray ? How ? why they persecuted the Church of Christ with great extremities , and then because God did not alwaies , and in all particulars , deliuer it , Deum vt infirmum traducebant , they accused God of Impotencie . Rabsaches case before Christ in the flesh : which of the Gods haue deliuered the Nations that serue them , that the Lord should deliuer Ierusalem ? 4. Reg. 18. Pilates case to Christ. Haue not I power to crucifie thee , and power to loose thee ? S. Ioh. 19. Iulians case after Christ. For while he raged against the Christians , hee turn'd the contumely vpon God : And charg'd omnipotence with weakenesse . So you see the Cause of God what it is , and withall that it is many and but one . Many in the circumference of his creatures , which fill vp the State and the Church : and yet but one in the point of that indiuisible Center which is himselfe . Well , we haue found Gods cause as 't is tumbled vpon the earth : But what is it the Prophet would haue God doe to it ? What ? Why that followes . Iudica . Pleade it , Iudge it , Maintaine it Lord. For the King and the State ; For thy Church and Seruice ; For thy selfe and thine honours sake . Thou hast made their cause thine owne , therefore maintaine it , as thou doest thine owne . Now this God is neuer wanting to doe , nor neuer will be . So far as Iustice and Religion make the cause his , hee will Pleade it first , and Maintaine it after . But yet hee doth not this alwaies with a Iudgement that is visible to vs. Nor with such a one as will make enemies confesse that Gods maintenance is on our part . And therefore as Ruffinus thinks , these words are not only a Prayer , that God would Arise , and maintaine his cause : but that he would so plead it , that hee would make the Iustice and Right of it appeare to Enemies and Opposers ; and the maintenance euident to friends and defenders of it . So , maintaine thy Cause , is as much in effect , as make the world know 't is thine , and thou wilt maintain it . That from Gods maintenance , the cause may haue safety : And from our hope of maintenance , we may receiue Comfort . Why , but why should God pleade , iudge , and maintaine his owne Cause ? Is the Prayer of the Prophet iust ? Yes no question . For , the Cause of God is euer iust , and therefore ought euer to bee maintained . Nor is it any partialitie in God to his owne Cause , that hee comes to iudge it . But he is forced , as it were , to the maintenance of it himselfe , partly , because some men will not , and some men cannot defend his Cause . And partly , because it must be iudged at some Tribunall . Now there lye many Appeales in the cause of God. And all Appeale is to a superiour Court. The highest is Gods. Therefore when Malice and Tyrannie hath done what it can to Gods cause , if his Seruants doe but Appeale , as they euer doe ; The Cause must in the end reuolue to God himselfe , who alone hath no superiour . Yet his very Enemies need not feare . For he vvill so plead and iudge his owne Cause , that their owne Consciences shall tell them his Iudgement 's right . Now one thing vvhich laies a kinde of Necessitie vpon God to maintaine his own cause , is as I told you , that some Men will not , and some men cannot maintaine it . I find both these touched in the Text. First , they that vvill not . For these vvords , Arise , O God , and maintaine thine owne Cause , are a grieuous taxe vpon all them to whom God hath giuen means & ability , yet will not stir to succour his cause . For'tis as if he had said , Men vvil not maintaine thy cause : If thou vvilt haue it defended thou must doe it thy selfe . The Iewes it seemes vvere now very guilty of this , else the Prophet vvould neuer haue runne vvith that earnestnesse to God. He vvould haue prayed to God had Men bin neuer so vvilling ; yes , God forbid else ; but had they done their duty , the extremity had not beene fear'd . And marke and tremble at the curse of God which vvas called for vpon some of that People for this sinne , Iudg 5. Curse yee Meroz , ( saith the Angell of the Lord ) curse the Inhabitants thereof . Why ? beause they came not vp to helpe the Lord , to helpe the Lord against the mighty . To helpe the Lord : Why , What cause of God vvas this ? What ? Why'twas his cause of Warre against Sisera ; as appeares , Iudg. 4. Against Sisera ; yet to helpe the Lord. And certainely 't is a great and a grieuous errour in any People as well as in Israel : and in any age of the world as well as in that ; to fast , and pray , and call vpon God to Arise and Maintaine his cause and their owne ioyn'd vvith it ; if in the meane time they vvill put nor hand nor purse to maintaine either their owne , or Gods. Their owne in the State ; Or Gods in the Church . These Men perhaps are of Tiberius his minde Deorum iniuriae Dijs curae ; And vvhat that Oracle meant , when he writ so to the Senate ; vvhether ; It belongs to God to vindicate his owne cause ; Or , God vvill be sure to doe it , Or let his cause sinke if he vvill not defend it ; I am not certaine . This I am sure of , God can defend himselfe sine Patrocinio nostro , without any aide of ours . But yet if we come not in to helpe vvhen the Cause of God is deposited vvith vs ; the feare is , and 't is Iust , that God vvill Maintaine his cause , and leaue vs to maintaine our owne . Secondly : They that cannot . For these vvords , Arise , O God , Maintaine thine owne cause , imply disability in Man , as vvell as malice . For 't is as if hee had said ; Men cannot at all times maintaine thy cause . If thou vvilt haue it defended , thou must doe it thy selfe . And this is true of the strongest of the Sonnes of Men , if they bee left to themselues . But this , though it puts vs in more feare , yet it makes vs not halfe so guilty . For Guilt followes malice more then Impotency . And our weakenesse and disability is such , that we are not able to hold it vp against so many and great Enemies , as the cause of God bath . This was the case of Hezekiah ; He durst not trust to himselfe , and his owne strength against the Hoste of Assiria . Therefore to his Prayers he went , 4. Reg. 19. O Lord our God , do thou saue vs out of his hand : which is all one with the Text. Arise , and maintaine thine owne cause . But I pray take this with you . When Hezekiah pray'd thus , the People were in Armes . No deserting the cause though no selfe-ability could hold it vp . But what Enemies had the cause of God then , or hath it at this day , that such earnest prayers vvere then , and are now made , that God would Arise and maintaine it ? Doe you aske vvhat Enemies ? I 'le tell you ; Perhaps I shall not be able to tell you all . But what my Text tells me , I 'le shew you . First , the Text tells me , the Enemies that came vp against Gods cause were fierce , & had got some hope of Aduantage ; Implyed in this , that the Israelites were faine to call for maintenance , and supply against them . Next the Text tells mee , these Enemies were thought too cunning & too strong for Israel , to whom the defence of Gods Cause was then committed : Implied in this , that they were faine to flie to God , and call him in to his owne defence . A signe , that all seconds were too weak . Thirdly , the Enemies were many , and not like to be beaten or mastered at once . And that 's expressed , ver . 20. A multitude of Enemies . And last of all , they vvere as cruell , as strong and numerous . For so vvee read , ver . 5. Where they are called Roaring Enemies . A name vvhich euer had some affinitie with the Diuell , 1. S. Peter 5. So in all likelihood nothing remain'd but to get God to be absent , and then they might easily swallow his People and his Cause together . To preuent this was the Prophets praier , and so it is ours this day . For so the Psalme begins : O God ( considering how thy cause is streitned ) Wherefore art thou absent from vs so long ? And it ends at Arise and maintaine thy Cause against them . And the forme of the Prophets Praier is very considerable too , and a great example to the Church of Christ. The Prayer is , that God would Arise , and maintaine his Cause . The first thing the Prophet aimes at is the Cause ; the equity & right that belongs to it , not the respect it had to Persons . And this out of question is the vvay of Iustice , to honour the person for the Cause , not to esteeme the cause for the person . Now men for the most part goe a crosse way to this , and therefore , vvhen they vvill come into the way of lustice I cannot tell . For vsually all businesse is sided into parties . 'T is no matter for the Cause , let who will maintaine that simply for it selfe . If it make for vs and our party , so farre vvee vvill maintaine it ; else be it Gods cause or whose it vvill , vvhether it sinke or swimme , it shall not trouble vs. And I doubt as the practise of too many men is , so is their Prayer . For the Faction and the Party all ; not the cause , either as 't is Gods , the Churches , or the States . And parties are euer priuate ends . The Cause as 't is Gods , the Churches , or the Kingdoms is euer common . Euer fit to be made the Obiect of our Prayers . Yet this aduantage may heere be had . If euer you may safely preferre the person before the cause , and yet be iust , you may doe it heere . God before his owne cause . And the Reason is , because God as he can neuer tender an vniust cause to his People , so is he Iustice it selfe : And euer Iuster then any cause of his that is without him . Therefore whatsoeuer others doe , Arise , O God , and maintaine thy selfe , and thine owne cause . Maintaine it euen from heauen , ther 's no great trust to the Earth : for that is full of darkenesse and cruell habitations , verse 21. Now all this while wee haue almost forgotten , who 't is that makes this Prayer . Saint Hierom tells me , and hee is not alone in the opinion , the Psalme was Dauids , and therefore the Prayer too . As a Prophet he foresaw the danger , and as a King he went on directly to the highest remedy . And though Kings now are not Prophets , yet 't is a great blessing vpon any Kingdome to haue the King a Seer so farre as is possible . To haue him with both eyes open . His right eye open and vp to heauen , for God to maintaine him ; And his other eye downwards , but open , vpon his People to take care of them , and maintaine them , with the same support that hee hath receiued from God. And herein aboue other Nations we are blessed this day , I say againe , Aboue other Nations ; if vve can see our blessing , and be thankefull . For the King keepes his eye as steddy vpon God , as if hee had no helpe below him : And yet at the same time as gracious an eye vpon his People to relieue their iust grieuances , as if he were more ready to helpe them , then to receiue helpe from them . Let not your hearts be troubled , neither feare , S. Ioh. 14. Here are two Kings at once at Prayer for you , Dauid and your owne King. They are vp and calling vp on God to Arise . For shame Lagge not behinde God and your King. You haue beene and I hope are , a valiant Nation , let nothing dead your spirits , in Gods & your Countries Seruice . And if any man drop malignant poyson into your Eares , powre it backe into his owne bosome . And Sir , as you were first vp , & sumon'd the Church to awake , and haue sounded an Alarum in the Eares of your People ; Not that they should Fast and Pray , and serue God alone , but goe with you into the House of the Lord ; so goe on to serue your Preseruer . Your Merit , and the Noblenesse of your heart will glew the hearts of your People to you . And your Religious care of Gods Cause and seruice , will make him ( I doubt not ) Arise , and haste to the maintenance of your Cause , as of his owne . Only in these , and all times of difficultie , bee strong and of a good courage , keepe close to the Lawe of the Lord. Be full of Counsell , and then resolute to Act it . Else , if you shal not be firme to deliberated Counsells , they which are bound to serue you , may seeke and finde opportunities to serue themselues vpon you . This doe , and God Arise and be with you , as he was with Moses ; Ios. 1. This do , and as S. Chrysost. speakes . Aut non habebis Inimicum , aut irridebis eum : Either you shall haue no Enemy , or you shall be able to scorne him the world ouer . The second thing vvhich the Prophet vvould haue God doe when he is risen , is that he would Remember how the Foolish man blasphemeth him dayly . The Enemies of Gods Truth , and of the peace of his People , it seemes , doe not onely seeke to ouerthrow his Cause , but base & vnciuilly irreligious as they are , they flye vpon his person too . For so you see the Text changes from the thing to the person . Maintain thy cause : but remember , the Reproach runs against thy selfe : They blasphemethee . And by this you may see how dangerous a thing it is for any Men ; or any States , to become Enemies to the Cause of God. For sinne will not stay till it haue wrought them farther , euen into enmity against God himselfe . And therefore this sin here , a high and a presumptuous sinne , is not called the presumption of them that hate Gods Cause , but of them which hate God himselfe , Ver. 24. Presumption easily falls to Reproach goodnes itselfe . But what Reproach is it these Enemies cast vpon God ? What ? Why , 't was in the highest degree . 'T was Blasphemy . For so Saint Basil renders my Text. And so 't is called againe , Ver. 11. & 19. You may be sure the Prophet mistooke it not : It went not single , there vvere more then one ; and Theoderet cals them Execrationes , Cursings and Reuilings of God. And men of all sorts , as vvell as vsurping Enemies , had need bee watchfull ouer this sin . For a man may quickly be vvithin the borders of it , before hee be aware ; especially , if he be bold and busie vvith the Cause of God , as it is reserued and secret in himselfe . For since all Blasphemie is a Derogation of some Excellencie chiefly in God : the Schoole collects and truly , That vvhosoeuer denies to God any attribute that is due vnto him : or affirmes any of God that is not agreeable to his Nature : is within the Confines of Blasphemie . Entred , though perhaps not so far gone . But these Enemies , it seems , stuck at no degree of Blasphemy : Spared God himselfe no more then his Cause . And vvhat reason can this State or Church haue , to thinke these Enemies , or their like , that spared not God nor his Cause , vvill if they haue power enough , spare them or theirs . But I pray , vvho or vvhat manner of Enemy vvas it , that made thus bold vvith God ? Who ? vvhy , my Text answers that too . Sculous fuit , it vvas the foolish Man : And you may know so much by his boldnesse . We find , Psal. 14. There was a Foole that blasphemed God. But 't was in his heart . Out of his mouth hee durst not let it goe : not once . And this Foole was in the same feare at first . For his Blasphemie kept in his heart , verse 9. But now hee was growne impudent , it brake out at his Lippes : For as S. Basil , and others obserue ; he did Palam maledicere , Blaspheme at large . The Prophet no question knew these Enemies what they were , and that they had other names beside Fooles . But hee fits them with their Name of Merit : That they deserued , that he giues them . I told you these Enemies vvere cunning , subtill Enemies . And 't is true : But Malignity against Gods cause , and Blasphemie against his Person , vvill make the greatest Wisedome in the world turne Foole. And Follie dares aduenture any thing against Man : Nay , against God too : vvhich is a like true of the Foole at home , and the Foole abroad . The Prophet pray'd against their Enemies , as vve doe now against ours . O my God make them as a wheele , Psal. 83. And see in what a wheele they are : The worst that euer moued . For their Blasphemy carries their Wisedome round into Folly. And their Folly turnes their malice round into heigher degrees of Blasphemy . Thus is this Enemy no sooner a Blasphemer but a Foole : And no sooner a Foole , but a greater Blasphemer . So Blasphemy is punished with Folly , and Folly vvith Blasphemy . Ther 's the vvheele , both in the sinne , and the punishment . And I pray obserue : These Enemies that beset Gods Cause at Ierusalem vvere a Nation . And so some reade heere ; Not the Foolish man , but the Foolish People . And a powerfull Nation they were , were they Babilonians , Syrians , or Romanes . And one of them they were . And yet you see the Prophet giues them , no other , no better name , then Foole , when they violently persecute Gods Cause . Indeed they deserue it . And this Sinne is as able to Foole a whole Nation , as a particular Man. Nay the holy Ghost heere speakes of them as of one Man. As if Blasphemie could change a whole Nation into one Foole. And surely , 't is no hard thing with God to make the wisedome of the whole world Foolishnesse , 1 Cor. 1. And 't is as easie with him , to confound the wisedome of a whole Nation , as of one Achitophell . And see I beseech you how their sins continue : Once a Foole in this kinde , and an Enemy to Gods Cause , and a Blasphemer of his Person euer after , without a great deale of mercy . And this is noted in the circumstance Tota Die , and Quotidie , Daily , and all the day long at this Blasphemy : And 't is vsuall this with Enemies ; All the day : For their Studdie is vpon it . And euery day : For these Enemies were the same in Blasphemy , The day of their preparation : The day of their Fight ; & the day of their Victory . And Ruffinus obserues that this Blasphemy grew in the continuance . And either it derided God in his Seruants , or it menaced men for seruing God How it flatter'd it self there while against both Man and God , is thus far apparant in the Text : That they neuer durst haue bin daily Blasphemers against God , if they had not bin Opinators at least , that God could neuer haue maintained & made good his cause against them . It is too much to see the cause of God opposed : To heare the Name of GOD Blasphemed , were it but once : But all the day long , and euery day is a Tentation allmost vnsupportable to Christian and religious hearts . Yet this wee must bee Inur'd to heare against King and Church , and God himselfe , if wee take not better course then hitherto wee haue done to keepe out the Enemy and his Blasphemy . Against this 't was time for the Prophet , and 't is time for vs to pray . The Blasphemy of an Enemie is a very vrgent Motiue to make Men pray . And the Prayer of the Prophet heere , that God would remember the Blasphemer , was very feruent . For he beginnes this Prayer , at Remember the Rebuke of the Enemy , verse 20. And hee ends his Prayer with Remember the Blasphemy of this Foole , v. 23. Remember and forget it not , verse 24. This was the Prophet's Zeale for Gods Cause , and you may learne by it , that cold Prayers are not they which remoue the Blasphemy of Enemies . The Prayers indeed of but one righteous Man doth much , but 't is when they are feruent , S. Iaco. 5. But you vvill say : What needs all this calling vpon God to Remember ? Is it possible he should forget ? not possible certainly . But then as before : Though God cannot sleepe : Yet to awaken not him but our poore vnderstanding concerning him the Praier was , Arise , O God. So heere , though God cannot forget , yet because in his prouidence , he somtimes carries himselfe to our sense and apprehension , Ad modum obliuiscentis , as if hee did forget ; and threatens that hee will forget ; Obliuione obliuiscar eorum , Ose. 1. Forgetting , I will forget them . Therfore heere againe the Prayer runnes after the manner of men : Arise , O Lord , yes , and Remember too . Why , but since heer 's Enmity against the Cause of God , and Blasphemy against himselfe , why doth the Prophet aske no more of God , but that he would remember this ? Why ? why certainly'tis , because there 's aboundantly enough of that . He knew if God did Remember , he would punish ? And ( as S. Ierome obserues ) hee therefore Remembers , that hee may confound in Iudgement . And indeede in Gods Language to Marke and Remember , is many times to punish : and not to Remember , is to forgiue sinne . If thou Lord shouldest be extreame to marke and obserue ; that is , to punish , What is done amisse , Psal. 130. And the Church hath learn'd not only to speake , but to pray of the Prophet . For so the Church praies in the Letanie : Not , punish not , but Remember not Lord our Offences . And therefore the Prophets Praier was home enough , Remember Lord : Yes , do but that , and we either haue , or shall haue enough and our enemies too . We , I hope of deliuerance and preseruation , and they of punishment . Thus you haue heard the Prophets praier , and I hope made your owne , that God would Arise and bestir himself . And what he desired God would do , both for State and Church when he was Risen . That is ; That hee would pleade and maintaine his owne Cause . And Remember , that is , punish , in his owne time the Blasphemy of all them , that reproach or detract from it or him . One thing yet remaines and 't is fit to be thought vpon this day , euerie daie , all the day long . And that is , what it is that makes God a Protector of any King , any State , any Nationall Church , against either in bred or forraine Enemies . Against the Fox at home and the Lion abroad . And that certainly is ; for the State to goe on with Honour and Iustice. And for the Church to labour Deuotion as much at least , if not more then knowledge . For else Gods cause and ours may be two . And then God may Arise , and maintaine his owne , but leaue vs to the Famine , to the Pestilence , to the Sword , to any other Iudgement . The onely way to make God Arise as soone as euer we call : Nay , to preuent our call and come in to helpe before we pray , is , for both King and People , State and Church , to weaue their Cause and Gods together . To incorporate them so , that no cunning of the Diuel may be able to separate them . For then the benefit is apparant . God cannot Arise and maintaine his owne cause , but he must maintaine ours too : because 't is one with his . And his owne ( doubt you not ) he will maintaine , against the proudest Enemie that can come against it . And certainly the greatest hope and confidence of Gods Assistance to any Nation , to anie Man , that can preceed deliuerance itself , is to make their Cause all one with Gods. And that is done by vpholding his , and conforming theirs . Our safety then is when our cause is one with Gods : Our danger when they differ . But what is it that puts the difference betweene them ? What ? why that which put the first Enmity betweene God and Man , Sinne. And therefore if wee will quit the Enmity and bee made friends , the onely vvay to reconcile vs with God , and our Cause vvith his , is by Faith and Repentance to banish Sin. The sooner this is done , the sooner we are safe : vvhich cannot be till our Cause be one with Gods : One , and yet vvhen 't is one the preheminence is still vvith Gods Cause , vve must not suffer ours to step on before him . For our Cause as 't is spirituall and concernes our soules , if it be neuer so good , neuer so close ioyned vvith Gods , yet God's is to haue the precedence . For be ours neuer so good , I must begge of your humility to Remember , that Gods Grace did both preuent and follow , to make it so . And therefore we are to put his cause first , and to pray chiefly for the maintenance of that which gaue worth to ours . And for our cause as 't is tempor all and concernes this life onely , Our safety , life , and liuely-hood ; Gods cause is to haue the precedence of that much more . Father and Mother , Wife and Children , Brethren and Sisters , Life and all , must be accounted as nothing to Gods Cause , S. Luke 14. And it hath euer been a signe that the Soule of a Man goes right : That a vvhole People keepe vpon Gods path ; when they seeke first the Kingdome of GOD and the righteousnesse thereof , and leaue God to minister and maintaine the rest , S. Mat. 6. When they are more tenderly affected to the Cause of God , and more sensible of the Reproach or Blasphemy of his Name , then of any calamities , that might or malice can bring vpon their persons . And yet our giuing Gods Cause the precedence , in our loue to it , and our Prayers for it , is no exclusion of our own Cause : Nay , the preferring of Gods before our owne , And the making of our owne conformable to Gods , Is the way to make God as iealous of our safety from all extremity , as he is to vindicate his owne honour from Reproach and Blasphemy . And therefore though the Prophet heere ( as Theodoret obserues ) doth not say Arise , O God , and maintaine Causam meam , my cause , but thine owne . Yet the same God that will haue vs preferre his cause , will haue vs pray for our owne like wise . And so the Prophet did : For though he be heere all for Gods cause ; yet vvee haue hime very earnest for his owne too . Pleade thou my cause O Lord with them that striue with me , and fight thou against them , that fight against me , Psal. 35. And defend my cause , O God , against the vngodly People , Psal. 43. 1. Well then : Thy cause O God ; and my Cause O God. But the Rule of Practise goes heere ; Gods cause must leade , that ours may follow it , vnder the protection of God. As we haue therefore now begun , so let vs pray on as the Prophet did . That God euen our Gracious Father will bee no longer like vnto one that sleepes : That hee will Arise , and blow ouer these feares from vs. 'T is but his Breath , and he can drie the Cloudes , that they drop not Rottennesse vpon our Haruest . 'T is but his Breath , and he can cleere the Ayre of Infection , as well all ouer the Kingdome , as he hath , beyond admiration , done it in our chiefe City . And 't is but the same Breath , and he can shake our Enemies to peeces in the Sea. That God being Arisen and come neere in prouidence , will pleade first , and after maintaine his owne Cause . His owne in the hand of the King : His owne in the heart of the Church : And his owne in the Holinesse of his Name . That he will giue this State and Church , and euery Member of both such grace , that our cause may bee his , and his Maintenance ours . That he wil remember and that 's enough , that if his Cause bee ours , our Enemies are his . That we may so order our liues by his Grace , that if these or any Enemies will Blaspheme , it may not bee Him for our sinnes , but Vs for his seruice . That our Enemies and his , how-wise soeuer in other things , yet in their plots and practises against vs may be written in the Text-Letters FOOLES . That we , being preserued from them and all other Aduersity , may take warning in time to mend our liues , and so heereafter liue to honour and serue him , that the world may see he hath beene mercifull , and wee labour to be Thankfull . That after the maintenance of his and our Cause heere , we may in our seuerall times be receiued vp to him in Glory , Through Iesus Christ our Lord : To whom with the Father , &c. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A05169-e130 * In Octau . Indaeorum Deum suisse Rom. numinibus vna cū gente Captiuum . Verse 5. Verse 6. Hom. 14. in Ep. ad Hebr. Verse 13. Haeres . 59. Verse 14. Verse 20. Psal. 50. 15. Esa. 17. 11. Esa. 7. 20. S. Iacob . 4. Iud. 9. 33. Mat. 17. 21. Mat. 5. 6. Esa. 58. 5. 3. Reg. 18. 27. Psal. 121. 4. Psal. 44. 23. S. Basil in Psal. 23. S. Ierom in Habac. 3. Uelut ad dormientem loquimur . Verse 12. Psal. 127. 2. S. Mat. 3. 17. Rom. 6. 9. S. Aug. in Psal. 129. S. Mat. 8. 28. Ver. 14. S. Iacob . 4. 6. Psal. 99. 5. 1 Thes. 5. 3. Sen. Ep. 53. Min. Foel . in Octau . S. Ioh. 5. 17. Tho. sup . q. 88. A. 1. Psal. 73. 12. Verse 16. Lib. 20. de Ciuit. Dei. cap. 1. 2 Tim. 2. 19. Psal. 51. 4. Rom. 3. 4. S. Mat. 25. 45. Caluin 4. Inst. 20. §. 23. Rom. 13. 2. Arist. 1. Eth. c. 2. Sap. 6. 4. Tho. 2. 2. q. 99. A. 1. Primū . Ephes. 1. 22. 23. Lib. 7. Hist. cap. 32. In. G. Naz. Orat. 4. Ibid. 4 Reg. 18. 25 S. Ioh. 19. 10 Elias Cret . in Naz. Orat. 4. Ibid. Iudg. 5. 23. Iudg. 4. Tacit. Lib. 1. Anal. Cal. 3. Inst. c. 23. §. 2. 4. Reg. 19. 19. 2 Chron. 32. 6. Verse 20. Verse 5. 1 S. Pet. 5. 8. Verse 21. Epist. Fabio . de 42. Mans. Ma. 3. & Elias Cret . in Naz. Orat. 4. S. Iohn 14. 1. Iosuah 1. 7. 17. Homil. 14. in Epist. ad Hebr. Verse 24. Ibid. Verse 11. & 19. Ibid. Tho. 2. 2. q. 13. A. 1. c. Psal. 14. 1. Verse 9. Ibid. Cal 3 Inst. c. 23. §. 2. Psal. 83. 13. 1 Cor. 1. 20. 2 Sam. 17. 14. Ibid. Verse 20. Verse 23. Verse 24. S. Iaco. 5. 16. S. Hierom in Thren . 5. Ose 1. 6. Ibid. Innocen . 3. 〈◊〉 L. 2. Mist. Miss . c. 6. Psal. 130. 3. S. Luke 14. 26. S. Mat. 6. 33. Ibid. Psal. 15. 31. 1. Psal. 43. 1. 
A05170	----	A sermon preached on Munday, the sixt of February, at Westminster at the opening of the Parliament. By the Bishop of S: Dauids. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 1625 Approx. 61 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 29 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A05170 STC 15304 ESTC S108348 99844007 99844007 8786 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A05170) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 8786) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 804:08) A sermon preached on Munday, the sixt of February, at Westminster at the opening of the Parliament. By the Bishop of S: Dauids. Laud, William, 1573-1645. [2], 54 p. Printed by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, printers to the Kings most excellent Maiestie, London : M.DC.XXV. [1625] On Psalms CXXII, 3-5. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2002-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-03 TCP Staff (Oxford) Sampled and proofread 2002-03 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON PREACHED On Munday , the sixt of February , At WESTMINSTER : At the opening of the PARLIAMENT . By the Bishop of S : DAVIDS . LONDON , Printed by BONHAM NORTON and IOHN BILL , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M. DC . XXV . PSAL. 122. V. 3,4,5 . Ierusalem is builded as a Citie that is at vnitie in it selfe , ( or compacted together ) . For thither the Tribes goe vp , euen the Tribes of the Lord , to the Testimony of Israel , to giue thankes vnto the Name of the Lord. For there are the Seats ( or the Thrones ) of Iudgement ; euen the Thrones of the house of Dauid . SOme are of opinion this Psalme was made by Dauid , and deliuered to the Church to be sung , when the Arke of God was caried vp to Ierusalem ; when Ierusalem was setled by Dauid , to bee the special Seate both of Religion and the Kingdome . The people were bound thrice a yeere , at Easter , Pentecost , and the Feast of Tabernacles , to come vp and worship at Ierusalem . Deut. 16. And some thinke this Psalme was prophetically made to sing by the way ; to sing when they went vp by the steps to the Temple . And t' was fit . For they came vp with ioy . And ioy is apt to set men a singing . And at ioy the Psalme begins . I was glad when they said vnto mee , We will goe into the house of the Lord. But whatsoeuer the vse of this Psalme was in any speciall Seruice , certaine it is , that Ierusalem stands here in the letter for the Citie , and in type and figure for the State , and the Church of Christ. My Text lookes vpon both ; and vpon the duetie which the Iewes did then , and which wee now doe owe to both . The Temple the Type of the Church , that 's for God's seruice . No Temple but for that . The Citie the Type of the State , that 's for the peoples peace . No happy State but in that . Both the Temple and the State , God's house and the Kings , both , are built vpon Pillars . And it is not long since I told you out of Psalm . 75. that there are many times of exigence , in which if God doe not beare vp the Pillars , no strength which the Pillars haue in and of themselues can support the weight that lies vpon them : Be they Pillars of the Temple ; or Pillars of the State. Therefore here to ease the Pillars God hath built vp Buttresses ( if men doe not pull them downe ) to stay the maine walles of both buildings . The Buttresse and support of the Temple is Religion . God will not blesse the house , if men doe not honour and serue him in it . The Buttresse and stay of the Kingdome is Iustice. God will not blesse the State , if Kings and Magistrates doe not execute iudgement ; If the widdow and the fatherlesse haue cause to crie out against the Thrones of Iustice. So the Church , and the Commonwealth , Gods house , the Temple , and the Kings house , the house of Dauid , are met in my Text. And they would euer meet , and in loue no question , did not some distempered spirits breathe sower vpon them . For the Church cannot dwell but in the State. Ye neuer read that she fled out of the State into the wildernesse , but when some Dragon persecuted her . Reuel . 12. And the Common-wealth cannot flourish without the Church . For where the Church is not to teach true Religion , States are enforced , out of necessitie of some , to imbrace a false . And a false is not a helpe to make a Kingdome flourish . But when they dwell together ; when the Church , the House of Grace is a welcome inmate to the State , which is a wise fabricke of Nature ; then in the Temple there 's meeting : The people goe vp to blesse , and praise the Name of the Lord. And then in the State ther 's meeting : To settle the Thrones of Iudgement , to make firme the house of Dauid . And then , and neuer but then , Ierusalem , that is , both State and Church is as a Citie that is at vnitie in it selfe . My Text is nothing but a most deserued praise of Ierusalem . And not of the particular , materiall Ierusalem alone , but of any State , of any Church , that is as Ierusalem then was , and that doth as Ierusalem then did . This praise of Ierusalem both formall in it selfe , and exemplary to vs , is set downe in three things . And they seuer the Text into three partes . For , first here 's the vnity of Ierusalem , 't is builded as a Citie at vnitie in it selfe . Secondly , the Religion of it ; For thither the Tribes goe vp , euen the Tribes of the Lord , to the Testimony of Israel , to giue thankes vnto the name of the Lord. Thirdly , the Gouernment of it both spirituall and temporall ; For there are the seates of Iudgement , euen the seates of the house of Dauid . The first commendation of Ierusalem is from the vnitie and concord that is in it . 'T is like a Citie that is compacted together . That 's for the buildings ; no desolation in the midst of it , saith S. Basil. 'T is like a Citie at vnitie in it selfe . That 's for the Inhabitants . For the beautie and artificiall ioyning of the houses is expressed but as a type of this vnitie . When men dwell as neere in affection as their houses stand in place . 'T is a great ornament of a Citie , that the buildings bee faire ; that they stand not scattering , as if they were affraid each of other . But wheresoeuer 't is so , the Citie is beholding to vnitie for it . Let the Citizens breake their vnitie once , they 'l spend so much in quarrels that they cannot build the Citie . No other times but when the Inhabitants are at peace can build ; nor no other time can keep them from waste . But what ? Hath God care of houses ? out of question not , but for the Inhabitants that dwell therein . Hee that taketh the simple out of the dust , and lifts the poore out of the mire , Psalm . 113. loues not man for his house , nor no Citie for the buildings . Ierusalem will not let mee wander for an instance . For here so long as the Inhabitants serued God , and were at vnitie , what Citie like Ierusalem ? The Citie of the great King , S. Mat. 5. The glorie of the whole earth , Thren . 2. But when they fell from God to Idols , from vnitie to heart-burnings among themselues , what then became of Ierusalem ? what ? why iust that which our Sauiour foretold , S. Mat. 24. That one stone should not be left vpon another that should not bee throwne downe ; not one , neither of Temple nor Citie . And so it came to passe before Adrian left it . If any man therefore will haue his house stand , he hath no way but this ; to labour that Ierusalem the Citie may serue God in vnitie . Now Ierusalem is by way of singular eminence called here a Citie compacted together . And Dauid himselfe might best call it so . For before Dauids time Salem and Sion were two Cities . The Iewes dwelt in Salem ; but the Fort of Sion was yet held by the Iebusites , 1. Chron. 11. Two Cities , the vpper , and the lower . Two people , the Iewes , and the Iebusites . Two most different Religions , the worship of God and Idols , till Dauids time . But then a Citie most compacted together . The Buildings , and the Cities ioyne . Beniamin and Iuda dwell there together . Nothing then but vnitie . Wee are yet within the walles of the Citie , that 's too narrow . Wee must enlarge the Type to the State , and to the Church . Saint Hilary puts me in minde , that my Text reades not Ierusalem is a City , as if that were all it meant to speake of ; but Sicut ciuitas , as a City ; iust as you see that , so the State , so the Church . The Citie the Modell if you will , but the Building these . And for the State first . That 's sicut Ciuitas , as the City , iust so . Walles , and Towres , and Forts are things of second consideration ; ordo politicus , the wise ordering of the people in concord and vnity is simply the strongest wall of a State. But breake vnity once , and farewell strength . And therefore disioynted factions in a State when they worke vpon diuision , are publica irae diuinae incendia , the publike kindlings of Gods anger , and they burne downe all before them . And God seldome suffers these to fire a State , till himselfe be heated first with the sinnes of the State. But then he will diuide them in Iacob , and scatter them in Israel , Gen. 49. Nay scatter Iacob and Israel it selfe for them . And my Text hath it not simply , like a Citie at vnity , but at vnity together or in it selfe . And this the better to resist forraine malice . It were happy if all States , Christian especially , were at vnitie in themselues , & with their neighbours . And the Church prayes that the course of this world may be so peaceably ordered . But when the Ambition of neighbouring States will admit nor safe , nor honourable peace , then there 's most need Ierusalem should bee at peace and vnitie in it selfe . Need ? yes , need with a witnesse . For all diuision if it bee voluntary , 't is an opening , if it bee violent , 't is a breach . Both make way for forraine force . Thus it was with Ierusalem of old when she lost her vnitie . For faction within the walles was a helpe to Titus , and his siege without . And long after , when the Christians had wonne it from the Saracens , their owne diuisions among themselues to their losse and shame let in Saladin the Soldan of Egypt . And this hath beene often fatall vpon our Ierusalem . For scarce euer did a great enemie enter this kingdome , but when it was not sicut Ciuitas , like a Citie at vnitie in it selfe . Not at vnitie opened the doore to the enemie stil. For Toustain's diuision and inrode made way for the Norman . And there were more diuisions then one to helpe in the Dane . And Guorthigernus first , and Mordredus after brought in the Saxon. And I. Caesar himselfe , the mirror of men for military Discipline , he which for ought I haue read , and remember , scarce euer turn'd his backe to any enemie els , fled from the ancient Inhabitants of this Kingdome , Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis , till Auaroius , called by a Caesar , Mandubratius , out of hatred , and in faction against Cassibellanus brought him backe againe , and made him entrance . So it seemes Tacitus his obseruation was too true vpon vs , That nothing gaue the Romanes , powerfull enemies though they were , more aduantage against the ancient Brittans then this , Quod factionibus & studijs trahebantur , that they were brokē into fractions , & would not so much as take counsell and aduise together . And they smarted for it . But I pray what 's the difference for men not to meete in counsell , and to fall in pieces when they meete ? If the first were our Forefathers errour , God of his mercie grant this second be not ours . Now there is Coagmentatio duplex , a double buckling and knitting of the State together . And if either faile , the vnity is broken . The one is of the Members of the State with their Head , especially the most honourable which are neerest . The other is of the members one with another . And this is grounded vpon that of the Apostle , 1. Cor. 12. where we finde some necessitie of euery member ; not a like necessity of any : but honour and respect done to all . And why so ? why ? why the Apostle tells you , vers . 25. It is that there may bee no diuision in the bodie ; that still it may bee at vnity in it selfe . And it is very obserueable , that in all that large discourse of S. Paul , concerning the vnitie of the Body and the Members , hee conceiues at full , how Corruption can vnnaturalize Nature it selfe . Therefore he supposes the Eye may quarrell with the Hand , vers . 21. and 't is a dangerous quarrel that , when the Eye and the Hand , Direction and Execution are at ods in any State. Well he can conceiue that . But he doth not so much as suppose , that any members would bee at oddes with the Head : No , God forbid . The Head can compose other members , and settle their peace in the Body ; but if any quarrell the Head , all vnitie is gone . And yet though the Apostle cannot suppose so much vnnaturalnesse that any member should quarrell the Head ; not the Tongue , as vnruly as it is , yet he is very direct , that there is an office , which the Head owes the Body , & all the members to the very meanest , for the preseruation of this vnitie . For the head cannot say to the very feete , as low as they are , I haue no need of you . vers . 21. And for the Church , that 's as the City too , iust so . Doctrine and Discipline are the walles and the towers of it . But be the one neuer so true ; and be the other neuer so perfect , they come short of preseruation , if that body be not at vnity in it selfe . The Church , take it Catholike , cannot stand well , if it bee not compacted together into a holy vnity in faith and charitie . It was miserable , when S. Basil laboured the cure of it . For distracted it was then , as S. Gr. Nazianzen witnesseth , into 600. diuers opinions and errours . And 't is miserable at this day , the Lord in his time shew it mercie . And as the whole Church is in regard of the affaires of Christendome , so is each particular Church in the Nation and Kingdome in which it soiournes . If it bee not at vnitie in it selfe , it doth but inuite malice , which is ready to doe hurt without any inuitation ; and it euer lies with an open side to the Diuell , and all his Batteries . So both State and Church then happy , and neuer till then , when they are both at vnitie in themselues and one with another . The vulgar reads it , Ierusalem is a Citie , cuius participatio in id ipsum , whose participation is vpon the same thing ; And that reading is warranted by the 70. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whose participation , or communion is in , and of the same . So this reading followes the effect , the other the cause . For vnity in it selfe is the cause of all participation . For vnitie is in charitie ; and charitie communicates all good things . 'T is bountifull , 1. Cor. 13. and if any suffer , it suffers with it ; participation still . Now in Heauen , and the Church triumphant there will bee ful participation , because there is perfect vnion . But on earth , whether it bee in the State , or the Church militant , looke how much there wants of perfect vnitie , and so much there will euer want of ioyfull participation . Well ; both State and Church owe much to vnitie ; and therefore very little to them that breake the peace of either . Father forgiue them , they know not what they doe . But if vnitie bee so necessarie , how may it bee preserued in both ? How ? I will tell you how . Would you keepe the State in vnitie ? In any case take heed of breaking the peace of the Church . The peace of the State depends much vpon it . For diuide Christ in the minds of men , or diuide the mindes of men about their hope of Saluation in Christ , and tell me what vnity there will be . This so farre as the Church is an ingredient into the vnitie of the State. But what other things are concurring to the vnitie of it , the State it selfe knowes better then I can teach . And would you keepe the Church in peace , that it may helpe on the vnitie of the State ? If I mistake not , that can neuer bee done but by Christian patience . And that I finde in the letter of my Text. For it is not here simply said , Ierusalem is as a Citie , no , but built as a Citie . Built , and vpon a Hill , Esay . 2. Many a cold & a bitter storme it must endure , God knowes . And if Christ had not been a Rocke in the foundation , I make no question it had beene downe long ere this . Built then ; but vpwards in the Building from this foundation , marke all along the walls of it ; Lapis lapidem portat & portatur : there is such vnitie in the Building , that euery stone beares another , and is borne by another . And the Apostle cals for the same dutie in the spirituall Building , Gal. 6. Beare yee one anothers burthen . So no patience , no bearing , and no bearing , no vnitie . The Building cracks presently . And continue it cannot long , if the great Master-Builders take not care of the Morter . If it bee laid with vntempered , or distempered morter , all will bee naught , Ezech. 13. This Psalme was vsed for many yeeres together in the Church at Euensong vpon New yeeres day , the day of the Circumcision . Why the Church appointed it for that day , is not my question now : This I am sure of , This Psalme calls vpon vs for the peace of Ierusalem , vers . 6. And that peace can neither be had nor held long vnlesse there bee a Circumcision , and a paring off round about of heated and vnruly affections in the handling of differences . And there must bee a Circumcision , and a paring off , of foolish , and vnlearned Questions , yea and of many Modal too , such as are fitter to engender strife then godlines . 2. Tim. 2. or no peace . This is the way and no other that I know , to see Ierusalem flourish as a Citie at vnitie within it selfe , both for State and Church . The second praise of Ierusalem is from the Religion of it . For thither the tribes goe vp , euen the Tribes of the Lord to the testimonie of Israel , to giue thanks to the name of the Lord. Ierusalem is very right now . At vnitie , and Religious . Oh that it had knowne the day of its visitation , and continued so , Luk. 19. For at this time the Tribes went vp to the Temple . It begins well : for to the Temple , to the Church , to the consecrated place of Gods seruice , is one of the best iourneyes men of all sorts can make . And you may giue a shrewd guesse at the deuotion of the time , by the frequenting of the Church . And this their publike comming to worship at the Temple was Gods expresse commandement , Exod. 23. Therfore assembling and meeting at publike seruice in the Church is no humane Institution , but frō God himselfe . Nor is this Ceremonie Iewish or Ambulatory , to cease with the Law , and that Temple ; but omnino perpetuum altogether permanent in the Church of Christ , Christians must to the Church and place of seruice too . Why , but what are they to doe when they come there ? What ? Why Ierusalem was right here too . They did giue thanks to the name of the Lord , and there . 'T is no good signe when men are to seeke what they should do when they come to Church . Yet if any man bee ignorant , my Text will informe him ; men are there now to doe as they did then , to giue thanks to the name of the Lord. The 70. and the vulgar haue it . To confesse to the name of the Lord. It comes all to one . For bee the word Thanke or Confesse , it stands here expressiue of the whole Liturgie , of all the publike externall Seruice of God ; All which if it bee not accompanied with the inward seruice of the heart is worth nothing . So they went to the Temple , as we must goe to the Church , To confesse , To pray , To worship , To praise , To giue thanks to God , which euen vnder the Law was preferred before Sacrifice it selfe , Psalm 50. Nor may the wisedome of the world thinke , that to pray , and to giue thankes to God , are void actions . For what euer worldlings thinke , the Church doth great seruice to the State while it prayes . And it is no hard thing to proue this out of those Polititians themselues , which haue giuen the world iust cause to thinke they wrapped vp God in their pocket , when they went to counsell . For their great Master confesseth that not a few , but many things happen to States ex fato vrgente , out of such a pressing destiny , that they cannot bee preuented , though the remedies bee obuious and at hand . And is it so ? Why then , where is the wisedome of the wise , 1. Cor. 1. Is it not confounded ? out of question ' t is . For yee see the remedy is acknowledged to bee at hand , and yet not found . This purblind wisedome cannot see it . But to come home to him . This Fatum vrgens what ere it bee , if there bee a remedy and at hand , it may bee preuented . 'T is true it cannot , by worldly wisedome onely . For nisi Dominus , except the Lord keepe the City , all other watchfulnesse is in vaine , Psalm . 127. But then allow God that which is fit for him , due to him . The highest roome at the Councell-Table , hee 'l quickly diuert this Fatum vrgens , this pressing necessity . The time was whē Ruine was trauelling so fast toward Nineue , that it came within 40. daies of the Citie , Ion. 3. And it was fatum vrgens , it came on apace . Did any wiseman of that State discouer that danger ? secure a remedy ? Not a man. The Prophet preached the danger , & Deuotion , as blind as 't is thought , stumbled vpon the Remedy , Prayer and Repentance , things which with worldly wisdom hath little to do . And therefore to pray and giue thankes are no emptie Actions for the State. Well then , To pray , To prayse , To worship , To giue thanks ; here 's a great deale of Seruice mentioned to God , and yet sure no more then needes . But in the ancient Church of the Iewes , was there no Reading , no Preaching of the Law to informe the people ? Yes , out of question : They heard Moses , and the Prophets in their Synagogues euery Sabbath day , Acts 13. yea , and in the Temple to , if S. Basil be right . But marke then . The Originall Copie of the Law : The word of God written in Tables of Stone was in the Temple at Ierusalem . And there the Priests , which were to iudge according to the Law , Deut. 17. This Law they might and did expound , but they might not crosse with it . No preaching in their seuerall Synagogues , and Parishes ( that I may so tearme them ) but was according to the Law , conteined in the Arke , at the Temple , the Mother Church . And 't was fit . For if euery man may preach as he list , though hee pretend the Law and the Gospel too , Ierusalem will bee quickly out of vnity in it selfe . And if they leaue comming to the Arke and the Testimonie , the world will soone haue as many differences in Religion , as there bee yong , ignorant , and bold Priests in Parishes . Now there was a double Testimonie and Conuention betweene God and the people . The Law was the witnesse and Couenant on Gods part with the people . And that the people should come ; and tender their homage and obedience to God and the Law ; that was the Testimony , and the Couenant of the people with God , Deut. 16. God he promised to bee present at the Arke , Exod. 25. And he performed it , Num. 7. And so God is alwayes ready at his end of the Couenant . All the feare is , we fall short , and come not as wee should , either to heare Gods Testimony to vs , or to giue Testimonie to the world by our obedience . And herein , as in all things else , Christ bee mercifull , that brought mercie into the Couenant . And you may obserue too ; that this comming to the Temple to pray and to worship is called here by the Prophet an Ascent or going vp . Ascenderunt , and an Ascent it is . It was fitted in the Letter . For the Temple at Ierusalem was built vpon mount Moriah ; no going vp to it but by an Ascent . And 't is fit in regard of the Materiall Church now . For how low soeuer the situation of any of them be , yet 't is motus sursum , vpward still and towards heauen to frequent the Church . And 't is fit in regard of the whole Militant Church . That 's an Ascent too , to come out of Paganisme , Heresie , or Schisme into the Church at vnity in it selfe . Hee that fell among Theeues , and was almost killed by the way , was not going vp to Ierusalem , but downe to Iericho S. Luk. 10. from the Temple I warrant you . And as St. Augustine speakes , si non descendisset , 〈…〉 ones non incidisset , if he had not beene sinking and going downewards , from God , and from his Church , hee had not fallen into the hands of Theeues . But 't is most fitt in regard of the Church triumphant in Heauen . For thither is no going but by Ascending . Ascending still out of the dreggs of this sinfull life . And he is miserably out of this way that sinks farther , and farther into sinne , and dreames he is in the way to Heauen . Nor can any man say , faine I would to Heauen , but I want staires to to ascend and get vp . For this Psalme is Psalmus Graduum , a whole Ladder of steps from the Church here , to the Church in Heauen . And 't is not vnfit neither to expresse what paines they then were content to take to serue God. For from their remotest habitations ( and many were very farre off ) euery male came vp thrice a yeere to the Temple to worship . And they might not appeare before the Lord empty , Exod. 23. no paines then too much , no charge too great to serue GOD. And notwithstanding both paines & charge a properabant ascendere , they made haste to come vp . Now , the Church is at our doores , and wee care not for going into it . And wee come vp empty handed , else it were not possible so many Churches should lye so ruinous as they doe . Will you giue me leaue to tell you the reason of this ? 'T is in my Text. When this deuotion was on foote , Ierusalem was at vntie in it selfe . For so goes the Text. Ierusalem at vnitie , and then ascenderunt , then they ascend by multitudes , and their deuotion with them . And this falls in vpon the Persons that went vp to serue the Lord. And they were the Tribes . Not all the Tribes , Families , and Kinreds of the earth . No : For the many by Idolatry had made themselues strangers to the true God of Israel . But Tribus Domini , the Tribes of the Lord , they went vp , all of them . The 12. Tribes from the Patriarks the seede of Iacob , were then Gods peculiar seruants . They were made so in the Couenant . The Testimony of it was the Law. So this honour to bee the Tribes of the Lord , God's people , was reserued in the band of Religion . If they had not beleeued , and serued God , they had not beene his . They might haue been Tribes , if you will , without seruing in the Temple ; but not Domini , not of the Lord , but by that seruice . And they might haue beene in some kinde of vnitie , but not in Domino , not in the Lord , but by that vnion . And they might haue been builded as a Citie , but not ad Dominum , to the Lord's honour , and their owne saluation , but by that faith And which was the honour of Ierusalem then in all Dauid's time , and Salomon's too , All the Tribes went vp ; All , not a Recusant Tribe , or Person among them . Now I may not omit the place , whither they were to ascend . It was Ierusalem . There the Temple . In that the Arke . In that the Law. And the Law sayes not simply , that they shall assemble and meete to serue the Lord , but precisely , that they shall doe it in the same place which the Lord shall chuse , Deut. 16. And the Lord chose Sion , the Temple at Ierusalem to bee this place , 2. Chron. 7. Would you haue a reason why God tied them so stricktly to one place ? 'T is not hard to giue it . That people were wonderfully prone to Idolatry ; therefore saith S. Basil , God tyed them to one place of worship , lest wandring here and there in strange places , they might fall into the seruice of strange Gods. And marke it , God would then haue but one Temple erected , one Altar , in one Citie , that the people might not fall asunder into different superstitions , and leaue true Religion least followed . And the Iewes seeing the command , neuer halted in this duety so long as Ierusalem was at vnitie in it selfe . But when that brake all misery began . For no sooner had Ieroboam made a Rent in this vnity , and torne away ten Tribes from the house of Dauid , but by and by Samaria is as good as Ierusalem : and the Calues in Dan and Bethel , as good as that God that brought them out of the land of Egypt , 3. Reg. 12. So dangerous a thing it is , when vnitie and God's command are broke together . The Iesuite Lorinus tels vs , There are better causes to perswade vs now to goe on pilgrimage ad Limina Petri , and the Iubilees at Rome , then the Tribes had here to goe to Ierusalem . What ? better causes ? The Iewes had Gods expresse commandement to goe to Ierusalem , and the forme of worship that was there . And what better warrant can any man , or any people haue , then Gods command ? Let him or any other shew me such a command , That all the whole Church of Christ , all the Tribes which now serue the Lord must come in person , or consent and doe it at Rome , wee will neuer stay for Lorinus his better reasons . Wee will take Gods command for a good one , and obey it . But they must not thinke to choak vs with the wool that growes vpon Pasce oues , S. Iohn 21. which as the Fathers haue diuersly spunne out ; so no one of them comes home to the cloathing of Rome , with such a large Robe of State as she challengeth . And this in the meane time will bee found true ; That while they seeke to tye all Christians to Rome , by a diuine precept , their Ambition of Soueraignty is one and a maine cause , that Ierusalem , euen the whole Church of Christ , is not at vnitie in it selfe this day . Now beside the honour & seruice done to God , the people had many other benefits by comming vp , and meeting at Ierusalem . Many , but one more especially . And that comes in to the third commendation of Ierusalem ; the Gouernment both Spirituall and Temporall . For there also are the seates of Iudgement , euen the seates of the house of Dauid . So they might serue themselues at the seats of Iustice , while they went to the Temple of serue God. In the ascending 't was illuc , thither . And here at the sitting , 't is illic , there . One & the same City honoured with God , his Church , and the King. And it must needs bee so . For these three God , the King , and the Church , that is God , his Spouse , & his Lieutenant vpon earth are so neere allyed . God and the Church in loue . God & the King in power . The King and the Church in mutuall dependance vpon God , and subordination to him : That no man can serue any one of them truely , but he serues all three . And surely 't was in a blessed figure ; that Gods house and the Kings stood together at Ierusalem . The Temple ( if I mistake not ) vpon the East , and the Palace of Salomon vpon the South-side of the same Mountaine : to shew that their seruants and seruice must goe together too : that no man might thinke himselfe the farther from God by seruing the King , nor the farther from the King by seruing God. The Kings power is Gods ordinance : and the Kings command must bee Gods glory : and the honour of the Subiect is obedience to both . And therefore in the Lawe the same command that lay vpon the people to come vp illuc , thither , to Ierusalem ; the very same lay vpon them to obey the Iudges , and the house of Dauid , illic , when they came there . To obey the Sanhedrim & the Iudges , Deut. 17. and both them and the King , after the house of Dauid was setled , as in this place . For then there was seated ( as diuers of the Fathers and later diuines obserue ) both Authorities ; both of the Priests , and of the King and his Iudges . So the first lesson which the people doe or should learne by going vp to the Temple , is obedience to both spirituall and temporall Authority , but especially to the house of Dauid . Well then , illic , there were the Seates or Thrones of iudgement . Of all things that are necessary for a State none runs so generally through it , as Iustice and Iudgement . Euery part and member of a Kingdome needs it . And 't is not possible Ierusalem should bee long at vnitie in it selfe , if Iustice and Iudgement doe not vphold it . And 't is in vaine for any man , whether hee bee in authority , or vnder it , to talke of Religion , & Gods seruice , to frequent the Temple , if he doe not , in the course of his life , exercise and obey Iustice and Iudgement . And this Lesson Religion euer teacheth . For it was the very end of Christs comming to redeeme vs , That wee might serue him in holinesse and in righteousnes , S. Luk. 1. In holines toward God , that 's first : and then in righteousnes and iustice towards men , that 's next . And they stand so , that the one is made the proofe of the other , Righteousnes of Holines . For he that doth but talke of Holinesse , and doth vniustly therewhile , is but an Hypocrite . This for Iustice the preseruatiue of vnitie . Now for the Seates of it . They which are appointed to administer Iustice and Iudgement to the people , haue Thrones , or Chayres , or Seates , ( call them what you will , the thing is the same ) out of which , they giue sentence vpon Persons or Causes brought before them . And they are signes of authority and power which the Iudges haue . And 't is not for nothing , that they are called Seates . For Iudgement was euer giuen in publike sitting . And there 's good reason for it . For the soule and minde of man is not so settled when the Body is in motion . For the Body moued moues the humours ; and the humours moued moue the affections ; and Affections moued are not the fittest to doe Iustice and iudgement . No ; Reason in a calme vnmoued is fittest for that . Now the Seates stand here both for the Seats themselues ; And so sederunt Sedes is Actiue for Passiue , The Seates sate , for , The Seates are placed ; or for the Iudges that sit in them ; or sederunt , id est , permanserunt , for the perpetuity and fixing of the Seates of Iustice. The Seates must bee in some reuerence for the persons that sit in them . The persons must haue their Honour for the Office they performe in them . And the Seates must bee fixed and permanent , that the people which are fallen into Controuersie may know the Illi● , and the Vbi , whither to come and finde Iustice. The words in my Text are plurall , Seates of Iudgement . And 't is obseruable . For the exorbitances of men that quarrell others are such and so many , that one Seat of Iudgement only was scarce euer sufficient for any State. Seates they must be , & they seldome want worke . In the prime times of the Church , Christians could not hold from going to Law one with another , and that vnder vnbelieuers , 1. ● Cor. 6. To meet with this frailtie of man , God in this Common-wealth which himselfe ordered , appointed not one , but many * Seates of iudgement . And therefore euen the inferiour Seates , howsoeuer as they are setled by the King and the State , seuerally to fit the nature of the people in seuerall Kingdomes , are of positiue and humane Institution ; yet as they are Seates of Iudgement , they haue their foundation vpon Diuine Institution too , since there is no power but of God , Rom. 13. By these Seates of Iustice and Iudgement the Learned in all ages vnderstand all Iudiciary power and administration both Ecclesiasticall and Ciuill ; And they are right . For the Sanhedrim of the Iewes their greatest Seate of Iudgement vnder the King ( after they had that gouernment ) was a mixed Court of Priests and Iudges , Deut. 17. though other Kingdomes since , and vpon reason enough haue separated and distinguished the Seates of Ecclesiasticall and Ciuill Iudicature . Since this diuision of the Seates of Iudgement , there was a time when the Ecclesiasticall tooke too much vpon them . Too much indeed , and lay heauy not onely vpon ordinary Ciuill Courts , but euen vpon the House of Dauid , and Throne of the King himselfe . But God euer from the dayes of Lucifer gaue pride a fall ; and pride of all sinnes least beseemes the Church . May wee not thinke that for that shee fell ? But I pray remember 't was Fastus Romanus , 't was Roman Pride , that then infected this Church with many others . The time is now come in this kingdome , that the Ciuill Courts are asmuch too strong for the Ecclesiasticall : and may ouerlay them as hard , if they will be so vnchristian as to reuenge . But we hope they which sit in them will remember , or at the least , that the House of Dauid will not forget : That when God himselfe and Hee best knowes what hee doth for the vnitie of Ierusalem ) erected Seates of iudgement , Hee was so farre from Ecclesiasticall Anarchie , that Hee set the High Priest very high in the Sanhedrim . And Ecclesiasticall and Church Causes must haue their triall and ending aswell as others . I know there are some that thinke the Church is not yet farre enough beside the Cushin : that their Seats are too easie yet , and too high to . A Paritie they would haue , No Bishop , No Gouernour , but a Parochial Consistory , and that should be Lay enough too . Well , first , this Paritie was neuer left to the Church by Christ. He left Apostles and Disciples vnder them . No Paritie . It was neuer in vse with the Church since Christ : No Church euer , any where , ( till this last age ) without a Bishop . If it were in vse , it might perhaps gouerne some pettie City ; but make it common once , and it can neuer keepe vnitie in the Church of Christ. And for their Seates being too high , God knowes they are brought lowe , euen to contempt . They were high in Ierusalem . For all Diuines agree , that this in prime reference is spoken of Ecclesiasticall Censures , and Seates . And the word is Thrones ; no lesse . So the originall : So the Septuagint : and so many of the later Diuines , forgetting their own inuention of the Presbytery . And one thing more I 'le be bold to speake out of a like duetie to the Church of England and the House of Dauid . They , whoeuer they bee , that would ouerthrow Sedes Ecclesiae , the Seates of Ecclesiasticall Gouernment , will not spare ( if euer they get power ) to haue a plucke at the Throne of Dauid . And there is not a man that is for Paritie , all Fellowes in the Church , but hee is not for Monarchie in the State. And certainely either he is but Halfe-headed to his owne Principles , or hee can bee but Halfe-hearted to the House of Dauid . And so wee are come to the last , the great Circumstance of the Text , the House of Dauid : the Guide , and the Ground too , vnder God , of that vnitie which blesses Ierusalem . The house , that is , not the house onely , but the Gouernment . All Regall and Iudiciary power was seated by God himselfe in Dauid and his Posterity , 2. Sam. 7. That Hee , as King ouer his people , might take care , both that Ierusalem might be at vnitie in it selfe : and that the Tribes of the Lord might goe thither to giue thankes to the Name of the Lord : that all the seruants of God among that people might knowe , that God had committed them to the trust of Dauid : that they might not promise themselues succour from God , otherwise then as they liued in obedience to Dauid : that they might not thinke to alter the gouernement , or the succession , but rest dutifully where God had placed them . And therfore when Ieroboam rent ten Tribes from the house of Dauid , almost nothing but distraction and misery fel vpon that people euer after , as appeares in the story . This to the letter strictly . Now to the sense at large , as both Church and State haue subordination to the house of Dauid . For Ierusalem that 's at vnitie vnder Dauid . And the Tribes they go vp to the Testimony vnder Dauid . And the Seats of iudgement , they haue their seueral ministrations , but all with reference , all in obedience to the house of Dauid . Now in a State the King , obtinet locum fundamenti , is alwayes fundamentall . All inferiour powers of Nobles , Iudges , and Magistrates rest on him . And yet the holy Ghost doth not say in my Text , that the Seates of Iudgement are vpon the foundation of Dauid , but vpon the House of Dauid . And the reason is plaine : because there is one and the same foundation of the King and his people , that is , God and Christ. But when the house of the King is built vpon God as Dauid's was , then 't is to the people & domus , & fundamentum , both an house , and a foundation of all their houses . And that you may see the trueth of this , looke into the Story of all States , and you shall neuer finde a thunder-clap vpon the house of Dauid to make it shake , but the houses of all the Subiects in the Kingdome shooke with it . And this is an euident Argument , that the house of Dauid is a Foundation , when such a mighty building as a State , is shaken with it . And therefore there 's no man that loues his owne house , but hee must loue the Kings , and labour , and studie to keepe it from shaking . And if you marke the Text , here 's Sedes super Sedem , one Throne , or Seat vpon another . And all well-ordered States are built so by Sub & Super , by Gouernement and obedience . The intermediate Magistrates haue their subordinations either to other , and all to Dauid . But the House of Dauid that 's both , Sub & Super ; vnder the rest in the foundation ; for so the Septuagint , and the Fathers reade it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vpon the house of Dauid ; so the house of Dauid vnder , as Foundation . But ouer the rest in the administration and the gouernment . For they which are vpon him , must not bee aboue him . A primacie , or superintendencie , or what you will aboue the house of Dauid in his owne Kingdome , is a dangerous , and an ill construction of Super Domum Dauid . The house of Dauid a Foundation then : and my Text warrants both it and mee . I haue no will to except against any forme of gouernement , assumed by any State : Yet this my Text bids me say for the honour of Monarchicall Gouernment . The Seates of iudgement in it are permanent . And I doe not remember that euer I read Seates of Iudgement so fixed , as vnder Regall power . I do not by this denie , but that there may bee the City in peace , and administration of iustice in other formes of gourenment , somtimes asmuch , somtimes more . But there are Iudicia , not Sedes , Iudgement , not Seats of it . And Iustice there may be ; but it cōtinues not halfe so steddy . The Factions of an Aristocracy how often haue they diuided the City into ciuil warres , and made that City which was at vnitie in it selfe , wade in her owne blood ? And for a Democracie , or popular Gouernment , Fluctus populi , fluctus maris , The waues and the Gulfes of both are alike . None but God can rule the raging of the Sea , and the madnes of the people , Psal. 65. And no safety or settlednes , till there bee a returne in domum Dauid , to a Monarchie , and a King againe . I 'le goe no whither but to my Text and Ierusalem for instance . That people had a Sanhedrim ouer them , a wonderfull wise and a great Senate ; the chiefe of the Priests , and the most expert in their Lawes of the other Tribes . If any greater difficulty arose , God raised vp Iudges and Deliuerers to fight their Battailes . This people were well , a man would thinke , for point of Gouernment , very well . And yet Caluin obserues , and 't is true , though they had then Iustice and Iudgement among them , yet they were but suspensa Iudicia , & varie mutata , Iustice with suspence & often changes . And which is more , that people restles and vnquiet euen with the Ordinance of God himselfe till they had a King , 1. Sam. 8. So after the disobedience of Saul , ( which can cast euen Kings out of Gods fauour ) that State was settled vpon the House of Dauid . The King then a Foundation , and a settled one too , as Mortality hath any . The whole frame of the Common-wealth , vnderstood here by the Seats of Iudgement rests vpon the strength of his house . Vpon his house ? therefore it must bee built and settled , els 't is not domus , not a house . When 't is built , it must bee furnished , & plentifully too ; els 't is not fit to bee domus Dauidis , the Kings house . If any disaster hath been , it must bee repayred ; els Domus lacera a House vpon props , can be no foundation of Iustice to friends at home , or vpon enemies abroad . And there can hardly bee a greater miserie to a Kingdome , then to haue the House of Dauid weake . Well then ; would you haue the house of Dauid as Dauids was now at Ierusalem , A built , A furnished , A strong , An honourable House ? I know you would . You are a Noble and a most Loyall People . Why then I will not take vpon mee to teach , but onely to remember you of the way . The way is ; — Am I out ? No sure . The way is , To set Dauid once vpon his owne feet ; to make him see the strength of the house which God hath giuen him . ; to fill him with ioy and contentment in his peoples loue ; to adde of your . oyle to make him a cheerefull countenance , now that God hath anointed him with the oyle of gladnes ouer you ; that in a free Estate he may haue leisure from Home-Cares , euery way to intend the good and welfare of his people ; and to blesse God for them , and them in God. And for Dauid , God hath blessed him with many royall Vertues . And aboue the rest with the knowledge that his House is a foundation . A foundation of his people , and of all the iustice that must preserue them in vnitie , and in happines . But 't is Domus eius , His House still , euen while 't is your foundation . And neuer feare him , for God is with him . Hee will not depart from Gods seruice ; nor from the honourable care of his people ; nor from wise managing of his treasure : He will neuer vndermine his owne house , nor giue his people iust cause to bee iealous of a shaking foundation . And here in the presence of God and his blessed Angels , as well as of you , which are but dust & ashes , I discharge the true thoughts of my heart , and flatter not . And now my Dread Soueraigne , vpon you it lyes to make good the thoughts of your most deuoted Seruant . Thus you haue seen as short a Mapp , as I could draw of Ierusalem . Shee was famous for her vnitie , and blessed too , when it was within her selfe . Shee was famous for her Religion , & deuout too , when all the Tribes went vp to the Arke of the Testimonie , to giue thankes to the name of the Lord. Shee was famous for Iustice , and successfull too , both at home , and against forreigne enemies , when the Seates of Iudgement Ecclesiasticall and Ciuill were all , as their seuerall natures beare , founded vpon the House of Dauid . This Ierusalem of ours is now at vnitie in it selfe . And I see here Capita Tribuum , the Heads and Leaders of the Tribes , and People of the Lord , come vp , and present in his Temple . I would to God they were all here , that with one heart , and one mouth , wee might all pray vnto God for all his blessings to come down , and dwell in the House of Dauid ; and to rest vpon this great and honourable Councell now ready to sit . You are come vp to begin at the Temple of the Lord. The Arke was wholly Ceremoniall ; that 's not here . But the Testimonie of Israel , the Law , yea and a better Law then that , the Law of Grace and of Christ , that 's here . Here it is , and open ready to teach the feare of the Lord , which is the beginning of all wisedome , Psal. 111. In this Law you can read nothing but seruice to God , & obedience to the House of Dauid . And so you find them ioyned , 1. S. Pet. 2. Feare God , and honour the King. And 't is a strange Fallacie in Religion for any man to dishonour the King , and to make that a proofe that he feares God. To the Temple and the Testimony you are come vp . When God would giue Moses more speciall direction , hee declared himselfe from the Mercy-seat , which was on the Arke . Exod. 25. The Mercy-seat was wholly Ceremoniall , as the Arke was on which it stood ; that is ; the Seate Ceremonie , but the Mercy substance . And though the Seate bee gone with Moses , yet I hope God hath not left , will neuer leaue , to appeare in Mercy to the House of Dauid , and this wise Councell . If hee appeare in mercy , I feare nothing . If hee appeare otherwise there will bee cause to feare all things . And the way to haue God appeare in mercy is for both King and People , not only to come to the Temple , that 's but the outside of Religion , but also to obey the Law , and the Testimonie . Iudgement went out from God lately , and it was fierce . How many thousands strong men , which might haue bin a wall about Ierusalem , hath the Pestilence swept away ? But his mercy soon ouertooke his Iudgement : For when did the eye of man behold so strange and sodain abatement of so great Mortalitie ? A great argument , that hee will now appeare in Mercie . And I cannot tell which hath got the better in the vie , Your Honour , or Your Religion , that you haue made such hast to bring the Tribes to the Temple , to giue thanks to the name of the Lord for this . The first Lesson of this dayes Euening prayer is Exod. 18. There 's the Story of Iethro's counsell to Moses , for assistance of inferiour Officers . This was not the beginning of that great and parliamentary Councell , which after continued successefull in the State of the Iewes . For that was set after by GOD himselfe , Numb . 11. yet I make no great doubt , but that the ease , which Moses found by that Councell , made him apt to see what more hee needed ; and so farre at least occasioned the setling of the Sanhedrim . I take the omen of the day , and the Seruice of the Church to blesse it . That our Dauid may be as happy in this , and all other Sessions of Parliament , as their Moses was in his Councell of the Elders . That the King and his people may now , and at all like times , meete in loue , consult in wisedome , manage their Counsell with temper , entertaine no priuate businesse to make the publike suffer ; And when their consultation is ended , part in the same loue that should euer bring King and People together . And let vs all pray , That our Ierusalem , both Church and State , which did neuer but flourish when it was at vnitie in it selfe , may now and euer continue in that vnitie , and so bee euer successefull both at home and abroad . That in this vnitie the Tribes of the Lord , euen all the Families and Kinreds of his people may come vp to the Church , to pray , and prayse , and giue thanks vnto him . That no Tribe or Person for any pretences ( for they are no better ) may absent themselues from the Church and Testimony of the Lord : That the Seates of Iudgement Ecclesiasticall and Ciuill of all sorts , may not onely be set , but set firmely , to administer the iustice of God , and the King vnto his people . That all men may reuerence and obey the House of Dauid , who it selfe vpon God , is the foundation of all these blessings . That God would mutually blesse Dauid , and this People . That so the People may haue cause to giue thankes to God for Dauid ; And that Dauid may haue cause to take ioy in the loue and loyalty of of his people ; and blesse God for both . Till from this Ierusalem , and this Temple , and these Thrones , Hee , and wee all may ascend into that glorious State which is in Heauen . And this Christ for his infinite mercie sake grant vnto vs : To whom , &c. FINIS . ¶ Imprinted at London by BONHAM NORTON and IOHN BILL , Printers to the Kings Most Excellent Maiesty . 1625. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A05170-e70 Deut. 16.16 . Vers. 1. Psalm . 75 . 4● Apoc. . 12.6 . S. Basil. Ibid. Psal. 113.6 . S. Matth. 5.35 . Thren . 2.15 . S. Matth. 24.2 . Adrichom in descrip . Ierus . Iud. 19.10 . 2. Sam. 5.7 . 1. Chron. 11.4 . S. Hil. ibid. Gen. 49.7 . Coll. Dom. 5. post . Trin. Plat. in vit . Vrban . 3. Lucan . a Lib. 5. de Bel. Gal. In vita I. Agrip . ●Cor . 12. Vers. 25. Vers. 21. Vers. 21. Orat. 20. 1. Cor. 13.4 . S. Luk. 23.34 . Esai . 2. 2. S. Math. 16.18 Gal. 6.2 . Ezech. 13.10 . 2. Tim. 2.23 . S. Luk. 19.12 . Exod. 23.17 . Psal. 50.13,14 . 1. Cor. 1.17 . Psal. 127. 1. Ion. 3. Act 13.27 . S. Basil. ibid. Deut. 17.11 . Deut. 16.16 . Vers. 22. Vers. 8,9 . S. Luk. 10.30 . S. Aug. Ibid. Exod. 23.15 . a Apolina : Ibid. Deut. 16.16 . 2. Chron. 7.12 S. Basil. Ibid. 3. Reg. 12.28 Ibid. S. Ioh. 21.16 . Deut. 17.10 . S. Basil. Theodoret . Euthy● . Caluin . M●sc● , Inn. Ibid. S. Luk. 1.75 . Non eadem videntur Iudicibus iratis & quietis . Arist. lib. 2. Rhet. c. 1. 1. Cor. 6.6 . * Tostat. in Exod . 21. q. 16. P. Cuneus de Rep. Hebr. lib. 1. c. 12. Rom. 13. 1. Both for Causes & Persons . Pet Cun. de Rep. Hebr. lib. 1. pag. 101. & 106. Caluin . Muscul. Iun. versio Geneu . Nay the Anabaptists themselues . Ainsw . Ibid. 2. Sam. 7.10 . & Psal. 89.36 . Psal. 65.7 . Calu. Ibid. 1. Sam. 8. Psal. 111.10 . 1. S. Pet. 2.17 . Exod. 25.22 . Exod. 18. Numb 11.16 . 
A05171	----	A sermon preached on Munday, the seauenteenth of March, at Westminster at the opening of the Parliament. By the Bishop of Bathe and Welles. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 1628 Approx. 59 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A05171 STC 15305 ESTC S102879 99838641 99838641 3027 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A05171) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 3027) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 804:09) A sermon preached on Munday, the seauenteenth of March, at Westminster at the opening of the Parliament. By the Bishop of Bathe and Welles. Laud, William, 1573-1645. [2], 45, [1] p. Printed [by B. Norton and J. Bill] for Richard Badger, London : 1628. The Bishop of Bathe and Welles = William Laud. Printers' names from STC. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2002-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-04 TCP Staff (Oxford) Sampled and proofread 2002-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON PREACHED On Munday , the Seauenteenth of MARCH , At Westminster : At the opening of the PARLIAMENT . By the Bishop of BATHE and WELLES . LONDON , Printed for RICHARD BADGER . 1628. EPHES. 4. 3. Endeauouring to keepe the Unitie of the Spirit , in the band of peace . THIS Chapter is a great Scripture for Vnity . For , here we find there is but One Lord whom we serue ver . 5. But One God and Father , whom wee worship and obey : ver . 6. But One Spirit whom we receiue , while he sanctifies vs : ver . 4. One Lord , One God and Father , One Spirit . Three in One , all Three but one God , blessed for euer . But one Baptisme , by which we are cleansed . But one Faith by which wee beleeue : ver . 5. But one hope vpon which we relye : v. 4. But one knowledge , by which we are illightened : ver . 13. But One Bodie of which we are members : ver . 4. Different Graces , but all tending to One Edification . Diuers offices , but all ioint-Ouerseers of the same worke ; Till the Building be One and we One in it , ver . 11. This Chapter is as pressing a Scripture for Exhortation . And the first Exhortation is , That men would walke worthy of their Calling : ver . 1. Their calling to be Christians ; Their calling in Christianitie . And that to shew themselues worthie , they would endeauor to keepethe Vnity of the Spirit in the band of peace : ver . 3. All for Vnity . And let me tell you . VVe often read of One in the Scripture : but the word Vnity in the Abstract , is no where read either in Old or New Testament , but onely in this Chapter , and here 't is twice . For we are exhorted to keepe it : ver . 3. But how long ? why euen till we be made perfect : ver . 13. that is , to the end ofthis life . VVhy , but what need was there of this Exhortation at Ephesus ? What ? why sure very great need . For Saint Anselm tells vs , Schisma fuit , there was a Schisme and a rupture there . And Charismata , the eminent Graces which God had giuen many of them , was made the cause of the Schisme . For Corruption at the heart of man breedes pride euen out of Gods graces . And they which had these gifts despised them which had them not , and separated from them . This gaue occasion to false teachers to enter in , and lye in wayt to deceiue : ver . 14. This was the state of the Church of Ephesus . How was it in the Citie and the Common-wealth there-while ? How ? why , the Citie was then a very famous Citie in Ionia , a part of Asia the lesse . At this time subiect to the Romane Empire . Their Proconsul and other Deputies were ouer them , Acts 19. But Diana was goddesse there and the Citie heathen . Ephesus then was Ethnicke : No Religion but Paganisme auowed by the state . And the Citie was a stranger to the Church that was in it . A Stranger and without as the Apostle speaks , 1. Cor. 5. Yet such is the force of Christian Religion , that as Herod & Ierusalem were troubled when Christ was borne S. Math. 2. So here Demetrius and Ephesus were troubled when the name & Religion of Christ was borne and nursed vp among them . For the word of God did no sooner growe and preuaile at Ephesus : Acts 19. 20. but by and by there arose no small trouble about it : ver . 23. The Citie and the state Heathen , yet troubled when Religion came in : Therfore , A Citie & a state Christian must needes be more troubled when Religion goes out . And the ready way to out Religion , is to breake the Vnitie of it . And the breach of the Vnity of Religion will be sure to trouble the City first , and hazard the state after . For the state , whether Pagan or Christian , hath euer smarted more or lesse , as the Church hath crumbled into Diuisions . S. Paul I know wrote this Epistle to the Church of Ephesus , not the Citie . And hee called for Vnitie bound vp in peace for the Churches good , without any expresse mention either of Citie or state . Yet hee well knew that the good both of the State and the Citie would follow vpon it . For Vnity is a binder vp ; And Vnity of Spirit , ( which is religion's vnity ) is the fastest binder that is . And lest it should not bind fast enough , it calls in the band of peace . So that no man can exhort vnto , and endeauor for the Vnity of the Church , but at the same time , he labours for the good of the state . And if it were so at Ephesus where the state was Heathen ; much more must it needs be so , where the state is Christian. I shall follow my Text therfore both in it selfe , and in the Consequent which followes vpon it . In it selfe , and so 't is for the Vnitie of the Church . And a maine Text it is ( sayth S. Ierome ) against Heresie and Schisme . In the Consequence it hath : And so t is for the Vnity of the State. And a full Consequence it is . For Vnitie not kept in the Church is lesse kept in the state And the Schismes and diuisions of the one , are both Mothers and Nurses of all disobedience and dis-ioynting in the other . So the Apostles exhortation goes on directly to the Church , by Consequent to the State. And it will behoue both Bodies that all the seuerall members of each Endeauor to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit in the band of peace . The Text hath sixe particulars . For first , here 's the thing it selfe , to which the Apostle exhorts . That 's Vnity . Secondly , All Vnity will not serue the turne . It must be the Vnity of the Spirit . Thirdly , what 's to be done with this Vnity , It must be kept . Fourthly , there will bee no keeping of it , without a strong Endeauour . Fiftly , this Endeauour to keepe will bee to no purpose , if it be not in peace . And sixtly , Peace it selfe cannot hold it longe , except it bee bound vp in Vinculo , in the strongest band that peace hath . I beginne with that which is the matter of the Apostles Exhortation . T is Vnity ; A very charitable tye , but better knowne then loued . A thing so good , that 't is neuer broken but by the worst men . Nay , so good it is , that the very worst men pretend best when they breake it 'T is so in the Church ; Neuer Heretick yet rent her bowels , but he pretended that hee raked them for truth . T is so in the state . Seldome any vnquiet Spirit diuides her Vnion , but hee pretends some great abuses , which his integrity would remedie . O that I were made a Iudge in the land , that euery man which hath any Controuersie might come to me , that I might doe him Iustice. And yet no worse then Dauid was King , when this Cunning was vsed , 2 Sam. 15. Vnity then both in Church and Common Wealth is so good , that none but the worst willingly breake it : And euen they are so farre ashamed of the breach , that they must seeme holyer then the rest , that they may bee thought to haue a iust cause to breake it . Now to be one here whether in Church or Common-wealth is not properly taken , as if all were to be shrunke vp into one Body . But One is taken here ( saith Paulinus ) pro multorum vnanimitate , for the vnanimitie and consent of many in one . And the Church and Common-wealth , take them seuerally , or together , they are , they can be no otherwise One then Vnione multorum , by the vniting and agreeing of many in one . And so S. Luke , Acts 4. The Church was a multitude of Beleeuers , sed co●vnum , but they liued as if they had had but one heart among them . This Vnity then is so One , as that it is the vniting of more then one : yet such a vniting of many , as that when the Common Faith is endangered , the Church appeares for it as One. And when the common safety is doubted , or the common peace troubled , the state appeares for it as one . As Israel was said to be knit together as One man : Iud. 20. And indeede when One Man is not more at Vnitie in himselfe for his owne defence , then the Church and state are for publike defence , then both are iustly said to be at Vnitie . You see what Vnitie is . Will you see what hurt followes vvhere t is broken ? First , Fraction makes vneuen reckonings . And t is hard , very hard , for a man that breakes vnitie to giue either God or man a good account of so doing . Hard to giue account , but that 's not all . For , if Vnity be broken , if a Diuision bee made , the parts must be aequall or vnaequall . If the parts be aequall , neither of them hath more then halfe its strength . If they bee vnaequall , one hath not so much . And that which hath more , vsually hath more pride , and so lesse will to vnite . And yet for all this pride , farre weaker it is , then when there was Vnity , and altogether . Nay , in breach of Vnity there is not alwaies safetie for the greater against the lesse . For in that greeuous breach in Israel , when the Eleuen Tribes came out against Beniamin foure hundred thousand strong , and their quarrell good , yet they fell twice before them , Iudg. 20. Nay this is not all , not any almost of the hurt which followes in either Church or state , when discontents haue swallowed vp their Vnity . For the Church . Nothing ( saith S. Chrisostome ) doth so prouoke God to anger as to see diuisam Ecclesiam , his Church purchased by one blood , to be One Body , made more , made other then One. And for the Common-Wealth . A people is as one Cittie , yet such a one ( saith Saint Augustine ) cui est periculosa dissentio , as to whom all breach of Vnity is full of danger . For Church and state together ; It was a greeuous Rent among the Iewes , when Manasses deuoured Ephraim , Ephraim Manasses , and both fell vpon Iudah , Esay 9. What followed ? was God pleas'd with this , or were the Tribes in safety that were thus diuided ? No sure . For it followes . The wrath of the Lord was not turn'd away , but his hand was stretched out still . Still ? How long was that ? How long ? Why , Till Ephraim and Manasses which could not agree at home , were with the rest of the ten Tribes carried away into perpetuall captiuity . And Esay liued to see his Prophecy fulfilled vpon them . For they were carried away by Salmanasar in the sixt yeere of Hezekiah , when Esay flourished . This wrath of the Lord was fierce , and the people dranke deepe of this Cup. Therefore I goe a farre off both for time and place to fetch this Instance : And doe you take care not to bring it neerer home . And I pray obserue it too : The hand of God was stretched out vpon Ephraim and Manasses , but there 's no mention , which was the first , or which the greater offender , Ephraim or Manasses . What 's the Reason ? 'T is because the breach of vnity scarce leaues any Innocent ; and the hand of God is stretched out vpon all . I presse Vnity hard vpon you ( pardon me this Zeale . ) O that my thoughts could speake that to you that they doe to God : or that my tongue could expresse them but such as they are : Or that there were an open passage that you might see them , as they pray faster then I can speak for vnity . But what then ? will any kinde of Vnity serue the turne ? Surely , any will doe much good : But the best is safest ; and that is the Vnity of the Spirit . The learned are not altogether agreed heere , what is meant by the Vnity of the Spirit . For some thinke no more is meant by it then , a bare concord and agreement in minde and will. Lett 's keep this , and both Church and state shall haue a great deale of freedome from danger . But others take the Vnity of the Spirit to be that spirituall concord , which none doth , none can worke in the hearts of men , but the Holy Ghost . And I am apter to follow this sence : because if you take it but for a bare agreement in iudgment , Saint Paul had said enough by naming Vnity , Hee needed haue made no Addition of the Spirit . And because in the Text 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which for the most , points out the Holy Spirit . And because else Saint Pauls words ( which Bucer calls Ardentia verba , zealous and burning words ) adde nothing to any euen the Coldest exhortation of the Heathen to Vnity . The Vnity then of the Spirit , to which the Apostle exhorts includes both ; Both concord in minde and affections , and loue of charitable vnity , which comes from the Spirit of God , and returnes to it . And indeed the Grace of Gods Spirit is that alone , which makes men truly at peace and vnity one with another . Ei tribuendum non Nobis . To him it is to bee attributed , not to vs , ( saith Saint Augustine ) T is Hee that makes men to be of one minde in an house , Psal. 68. Now one minde in the Church , and one minde in the state , come from the same fountaine with One minde in an house ; All from the Spirit . And so the Apostle cle erely ver . 4. One Body , and one Spirit , that is , One Body , by one Spirit . For 't is the Spirit that ioynes all the members of the Church into one Body . And 't is the Church that blesses the state , not simply with vnity ; but with that vnity with which it selfe is blessed of God. A state not Christian may haue Vnity in it . Yes . And so may a state that hath lost all Christianity , saue the Name . But Vnity of the Spirit , nor Church nor state can longer hold , then they doe in some measure obey the Spirit , and loue the Vnity . This vnity of the Spirit is closer then any corporall vnion can bee . For Spirits meete where Bodies cannot ; and neerer then Bodies can . The Reason is giuen by Saint Chrysostome : Because the Soule or Spirit of man is more simple and of one sorme . And the Soule apter in it selfe to Vnion is made more apt by the Spirit of God , which is One , and loues nothing but as it tends to One. Nay , as the Spirit of God is One , and cannot dissent from it selfe ; no more ought they whom the Spirit hath ioyn'd in One : and the Spirit hath ioyn'd the Church in One ; Therefore he that diuides the Vnity of the Church , practices against the Vnity of the Spirit . Now this vnity of the Spirit ( so called , because it proceeds from the Spirit of Grace , continues in Obedience to it , and in the end brings vs to the Spirit that gaue it ) is the cause of all other vnity that is good ; and the want of it , the Cause of all defects in vnity . The presence of it is the Cause of all vnity that is good : Of all within the Church , no man doubts . But 't is of all without the Church too . For no Heathen men or states did euer agree in any good thing whatsoeuer , but their vnity proceeded from this Spirit , and was so farre forth at least a vnity of the Spirit . And for states that are Christian , and haue mutuall relations to the Church that is in them : S. Gregories Rule is true . The vnity of the state depends much vpon the peace and vnity of the Church : therefore vpon the guidance of the same Spirit . And as the presence of the vnity of the Spirit is the Cause of all vnity that is good : so the want of it is the Cause of all defects in vnity . For as in the Body of a man the Spirit holds the members together ; but if the soule depart the members fall asunder : So 't is in theChurch ( saith Theophilact ) and so in the state . So litle vnity then in Christendome as is , is a great Argument , that the Spirit is grieued , and hath iustly withdrawn much of his influence . And how is the Spirit grieued ? How ? why , sure by our neglect , if not contempt of Him as Hee is One. For as He is the Spirit of fortitude , Esay 11. there wee 'l haue him , he shall defend vs in warr . And as hee is the Spirit of Wisedome , there wee 'l haue him too , he shall gouerne vs in peace . But as heis One Spirit , and requires that wee keepe his vnity , there wee 'l none of him ; though we know right well , that without vnity peace cannot continue , nor warre prosper . One vnity there is ( take heed of it ) 't is a great Enemy to the vnitie of the Spirit , both in Church and Common-wealth . S , Bafil calls it Concors Odium , vnity in hatred to persecute the Church . And to this worke their 's vnity enough ; Mentake counsell together , Psal. 2. Saint Augustine calls it vnitatem contra vnitatem . A vnity against vnity ; when Pagans , Iewes , and Hereticks , or any profane crew whatsoeuer , make a league against the Churches Vnity . And about that work , that the name of Israel may bee no more in remembrance , that there may be no Church , or no reformed Church , Gebal , and Ammon , and Amaleck , the Philistins , and they that dwell at Tyre are Confederates together , Psal. 83. S. Hilary will not vouchsafe to call such vnion vnity ; Indeed it deserues not the name . 'T is not vnity ( saith he ) be it in Church or be it in state : but 't is a Combination . And hee giues his Reason . For vnity is in faith ( and Obedience : ) but Combination is Consortium factionis , no other , no better , the consenting in a faction . And all Faction is a Fraction too , and an Enemie to Vnity , euen while it combines in one . For while it combines but a part , it destroyes the vnitie of the whole . Is the spirit in this ? Out of question , No. For a Faction to compasse it's end , I will not say , when it sees a theefe it consents to him ; or that it is alwaies partaker with the Adulterers : but this it doth : It speakes against its owne Brother , and slanders its owne Mothers Sonne , Psal. 50. Can any man call this the Vnity of the Spirit ? Or is this the way to Vnity ? And now I cannot but wonder what words S. Paul ( were he now aliue ) would vse , to call backe Vnity into dismembred Christendome . For my part , Death were easier to mee , then it is to see and consider the face of the Church of Christ scratched and torne , till it bleeds in euery part , as it doth this day : And the Coat of Christ , which was once spared by Souldiers , because it was seamlesse . S. Ioh. 19. Rent euery way and which is the miserie of it by the hand of the Priest ; And the Pope , which Bellarmine hath put into the Definition of the Church , that there might bee one Ministeriall head , to keepe all in vnity , is as great as any , if not the the greatest cause of diuided Christianity . Good God , what preposterous thrift is this in men , to sowe vp euery small rent in their owne Coat ; and not care what rents they not onely suffer , but make in the Coat of Christ ? What is it ? Is Christ only thought fit to weare a torne garment ? Or can wee thinke that the Spirit of Vnity which is one with Christ , wil not depart to seeke warmer cloathing ? Or if he be not gone already , why is there not vnity , which is where ere he is ? Or if he be but yet gone from other parts of Christendome , in any case ( for the passion & in the bowels of Iesus Christ I beg it ) make stay of him heere in our parts . For so the Apostle goes on . Keepe the Vnity of the Spirit . This Exhortation requires too things ( saith S. Ierome : ) the one , that they which haue this vnity of the Spirit keepe it : the other that they which haue it not , labour to get it . And certainely nothing can be more beneficial , or more honourable either for Church or state , then to get it when they haue it not , or to keepe it when they haue it And this is implyed in the very word , which the Apostle vses , Keepe . For no wise man wil aduise the treasuring vp & keeping of any thing , but that which is of vse and benefit . And the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not barely signifie to Keepe , but Tueri , to defend too , which is the stoutest keeping . Now all wise men are for vnity : And all good men for the vnity of the Spirit . Yes ( saith Saint Isidore ) Boni seruant , Good men keepe it . VVise and good men keepe it ; why then none but fooles , and bad men breake it . Slie and cunning men perhaps may haue their hands in Diuisions , but wise or good men they are not . For are they not all without vnderstanding that worke wickednesse ? Psal. 53. And a greater wickednesse men can hardly work , then to dissolue the vnity of the Spirit in either Church orCommonwealth . For they doe as much as in them lies to bring profanenesse into the Church , and desolation vpon the state . Keepe therefore the vnity of the Spirit . Keepe Vnity : why , but what needs that ? will not vnity keepe it selfe ? 'T is true ; vnity is very apt to hang together . It proceeds from Charity , which is the glue of the Spirit , not seuered without violence . Yea , but for all this , it needs keeping . In the Church it needes keeping : And therefore the Prophets and Gouernors of the Church are called Custodes ; Keepers , Watchmen and Ouerseers , Ezek. 3. & Acts 20. And they must watch as well ouer her peace , as her Truth . And yet there are so many that scatter the tares of Schisme and Heresie , that her vnity is not kept . In the Common wealth it needs keeping too . For her Gouernors are Custodes Ciuitatis : Keepers of the Citty . But there also , there are not few that trouble the waters for their owne fishing . And many times a Common-wealth is in danger to loose her Vnity , iust as Ephesus did , Act. 19 : At which time all the Cittie was troubled , but the greater part knew not why . And the true Cause of the Diuision was no more but this Demetrius and his fellowes were afraid they should loose their gaine , if Diana and her Temple kept not vp their greatnesse . Now this noyse at Ephesus doth not onely tell vs that Vnity needs keeping , but it informes vs farther of the way to keepe it . The way to keepe vnity both in Church and state is for the Gouernors to carry a watchfull eye ouer all such as are discouered , or feard , to haue priuate ends . For there 's no priuate end , but in something or other it will be lead to runne crosse the publique : And if gaine come in , though it be by making shrines for Diana , 't is no matter with them though Ephesus bee in an vproare for it . And certainely there 's no keeping of Vnity in either Church or state , vnlesse men will be so temperate ( when it comes to a lumpe at least ) as to lay downe the priuate for the publique's sake , and perswade others to doe the like : Else ( saith Saint Chrysostome ) Quicquid ducit ad amorem sui , diuidit vnitatem : whatsoeuer leads men to any loue of themselues and their owne ends , helps to diuide the vnity . And the Schoole applies it both to Church and state . For in the Church they which seeke their owne , and not that which is Christs ( who is publicum Ecclesiae , the publique interest of the Church ) depart from the Vnity of the Spirit . And in an earthly Cittie , the vnitie of that is gone , when the Cittizens studdie their owne , not the publique good . Why , but when then is Vnity to be kept ? When ? why , surely at all times , if it be possible . But especially it is to bee kept , when Enemies are banded together against Church or state . Then aboue all other times looke well to the keeping of Vnity . Am I deceiued ? or is not this your Case now ? Are not many and great Enemies ioyn'd against you ? Are they not ioyned both against the Church and against the state ? Are they ioyned , and are you diuided ? God forbid . It cannot be that you should so forget the Church of Christ , or the Bowels of your owne Countrey , and your own . Ioyne then and keepe the Vnity of the Spirit , and I 'le feare no danger though Mars were Lord of the Ascendent , in the very instant of this Session of Parliament , and in the second house , or ioyned , or in aspect with the Lord of the second , which yet Ptolomey thought brought much hurt to Common-wealths . But suppose all danger ouer ( I would it were ) yet keepe Vnity at all times . For Enemies are as Cunning as malice can make them : And if Vnity be not kept at all times , at that time when t is not kept they 'l make their breach . And they 'l make it certainely . For if the Vnity of the Spirit be gone , the Spirit is gone with it ; And if the Spirit bee gone , Christ is gone with him : And if they be gone , God the Father is gone with them . And what misery will not follow when an Enemy shall come vpon a state , and finde the whole blessed Trinity , Father , Sonne , and Holy Ghost gone from it , to accompany that Vnity which is banished out of it ? Yea but you will say ; If Vnity be lost , we wil quickly fetch it backe againe . Soft : First t is more wisedome to keepe it then to bee driuen to fetch it backe . Secondly , before Vnity be thrust off , it would be well thought vpon , whether it be in your power to bring it backe when you will. The Spirit , I am sure , is not , and t is His Vnity . And , loose it when you will , 't is like the losse of health in the naturall body ; Iust like . For there euery Disease is with some breach of Vnity ; either by Inflammation in some noble or vitall part : or by strife in the humors : or Luxations in the loynts : or by breaking veines or sinewes ; still with some breach ofVnity . Well . What sayes the Patient therewhile ? What ? Why , He sayes he wil recouer his health , & then take care to keepe it . Yea , but what if Death seaze vpon Him before health be recouered ? What then ? Had it not beene better & safer a great deale to keepe health while he had it ? And is not death a iust reward of his distempering his humors ? I will not apply , to either Church or Common-wealth : but certainely 't is better for both to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit ; then trust to the Recouery of it when 't is lost . Keepe then the Vnity of the Spirit ; but know withall , ( and it followes in the Text ) that if you wil keepe it , you must Endeauour to keepe it . For it is not so easie a thing to keepe Vnity in great Bodies as 't is thought ; There goes much labour and endeauour to it . The word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 studie , be carefull to keepe it . Saint Augustine reades it Satagentes doe enough to keepe it : And hee that doth enough , giues not ouer doing till it bee kept . Nay , the Apostle comes so home , that hee vses two words , and both of singular care for Vnity . For He doth not simply say keepe it : Nor simply endeauour it , but studdie and endeauour to keepe it . Now no man can keepe that is not carefull ; And no man will endeauour that is not studious . Neither is it ( saith Saint Chrysostome ) euery mans sufficiency to bee able to keepe Vnity : And the word implies such an endeauour as makes haste to keepe : And indeed no time is to bee lost at this worke . VVhy , but if there be neede of such endeuouring , whence comes it , that that which clings so together , as all Vnity doth is so hard to keepe ? Whence ? why I 'le tell you : I presume you 'll endeauour the more to keepe it . First , then t is hard to be kept , in regard of the nature of this Vnity . For bee it in Church , or bee it in Common-wealth t is Vnum aggregatum , One by Collection and Coniunction of many . And the Schoole teaches vs , that this Vnity is Minima Vnitas , A Vnity that is least One : And therefore aptest to fall asunder . Both because many are not easily kept at One ; And because euery one of the many by reason of the contrary thoughts and affections which diuide him , is not long together one in himselfe . Which is the Reason ( as I conceiue ) of that in Philo. That a little difference is able to diuide a Cittie . Secondly , t is hard to keepe in regard of Opposers against it , and slie practicers vpon it . And they are many . Dauid complained of them in his time , Psal. 120. My soule hath long dwelt with them that are Enemies to peace . And ther 's no Church , nor no state , but hath some of these . And since the plotting and studdie of these is to breake , you must endeauour to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit . And you 'll finde the worke hard enough . But as to keepe Vnity is a worke of Difficultie , and takes vp much endeauour of the best : so 't is a glorious worke , and worth their endeauour . It is a pitifull thing to see a man but reputed wise , and his Endeauour , vaine : But beside the comfort that is within , there 's a great deale of honour to see a wisemans endeauour like himselfe . And nothing is more like wisedome then Vnity . For wise Counsells , are seldome better knowne by any thing then this ; That as they are in themselues One and varie not ; so they tend to One and distract not . That One end is verity in the Church ; Safetie in the state ; and Vnity in both . Notwithstanding this , Good God , what spending their is of great endeauours , about vanity , and things of naught ? Halfe that endeauour spent in keeping Vnity , would doe what all our hearts desire , and more too . VVhy , but then how shall we be able to set our Endeauour right to the keeping of this Vnity of the Spirit ? How ? why the Apostle tells you that too , ver . 2. And the way he proposes is so direct , that I dare say , if you endeauour , you shall keepe the Vnity of the Spirit , both in Church and state . First , then all Endeauour to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit is void , if it bee not vertuous . For the Spirit will neither bee kept , nor keepe men together in vice . Next , Among all vertues foure are most necessarie to preserue Vnity . The Apostle nameth them ; and I 'll doe no more . They are Humilitie at the heart . Meekenesse in the Carriage . Patience in point of forbearance . And Charitie , whose worke is supportation of the weake that scandall be not taken , and Vnity broken . And Concerning this last great vertue whose worke is supportation of the weake , 't is an Excellent passage which Saint Augustine hath . Art thou so perfect that there is nothing in thee which an other need support ? I wonder if it be so : T is rare perfection . But be it so . Why then thou art the stronger to support others . Is vnity like to be broken , and dost thou say thou canst not support others ? Ergo habes quod in te alij sustineant . Therefore thou art not yet so perfect as thou thoughtest , but thou hast somewhat that others may support and beare in thee . Endeauour then to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit , that we must . But in what is Vnity best preserued ? In what ? why that followes next . T is in peace , saith the Apostle . Now Peace in this place is not taken as 't is opposite to Warr. But it is that Peace , which opposes all iarring and falling out , especially falling off one from another . It is not considered heere as opposite to warr . For that Peace and Warr cannot possibly stand together . But this Peace in which Vnity is kept , is most vsefull , most necessarie , when Warr is either threatned or begunne . For as there is most need of Vnity against Vnited Enemies : so is there most need of peaceable dispositions to Vnite at home , against forces from abroad : Therefore the Learned agree heere , That Peace stands for a Calme , and quiet dispose of the hearts of men , and of their carriage too , that the Vnity of the Spirit may be preserued . And certainely without this peaceable disposition , t is in vaine to say wee endeauour for Vnity ; either to get , or to keepe it . The Peace then heere spoken of , differs not much from the vertue of meekenesse . Onely it adds aboue meekenesse towards others , quietnesse with them . As it agrees with meekenesse , so t is the way to Vnity : As it adds aboue it , so t is the Treasurie in which Vnity is kept . T is an ancient Rule for kingdomes and a good . Iisdem Artibus quibus parta sunt facilè retinentur . They are kept in subiection , order , and obedience , by the same vertues by which they were first gotten . Now the vnity of the Spirit is a great part of the Kingdome of grace ; Therefore this Kingdome too , if it be gotten , as it is , by peace , then in peace it must be kept For you shall neuer see the Vnity of the Spirit dwell in a froward heart , that is enemie to peace . That affection of which Saint Bernard was , is the great keeper of Vnity . And sure he dwelt in peace . Adhaerebo vobis etsi nolitis , etsi nolim ipse . I will sticke and bee one with you , though you would not haue me doe it : nay , though any tentation in my selfe would not haue me doe it . And therefore they are quite out of the way , in the Church ( saith Saint Ierome ) that thinke they can hold the vnitie of the Spirit , Disfipatâ pace , when they haue shaken peace asunder . And they are as farre mistaken in the Common-wealth , that steepe all their humors in gall , and yet would intitle themselues Patrons of vnitie . And surely such , in what state soeuer they liue , know not of what Spirit they are , though all other men see , t is fire they call for , S. Luke 9. Why ? but what need is there of this Exhortation to Peace ? this Endeauour for Vnity ? what need in regard of the times , the time it selfe preaches , I may hold my peace . But what need there is in regard of mens persons and conditions , which are to comply with the times , that I 'le tell you . The best peace that is , and the fairest calme , that the Soule of man hath , is imperfect in this life . What then ? What ? why therefore saies the Schoole , though the Soule bee at rest and peace with God and consequently in it selfe and with others , yet there is still some repugnancy , both within , and without , which disturbes this peace . For whatsoeuer is imperfect is vnder perturbation . And the more a Man is troubled , the lesse perfect is his peace . Out of which it followes againe , that all Exhortation to recall a mans passions to peace is very needfull for the keeping of vnity : And hee that is offended at S. Pauls Exhortation to peace , is not at peace in Himselfe . Will you say farther , that this peace which keeps , and this vnity of the Spirit which is kept , is the blessing and the gift of God ? It shall euer bee farre from me to denie that . But what then ? Because they are Gods blessings , must not you endeauour to get them ? And because they are Gods gifts , must not you be carefull to keepe them ? Nay , ought not you be the more carefull to keepe , when God himselfe is so free to giue ? T is true , You cannot endeauour till God giue grace ; But t is true too , that you are bound to endeauour , when hee hath giuen it . Bound certainely ; and therefore Saint Ierome expounds this , which is but Councell and Exhortation in Saint Paul , by a Precipitur . Ther 's Gods command vpon you , that you endeauour for vnity in peace . And now , what if God haue giuen suffciencie , nay abundance of Grace , and yet there be no Endeauour , can any bee blamed then for want of vnity but your selues ? 'T is true , that except the Lord keepe the Citty , your Watchmen wake in vaine , Psal. 127. But is it any where said in Scripture , that if you will set no watch , take no care , that yet God will keepe the Cittie ? No sure . And this will euer bee found certaine , when and wheresoeuer the Vnity of the Spirit is not kept , then and there was want of mans endeauour to keepe it in peace . And whensoeuer God laies that punishment which followes Disunion vpon a Nation , the Sinne vpon which the punishment falls is committed by mans misendeauouring , or want of Endeauouring . But Peace it selfe cannot hold Vnity long , if it be not a firme and a binding peace . And this brings in the end of the Text , the keeping of Vnity in Vinculo Pacis , in the band of peace . First , then if you will keepe a setled vnity , you must haue a firme peace . The reason is , because in this Vnity many are brought together . And many will not be held together without a band . Saint Augustine discouered this . Vnitas fine nodo facilè dissoluitur . That Vnity ( saith he ) which hath no knot , is easily dissolued . This Vnity is so comfortable , so beneficiall both to Church and state , that it cannot be too fast bound . But if it be not fast bound , both it and the benefit will soone be lost . Now in vinculo , in that which bindes this is to be obserued : It compasses about all which it containes , and then where it meets there 's the knot . So that which is bound is held close within the Imbracings of the band . And the band is not of one substance , and the knot of another , but both of one and the same substance . So t is heere . For the vnity of the Spirit is contained and compassed , as it were by peace : Peace goes before it , to bring it in : And Peace goes with it when t is in : And Peace goes round about it , to keepe it in . And where the two ends of Peace meete , there vnity is fast and knit vp . And the knot is of the same substance with the band , Peace too . And therefore where the ancient reading of the Text is To keepe Vnity in the band of peace , there some will haue it , to keepe Vnity in vinculo quod est pax , In that band which is peace . This band as 't is the band of vnity ; so 't is well fitted to the vnity it bindes . For if you marke it , it bindes vnity , and the band is but One. In vinculo pacis : in the band of peace ; One band . And yet that which is vnum is not vnius , that which is but One , is not onely of One. For it bindes many , whole Churches , whole Kingdomes . And both bodies are euer safest , when the band is One ; and that One able to hold them . For when this One band of peace cannot binde close , t is a shrewd Argument , either that some ill humor swells , and will not endure the band ; or that the band it selfe is strained and made weake . And in both these cases , timely helpe must be applied , or the vnity of the Body is in Danger . You may see this plaine in the Naturall body . The out-band of the body is the skinne . If the body be too full of humors , and they foule and in Motion , the body swells till the skinne breaks . So t is in the Church , and so t is in the state , when the Body is too full of humors . The inner-band of the body is the Sinewe . 'T is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the very word which the Apostle vses ; The band or the sinew of peace . If the sinew bee broken or ouer-strained , there 's much paine and weaknesse in the body , and the members hang as loose , as if they were falling one from another . And so t is in the Ecclesiasticall ; And no other then so , in the Ciuill Body . If there be but a straining in the band , though perhaps the sinew be not yet broken , t is high time to looke to the Vnity of the body . Well . What Remedie then ? What ? Why , sure there 's none but Vinculum Vinculi : The sinew must haue a swathe : And that which was wont to binde the body , must bee bound vp it selfe . And if the Cure light not into honest and good Chirurgions hands , it may proue a lame Church , and a weake state euer after . God blesse the body therefore , and direct the Chirurgions . Now as the Band of these great Bodies , the Church , and the state , may be broken : so the knot , which hath euer beene hard to vntie , may be cutt . And both Church and state haue euer had Cause to feare both , both breaking and cutting . Saint Ignatius was afraid of this in the Church , by and by after the Apostles times . And therefore He writes to the Church of Philadelphia , In any case to flie and to shunne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the partition or cutting off this knot . And indeed t is not fit for any man imployed about this band of peace , to haue his Rasor about him . And Dauid was afraid of this in the state ; and hee had Cause , great cause . For some wilde vnruly men cryed out then . Lett 's breake their bands in sunder , and cast their cords from vs , Psal. 2. What bands ? Why , All the bands of peace , and all the bands of allegiance too . For the Consultation then was ( saith Caluin ) to depose Dauid . But hee that dwells in heauen , laughed them to scorne , ver . 4. And then brake them in peeces like a Potters vessell , ver . 9. Now the Breakers of the band of peace both in Church and Common-wealth are pride and disobedience . For these two cry one to another . Thatis , Pride to disobedience , Come lett 's breake the band . And this is very obseruable , and with reference to this band of peace too . You shall neuer see a disobedient man , but hee is proud . For hee would Obey , if he did not thinke himselfe fitter to gouerne . Nor shall you euer see a proud man stoope to binde vp any thing : But if you see him stoope , take heede of him , 't is , doubtlesse , to breake the band of peace . The Reason's plaine ; If hee stoope to binde vp , Hee knowes hee shall bee but one of the bundle ; which his pride cannot endure . But if he stoope to loose the band , then he may bee free , and shew his vertue ( as he calls it ) that is , hope To runne formost in the head of a Faction . Fond men , that can bee thus bewitched with pride against themselues . For when they are bound vp , though but as one of the Bundle , yet therein , vnder God , they are strong and safe : But when the Band is broken , and they perhaps , as they wish , in the Head , headlong they runne vpon their own Ruine . Thus you haue seene the Apostles care for Vnity : For Vnity , but faine would he haue it of the Spirit . This Vnity hee desires you should keepe ; yea studdy and endeauour to keepe , as the Spirit is ready to preuent and assist , that you may bee able to keepe it . This Vnity must be kept in peace : And if you will haue it sure , in the band of peace . That which remaines is : that you obey and follow the Apostles Exhortation . That all of you in your selues , and with others , endeauour to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit in the band of peace , both in Church and Common-wealth . For good Counsell , such as heere our Apostles is , doth not make Church or state happy , when t is giuen , but when t is followed . And to the danger that may come , it addes guilt , to all such as will not obey the counsell , that they may preuent the danger . And let me say thus much for the Vnity of the Spirit ; 'T is that which ties vs one to another , and all to God , and God to all . Without God wee cannot be safe , either in this life , or that to come . And without this Vnity , no man is sure of his Neighbours assistance , nor any man of Gods. But by this Vnity , GOD himselfe is content to be bound to you . And that which is bound , is sure , and ready at need . Et fortis cum debili ligatus , & illum portat & se ( saith Saint Chrysostome . ) And strength bound to weakenesse , beares vp both it selfe , and weakenesse . And in this sence I can admit of Scaligers Subtilty . That Vnity is Omnipotent . Keepe Vnity then , and be sowre ( t is honourable Iustice ) vpon any that shall endeauour to breake it . He deserues not to liue , that would dissolue that band , by which God hath bound himselfe to assist the Church , and the Common-wealth . Our Aduersaries make Vnity a Note of the Church , and they perswade such as will beleeue them , that wee haue no Vnity , and so no Church . I would not haue Occasion giuen them to inlargé their doctrine ; lest in the next place they take vpon them to proue , that we haue no Common-wealth neithor , for want of Vnity . Now to Keepe Vnity , I haue made bold to direct you one way already ; and heer 's an other . 'T is necessary that the Gouernors haue a good and a quick eye to discouer the cunning of them that would breake the Vnity first , and the whole Body after . You shall giue a guesse at them by this . They 'll speake as much for Vnity as any men ; but yet , if you marke them ; you shall still finde them busy about the knot , that bindes vp Vnity in peace : somewhat there is that wrings them there . They will pretend perhaps , t is very good there should be Vinculum , A Band to binde men to Obedience , ô God forbid else : but they would not haue the knot too hard . Take heed . Their aime is ; They would haue a little more liberty , that haue too much already . Or perhaps they 'll pretend , they would not vntie the knot , no , there may bee danger in that , but they would onely turne it to the other side , because this way it lyes vneasily . But this is but a shift neither . For turne the knot which way you will , all binding to Obedience will be grieuous to some . It may be they 'll protest , that though they should vntie it , yet they would not leaue it loose . They would perhaps tie it otherwise , but they would bee sure to knit it as fast . Trust not this pretext neither . Out of Question , their meaning is to tie vp Vnity in a Bow-knot , which they might slip at One End when they list . Indeed , whatsoeuer they pretend , if they be curious about the knot , I pray looke to their fingers , and to the Band of peace too . For whatsoeuer the pretences bee , they would be at the dissoluing of Vnity . Well . Prouide for the keeping of Vnity ; And what then ? Why , then God blesse you with the Successe of this Day . For this Day , the seuenteenth of March , I. Caesar ouerthrew Sex. Pompeius . And that Victory was in Spaine ; and Spaine which had long beene troublesome , setled , and came quietly in , by that one Action . And this very Day too , Fredericke the Second entered Ierusalem , and recouered whatsoeuer Saladine had taken from the Christians . But I must tell you , These Emperours and their forces were great keepers of Vnity . The first Lesson at this Daies Euening prayer , is Iudg. 4. There Sisera , Captaine of Iabins Army , fell before Israel . But I must tell you ; The two Tribes , Zabulon and Nepthali , went vp in great both Vnity , and courage against them , Iudg. 5. And I make no doubt , but this Day may be a Day of happy successe to this Church and state , if S. Paul may be heard , and that yet ( before it be too to late ) there bee a hearty Endeauour to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit in the Band of peace . And now , to conclude . I beseech you Remember , That all this Vnity and Peace , what ere it be , and when t is at the best , is but Vestigium , a track , and a footing of that euerlasting peace which is to come . And I would not haue you so loue this peace of grace , that you should at any time forget the infinite peace ofGlory : The band whereof nor Earth , nor Hell can breake . For t is not folly onely , but madnesse ( saith Saint Gregory ) to loue this Peace , this Vnity , which is but a foot-step , a print in the dust , soone worne out , soone defaced : and not loue God and his Peace , A quo impressum est : whose very foot made this so safe , so happy , so pleasant as it is . But I cannot but hope better things of you , and such as accompany safety heere , and Saluation hereafter . For you haue not so learned Christ , as that you can preferre any Vnity before his , Or neglect the safe keeping of that which is his footstep in this world ; The Vnity of the Spirit . Let vs therefore all pray vnto GOD : That he will euermore giue both the King and his People , the comfort of his Spirit : That that Spirit of his may so direct all your Counsells , that they may be for Vnity . That following the direction of this Spirit of Grace , wee may enioy the Vnity of the same Spirit , both in Church and Common-wealth . That all our Endeauours , publike and priuate , may tend to the keeping of this Vnity . That our keeping of Vnity may bee such as it ought , In Peace , in the very band of Peace . I beganne with Saint Pauls Exhortation . I end with his Prayer and Benediction . 2. Thess. 3. T is the prayer of this Day . For t is the second Lesson at Euening Seruice . The God of Peace giue you peace alwaies , and by all meanes : Peace in concord , and Peace in Charity : Peace on Earth , and Peace in Heauen : Peace of Grace , and Peace in Glory . To all which Christ for his infinite mercies sal●e bring vs all . To whom with the Father and the Holy Spirit , bee ascribed all might , Maiesty , and Dominion , this day and for euer . Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A05171-e100 Verse 5. Verse 6. Verse 4. Verse 5. Verse 4. Verse 13. Verse 4. Ver. 11 , 12. Ver. 1. Ver. 3. Ver. 3. Ver. 13. Ibid. Ver. 14. Acts 19. 38. 1. Cor. 5. 12. S. Mat. 2. 3. Act. 19. 20. Ver. 23. Ibid. 2. Sam. 15. 4. Epist. 5. Acts 4. 32. Vnin est aliquo●um distinctorū Thom. 2. 2. q. 17. ● . 3. c. Iud. 20. 11. Iud. 20. 17. Ibid. Lib. 2. de Ord. c. 18. Esay 9. 21. Cal● . Bucer . Lapide . Ibid. Lyra. Hu. Card. Amb. Cath. Beza . Lapide . Ibid. Ibid. Tra. 110. in S. 10. Psal. 68. 6. Verse 4. Hom. 9. in Eph. Lib. 4. Ep. 76. Ibid. Esay 11. 2. Episl. 63. Psal. 2. 2. ●er . 6. de verb. Dom. c. 12. Psal. 83. 4. In Psal. 140. Psal. 50. 19. S. Ioh. 19. 23. Bellar 3. de Eccles . Mil. c. 2. §. Nostra autem . Ibid. In Gen. c. 7. Psal. 53. 5. Ezek. 3. 17. Acts 20. 28. Acts 19. 32. Hom. 9. in Ephes. Tho. 2 2. 9. 183. A. 2. ad 3. Aphoris . 84. In Psal , 99. Hom. 9. in Eph. Tho. p. 1. q. 31. ● . 1. 2. Philo apud Tho. ● . 2. q. 183. d. 2 3 Psal. 120. 5. Verse 2 ●n Psal. 99. Salust . in Coniur. Ca●●l . Epist. 252. Ibid. S. Luk. 9. 55. Tho. 2. 2 q. 29. A. 2. 4. Ibid. Psal. 127. 2. Lib. 1. De Doct. Christiana prolo . Lapide . Ibid. Epist. ad philedelph . Psal. 2. 3. In Psal 2. Verse 4. Verse 9. Hom. 9. in Eph. Exerc. 365. §. 1. Iudg. 4. Iudg. 5. 8. Par. 3. pastor . curae . Ad. 23. ● . Thess. 3. 16. 
A08700	----	A proclamation, for the well ordering of the market in the cittie of Oxford and for the redresse of abuses, in weights and measures, within the precincts of the Vniuersitie of Oxford. University of Oxford. Chancellor (1630-1641 : Laud) 1634 Approx. 15 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A08700 STC 19004 ESTC S101102 99836926 99836926 1222 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A08700) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 1222) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1578:18) A proclamation, for the well ordering of the market in the cittie of Oxford and for the redresse of abuses, in weights and measures, within the precincts of the Vniuersitie of Oxford. University of Oxford. Chancellor (1630-1641 : Laud) Laud, William, 1573-1645. [3] sheets By Iohn Lichfield, printer to the Vniversitie, [Printed at Oxford : anno Dom. M.DC.XXXIV. [1634]] Caption title. Text begins: William by Gods providence Archbishop of Canterbury .. Chancellour of the Vniuersitie of Oxon sendeth greeting .. Imprint from colophon. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Markets -- England -- Oxford -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-01 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-01 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A PROCLAMATION , ¶ For the well ordering of the Market in the Cittie of OXFORD , and for the redresse of Abuses , in Weights and Measures , within the Precincts of the VNIVERSITIE of OXFORD . WILLIAM by Gods Providence Archbishop of Canterbury , Primate and Metropolitane of all England , one of his Majesties most Honourable Priuie Councill , Chancellour of the Vniuersitie of Oxon sendeth Greeting , in our Lord God Euerlasting . Whereas by the Customes , Liberties , and Priuiledges of this Vniuersitie of Oxon , by Kings , and Queenes , of this Realme of England granted , and by Acts of Parliament confirmed , vnto the said Vniuersitie , amongst other noble Priuiledges , and fauours , the Clerkshippe of the Market within the said Vniuersitie , and the allowing , approuing , and correcting of Weights and Measures , and the well ordering , and gouerning of the said Market , for the benefit of of the said Vniuersitie , and the Buyers and Sellers therein , is granted and confirmed to the Chancellour , Masters , and Scholars of the said Vniuersitie of Oxon , and the execution thereof to the Chancellour , or his Deputie , the Vicechancellour of the said Vniuersitie for the time being . Forasmuch therefore as We plainely perceaue , many good Orders and Rules heretofore published , by our Predecessours by Proclamation , and otherwise touching the well gouerning of the said Market , to take small effect , because they are either forgotten , or else contemned , by diverse greatly against the common good of this Vniuersitie , and Cittie of Oxon , only for their private gaine , for present redresse of all which Enormities and Abuses , we streightly Charge and Command , that no manner of Person , or Persons whatsoeuer , doe from henceforth by any manner of meanes Forestall , Regrat , or ingrosse any manner of Corne , Flesh , Tallow , Candles , Fish , Butter , Cheese , Eggs , Piggs , Geese , Capons , Chickins , Wood , Fewell , or any other Provision whatsoeuer belonging vnto the said Market , nor by any other Cunning shifts , and Frauds in any sort , hurt , or abuse the said Market , vpon Paine and Punishment by the Lawes , and Statutes of this Realme , and by the Statutes , Priviledges , and Customes of this Vniuersitie , Limited and Appointed . And to the intent that good Order be kept concerning the Premises : We will and Command all Inhabitants of the Vniuersitie , and Cittie of Oxon , and others , Buyers and Sellers , that repaire to the said Market , duely to obserue and fullfill these Articles following . Viz : &c. IMprimis , That no Badger , Carrier , Poulterer , Hucster , or any other Person or Persons , bringing any kind of Victualls to be sold in the Market , holden and kept in the Cittie of Oxon , doe sell , or compact , or agree to sell , his , or their Victualls , or any part thereof , before all and every part of the same be placed , to be sold in open Market , vpon payne of forfeiting for euery such offence , tenne shillings . Item That no Badger , Carryer , Loader , Poulterer , or any other Person or Persons , bringing any kind of Graine , or Victualls to be sold in this Market , shall carry , or cause to be carryed , any of the same out of the open Market-Place , to any Victualler , Inholder , Hucster , or any other Person , or keepe or retaine , any of the said Victualls for any Inholder , Victualler , Hucster , or any other such like , but that euery person willing to buy any of the said Victualls , may at all times buy so much as will serue for his necessary vse , vpon paine of forfeiting for euery such offence , tenne shillings : And farther to be punished for Contempt . Item . That no Person from henceforth doe sell , or put to sale , any Faggots , Billets , or Coales , but those that are of the true Assize , and full measure , according to the Statutes of this Realme , and that the Markes and Assizes of the said Billets and Faggots be not altered , vnder paine of forfeiting , tenne shillings . Item That no Ale-brewer , nor Beere-brewer , doe sell any Ale or Beere to any Victualler , or Ale-house-keeper , or other , to sell againe which haue no lawfull Licence , vnder paine of forfeiting six shillings eight pence , for euery Barrell of Beere or Ale so sold. Item That no Persons which selleth Wine within this Vniuersitie , from henceforth shall set Abroach any kind of Wine to be sold , before the Chancellour or his Deputie , or other officer appointed for that purpose haue tasted , tryed , and allowed the same to be good and vendible , or shall after such tast thereof any way embase , blend , or corrupt , vnder paine of forfeiting , twentie shillings , for every Vessell of Wine so set Abroach , contrary to this present Proclamation . Item That all and singular Vintners , and Winesellers , within this Vniuersitie and Cittie of Oxon , from time to time , and at all times doe sell their Wines in their seuerall kinds , at such reasonable prizes , as the said Chancellour or his Deputie , shall prescribe or limit , vpon paine by the Statutes of this Realme in that behalfe provided . And farther vnder the like Paine , that no Person aforesaid doe sell any Wine , in any other Potts , sauing only such as hold Measure , and are sealed and allowed by the said Chancellour , or his Deputies , the Clerkes of the Market . Item That no Butcher , or Butchers , Cooke , or Cookes , Chandler , or any other Person whatsoeuer inhabiting the Vniuersitie , Cittie , or Suburbs of Oxford , shall sell their Tallow to any Forreiner , vpon paine of forfeiting the Value thereof . Item That all manner of Butchers dwelling or inhabiting , out of this Vniuersitie or Cittie of Oxon , and bringing or causing to be brought , any Victualls to be sold in this Market , shall also bring their Hides , Fells , and Tallow , belonging to the said Victualls , so by them brought to be sold , and shall sell the same , if any will haue them at the Prize limited , vnder paine of forfeiting for every such offence , six shillings eight pence . And farther that every such Butcher , who hath not his said Hides , Fells , and Tallow , at twelue of the Clocke in the Fore-noone shewed in the Market , shall at that time be adiudged not to haue brought them , and so incurre the penalty aforesaid . Item That no Chandler shall sell any Candles , Cotten or Wieke , aboue such rates and prizes , as shall be set and limited , from time to time , by the said Chancellour , Vice-chancellour , or his Deputie , vnder paine to forfeit for every such offence , tenne shillings . Item It shall not be lawfull for any Person , or Persons whatsoeuer , to Traffique , Merchandize , buy or sell by any Weights and Measures within this Vniuersitie and Cittie of Oxon , or Suburbs of the same , except such Weights and Measures be found lawfull , approued and Sealed by the said Chancellour , his Deputie , or Deputies , the Clerkes of this Market , vpon paine of forfeiture for euery such offence , twentie shillings , and all such false Weights and Measures to be vtterly destroyed . Item That all manner of Persons , that bring any Corne or Graine to the Market , of this Vniuersitie and Cittie of Oxon to be sold , shall measure the same with the common Market-Bushels , and Measures , & in the Market-place , and not with any other Bushells , or Measures , nor any other where . And whereas We vnderstand , that diverse of the Cittie of Oxford , inhabiting in , or neere the said Corne-market , haue lately of their owne will , without any approbation from Vs , or our Vice-chancellour , taken vpon them to keepe and set forth on Market-dayes , publique Bushells and Measures , for the measuring of Corne and Graine , and take Tole for the same , without stint or limitation , sometimes a Pint and halfe , and sometimes a Quart for the measuring of a Bushell , whereas the ancient and laudable Due is , but the quantity of a quarter of a Pint at the most for such Measure : And also that diverse Malsters , Bakers , and Brewers , doe keepe in their private houses two Bushells , a bigger wherewith to buy , and a lesser to sell , whereby the Country people that bring in their Corne and Graine to the said Vniuersitie , are deterred to furnish the said Market , in regard that the Measure of Graine , will not hold out fully with the said great Bushells . We therefore for the future prevention of the said Inconveniences , and for the better governement of the said Market , that there bee no fraud vsed , doe by these Presents , straightly prohibite the Inhabitants of the Vniuersitie and Cittie of Oxon , and all others resorting to that Market , from keeping and setting forth any publique Bushell , or any other Measure , or to receaue any Tole or profit for the same : And also all Malsters , Bakers , and Brewers , from keeping in their houses , any more then one lawfull and sealed Bushell , by which they shall sell , as well as buy . Item That to provide a sufficient and convenient remedie for the premises . We haue by our Letters Pattents vnder our Seale , appointed Christopher Divall Inhabitant within the said Vniuersitie , to looke vnto the cleansing , and sweet keeping the Corne-market-place , and to provide a competent and sufficient number of Bushells , and other Measures , to be approued and Sealed by vs , or our Deputies the Clerkes of the Market , to measure the Corne and Graine brought to the said Market , and to take and receaue the iust and due Tole for the same , Viz : a Quarter of a Pint for every Bushell and not aboue : And We will and require , that no Buyer or Seller , or Inhabitant within the Vniuersitie or Cittie of Oxon , not exempt from paying of Tole , doe hinder , denie , or molest , Him the said Christopher Divall , in the due and lawfull execution of the said office , and taking the said Tole vnder penaltie to be punished , as contemners of the Priviledges and Liberties of this Vniuersitie , and the government of the same . Item It shall not be lawfull for any Hucster , liuing and inhabiting within the Vniuersitie or Cittie of Oxon , and Suburbs of the same , or any other Person whatsoeuer vnder colour of buying , keeping or making provision for any Colledge or Hall of this Vniuersitie , or for any other Person whatsoeuer Priviledged or not , or vnder any other pretence to buy , obtaine , or get into his hands or possession in this Market , or within foure Miles thereof , any Piggs , Geese , Capons , Hennes , Chickens , Conies , Fish , Butter , Cheese , Eggs , or other Victuall whatsoeuer , to sell the same againe in this Market , or within foure Miles thereof , or to dispose of the same otherwise then for his owne vse and spending . And because Hucsters haue proued the Baine of the Market , and their cunning devises by any former Rules and Orders heretofore published , haue not beene sufficiently met withall : We doe therefore hereby straightly Prohibite , all and every Hucster aforesaid , from bringing or placing their Wares , Victualls , and Provisions , though bought without the foure Miles afore mentioned , to be sold in the common Market-place , Viz : vpon or neere CARFOX , or Penny-loes-bench , but that they keepe and containe themselues for the vttering their said Wares and Provisions in one proper place , to be appointed and assigned from time to time , by vs or our Deputies , which place for the present We appoint and assigne , to be vnder the West-wall of Christ-church , betweene the great Gate thereof and CARFOX , only so farre as that Wall reacheth . And in case any Hucster aforesaid , shall presume to place his said Wares and Provisions , or put the same to sale elsewhere , then in the place formerly appointed & assigned , ( Viz : ) vnder Christ-church-wall , or shall otherwise breake or violate any part , or clause of this Article ; for every time so offending , he shall incurre the penalties of the Statutes of this Realme in that behalfe provided , and be farther proceeded against as a Contemner of the Liberties and Priviledges of this Vniuersitie , and the Government of the same . Item Whereas the greedie , and over hasty coveting of Victualls in the Buyer , hath beene a great meanes to encourage , and cherish Hucsters , it shall not be lawfull for any Person or Persons whatsoeuer , to buy of any Hucster any manner of Provision aforesaid , elsewhere then in the Place formerly appointed and assigned by Vs , nor before the same be brought and placed there openly to be sold , vpon paine of forfeiting for every such said offence , tenne shillings , and farther to be punished for Contempt . Item That if any Butcher , Baker , Brewer , Poulterer , Cooke , Manciple , Fruiterer , Hucster , or any other Person whatsoeuer , shall be convinced to conspire against any Article , Clause , or Branch of this Proclamation , whereby the same may not be duely executed according to the true meaning thereof , then every such Conspiratour so convinced , shall be punished according to the Lawes and Statutes of this Realme . And to the intent that every man to whom it appertaineth might know his dutie , and not by Ignorance thereof , incurre any of the said Penalties , We doe straightly Charge and Command , that no manner of Person whatsoeuer , doe Rent , Teare , or pluck downe , or any way deface this Proclamation , or any Parcell thereof , but shall suffer it continually to remaine in his Place , vnder Paine of Imprisonment , and such other punishment , as shall be thought fit to be executed , vpon all and every the transgressour of this Commandement . GOD SAVE THE KING . ¶ Printed at OXFORD , by IOHN LICHFIELD , Printer to the Vniversitie , Anno Dom. M. DC . XXXIV . 
A49704	----	A commemoration of King Charles his inauguration, or, A sermon preached at Pauls Crosse by William Laud ... Laud, William, 1573-1645. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A49704 of text R200020 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L579). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 58 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A49704 Wing L579 ESTC R200020 12254473 ocm 12254473 57290 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49704) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 57290) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 152:11) A commemoration of King Charles his inauguration, or, A sermon preached at Pauls Crosse by William Laud ... Laud, William, 1573-1645. [2], 32 p. Printed by M.B., London : 1645. "Printed according to order" Royal coat of arms on p. [1]. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Sermons. A49704 R200020 (Wing L579). civilwar no A commemoration of King Charles his inauguration. Or, A sermon preached at Pauls Crosse by William Laud then Bishop of London, late Arch-Bis Laud, William 1645 11873 97 0 0 0 0 0 82 D The rate of 82 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-04 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-04 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIEV ET MON DROIT A COMMEMORATION OF King Charles His INAUGURATION . OR , A SERMON PREACHED AT Pauls Crosse By WILLIAM LAUD then Bishop of London , late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , beheaded on Tower-hill on Fryday the 10. of Jan. 1644. Printed according to Order . LONDON , Printed by M. B. 1645. A COMMEMORATION OF KING CHARLES HIS INAVGVRATION . PSAL. 72.1 . Give the King thy Iudgements O God , And thy Righteousnesse unto the Kings Son . THe Psalmes of David , and his Heart never went sweeter . The Title of the Psalm doth not only tell us that : but it tels us that David had an eye upon his Son Solomon : An eye , that is true : but not both eyes upon Solomon : no , nor one absolutely fixed , because a greater then Solomon is here . A greater then Solomon : who is that ? Who ? why it is Christ . Solomon was the type and shaddow ( if you will ) and so one eye may be upon him : but the other eye must pierce through to the antitype , and body of the Promise , which is Christ . So the ancient Fathers , Iustine , Tertullian , Origen , Athenasius , and the rest are cleare : and upon very good ground : for there are many things in this Psalme , that cannot be applyed to Solomon , and no Type is bound to represent in all : and there are some typicall Propositions , as one observeth upon Deut. 18. that are applyable to the Type , or to the Antitype alone . There are many things in this Psalme , that are not applyable to Solomon . But some are , & none more then the words of the Text . For these words can as hardly be applyed to Christ , as that after to Solomon . Now that that agreed to Types before Christs comming , agrees to all that are like Christ after his comming . Therefore this is applyable to all godly , religious Kings : For all have direction from , and share in the prayer of Solomon , These words that begin the Psalme , I shall take in that sense as applyed to the Type , to Solomon , and in him to all religious Kings . Which so to Solomon , that I am heartily glad to find Christ , so ful in the Psalme , so near the King . First , I am glad to find him so full in the Psalme , because that is a confutation of all ●udaisme● for they received the Psalmes as well as wee : and here in this Psalme , there are many things that they cannot fasten upon Solomon , or any other but Christ . So cleare is that , that Tertullian hath observed long since against them The Iewes ( saith he ) scorne us for receiving Christ as a Saviour , Prescribemus tamini , &c. yet we prove against them out of the Scriptures , that they receive , that Christ is come the promised , prophesied Messius . Secondly , I am glad to find Christ so near the King : because nothing can be more honourable , and safe , for David , and Solomon , the Father , and the Son that is to succeed the King , then to have God the Father , and Christ his Son so neare to them . So neare and close , not only as they stand mixed in the Psalme , but farre more close by the P●ayer of David , and by the blessings that follow in the Psalme upon the Prayer , B●essings , not upon David and Solomon only , but upon the Father and the Son in any Kingdome , where the Father with a true religious heart imbraceth Christ , and will teach his Sonne to follow his steps : for then , and there , God will give plenty of judgement to the King , and a full measure of Righteousnesse to the Kings Son . My Text then , as it is applyable to David , and Solomon , ( for so I shall follow it , here ) is the Prayer of David to God for himselfe first , and then for his Son Solomon after ; for both have reference . And the Blessings which follow upon this Prayer made by David , and granted by God , are very many , and great , and follow in the Psalme ; namely . Here is iudgement for the people , and that according to right , at vers . 2. Then here is defence for the poore , I and for their very Children too , vers. 4. Then after this here is peace , peace upon all , abundance of peace at vers . 3. Then here is the punishme●t , and that as rightly setled as may be ; upon the wrong doer , vers. 4. And all these come together , that righteous men may flourish , at vers . 7. So it is a necessary Prayer to be made , a very necessary Prayer : for all these , and many more blessings follow , and come upon any nation , and any people , when God comes to Give his Iudgement to the King , and his Righteousnesse to the Kings sonne . My text is a Prayer ; and there are two Petitions , and these two Petitions divide my text into two parts . The one is , that God would give his judgements unto the King . The other is , that he would Give his Righteousnesse to the Kings sonne : for all other inferiour circumstances fall into one of these . I willl begin at the first . Give the King thy Iudgements O God . My text I told you is a Prayer ; and I have made choyse of a praying text . The Age is so bad , they will not indure a good King to be commended for danger of flattery , I hope I shall offend none by praying for the King . The text is a Prayer , and quis ora , who it is that prayes , is the first circumstance that appeares in the text ; it is David , it is the King , and he bears a prime , and a great part wheresoever he is . And it was Davids honour : for there was never any King so often found at his prayers as David was ; seven times a day will I prayse thee , Psalme 119. This was Davids promise , and for ought we know it was Davids performance too . And thorow all the booke of his Psalmes ( that devout part of Scripture ) all his prayses go mixed with praier : so he prayed very oft . And certainly , there is nothing more necessary for any King , then Prayer . And therefore St. Austin accounts it one of the greatest happinesses of a King , not to neglect to offer to God sacrificium orationis , the sacrifice of prayer . 1. And there is great need it should be so : for of all men ( Priests only excepted ) Kings have the greatest account to make God : therefore prayer is very necessary for them ; that since no man is able to keepe his accounts even , God would be pleased to be mercifull , and take Christ into the reckoning . 2. Of all men ( could greatnesse let them feele their wants ) none have such burthens on their shoulders , as Kings have ; therefore prayer is necessary for them , that they may call as oft upon God , as he cals oft upon them that are weary and heavy laden to refresh them , Mat. 11. 3. Of all men , none have so great troubles as Kings have . Indeed troubles must needs be great , or else they dare not seize on Kings : therefore prayer is necessary then especially when the trouble is such , as no wit of man can worke off , and repell ; and such troubles there are , when there is no shelter , or helpe left in the world ; but this Lord remember David , and all his troubles . But be the troubles never so great , if David pray , and God remember , the King cannot bee lost in any sorrow . Hezekiah found it so when he fasted , and prayed , and turned to the Lord , Isa 37. for then the Host of Zenacharib was presently broken , and himselfe saved . So then David is at this necessary worke , he is at prayer . I , but for whom is it that David pra●es ? Surely , diev●s ancient , and moderne Divines , think that in this place the King , and the Kings son stand but for one person , the person of Solomon under two different relations , the King , and the Kings son ; and that there is an Emphasis added by the Repetition . And they thinke too that David penned this Psalm when he was dying , when he resigned his Crowne to Solomon , and delivered the Scepter into his hand ; which the Iesuit Lorinus tels us ( and he is very exact ) that it was just foure yeers : ( surely I thinke hee failes of his reckoning ) before Davids death , when hee made this prayer for Solomon . And he avoucheth Ierome to be his Author : but it is not so ; the Iesuite in this , as in divers greater busines is too bold : Indeed Ierome saith that Dav●d lived after Solomon was crowned aliquot annus , some yeers ; but he saith not just four , it may be more , or fewer : I will not enter upon the question quando , when David made this Prayer , and penned this Psalme . First , because the quando , the time here is not in the text , nor in any part else in Scripture : therefore I may safely be ignorant . Secondly , b●cause , suppose this were the last Psalme that ever David made , as some collect out of the last verse , yet that supposed will not prove that hee made this Psalme after he had crowned Solomon King : for before Solomon was crowned David was little lesse then bedrid , 1 King. 1. at which time it is out of question that David prayed , therefore hee did not then compose this Psal●e . Therefore I shall take liberty to dissent from this opinion , with al submission to better judgements ; but especially to the Church . Me thinks it was not so near night with the Prophet when he penned this Psalme . I rather think that David made it when himselfe was King , and his purpose was firmely set that Solomon should succeed him , for so he had sworne , 1 King. 3. And I think this prayer here in the beginning of the Psalm was made first by David for himselfe , and then for Solomon after . And since this opinion maintains nothing contrary to the Analogie of faith , nothing that hinders the context , nothing that crosses any determination of the Church : nay since there is in it more piety to God , more duty to himselfe , more instruction to his Son , and more good example to other Kings , that the prayer begin at himselfe : I will take the prayer as I find it in the very words of the Psalme , to be a prayer , first for David , and then for his Son , and so proceed . Well then , Davids prayer here , is first for himselfe , ( we shall come to his Son af●et ; ) And he is an excellent example to Kings in this : for the first thing that makes prayer necessary ; absolutely necessary for a King , is himselfe : that a superiour hand , even Gods hand would set , and keepe him right , whom so many inferiour hands labour to set awry . I , but what need the King to pray for himselfe ? he wants no prayers whom all the people pray for . Indeed it is true , the people are bound to pray for their King , 1 Tim. 2. and I make no doubt , but that the people performe this duty as they are bound , since it is a tribute which by the Law of God they ought to pay , and David so great , and so good a King , had out of question the prayers of all his people , both for himselfe , and his son ; yet for all that you shall find David at his prayers for himselfe too . And certainly there is great reason for it ; for of all acts of Charity , this of Prayer is aptest to begin at home . It is true indeed , the King ought to have the prayers of his people , and that man cannot deserve so much as the name of a Christian , that prayes not heartily for the King ; because that is not the Kings good only , but the peoples way to lead a life in godlinesse and honesty , 1 Tim. 5. Therefore , that man that makes no conscience of praying for the King , let him pretend what hee can , hee must be presumed to have as little care of all godliness and honesty . I , but though the King ought to have the prayers of his people ; yet in the performance of their duty , I reade not of any dispensation the King hath to neglect his own , not to pray for himselfe . If hee be a King like David , he must be a King at his prayers too , especially in those great things that concerne the King , that concerne the kingdome , that concerne his Son , and his succession to his kingdome ; there he of necessity must pray for himselfe . He may joy in his peoples prayers there , but hee must pray for himselfe too . And God be ever blessed for it , you have a King that is daily at his prayers , both for himselfe , and for you : yet here , I pray take this along with you ; that as it is the peoples duty to pray for their King , and that takes not off the King to pray for himselfe . So on the contrary side , the Kings religious care in praying for himselfe is so far from lessening , that it augments the obligation of the people to pray for the King . And when both pray , the King for himselfe , and the people for the King , God will not refuse their prayers . And the prayer granted , though it fal first upon the head of the King ( as good reason it should ) yet it becomes as Aarons oyle , Psal. 133. for it runs to the skirts of all his people ; so that they have the benefit , both of their own , and of his prayer . I will never misdoubt the pietie of this nation in the performing this dutie , of which both here , and in al places they are met this day to make publick proof . For the person that keeps close to this dutie , among many others , hee shall be sure of this one great blessing , he cannot fal into the opposite sin of murmuring against the King . David the King in the text , hee had faithfull and religious people ; yet there was a Shemei among them , that instead of praying for the King , cursed and reviled him , 2 Sam. 16. David was very patient ; but I pray remember what Solomon the Kings Son did to Shimei , 2 King. 2. remember that , and if the memorie of his punishment would affright other men from running into this blasphemous iniquitie , all would soon be well . We are to consider in the next place to whom it is here that the Prophet prayes , and that is exprest , A deo , Give the King thy Iudgements O God . Doe thou give . And as this is all mens dutie ; so it it is the dutie of the King too among the rest to go in prayer to God , and to God alone . Therfore Damascene puts God into the very definition of prayer , prayer saith that Father is petitio decensi a deo , the asking of those things that are fit to be asked of God . For prayer is one of the greatest parts of divine worship : so great , that Parmatius disputing against Sermonian , takes prayer for the whole entire worship of God . No Pope can dispense with King , or people ; either not to pray ; or not to pray to God but Saints , or Angels . As for their distinctions , they are all new ; the ancient Church knew them not ; though these have their use sometimes , yet they are a great deal too nice to be used in prayer , that is so essentiall a part of divine worship . And you have g●eat cause againe to blesse & magnifie God , for a King , so constant in religion , so devout in praier , so direct in his devotion to God alone ; as he hath ever shewed himselfe to be ; and God for his mercy sake ever hold him there . And indeed to whom should he , or any of you go in praier , but to God ? for none can give but he ; nor none can blesse , or preserve that that is given , but he . If the King look to have his Throne established to himselfe , or his Son after him , he must go to God for the setling of it , or else it will shake then when he thinks it surest . And since God hath proclaimed it himselfe , By me Kings reign , Prov. 8. Princes have reason to look up to him , that they may reign by him since against him ; nay without him they cannot reigne . To God then the King goes by prayer . But all this is lost except we know for what ? And that follows next in the text . It is for Iudgement . It is indeed for all that a kingdome is , but principally for jndgement . First , because under God , that is the establishing of the Kings Throne , Prov. 25 Secondly , because that is one of the Kings maine vertues , for the ordering of his people : for they cannot have their well being but by justice , and judgement . Therefore i● the Common Law of this kingdome , justice is rightly styled , the supporter of the Common-wealth . J will not fill your ears with curiosities , nor trouble you with disputes , wherein this judgement desired for the King , and this justice and righteousnesse for the Kings Son differ one from another . I know they differ in schoole learning , Iudgement standing usually for the habite ; and Iustice for the sentence , or execution accordingly . But here Rufinus , and Austin , and other Divines , tell me that judgement and righteousnesse in this place , stand for that justice , and judgement , that the King is indifferently , and equally to administer to his people , and so for one vertue . Here is the vertue and the power , both from the King , and both from God . The benefit of both are the peoples ; but from God by the King . Therefore David prayes here not for one vertue for himselfe , and another for his son ; but for one , and the same vertue for both . For the Sonne had as much need of this vertue as the Father , the one being a King , and the other to be one ; they both needed this great comprising kingly vertue , without which there can bee no religious peaceable government over a people . So justice and judgement in this place ( as usually when they attend the King ) containe the vertue it selfe ; and the power that brings this vertue to act . The execution is as justice , and the power to give sentence , moderation and equity to smooth over the rigour of justice ; and all other vertues , as far as they serve to strengthen , or direct and keepe even the hands of justice , prudence especially . Then it is a wondrous necessary prayer here : for if justice should not be in the Kings will ( which God forbid ) it must needs grow apt to turne to sourenesse . And if judgement , and execution follow not upon the sentence of justice , the Kings hand must needs shake into remisnesse . And one of these , sournesse will make judgement it selfe , or the pretext of it a scourge ●or the people . And the other , remisnesse , will make the people a worse scourge to themselves , for want of discipline to keepe them in order : For of all scourges , there is none answerable to the unrulinesse of the people . Now this vertue as large as it is , when it f●ls the heart of the King , it is called another heart ; it puts on other dimensions : for it furnisheth the Kings brest with all rectitude , and prudence ; and rectitude is the being , and prudence the moderation , and guid of all justice : for so without respect of persons it belongs to the wise , and prudent , Prov. 25. Nay further , though this vertue be so large , yet the heart of the King is so capacious , that justice and judgement cannot fill it , if it stand si●gle : therefore David prayeth not for judgement single ; but in the plurall number : Give thy judgements . And there is great reason , that he should pray so : for justice continuing , one and the same vertue , gives many times different judgements , and it must needs be so , and the King must needs be an instrument in them all . And in the various occasions that himselfe , and his people have use of . This David found in his owne heart ; therefore he prayes for all . And this pray we alway for the King for all judgement for the King . So give Lord . And here it is fit for you a little to take a view of your own happinesse , and to blesse God for it : for you live under a King that keepes his Lawes in his life : A King that lives so , as if he were a Law himselfe , and so needed none . A King that plants his Iudges so , as they may equally distribute his judgement , and justice to his people . A King so blessed by God for your good ; that whether it be for his owne prayers , or yours , or both , or neither ; but that God is pleased to shew his mercy , and glory upon him to you : certaine it is , that God hath given him a very large heatt , and filled it to the brim with justice , and judgement . Take heed , I heartily beg it of you . I say it againe , take heed I heartily beg it of you , that no sin of unthankfulnesse , no base detracting murmuring sin , possesse your soules , or whet your tongues , or soure your brests against the Lord , & against his Anoynted : but remember in that these two things . First , remember , that it is as easie for God to take away any blessing ( even the great blessing of a good King ) as to give it , remember that . And secondly , remember , that unthankfulnesse to God for so gracious a King , is the very ready way to doe it , remember that too : and therefore looke to these things in time . I , but what then , hath a King enough , when God hath given him justice , and judgement ? May his prayers then cease for himselfe , as your prayers for him ? hath he no more need of God , when God hath once given him judgement ? O God forbid ; surely he hath , and it is to be presumed , that the King daily praieth ; I am sure his dutie it is , to pray that God would ev●r please to continue , and increase the righteousnesse , and judgement hee hath given to him . Nor can I thinke , but that David was very oft at this prayer too : for he saith , Psal. 99. The Kings power loveth judgement . And it is more then probable , that that he loved , he would pray for ; hee prayed to have it , and to increase it . And he that prayes so oft , psal. 119. I say so oft that God would keepe him in the way of his Commandements , and cause him to make much of his Law ; he must of necessity be presumed to pray for justice , and judgement , which is the vigour of all Lawes , divine , and humane . And Kings have great need oft to pray for this grace , and for the continuance , and increase of it too . For Kings stand high , that is true ; but the higher they stand , the more they are exposed to tempests , and wind-shakings , that passe over the lower vallies with lesse noyse , and danger . And Kings are great . That is true too : but the greater they are , the stiffer are the blasts of all temptations on them to batter , at least to shake justice , and judgement . Therefore they have need of God still , when hee hath given them most : and doubtlesse hee that hath most , hath need to pray : for the greater the King is , hee must most be presumed to be carefull of this dutie , that he prayes to God more then once , and more then others . Neither is this prayer for strengthening , and increasing of judgement only . David goes further yet , it is not Give the King judgements O God , But give the King thy judgements . For none but thine O Lord will serve the King ; nor none but thine will long preserve the people . I know worldly policie , and the Professors may flatter themselves too hot in it . They may think that any course of justice , that any Standard may serve to governe a kingdom without any eye at all to heaven , without any respect to Gods judgements ; without principally ayming at the judgement that is given , and executed by the Lord , as it is , 2 Chron. 29. They may think this and more ; but let no man deceive himselfe , and then most when hee would be wise : For certainly , there can be no kingdome rightly constituted , further then God himselfe comes in , in laying the foundation of it in true● impartiall judgement . When the foundation of a kingdome is perfectly laid ( which is a blessing seldome perfect in all things in any kingdom whatsoever , yet ) no kingdome can continue upon such a foundation , longer then it stands upright on it . If it sway on either side ; if it fall not presently , it growes weaker still , the more it leans away from justice and judgement which is Gods . And as it is with kingdoms in their foundation , and superstructure , so it is with Kings too , that are to manage , and dispose them : for if any King think himselfe sufficient by his owne vertue against the difficulties of a kingdom , by his owne justice , and wisdome , and integritie : he will find by his losse , as Nebuchadnezar in his g●eatest greatnesse , Dnn. 4. that he and all his vertue cannot long keep up , no not a setled King . Therefore David was wise , as well as religious , that he went to God for his judgements , without which he nor his Son after him , hee knew was able to hold up the kingdome . Give the King thy judgements O God . And what did David with them , when he had them ? What ; hee resolved to make them the very rule of his government , and he did so : for First for himselfe , he tels us in Psal. 119. Thy judgem●nts have I laid before me . There he make them his own rule . Then he prayes over his Son Solomon . O Lord give here to Solomon my sonne a perfect heart , that h●e may keepe thy commandements , that they might rule his Son . Well then Thy judgements . But is not all justice , and judgement Gods ? Yes , out of doubt ; In generall justice and judgement are from him . Therefore it is a great advantage to people in any kingdome , even among Infidels , to have the kingdome administred by justice , and judgement . But yet to make a kingdome perfect , and entire , to have the judgement Gods , and the kingdome firme ; then there must these graines be put into the ballance . First , it must be justice , not only given , but guided all along by God , and Grace . If this be not , judgement cannot remaine firme in any man , or any King . Now as it holds it works , for worke it cannot beyond the strength it hath : therefore if Gods spirit assist it not , it may faint , and faile just there , and then when on the sudden it may shake a kingdome . Secondly , it must be judgement that is alway Gods ; and it must distribute rewards and punishments , as God commands . If justice , and judgement role this eye aside , though it may continue for ought may appeare to others , and themselves , yet they begin to looke squint , and in part leave God . Therefore if any pretented cunning way of justice and judgement so called , shall debase , and sinck the honour of God , and the sincerity of Religion . If any Municipall law be made in any kingdome to strengthen such designes , as are injurious to God , and his worship ; there must , ther will come a failing upon all such kingdomes , wheresoever they are ; and then it will appeare , ( though perhaps too late ) that the judgements of their King were not Gods judgements . Thirdly , it must be judgement , that ( as much as humane infirmitie can beare ) must be free from taint , both within , and without ; within at the heart of the King , and his Iudges under him ; and without , from all possession in the eare , and from all corruption in the hand . If this be not , Iustice which should only be blind to see no persons , becoms so blind , that it can see no truth ; and Iustice that is so blind cannot be Gods . Therefore if the justice and judgement of a kingdome cut up its owne foundation , can any man think it can build safely & wisely upon it for the State ? it cannot be . And this Thine in the text ( for I must hasten ) Thy judgements . It is so full a circumstance , I cannot leave it yet . For by it you may see how necessary it was then for David , and how requisite it is now for al Kings to pray to God ; and to him alone for judgement : For no King can master the Scepter well , but by justice and judgement . And you see it cannot be done by any kind of judgement neither ; but that that is Gods judgement in the upright integritie of it : And then who can give Gods judgements but God himselfe ? who is as he is called , Isay 30. The God , and the God of judgement : surely none can have it but he in perfection , nor none can give it to others , to make them perfect but he . Therefore Austin asks the question , but meerly in scorne . What! is it come to that ? doth thou thinke that thou canst give justice and judgement to thy selfe ? No , thou canst not : for no man can give himselfe that that he hath not ; and that that he hath already , he needs not . This our Prophet tels us plainly : for though the King love judgement , yet it is God that prepares Equity , and Righteousnesse in Iacob : O blessed are all they that waite for him . For if they waite , he will give , and that no lesse then Iudgement , his judgements to the King . One circumstance behind yet is , that the words are properly a prayer in th most native sense of prayer . Not a thanksgiving only , that God had given him his judgements . For though God had given David his judgements ; and hee was thankfull for such a gift as this : yet thinks here is not his proper work , but humiliation , and supplication . And it is an excellent thing to see a King at his prayers : for then you see two Kings at once ; a greater , and a lesser King , God and the King . And though wee cannot see God , as we see the King ; yet when wee see Majestie humbled , and in the posture of a Supplicant , we cannot in a sort but see that infinite , unspeakable Majestie of that God , whom even Kings adore , and are made farre greater by their humblest adoration . For when I pray you was Solomon the Son of this King at his greatest glory ? Surely , you shall find him at his greatest , then immediatly upon the finishing of the Temple . And how doe you find Solomon there ? just at his Fathers worke ; he was there at his prayers upon his knees , saith the text , 1 King. 8. upon his knees : whereas now many meane , unworthy men , are loath to bow their knees , or stoope in prayer to God . Now this prayer was a prayer indeed : for prayer is apt to beg , not to buy : he that pleads desert , challengeth reward of dutie : but hee that praieth relies upon the mercie , and goodnesse of the Giver . And this is the way that David comes to God , both for himselfe , and for his Son . And I pray marke it , David here , the great example of a praying King , hee saith not retribua domine , Lord repay me for the paines of my government ; for my service of the people , or for my worship to thy selfe ; there is none of this ; but da domine , Give Lord , that thou art able to doe by thy power , that thou art ready to doe by thy goodnesse . O Lord let not mine , or my peoples unworthinesse hinder that . Let not their murmuring , and disobedience be hard so far as to thee ; but Lord give the King thy j●dgements , and then I will execute them to thine honour , and their good . This was Davids way , and it was prevalent . And out of question be he King , or Subject , he that asks no more at Gods hands , then either of both , asks and shall have too little . But God gives much to humble Sutors , Iudgements , and his judgements . And neither the Prophet did ask , nor God did give the earnest and pledge of this judgement only , but judgement it selfe to the King . And certainly the King had need to pray thus . And so had the people as great need as the King : for if this prayer be not made , what assurance have you that God will give ? and if God will not give , the King cannot have ; and if the King cannot receive justice and judgement , hee cannot distribute it to the people , v. 2. And if judgement be not distributed to the people , there will be no peace vers. 3. And wher the people doe not receive judgement from the King , and peace from themselves , what are they ? Nothing but a heap of most infirm , & miserable creatures : which you can never be as long as God gives his Iudgements to the King , and his Righteousnesse to the Kings sonne● I have now done with the first generall part of the text : and it is time to descend from the King to his Son , the second part of the Fathers Prayer . And thy Righteousnesse to the Kings son , give Lord . Where first , thoug● it be not exprest in the text , it may easily bee conceiv●d , that such a King as David prayed for a Son , before he prayed for Righteousnesse to be given him : and though David had divers sons before , yet in some respect or other , they were all to David as no sons : therefore there is no question to bee made , but he prayed for him . I and therefore too , when God had given him Solomon , hee cals him not bare his son , but his only son , Chro. 29. And no marvell ; since he was that son , that God himselfe appointed to succeed in the kingdome for David , 1 Chron. 28. and such a son is alway worth the praying for . Well , but what then ? when God had given David Solomon : when God hath given any other King a son , as hee hath given our gracious King ( Gods name be ever blessed ) what then , is the Kings prayers then , or the peoples at an end ? No , nothing lesse ; nay , there is more need a great deale both , for the King , and for the people to goe on in their prayers , as David did ; that the same God that hath given his judgements to the King , will proceed , and Give his Righteousnesse to the Kings son . For it is a greater blessing to the King , when God gives his righteousnesse to his son , then when he gives him a son . For if Solomon succeed not David in his love to the Temple , as well as the Throne ; if he inherit not the truth of his fathers Religion , as well as the right of his Crown : if he follow not his Fathers devotion , and pray for Iustice , and Iudgement to be given him , as well as other temporarie blessings : the very blessings of the Son would end in bitterness , and be the discomfort , and dishonour of the Father . But it is the wise , and prudent son , that is the Fathers Crown , and the Mothers joy , Prov. 10 And then the blessing of a son is a blessing indeed . David saw this , therfore he continued his prayers . And it is more then fit for other Kings to doe so too . Thy Iudgements Lord give the King , and thy Righteousnesse to the Kings son . And for the people , they have great need , not only to say Amen to the prayers of the King ; but to repeate the prayer , and with fervencie to drive it in at the ears of God , that so their children after them may bee as happy under the son , as they themselves were under the Father , while God gives both the Father , and the Son zeale to his truth , and judgement over his people . And here I should take occasion to tell you of the care , and devotion of our David in his dayes , and of his prayers , both for himselfe , & his Son ; but that the age is so bad , that they will not beleeve that hee is so good beyond them . And some ( for they are but some ) are so waspishly set to sting , that nothing can please their ears , unless it sharpen their edge against autho●ity . But take heed : for if this fa●lt be not amended , Justice may seize upon them that are guilty God knows how soone : and the Kings Iudgement that God hath given him , may pull out their stings , that can imploy their tongues in nothing but to wound him , and his government . Well , these must not divert me , or any good subject from praying for the King , and the Kings Son . The Kings Son ! blessed name , what imports then to a King ? surely David knew well : therefore you see he leaps for joy , into this prayer in the first words of the Psalme . Some tell me this name imports at large , the King , and his posterity ; sons or daughters , not distinct . And I confesse the least is Gods great blessing upon a people . For the wise Historian tels us , that Plena , &c. The Kings house full of them , is the Kings security ; and the kingdoms too : and our Prophet proclaims as m●ch , for he proclaims him blessed that hath his quiver full of them , hee shall not be ashamed when he meets his enemy in the gate , Psal. 112. But when I find it Fillio Regis , the Kings son , I think David made a difference , and had a speciall eye upon Solomon , that God had given him to succeed after him , 1 Chron. 28. Well then , be it to the Kings Son . Why ! but then is it but to one ? out of doubt where there is but one , there can be no question : but when there is more sons then one , as David had ( and other Kings may have ) there the Kings son in the text , stands for that son , that in the course of the kingdome , is to inherit , and to be King after him . Not that prayer is not necessary , or not to be made for Gods blessings upon them all . But because in the course of time the sterne is to be held by that hand , therefore the prayer is most necessary to fill that hand with justice , and judgement of the Kings son , and to season the Kings son with justice and judgement . So then , the Son in the text was Solomon , not borne first : for he had other brethren living ; but designed by God , and by David himselfe to be King after him : designed by David , therefore he had great reason to pray● designed by God ; therefore David had reason to hope , that God would give him a spirit of government . And it was so ; for God gave him plenty of wisdome , and store of justice , 2 King. 1. The Sonne with which God hath blessed our King , and us , as natus h●ri , borne heire ; and I hope designed and marked out by God for long life , and happinesse . In all things like Solomon , God make him , saving in those things in which Solomou fell from these prayers of his Father . Now as it was to David , so it is to any King , a great happinesse to have a son to pray for . For ●irst , there is scarce such another exercise of a Kings pietie , as to pray for his son . Secondly , there is scarcely such another motive to make the King carefull of his sons education , as this prayer is . For the more David praied to God , for Gods justice and judgement , to descend upon his Sonne , the more he seemed to see what a want it was for the sonne of a King to want j●stice and judgement , and the more he sees what this want is , the more undoubtedly must he indeavour by prayer to God , and his own indeavour to look to it , for the vertuous education of his Son . For it is impossible almost , that hee that prayes to God to give ; should not also indeavour that it may be given . For when we our selves pray for any thing , that prayer if it be such as it ought , sets an edge on our indeavours : because in a manner it assures us , that God will give what we aske , if we indeavour by Gods grace , as wee aske . And for our owne particular , I doubt not but we shal see Gods grace plentifully given to the Kings Son , after his pious Fathers carefull successefull indeavour in his education . That his heart may be full of justice , and his hand of judgement , against the time come , that the judiciarie power must descend upon him . And if you marke it here , the blessing that David desires for the Kings Son , is the very selfe same that hee asks for himselfe , Righteousnesse , that is , Iustice , and Iudgement . And there is great reason for it : for this vertue is as necessary for the Son , as for the Father . The same Crown being to bee worne by both . The same Scepter to be welded by both . The same people to be governed by both . The same Laws to be maintained by both . Therfore the same vertue is necessary for both And the copulative in the text , And thy Righteousnesse for the Kings son , joynes David and Solomon ; the Father and the Son in one prayer , for one blessing . And this example of Davids prayer is a great leading case for Kings ; for this holy and pious King David , this King full of experience , what the greatest want of a King might be● he doth not ask at Gods hand , for his Son long life , an inlarged kingdome , heaps of wealth , ( though that be very necessary ) but the grace of judgement , and righteousnesse , that so he may be able to goe thorow with the office of a King , that is Davids prayer . And other blessings come within the adijcientur , Mat. 6. they shall be cast into the lap of the King , if he first seeke the Kingdome of God , in the administration of Iustice , and Iudgement to the people . For Kings are ordained of God for the good of the people . And this David understood well : for himselfe acknowledgeth it , psal. 78. that God therefore made him King , that he might feed Iacob his people , and Israel his Inheritance ; That he might feed them , and as David knew this , so he practised it too : for he fed them with a faithfull and prudent heart , and governed them wisely with all his power . And even with this goes along the prayer of the Church for the King , that he may ever , and first seeke Gods honour , and glory ; and then study to preserve the people committed to his charge , to preserve them , which cannot possible be without Iustice , and Iudgement . For as Austin proves at large , there is no bond of unitie , or concord , that can be firm without it . And I will not tell you ; but Solomon may , what a King is , that hath not the grace of Iustice , prov. 28. But how ever , the more are you bound to God Almighty , that hath given you a King so full of Iustice , and Iudgement , as you have found him to be . And it is worthy our consideration too , how David and Solomon agree in their prayers ; and what a Kings Son may learne , when he is exampled by such a Father . For we find when Solomon came to yeers , and wore the Crown , hee fell to prayer too : and his prayer was built upon the same foundation . The prayer of David , and Solomon the Son meet at once . For David did not simply pray for wisdome ; but for that wisdome that might enable him to governe the people . And indeed all the wisdome of a King , especially to direct Iustice and Iudgement , is the very ready way to all Kingly wisdome : Therefore Davids prayer went up first for Iustice : because without that there is no wisdome . There may be wilinesse if you will to resemble wisdome : but there was never any wise King that was not just . And that policie will be found weak in the end , that perswades any King against Iustice and Iudgement . And as before , it was not Iudgement alone , that David desired for himselfe , but it must be Tuam , thy Iudgements . So Righteousnesse alone doth not content him for his Son , but it must be Tuam too , Thy righteousnesse . And indeed morall Iustice alone cannot possible be enough for a Christian King . Religious & pious Iustice must come in too . He must take care for the souls , as wel as for the body and goods of his people . Therefore one of the Churches prayers is , that the King may study to preserve the people ; not in wealth only , and in peace , but in Godlinesse too . He must so give the people their own , that is Iustice ; as that he command the people to give God his own ; that is , Iustice with Religion , And there is no King , nor no Kings Son can possibly doe this , unlesse God give them the spirit of Iudgement , and Iustice . God must first give it the King , before the King give it the people . And it is , Give Lord : For as Moral Iustice only will not serve , so neither will Theological , but only quae dat , as it is given . For as it is aquasita , as it is learned by study , be it by study or practise , so it is speculative , or operative by rule ( that is the most ) but as it is given , so it is at the heart , & so the King is not only active by rule ; but it makes the King , and the Kings Son to be in love , and to joy in the judgement that they are to put in execution . Then the King is fitted indeed for government , when there is the love of Iustice , and truth in the inward parts , psa. 51 For then they cannot but practise what they love , I , and then that Iustice which is within at the heart , is vera tua , truly Gods Righteousnesse : and for this Iustice , and Iudgement , I shall therefore continue Davids prayer , and go on , Give Lord thy Iudgement to the King● and thy righteousnesse to the Kings son . For if God doe not give , it is not possible for Iustice , and Iudgement , any other way to descend into the heart of the King , and the Kings Son . None but God can see to drop Iustice and Iudgement , into the deepe heart of the King , none but only pater luminae , the Father of Lights , that stand over , and sees how to doe it . And yet I must tell you here , that while he prayes for Gods Iustice , and Iudgement for himselfe , and his Son , it must bee understood with a great deale of difference , and that in two respects . First , because Gods Iudgement as it is in ●od , is substantiall . It is so in God , as it is his essence himselfe . This way no King is capable of Gods Iustice , because it is his essence . But Iustice as it is given to the King , is a quality , an accident , and that is separable : if God either leave to give , or desist from preserving that that he hath given . Therefore Kings have great need to pray for this Iustice , because they can neither have it , nor keepe it without him . Secondly , because Iustice as it is in God , is Luminae , all light , so bright , that even impious men themselves cannot but acknowledge it , even when they are condemned by it . So cleare that no intangled cause can cloud it , no corner sinne can avoid it . And this way againe no King is capable of Gods Light , because that is a thing incommunicable , as his substance as essentiall as he . But Iustice as it is given to a King , is but Lucerna , but a candle light , an imparted light ; a light that is kindled , and set up in a materiall substance , and so darkned with dregs : yet even this light Kings must pray for : and it is but need they should : for if God give not even this light , it is impossible the King should see how to doe Iustice ; or that hee should discerne how to execu●e those judgements that God hath given him . Therefore the lighting up of this Candle in the heart of the K●ng , the light of Iustice and Iudgement , is a marvellous blessing , and God himselfe accounts it so ; and it appears . First , because am●ng the many and great threatnings , that he thunders out against rebellious people ; this is one , that he will take from ●h●m the light of a Candle , I●r . 25 he wil not leave them so much light : and it was so ; for Gods judgement departed away from the King , the King lost the Kingdome , and the people were lead● away in darknesse to captivity . So you may see what it is to want this light of judgement in a King . Secondly , it appears to be great by the promises of God : for among the many profe●sions , that he makes to this glorious King David , this was one , that he had ordained a light for him , psal. 132. So then you see by the presence of this light , what the benefit is to have it . But then still Kings themselves , and the people must remember , it is bnt Lucerna , but a Candle li●hted at that great light , the Lampe of God . And being but a Candle light , it is easily blowen out , if God keepe not his Light about the King to renew it ; and if God provide n●t a fence for this Light of Iustice aga●nst the winds of temptation that bluster about it . Therefore our o●d English Translation reade that place in the Psalme happily . I have provided ( saith that Translat●on ) not only a light , but a Lanthorn for mine Annointed , to carry this Lig●t . And this improves the blessing a great deale further : for there is no carrying of this Light without the Lanthorne of Gods own ordaining , the temptations that beset the King are so many , and so strong , that except this Lan●horne defend the light , all the light of Iustice and Iudgement will out . And this Lanthorne is so hard to make , ●hat God himselfe must ordaine it , or else the King cannot have it : for who can fence , and keepe in Gods blessings , but himselfe ? Therefore David here went very right in his prayer , maruellous right , bo●h for himselfe , & for his Son , da Domine , Give Lord , not the light of thy judgement , and just●ce only : but give the Lan●horne too for thine Annoyn●ed , ●hat he may be able with honour to carry thorow ●his Light of Iustice , and Iudgement before his people . And let me tell you one thing more , that filius regis , the Kings Son here , is not only a fit object of his Fa●hers prayers , but of yours too , for the peoples praiers , as well as the Kings : for filius regis , is filius regni too , the Son of the King , is the Son o● the Kingdome ; his Fa●hers Son by nature , but the Kingdoms Son by right ; all the subjects having equall interrest in the Iustice and Iudgement of the Kings Son . Therefore while David prayes , pray you also , that God would give h●s judgements to the King , and his righteousnesse to the King● son . I an● where ever there is want for a Kings Son to succ●ed , & inherit his Fa●her , surely it is a mark , that God is somewhat angry with a people : For i● God doe not sometime divert the judgment● , & sometime lessen hem , when ther is not a Son to succeed , ●hat judgement u●ually is a Fore-runner of sorrows : of sorrowes so●etimes that men can nei●her see , nor prevent . I know they may easily foresee that troubles may follow us , but of what kind they shall be , to what greatnesse they shall increase , how long they shall continue , what trembling they may make at the v●ry foundation of a State , whether it will please God to give ●hem an issue , or not an issue ; I suppose none can tell , but God himselfe . There●ore still let the prayer be exprest in what person it will , let it be made by the King , or by the people , or by both : all shall goe well , so we pray , and give thanks heartily for the King , and the Kings Son . I must bteake off the rest . Thus you have se●ne David , praying for himselfe , and his Son . That it is an excellent thing to find a King at his prayers : that his prayers cannot better begin , then for himselfe , nor better proceed then for his Son ; nor be piously made to any but God , nor for a more necessary kingly vertue , then justice , and judgement ; nor with m●re wisdome , then for the joyning of Go●s judgement to morrall justice : for that will ever be the setling of the Kings ●hrone , and the honour and safetie of the King himselfe . This day , is the day of the Ki●gs crowning ; many years may it ●it fast on his head , and crowne all his dayes ●horow with justice , and judgement ; and this solemnitie in observing with prayer and devotion to God , the innitiall dayes of the Crowns of Kings , is old , as well as any other ; for T●rtullian tels us , that it was a practise long before his time . I , and even they which serve no true God , Infidels themselves were upon such dayes as this at their vows , and prayers to such gods as ●hey had for the happinesse , and safetie of their Princes ; and I hope we shall never fall short of Infidels in our prayers to God , for the security and happinesse of the King : but we shall take up the prayer here , as David begins it : Give ●hy judgements to the King O God , and thy righteousnesse to the Kings Son . And it is the best solemnity of this day to pray for the King . This is the day of the Kings crowning ; and yet as I have not already , so neither shall I now break out into any large panegericks , and prayses , no , not of a gracious King . But I come heth●r to preach a kind of Gospel to you , even glad tydings● that God in the mercies of Christ ( whose the Gospel is ) ha●h given you a wife , and just , and religious King ; a King whom God hath enabled to wind up all his other vertues in patience within himselfe , and clemencie towards his people . A King made by God ( for so I hope ) not only to beare ( ●or that he hath done enough already ) but to master the grea● difficulties of his time at home , and abroad ; ●hat so his people may not only be , but may live , and flourish in peace and plenty . This is the day of the Kings crowning ; and though not just upon this day , yet within the compasse of this year God hath crowned him againe with a Son , a Crowne farre more precious , then the Gold of Ophir . For since children are in nature the Crowne of their parents rejoycing , what joy must this needs be , both to the King , and to the people , who haue an interrest , though not alike in the Kings Son : In the Kings Son ; and he a Son given by God after some years expectation : and hee a Son given after so great a losse of a Son in the former yeare ; and hee a Son after so many feares that this blessing could not , or not so soone come upon us ? So here are two great blessings that God hath given you at once , the King , and the Kings Son ; the tree , and the fruit ; the King to be a blessing to you , and the Kings Son to be a blessing for your children after you . And besides , all other blessings that are to come , here is a double blessing rising with this Son : for it dispels the mists of your fears , and promiseth an influence to them that shall come after . And let me put you in mind of it ; for it is most true , whe●h●r you will beleeve it or no . There are no subjects in any State ( I speake what I know ) whatsoever Christian , or other , that live in that plenty , at that ease , with those liberties , and immunities that you doe . There is no nation under heaven so happy , if it did but know , and understand its owne happinesse . To these , nay farre above all these , you have Religion as free as may be . And all this you have maintained to you by the justice , and judgement that God hath given the King for your good . Take heed , I beseech you take he●d , what returne you make to God and the King , for these blessings . Let not the sins of the time , murmuring , and disobedience possesse any . They are great s●ns when ●hey are at the least ; but they are crying sins , when they fly out against such a King , as God hath filled with justice , and judgement . Rather set your selves to prayse God , and to blesse his name , and to give him thanks for his goodnesse . And pray to him that he would still preserve the King , and that his loving kindnesse may imbrace the Kings Son . That so no cloud no confused darknesse may be spread over this kingdome , that no cloud arising from your ingratitude to God may obscure the King ; nor no eclypse caused by popular Lunacle may befall the Kings Son . For in this the Kng , and the Kings Son are like the sun in the firmament , seldome or never eclypsed , but by that Moon that receives all her L●ght from them , nor by that , but when it is in the head , or poysoned tayle of that great red Dragon , the Devill . In the multitude of people is the Kings honour , Prov. 14. But in the loyaltie and love of the people is the Kings safetie ; and in the Kings justice , and judgement is the happinesse of his people ; and the ready way to make a King joy in justice , and judgement over his people , is for people to shew their loving obedience to the King . And since none of us can tell how , or what to doe better , let us take up the prayer here , where David leaves it , and proceed to pray as he did , that as God hath given us a King , and to that King justice and judgement : so he wiil most graciously be pleased to continue these great blessings to him ●or us ; that the King may still receive comfort , and the people from the King justice , and judgement . That these judgements may be many , may be all , which may any way fit the King , or fill the people . That these judgements may be Gods judgement● ; that is , as neare the uprightnesse of Gods judgements as may be , even such as may preserve Religion int●re , as well as equitie . And that God would graciously please , not to look for pay from us , but to give where we cannot merit . That since he hath not only given us the King , but the Kings Son , he will at last double this blessing upon us , and make the Queen a fruitfull Mother of more happy Children . That to this Royall Prince , he would give many happy dayes , and a large portion of his mercie , that the King , and his Son , and the joyfull Mother that bare him , may rest in the middest of Gods blessings , bo●h spirituall , and temporall , that we may be in the middest of Gods blessings , and the Kings , till the Kings Son be grown up to continue these blessings to our Generations , and transmit them to them . And so O Lord , give and continue , and strengthen , and increase , and multiply thy judgements to the King , and thy righteousnesse to the Kings Son , even so Amen Lord Iesus , and doe it . To whom with the Father , and the Holy Spirit , three Persons , but one everliving God , be ascribed all Might , Majestie , and Dominion , this day , & for ever , Amen . FINIS . 
A49707	----	The copie of a letter sent from VVilliam Lavd, Archbishop of Canterbury, the 28 of June, MDCXLI, unto the Universitie of Oxford specifying his willingnesse to resigne his chancellor-ship, and withall deploring his sad estate now in the time of his imprisonship. Laud, William, 1573-1645. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A49707 of text R23442 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L581). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A49707 Wing L581 ESTC R23442 12763963 ocm 12763963 93544 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49707) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 93544) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 254:E164, no 1) The copie of a letter sent from VVilliam Lavd, Archbishop of Canterbury, the 28 of June, MDCXLI, unto the Universitie of Oxford specifying his willingnesse to resigne his chancellor-ship, and withall deploring his sad estate now in the time of his imprisonship. Laud, William, 1573-1645. [2], 2 p. s.n.] [S.l. : 1641. A forgery of Laud's original letter. Not printed at Oxford. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Laud, William, 1573-1645. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. A49707 R23442 (Wing L581). civilwar no The copie of a letter sent from VVilliam Laud Archbishop of Canterbury the 28. of June MDCXLI. unto the Universitie of Oxford: specifying, h Laud, William 1641 443 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2002-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-03 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-03 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE COPIE OF A LETTER SENT From VVILLIAM LAVD Archbishop of Canterbury the 28. of June MDCXLI . unto the Universitie of OXFORD : SPECIFYING , His willingnesse to resigne his Chancellor-ship , And withall deploring his sad Estate now in the time of his Imprisonment . Printed in the yeare , 1641. The Arch-Bishops Letter to the University of OXFORD , declaring his willingnes to resigne up the Chancelorship . Dated June 28. 1641. MY present Condition is not unknowne to the whole world , yet by few pittied , or deplored ; The righteous God best knowes the justice of my sufferings , on whom both in life and death , I will ever depend , the last of which shall be most welcome , in that my life is now burthensome unto mee , my mind attended with sad , and grievious thoughts , my soule continually vexed with anxiety & trouble , groaning under the heavy burthen of a displeased Parliament ; my name disperst , and grossely abused by the multiplicity of Libellous Pamphlets , and my selfe bard from any wonted accesse to the best of Princes , and it is vox populi that I am Popishly affected : How earnest I have beene in my disputations , exhortations , and otherwise , to quench such sparks , least they should become coales . I hope after my decease , you will acknowledge , yet in the midst of my afflictions there is nothing hath so nearely touched me , as the remembrance of your free and joyfull acceptance of mee , to be your Chancellour , and that I am now shut up from being able to doe you that Service which you might justly expect from mee , when I first received this honour , I intended to have carryed it with mee to the Grave , neither were my hopes any lesse , since the Parliament by his Majesties Command , committed mee to this Royall Prison . But sith ( by reason of matters of greater consequence yet in hand ) the Parliament is pleased to procrastinate my triall , I do hereby as thankefully resigne my office of being Chancellour , as ever I received that dignity , intreating you to elect some honorable Person ; who upon all occasions may be ready to serve you ; I do beseech God to send you such a one as may doe all things for his glory , and the furtherance of your most famous University , This is the continuall Prayer of Your Dejected Friend and Chancellor , W. CANT. FINIS . 
A49711	----	A letter sent by William Lavvd Archbishop of Canterburie with divers manuscripts to the Vniversity of Oxford : which letter in respect it hath relation to this present Parliament is here inserted : together with the answer which the Vniversitie sent him wherein is specified their integrity as he is their chancellor : the tenor whereof ensues. Laud, William, 1573-1645. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A49711 of text R13993 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L590). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A49711 Wing L590 ESTC R13993 12717820 ocm 12717820 66256 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49711) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 66256) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 253:E158, no 8) A letter sent by William Lavvd Archbishop of Canterburie with divers manuscripts to the Vniversity of Oxford : which letter in respect it hath relation to this present Parliament is here inserted : together with the answer which the Vniversitie sent him wherein is specified their integrity as he is their chancellor : the tenor whereof ensues. Laud, William, 1573-1645. University of Oxford. [2], 5 p. s.n.] [S.l.: 1641. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. A49711 R13993 (Wing L590). civilwar no A letter sent by William Lavvd Archbishop of Canterburie. With divers manuscripts to the Vniversity of Oxford. Which letter, in respect it h Laud, William 1641 1304 1 0 0 0 0 0 8 B The rate of 8 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-12 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-12 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LETTER SENT BY WILLIAM LAVVD Archbishop of Canterburie . With divers Manuscripts to the Vniversity of OXFORD . Which Letter , in respect it hath Relation to this present Parliament , is here inserted . TOGETHER , With the Answer which the Vniversitie sent him , wherein is specified their Integrity , as he is their Chancellor . The Tenor whereof ensues . Printed in the Yeare , 1641 , A LETTER SENT BY WILLIAM LAVD Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . To my most loving friend Doctor Potter , and the rest of the Doctors , Proctors , and to all the Convocation House in the University of Oxford . SO difficult ( most flourishing Academians ) are the present times , ( and the present businesse so urgent ) that wee have no leisure for writing . This writing of what Nature soever receive readily , I will transmit a few things to you , as yet ( most flourishing Vniversitie ) we have most difficult times and businesses , which every way urge , us . But in what estate Ecclesiasticall businesses are all men may see , there is more then one Fountaine of these evills . But there is but one fury of those , who not enduring sound Doctrine , which St. Hilary observed , desire a corrupt Doctrine , among whom , thus stung with the Summer-flye , how hard a thing it is to live amongst them : But I am more sensible of it , to whom , I thanke God , it is the same to live , and to doe my duty , but these things are to be passed by , neither can wee know what will be the issue of these things , and wee have no milder times nor suffer , then our complaints ; But I desire to give you to understand , that I pray you may have all things happy , while here amōgst the higher Spheres , the Starres of any magnitude , scarce keepe their motion , and in regard of ye thicknesse of the clouds , send forth a weake light , while all things are at this passe , I have resolved to lay downe in safety ( as I hope ) vvith you certaine Manuscripts of former times , they are fevv , but like to the former , if not equall , and such they are vvhich I hope , I have not be●n wanting to provide for your use , notwithstanding the difficulty of the times , but amongst them there are 6. Hebrew , 11. of Greeke , 34. of Arabicke 21. of Latine , 2. of Italian , and as many of English , and of Persian 5. one of the vvhich , ( being of a large volume ) containeth a Historie from the beginning of the World , to the end of ye Saracen Empire , and vvithout doubt , is of great vvorth , let these be carryed by you , into the Library of Bodley , I reverence the name , let me not be superstitious , and I desire , they may be placed by others , which of late vvere mine , and under the same conditions , I have given the former . There is no need of many words to set forth this too small a gift of ours , neither did I ever desire it , This I daily pray for earnestly at God , that the University may ever flourish , and that Religion and Piety , and whatsoever may set forth true Doctrine , may arise to the height , and that the Tempests ( which are high ) being once laid , you may enjoy your selves , your studies , and above all things God , which shall be alwaies my desires . Your faithfull and loving Chancellour , W. CANTERBVRY . THE VNIVERSITIE OF OXFORD : Their answer , unto a Letter sent to WILLIAM LAVVD , Archbishop of Canterburie their Chancellour . To the most Reverend Father in God , WILLIAM Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , and Chancellour of the Vniversity of Oxford . WEE wish all eternity most Reverend Chancellour , oh how great are the vertues which arise from the streights , which are pressing , while the Starres shine , you thinke of conforming and strengthening the Universitie , and to make it famous and Illustrious , being carefull for all , and as we hope secure for your selfe . You have made a new Harvest for us , by adding to the former Manuscripts these latter , yet with great price and labour , and with the like variety of Tongues , and weights of Arguments , and variety of examples , worthy to be perused , so in number , and one volume , which vvith the like faith , and thankefulnesse , wee will most safely keepe and carefully observe . There are divers Iudgments of those that observe & reade these books , but there is but one sense , which is this , That you are the man that desires the Muses , and our Mother the Vniversity , to the height of happinesse ; These were the Monuments of former Ages , but they shall be yours , by giving us the treasury of this History , a deserved History , the tumultuousnesse of the times doe double the gifts , which now , will hardly admit , either the leisure of writing or reading , notwithstanding it leaveth it's place , for the incomparable pains of doing good , and space of giving advice , whatsoever you put into the bosome of the Vniversitie , you may assure your selfe in safety , wee hope it is beyond Fortunes reach , not in that it is given to us , but because the reward of such Works , is treasured with the chiefe of Mortals , we in the meane time ( who are nourished by hope ) are under the same fate , The hand that hateth the Orchard , and hateth the Orchard-Keeper , doth not spare what is sowne into the ground , or what the tree produceth , onely the Orchard-keeper who adventures himselfe for the safety of the Seminary and unmindfull of his owne , to increase their prosperity , hee stands in a slippery place , he is more to be reverenced , then when there is a most streight rule , certainly without the Church ( without the which we cannot hope for safetie ) we will not hope for comfort , we desire no such safetie , no such pleasure , we desire rather to perish , then to depend on those Travels , when that unhappy day shall come , when nothing shall be more displeasing then the faithfull mysteries of God , and nothing more dangerous when innocencie , and too much integrity shall be counted a fault . These evils God turne farre from us , and appease the furie popular , who causeth the waves or windes . Our members are ready to be your Champions , but our minds ( notwithstanding all interpositions ) are more ready , for by this time , wee shall muster up our forceable troopes of sighes , and shall dispose of all the force of your desires , joyfully and earnestly looking up , and spreading our hands towards Heaven , praying on our knees that ( with other gifts given to the House ) vve may enjoy ( this the great Gift ) and you the Giver : From Oxford 1640. Your most observant , Strode , Orator in the Vniversity . FINIS . 
A49716	----	The Arch-bishop of Canterburie his speech, or, His funeral sermon preached by himself on the scaffold on Tower-hill on Friday the tenth of January, 1645, upon Hebrews 12, 1, 2 also, the prayers which he used at the same time and place before his execution / all faithfully written by Iohn Hinde, whom the archbishop beseeched that hee would not let any wrong be done him by any phrase in false copies. Laud, William, 1573-1645. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A49716 of text R41258 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L599A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 23 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A49716 Wing L599A ESTC R41258 31354701 ocm 31354701 110234 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49716) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110234) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1742:30) The Arch-bishop of Canterburie his speech, or, His funeral sermon preached by himself on the scaffold on Tower-hill on Friday the tenth of January, 1645, upon Hebrews 12, 1, 2 also, the prayers which he used at the same time and place before his execution / all faithfully written by Iohn Hinde, whom the archbishop beseeched that hee would not let any wrong be done him by any phrase in false copies. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 12 p. Printed with license and entred according to order, London : [1645?] Imperfect: stained, and with print show-through and loss of text. Date of publication from Wing (2nd ed.). Reproduction of original in the British Library. eng Laud, William, 1573-1645. Bible. -- N.T. -- Hebrews XII, 1-2 -- Sermons. Funeral sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. A49716 R41258 (Wing L599A). civilwar no The Arch-bishop of Canterbvrie his speech or his funerall sermon: preached by himself on the scaffold on Tower-hill, on Friday the tenth of Laud, William 1645 4237 3 0 0 0 0 0 7 B The rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-03 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-03 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE ARCH-BISHOP OF CANTERBVRIE HIS SPEECH OR His Funerall Sermon : Preached by himself on the Scaffold on Tower-hill , on Friday the tenth of January , 1645. Upon Hebrews 12. 1 , 2. Also , the Prayers which he used at the same time and place before his Execution . All Faithfully written by Iohn Hinde , whom the Arch-bishop beseeched that hee would not let any wrong be done him by any phrase in false Copies . LONDON Printed with License , and entred according to Order . THE ARCH-BISHOP OF CANTERBURIE HIS Funerall Sermon , Preached by himself on the Scaffold on Tower-hill . Upon Heb. 12. 1 , 2. Let us run with patience that race that is set before us , looking unto Iesus the Author and finisher of our Faith , who for the joy that was set before him , endured the Crosse , despiside the shame , and is set down at the right hand of the Throne of God . Good people , YOu 'l pardon my old Memorie , and upon so sad occasions as I am come to this place , to make use of my Papers , I dare not trust my self otherwise . Good people , This is a very uncomfortable place to preach in , and yet I shall begin with a Text of Scripture , in the twelfth of the Hebrews , Let us runne with patience that race that is set before us , looking unto Iesus the Author and finisher of our fait● , &c. I have been long in my race , and how I have looked unto Jesus the Author and finisher of my faith , is best knowne to him : I am now come to the end of my race and here I finde the Crosse , a death of shame , but the shame must be despised , or there is no comming to the right hand of God ; Jesus despis'd the shame for me , and God-forebid but I should despise the shame , for him ; I am going apace , as you see towards the Red-sea , and my feet are upon the very brinks of it , an Argument , I hope that God is bringing me to the Land of promise , for that was the way by which of old he led his people : But before they came to the Sea , he instituted a passover for them , a Lamb it was to bee eaten with very sowre Herbs , as in the twelfe of Exodus . I shall obey , and labour to digest the sowre Herbs , as well as the Lamb , and I shall remember that it is the Lords Passeover ; I shall not think of the Herbs , nor be angry with the hands which gathered them , but look up onely to him who instituted the one , and governeth the other : For men can have no more power over me , then that which is given them from above ; I am not in love with this passage through the Red-sea , for I have the weaknesse and infirmity of flesh and blood in mee , and I have prayed as my Saviour taught me , and exampled me Vt tansiret calix ista . That this Cup of red Wine might passe away from me , but since it is not that my will may , his will be done ; and I shall most willingly drink of this Cup as deep as he pleases , and enter into this Sea , I and passe through it , in the way that he shall bee pleased to leade me . And yet ( Good people , ) it would be remembred , That when the servants of God , old Israel , were in this boistrous Sea , and Aaron with them , the Egyptians which persecuted them , and did in a manner drive them into that Sea , were drowned in the same waters , while they were in pursuit of them : I know my God whom I serve , is as able to deliver me from this Sea of blood as hee was to deliver the three Children from the fornace Daniel 3. And I must humbly thank my Saviour for it , my Resolution is now , as theirs was then : their Resolution was , They would not worship the Image which the King had set up : nor shall I the Imaginations which the people are setting up , nor will I forsake the Temple , and the truth of GOD , to follow the Bleating of Ieroboams Calves in Dan and in Bethel . And I pray God blesse all this people , and open their eyes , that they may see the right way : For if it fall out that the blinde lead the blinde , doubtlesse they will both into the ditch : For my self , I am , ) and I acknowledge it in all humility ) a most grievous sinner many wayes , by thought , word and deed , and therefore I cannot doubt but that God hath mercie in store for mee a poore penitent , as well as for other sinners : I have upon this sad occation , ransack'd every corner of my heart , and yet I thank God , I have not found any of my sinnes that are there , any sins now deserving death by any known law of this Kingdome : and yet thereby I charge nothing upon my Judges ( I humbly beseech you I may be rightly understood , I charge nothing in the least degree upon my Judges ) for they are to proceed by proof , by valuable Witnesses , and in that way I or any innocent in the world may justly be condemned : And I thank God , though the weight of the Sentence Iye verie heavie upon me , yet I am as quiet within , as ( I thank Christ for it ) I ever was in my life : And though I am not onely the first Archbishop , but the first man that dyed in this way , yet some of my predecessors have gone this way , though not by this meanes : For Elfegus was hurried away and lost his head by the Dans ; and Simon Sudbury in the fury of Wat Tyler and his fellowes : And long before these Saint Iohn Baptist had his head danced of by a lewd woman , and Saint Cyprian Arch-bishop of Carthage submitting his head to a persecuting sword . Many examples great and good , and they teach me patience , for I hope my cause in Heaven will looke of another dye then the colours , that is put upon it here upon earth , and some comfort it is to me , not onely that I goe the way of these great men in their severall generations , but also that my charge ( if I may not be partiall ) looks somewhat like that against S. Paul in the 25. of the Acts , for he was accused for the Law and the Temple , that is the Law and Religion : and like that of S. Stephen in the sixth of the Acts , for breaking the Ordinances which Moses gave us , which Ordinances were Law and Religion ; but you 'l say , do I then compare my self with the integritie of Saint Paul and Saint Stephen : no , God forbid , farre be it from mee : I onely raise a comfort to my selfe that these great Saints and servants of God were thus laid up in their severall times : And it is very memorable that Saint Paul who was one of them , and a great one , that helped on the accusation against Saint Stephen , fell afterwards into the selfe same accusation himselfe , yet both of them great Saints and servants of God , I but perhaps a great clamour there is , that I would have brought in Poperie , I shall answer that more fully by and by , in the meane time , you know what the Pharisees said against Christ himselfe in the eleventh of Iohn , If yee let him alone , all men will believe on him Et veninnt Romani , and the Romanes will come and take away both our place and our Nation . Here was a causelesse cry against Christ that the Romanes would come , and see how just the Judgement of God was , they crucified Chriss for feare least the Romanes should come , and his death was that that brought in the Romanes upon them , God punishing them with that which they most feared : and I pray God this clamour of veniunt Romani ( of which I have given to my knowledge no just cause ) helpe not to bring him in : for the Pope never had such a Harvest in England since the Reformation , as he hath now upon the Sects and divisions that are amongst us : in the meane time , by honour and dishonour , by good report and evill report , as a deceiver , and yet true , am I now passing out of this world . Some particulars also I thinke not amisse to speak of , and first this I shall be bold to speake of the King , our gracious Soveraigne , He hath been much traduced by some for labouring to bring in Poperie , but upon my conscience ( of which I am now going to give God a present account ) I know him to bee as free from this Charge I thinke as any man living , and I hold him to be as sound a Protestant , according to the Religion by Law established as any man in this Kingdome , and that he will venter his Life as farre and as freely for it : and I thinke I doe or should know both his affections to Religion , and His grounds upon which that affection is built , as fully as any man in England The second particular is concerning this great and populous City , which God blesse : here hath been of late a fashion to gather bands , and then go to the Honourable and great Court of the Kingdome , the Parliament , & clamour for Justice , as if that great & wise Court , ( before whom the causes come which are unknown to many : ) could not or would not do Justice , but at their call and appointment : a way which may endanger many innocent man , and pluck innocent bloud upon their own heads , and perhaps upon this Citie also , which God forbid : and this hath been lately practiz'd against my self , God forgive the setters of this , with all my heart I beg it , but many well meaning people are caught by it : In S. Stephens case , when nothing else would serve , they stirred up the people against him , Acts 6. and Herod went just the selfe same way , for when he had killed Saint Iames , hee would not venture upon S. Peter too , till he saw how the people took it , and were pleased with it , in the 12 of the Acts. But take heed of having your hands full of bloud , in the first of Isaiah , for there is a time best known to himselfe , when God amongst other sinnes makes inquisition for bloud : and when inquisition is on foot , Psalmest tells us , Psal. 9. that God remembers , that is not all , that God remembers and forgets not ( saith the Prophet ) the complaint of the poore , and hee tells you what poore they are in the ninth verse , the poore whose bloud is shed by such kind of means : Take heed of this , It is a fearfull thing ( at any time ) to fall into the hands of the living God , in the 12. of the Hebrews : but it is fearfull indeed , and then especially , when he is making his Inquisition for bloud , and therefore with prayer to advert the prophesie from the Citie , let me desire that this my cup would remember the Prophesie that is expressed , Ier. 26. 15 The third particular , is this poore Church of England , that hath flourished and been a shelter to other neighbouring Churches , when stormes have driven on them , but , alas , now it is in a storme it self , and God knows whether , or how it shall get out ; and which is worse then a storme from without , it is become like an Oake cleft to shivers with wedges made out of its owne body , and that in every cleft prophanesse and irreligion is creeping in apace : while as Prosper saith , Men that introduce , prophanesse are cloacked with a name of imaginarie religion : for wee have in a manner almost lost the substance , and dwell much , nay too much a great deale in opinion : and that Church which all the Jesuites machinations in these parts of Christendome could not ruine , is now fallen into a great deal of danger by her owne . The last particular ( for I am not willing to be tedious , I shall hasten to go out of this miserable world ) is my self , and I beseech you ; as many as are within hearing , observe me : I was borne and baptized in the bosome of the Church of England , as it stands yet established by Law , in that profession I have ever since lived , and in that profession of the Protestant Religion here established I come now to die : this is no time to dissemble with God , least of all in matter of Religion ; and therefore I desire it may be remembred : I have alwayes lived in the Protestant Religion established in England , and in that I come now to die : what Clamors and Slanders I have endured labouring to keep an Vniformity in the external service of God , according to the Doctrine and Discipline of this Church , all men knows , & I have abundantly felt : Now at last I am accused of high Treason in Parliament , a crime which my soul ever abhorred : This Treason was charged upon me to consist of two parts : An endeavour to subvert the Law of the Realme , and a like to overthrow the true Protestant Religion established by those Lawes , Besides my answers which I gave to the severall Charges , I protested my innocency in both Houses : It was said , Prisoners Protestations at the Barre must not be taken de ipso : I can bring no witnesse of my heart , and the intentions thereof , therefore I must come to my Protestation , not at the Barre , but to my Protestation at this houre and instant of death , in which ( as I said before ) I hope all men will be such charitable Christians as not to thinke I would die , and dissemble my Religion , I doe therefore here , with that caution that I delivered before , without all prejudice in the world to my Judges , that are to proceed secundum allegata & probata , and so to be understood , I die in the presence of Almighty God , and all his holy and blessed Angels ; and I take it now on my death , that I never endeavoured the subversion of the Laws of the Realme , nor never any change of the Protestant Religion into Popish superstition , and I desire you all to remember this Protest of mine , for my innocency in these , and from all manner of Treasons whatsomever . I have been accused likewise as an enemie to Parliaments , no , God forbid , I understood them , and the benefits that comes by them , a great deal too well to bee so ; but I did indeed dislike some misgovernments ( as I conceived ) of some few one or two Parliaments : And I did conceive humbly that I might have reason for it ; for corruptio optimi est pessima : There is no corruption in the world so bad , as that which is in the best thing it self , for the better the thing is in nature , the worse it is corrupted : And this being the highest and greatest Court , over which none other can have the jurisdiction in the Kingdome , if any way a mis-government ( which God forbid ) should any wayes fall upon it , the subjects of this Kingdome are left without all manner of remedy , and therefore God preserve them , blesse them , and direct them , that there may be no misconceit , much lesse misgovernment amongst them . I will not inlarge my self any further , I have done , I forgive all the world , all and every of those bitter enemies , or others whatsoever they have been , which any wise prosecuted me in this kinde , and I humbly desire to be forgiven first of God , and then of every man , whether I have offended him or no , if hee doe but conceive that I have , Lord do thou forgive me , and I beg forgivenesse of him , and so I heartily desire you to joyne with me in prayer . The Bishop of Canterburies first Praye● on the Scaffold . O Eternall God , and most mercifull Father , looke downe upon mee in mercie , in the riches and fulnesse of all thy mercies , look downe upon me , but not till thou hast nailed my sinnes to the Crosse of Christ : looke upon me , but not till thou hast bathed me in the bloud of Christ : look upon me , but not till I have hid my selfe in the wounds of Christ , that so the punishment that is due to my sinnes may passe away and go over mee : And since thou art pleased to try me to the uttermost , I humblie beseech thee give me now in this great instant , ful patience , and proportionable comfort a heart readie to die for thine honour , and the Kings happines , and the Churches preservation , and my zeal to these , ( far from arrogancie be it spoken , and all the inhumane frailtie excepted , and all incidents thereunto ) which is yet unknowne of mee in this particular , for which I now come to suffer , I say in this particular of Treason , but otherwise my sins are many and great , Lord pardon them all , and these especially , whatsoever they be , which have drawne downe this present judgement upon mee , and when thou hast given me strength to beare it , then doe with mee as seemes best in thine owne eyes : And carrie mee through death , that I may looke upon it in what visage soever it shall appeare to mee , and that there may bee a stoppe of this issue of bloud in this more than miserable Kingdome . I shall desire that I may pray for the people too , as well as for my selfe : O Lord , I beseech thee give grace of repentance unto all people , that have a thirst for bloud , but if they will not repent , then scatter their devices so , and such as are , or shall be contrarie to the glorie of thy great Name , the Truth and Sinceritie of Religion , the establishment of the King , and his posteritie after him , in their just Rights , and Priviledges , the honour and conservation of Parliaments in their ancient and just power , the preservation of this poore Church in her truth , peace and patrimonie , and the settlement of this distracted and distressed people under their ancient laws , and in their native Liberties , and when thou hast done all this , in meere mercie for them , O Lord , fill their hearts with thankfullnesse , and with religious dutifull obedience to thee and thy Commandements all their dayes : So Amen , Lord Iesus , And I beseech thee , receive my Soule to mercie . Our Father which art in Heaven . Hallowed be thy Name . Thy Kingdome come . Thy will be done in earth , as it is in heaven . Give us this day our dayly bread , And forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespasse against us . And lead us not into temptation : But deliver us from evil , Amen . When he had finished his prayer , hee gave his paper to Doctor Sterne , saying , Doctor , I give you this , that you may show it to your fellow Chaplains , that they see how I am gone out of the world , and Gods blessing and his mercy be upon them . Then turning to Master Hinde , hee said , Friend , I beseech you here mee , I cannot say I have spoken every word as it is in my Paper , but I have gone very neere it , to help my memorie as well as I could : but I beseech you let me have no wrong done me . Hinde . Sir , you shall not , if I doe any wrong , let it fall on my owne head , I pray God have mercy upon your soule . Cant. I thank you : I did not speak with any jealousie , as if you would do so , but I spake it onely as a poore man going out of the world , it is not possible for me to keep to the words of my paper , and a phrase may do me wrong . I did think here would have been an emptie Scaffold , that I might have had roome to die : I beseech you let me have an end of this miserie , for I have endured it long . When roome was made , he spake thus ; I 'le pull off my Doublet , and Gods will be done , I am willing to goe out of the world : no man can be more willing to send me out , then I am willing to be gone . Sir Iohn Clathworthy . What speciall Text of Scripture now is comfortable to a man in his departure ? Cant. Cupio dissolvi & esse cum Christo . Sir Clothworthy . That is a good desire , but there must bee a ●●undation for that desire , as assurance . Cant. No man can expresse it , it is to be found within . Sir Iohn Clothworthy . It is founded upon a word though , and that word would be knowne . Cant. That word is the knowledge of Jesus Christ and that alone . And turning to the Executioner , he gave him money , saying , here honest friend , God forgive thee , and do thy office upon mee in mercie . The Executioner desiring him to give some signe when he should strike , he answered , Yes , I will , but let me fit my selfe first . Then kneeling down on his knees , he prayed thus : The Bishop of Canterburies last prayer on the Scaffold . LORD , I am coming as fast as I can , I know I must passe through the shaddow of death before I can come to see thee , but it is but umbra mortis , a meere shadow of death a little darknesse upon nature , but thou by thy merits and passion hast broke through the jawes of death : So Lord , receiue my soule , and have mercy upon me , and blesse this Kingdom with peace and plenty , and with brotherly loue and charitie , that there may not be this effusion of Christian bloud among them , for Iesus Christs sake , if it be thy will . And when he had said , Lord receive my Soule ( which was his signe ) the Executioner did his office . FINIS . 
A49719	----	A true copy of certain passages of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, his speech spoken on the scaffold on Tower-Hill immediatly before his death Jan. 10, 1644 Laud, William, 1573-1645. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A49719 of text R3497 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L602). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 16 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A49719 Wing L602 ESTC R3497 12498703 ocm 12498703 62619 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49719) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62619) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 638:19) A true copy of certain passages of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, his speech spoken on the scaffold on Tower-Hill immediatly before his death Jan. 10, 1644 Laud, William, 1573-1645. [2], 6 p. Printed by Leonard Lichfield ..., Oxford [Oxfordshire] : 1644. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. eng Laud, William, 1573-1645. A49719 R3497 (Wing L602). civilwar no A true copy of certain passages of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his speech spoken on the scaffold on Tower-Hill immediatly before his Laud, William 1645 2926 8 0 0 0 0 0 27 C The rate of 27 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-04 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-04 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A TRVE COPY OF CERTAIN PASSAGES OF THE Lord Arch-Bishop of CANTERBVRY HIS SPEECH SPOKEN on the Scaffold on Tower-Hill immediatly before his Death Ian. 10. 1644. OXFORD , Printed by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the Vniversity . 1644. Good People , THis is an uncomfortable time to Preach , yet I shall begin with a Text of Scripture , Heb 12. 2. Let us runne with Patience that race which is set before us , looking unto IESUS the Author and finisher of our Faith , who for the Ioy that was set before him , endured the Crosse , despising the shame , and is set downe at the right hand of the throne of God . I have been long in my Race , and how I have looked to IESUS the Author and finisher of my Faith , He best knowes : I am now come to the end of my Race , and here I find the Crosse , a death of shame , but the shame must be despised , or no comming to the right hand of God ; IESUS despised the shame for me , and God forbid but I should despise the shame for Him : I am going apace ( you see ) towards the Red-Sea , and my feet are now upon the very brink of it ; an Argument , I hope , that God is bringing me to the Land of Promise , for that was the way through which he led his People : But before they came to it , He instituted a Passeover for them , a Lambe it was , it must be eaten with sowre Hearbs . I shall obey , and labour to digest the sowre Hearbes , as well as the Lambe , For I shall remember it is the Lord's Passeover ; I shall not think of the Herbs , nor be angry with the hand that gathereth them ; but look up onely to Him which instituted that , and governes these ; For men can have no more power over me then what is given them from above . I am not in love with this passage , through the Red-Sea , for I have the weakenesse and infirmities of flesh and bloud in me ; And I have prayed , as my Saviour taught me , ut transiret Calix iste , that this Cup of Red-wine might passe from me : But if not , God's will ( not mine ) be done , and I shall most willingly drinke of this Cup as deep as He pleases , and enter into this Sea , yea and passe through it , in the way that he shall lead me . But I would have it remembred ( Good people ) that when Gods Servants were in this boysterous Sea , and Aaron among them , the AEgyptians which persecuted them ( and in a manner drove them into that Sea ) were drowned in the same waters , while they were in pursuit of them ; I know my God whom I serve , is as able to deliver me from this Sea of bloud , as he was to deliver the three Children from the Furnace ; and ( I most humbly thank my Saviour for it ) my Resolution is now as theirs was then ; They would not worship the Image the King had set up , nor I the Imaginations which the People are setting up ; I will not forsake the Temple and truth of God , to follow the bleating of Ieroboams Calfe in Dan or in Bethel . As for this Peo●ple , they are at this day miserably misled , ( God of his mercy open their Eyes that they may see the right way ) for now the Blind doe lead the Blind , and if they goe on , both will certainly fall into the ditch . For my selfe , I am ( and I acknowledge it in all humility ) a most grievous sinner many wayes , by thought , word , and deed , and I cannot doubt , but God hath mercy in store for me ( a poore Penitent ) as well as for other sinners . I have now , upon this sad occasion , ransacked every corner of my Heart , and yet ( I thank God ) I have not found ( among the many ) any one sinn which deserves death by any known Law of this Kingdome ; And yet hereby I charge nothing upon my Judges ; for if they proceed upon Proofe ( by valuable witnesses ) I or any other Innocent , may be justly condemned ; But ( I thanke God ) though the weight of the sentence lyes heavy upon me , I am as quiet within , as ever I was in my life . And though I am not only the first Archbishop , but the first man that ever dyed by an Ordinance of Parliament , yet some of my Predecessors have gone this way , though not by this meanes ; For Elphegus was hurried away & lost his head by the Danes ; Symon Sudbury was beheaded in the fury of Wat Tyler & his fellows ; & long before these , St Iohn Baptist had his head danced oft by a lewd woman ; And St Cyprian , Archbishop of Carthage , submitted his head to the persecuting Sword . Many Examples ( great and good ) and they teach me patience ; for I hope my Cause in Heaven will looke of another dye then the colour which is put upon it here . And some comfort it is to me , not onely that I goe the way of these great men in their severall generations , but also that my Charge ( as fowle as it is made ) looks like that of the Iewes against St Paul ( Acts. 25. ) For he was accused for the Law and the Temple , that is , the Law and Religion ; And like that of St Stephen ( Acts. 6. ) for breaking the Ordinances which Moses gave , that is , Law and Religion , the holy place and the Law ( vers. 13. ) But you 'l say , doe I compare my selfe with the integrity of St Paul and St Stephen ? No , farre be it from me ; I onely raise a Comfort to my selfe , that these great Saints & Servants of God were laid at in their severall times , as I am now . And it is memorable , that St Paul who helped on the Accusation against St Stephen , did after fall under the very same Accusation himselfe . Yea , but here 's a great Clamour that I would have brought in Popery ; I shall Answer that more fully by and by ; In the meane time you know what the Pharisees said against Christ himselfe , If we let him alone all men will beleeve in him , Et venient Romani , and the Romanes will come and take away both our place and Nation . Here was a Causelesse Crye against Christ , that the Romanes would come ; And see how just the Iudgement of God was ; they crucified Christ for feare the Romanes should come , and his death was it which brought in the Romanes upon them , God punishing them with that they most feared : and I pray God , that this Clamour of Venient Romani ( of which I have given no cause ) help not to bring them in ; for the Pope never had such a Harvest in England since the Reformation , as he hath now upon the Sects and Divisions that are amongst us . In the meane time by Honour and dishonour , by good report and evill report , as a deceiver and yet true , am I passing through this world , 2. Cor. 6.8 . — Some other particulars I thinke not amisse to speake of . And first , for His Sacred Majestie , the King our gracious Soveraigne ; He also hath bin much traduced for bringin● in of Popery , but on my Conscience ( of which I shall give God a very present account 〈…〉 ow Him to be as free from this Charge , as any 〈…〉 ( according to the Religion by Law established ) as any man in this Kingdom ; And that He will venture His Life as farre , and as freely for it ; and I think I doe , or should know , both His affection to Religion , and his grounds for it , as fully as any man in England . The second particular is concerning this great and Populous City , ( which God blesse . ) Here hath been of late , a fashion taken up , to gather hands , and then goe to the Great Court ( the Parliament ) and clamour for Justice ; as if that great and wise Court , before whom the Causes come , ( which are unknown to the many ) could not , or would not doe Iustice , but at their appoyntment . A way , which may endanger many an Innocent man , and pluck his blood upon their own heads , and perhaps upon this City also : And this hath been lately practised against my selfe ; the Magistrates standing still , and suffering them openly to proceed from Parish to Parish without Check ; God forgive the Abetters of this ( with all my heart I begge it ) but many well meaning People are caught by it . In St Stephens case , when nothing else could serve , they stirred up the People against him ; and when Herod had killed St Iames , he would not venture on St Peter , till he found how the other pleased the People . But beware you that cry so much for Iustice , lest when you cry for your selves you have nothing but Iustice ; Take heed , take heed of having your hands full of blood , for there is a time ( best known to Himselfe ) when God ( above other sinnes ) makes Inquisition for blood , and when that Inquisition is on foot , the Psalmist tells us , That God remembers ( that 's not all ) He remembers and forgets not the Complaint of the Poore , that is , him whose blood is shed by oppression , vers. 9. take heed of this ; It is a fearfull thing to fall into the hands of the living God , but then especially , when he is making Inquisition for blood ; And ( with my Prayers to avert it ) I doe heartily desire this City to remember the Prophesy that is expressed , Ier. 26.15 . The third particular is the poore Church of England . It hath flourished and been a shelter to other neighbouring Churches when stormes have driven upon them . But , alas , now 't is in a storme it selfe , and God only knowes whether , or how it shall get out ; and ( which is worse then a storme from without ) it 's become like an Oake cleft to shivers with wedges made out of its own body , and at every cleft , Prophanenesse and Irreligion are entring in , while as Prosper speaks ( in his second Book De vitae contemptu , cap. 4. ) Men that introduce prophanenesse are cloaked with the name of Imaginary Religion ; for we have lost the Substance & dwell too much in Opinion , and that Church which all the Iesuits could not ruine , is fallen into danger by her owne . The last particular ( for I am not willing to be long ) is my selfe ; I was borne and baptized in the bosome of the Church of England established by Law ; in that profession I have ever since lived , and in that I come now to dye ; what Clamours and Slaunders I have endured , for labouring to keep a Conformity in the externall service of God , according to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church , all men know , and I have abundantly felt . Now at last I am accused of High Treason in Parliament : a Crime which my soule ever abhorred ; this Treason was charged to consist of two parts , An endeavour to subvert the Lawes of the Land , and a like Endeavour to overthrow the true Protestant Religion Established by Law . Besides my answers which I gave to the several Charges , I protested my Innocency in both Houses . It was said Prisoners protestations at the Barr must not be taken , I can bring no other witnesse of my heart and the intentions thereof ; I must therefore come now to it upon my Death , being instantly to give God an accompt for the truth of it ; I doe therefore here in the presence of God and his holy Angells , take it upon my death , That I never endeavoured the subversion either of Law or Religion ; and I desire that you would all remember this Protestation of mine for my Innocency , in these , and from all Treason● whatsoever whereof I would not for all the World be so guilty as some are . I have been accused likewise as an Enemy to Parliament● : Noe , I understand them , and the benefit that comes by them , too well , to be so ; But I did dislike the misgovernment of some Parliaments many wayes , and I had good reasons for it ; Corruptia optimi est p●ssima , and that being the highest Court , over which no other hath Iurisdiction , when That is misinformed or misgoverned , the Subject is left without all remedy . But I have done , I forgive all the World , all and every of those bitter Enemies which have persecuted me , and humbly desire to be forgiven of God first , and then of every man : and so I heartily desire you to joyne in Prayer with me . O Eternall God and mercifull Father , look downe upon me in mercy , in the Riches and fulnesse of thy mercies look upon me ; but not untill thou hast nayled my sinnes to the Crosse of Christ , not till thou hast bathed me in the blood of Christ , not till I have hid my selfe in the wounds of Christ : that so the punishment due unto my sinnes may passe over me . And since thou art pleased to try me to the uttermost , I humbly beseech thee to give me now in this great instant , full Patience , pr●portionable Comfort , and a heart ready to dye for thy Honour , the Kings happinesse , and this Churches preservation . My zeale to these ( farre from Arrogancy be it spoken ) is all the sinne ( humane frailty excepted and all incidents thereunto ) which is yet known to me in this particular , for which I now come to suffer ; I say in this particular of Treason ; but otherwise my sinnes are many and great ; Lord pardon them all , and those especially ( whatsoever they are ) which have drawn down this present iudgment upon me : and when thou hast given me strength to beare it , doe with me as seemes best in thine owne eyes . Amen . And that there may be a stopp of this Issue of blood , in this more then miserable Kingdom , O Lord I beseech thee , give grace of Repentance to all Blood-thirsty people ; but if they will not repent , O Lord , Confound all their devices , Defeat and Frustrate all their Designes and Endeavours , which are or shall be contrary to the Glory of thy great Name , the truth and sincerity of Religion , the establishment of the King and His Posterity after Him in their Iust Rights and Priviledges , the Honour and Conservation of Parliaments in their Iust power , the perservation of this Poore Church in its Truth , Peace , and Patrimony , and the settlement of this distracted and distressed People under their ancient Lawes , and in their native Liberties . And when thou hast done all this in meere mercy for them , O Lord , fill their hearts with thankefulnesse , and Religious dutyfull obedience to thee and thy Commandements all their dayes : So Amen , Lord Iesus , Amen , and receive my Soule into thy Bosome , Amen . Our Father which art in Heaven , &c. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A49719e-110 Exod. 12.8 . Ioh. 19.11 . Luk. 22.42 . Dan. 3. Luk. 6.39 . Joh. 11.48 . Act. 6.12 . Act. 12.3 . Isa. 1.15 . Ps. 9.12 . Heb. 12. 
A69458	----	An exact copy of a letter sent to William Laud, late Arch-bishop of Canterbury, now prisoner in the Tower, November the 5, 1641 at which his Lordship taking exceptions, the author visited him in his owne person, and having admittance to him, had some private discourse with him concerning the cruelty in which he formerly raigned in his power : the substance whereof is truly composed by the author himselfe, wherein doth appeare a sign of complying with the times and some hopes of his repentance. Denham, John, Sir, 1615-1669. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A69458 of text R6766 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing A2). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 12 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A69458 Wing A2 ESTC R6766 11894451 ocm 11894451 50540 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69458) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 50540) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 45:1, 256:E177, no 1) An exact copy of a letter sent to William Laud, late Arch-bishop of Canterbury, now prisoner in the Tower, November the 5, 1641 at which his Lordship taking exceptions, the author visited him in his owne person, and having admittance to him, had some private discourse with him concerning the cruelty in which he formerly raigned in his power : the substance whereof is truly composed by the author himselfe, wherein doth appeare a sign of complying with the times and some hopes of his repentance. Denham, John, Sir, 1615-1669. Laud, William, 1573-1645. [8] p. : ill. Printed for H.W. and T.B., London : 1641. Title vignette (woodcut). The letter is signed: A. Attributed to Sir John Denham. Cf. Wrenn catalogue. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Laud, William, 1573-1645. Great Britain -- Church history -- 17th century -- Sources. A69458 R6766 (Wing A2). civilwar no An exact copy of a letter, sent to William Laud late Arch-bishop of Canterbury, now prisoner in the Tower, November the 5. 1641. At which hi Denham, John, Sir 1641 2308 4 0 0 0 0 0 17 C The rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-05 Melanie Sanders Sampled and proofread 2004-05 Melanie Sanders Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion An exact COPY OF A LETTER , Sent to William Laud late Arch-bishop of Canterbury , now Prisoner in the Tower , November the 5. 1641. At which his Lordship taking exceptions , the Author visited him in his owne person : and having admittance to him , had some private discourse with him ; concerning the cruelty , in which he formerly raigned in his power . The substance whereof is truly composed by the Author himselfe . Wherein doth appeare a sign of complying with the times , and some hopes of his Repentance . London Printed for H , W. and T.B. 1641. An exact Copy of a Letter , sent to the Bishop of Canterbury , now prisoner in the Tower , Novem. the 5. 1641. My Lord , YOur participating the sodain evils , & daily alterations incident to terrene frailty , and Natures imbecility , hath occasioned me , as well as others , to passe my judgment on your former course of life ; and though I doe with most consent , you have done evill , yet doe I not with many consent , you have done it knowingly , but rather ignorantly , &c. by imprisoning Gods people , unjust proceedings , &c. The complainents in this case , are the Delinquents themselves , many of which will not be perswaded to have such a charitable thought , as I have of you : and I verily beleeve , that men do omit the Christian duty to pray for you ; wherfore , my humble request unto your Lordship is , that you would be pleased to condiscend so far below your self , as to vouchsafe by way of answer hereunto , to vindicate your owne innocencie , and my charity . So also , shall they I hope , who are otherwiseminded , be convinced of their harsh and uncharitable Censure , and so be brought to be otherwise minded : that so J with them , and they with me , may with one accord say , concerning you , and other offenders , after the examples of our Savior , Father forgive them , for they know not what they doe : and with his Martyr Stephem Lord lay not this sinne to their charge , My Lord I am , Your Lordships in all humblenesse , A. THe letter being delivered to my Lords owne hand 〈◊〉 read it over the messinger being by , to whom 〈◊〉 told that the Author had abused him : and done him wrong ; which when the author understood , he went himselfe to him the next Lords day to the Tower , where he had admittance to his presence . Of whom first he craved pardon for boldnesse ; but the Bishop , laying aside that complementing with him , rebuked him for his letter , especially for charging him with imprisoning Gods people . He answered , my Lord , quoth he , J have béen both an Eye and an Eare-witnesse at the High commission court , when men truly fearing God , have bin called to the Bar , and your Lordship hath commanded to give them the oath which when they hove refused , you have committed them to prison ? No , quoth my Lord , it is well knowne I have shewed great favour and clemency to those obstinatemen , in that I have sometime forborne them a twelve moneth together ; and have in the meane time referred them to Godly and learned Doctors and Ministers , for satisfaction in that point : and when they out of willfulnesse & obstinacy , would not be satisfied , I could doe no lesse by the order of the Court then commit them to prison , Then he told my Lord , that he was confident it was not out of willfulnesse , nor obstinacy , that they refused the Oath , but rather out of tendernesse of conscience , they being not satisfyed of the lawfullnesse of it . That is more then ytu know , quoth my Lord ? It may be , quoth he , I know some of the men , and their conversation , that they are very godly men , and you know my Lord , our Savior warrants to judge the Trée by the fruites ? Stay , quoth my Lord , you and I differ in that point . Then my Lord , said the man , it seemes you did it ignorantly according to my thoughts of you not knowing them to be the servants of God ? I had nothing to doe to judge their p●s●ns said the Bishop , nor question whether they were the servants of God or no , I judge all to be the servants of God untill they apparently shew the contrary , but their action I judge to be evill , and what a matter was it to imprison 3. or 4. of them in a twelve months space , and in the meane time let thousands in the City goe free , and if we had not taken such a course with some of them , the number would have so increased , and men would have taken liberty to have done what they list . as now we see they doe since we see authority , suppressed ? Then he told the Bishop that he makes no doubt , my Lord , if it please the Lord that the Parliament goe on they will take order that men shall not doe what they list , and though it seeme good unto them to suppresse that government , which hath bin heretofore , yet I hope they will establish another . J pray God they may , for it is a lamentable thing to consider what disorder there is amongst people , at this time when men are suffered to frequent Conventicles , without Restraint . Nay , therein my Lord you much mistake , for though I my selfe am a meane Schollar : and therefore know not so well as your Grace , what a Conventicle is : yet have I heard that a conventicle is properly , when a company of men méet together , to a wicked intent , to plot & devise mischiefe to the Church or State : which I am certaine , these men you meane are far from ; for though I my selfe have not much frequented such Assemblies : for which I think , I have rather cause to condemne , then justifie my selfe . Yet am I sure , that in their Assemblies , they pray earnestly for the King , and all in Authority ▪ Tell me , quoth the Bishop , what warrant have they to méete , it may be forty or thréescore together , on such an occasion . My Lord , quoth he , you know the prophet Malachi saith , then they that feared the Lord , spake often one to another , and doth not the Apostle command us , not to forsake the fellowship of the Saints , but to edifie one another . Then the Bishop told him , that he said not that , with out the consent of Authority ; can they not doe this neighbor , with neighbor in publike Congregations . My Lord , quoth he , it may be these men are perswaded in their consciences , that the Lord calls them to humbling themselves , in fasting and prayer : and it may be authority doth not sée it méet to appoint a day : is it evill in them then , some two or thrée families , it may be ten or twelve persons to méet together to spend a day on that occasion . And they cannot doe this alone by themselves ; for men are apt to be dull and drousie when they are alone : and therefore they thinke it méet to be together , to stir up one another , as you know , my Lord , the more fewell is laid on the fire , the hotter it burnes , & the more it flames . When he heard this , he smiled , and almost laughed out : flames ; indéed , I thinke so , but said he in your Letter , you quote Scripture , that some in killing Gods Saidts , shall thinke they doe him service , and you say , you take me to be one of them . But I thinke , if you rightly understand your selfe , you would take your selfe to be one of them : for what warrant have you to call me a sensuall man ? Ye say you judge the trée by the fruits , I pray you , what fruits have you séene to judge so of me . My Lord , quoth he , I have séene and heard such things at the high Commission Court , as have caused me to conclude undoubtedly : if you had bin inlightned with the true knowledge of Iesus Christ , you would not have sitten there , though the place were never so honourable . Why quoth the Bishop what things have you seene and heard . First my Lord saw he , I will tell by e●perience as touching m● selfe : I have beene seased on by your Pursevant , and had to the registers Office , and beene bound over to the Court , and there taken oath , and have come againe to the Registers Office and there waited many a dayes , and at last have beene examined and afterwards waited againe at the Court , and yet never heard more of it : but indéed it was but the pursevants maner to bring me in . But is not this a miserable thing , my Lord , that I and others should be thus served , and must never know their accuser , nor recover any dammage . Then he told him , that it was not in the power of that Court to give dammage , or else I could willingly have given it many times , and as for calling you in with out any accuser , it was in our power to do it according to the Law of the Court , and the Kings advocate was to accuse you : but did ever any of you come to me in the week day , and pray me to let you know your accuser , or dismisse you and J denyed it . No my Lord , quoth he , I cannot say you did . Then my Lord asked him what his name was , and what was the matter he was brought in for : for that you say , quoth he , you were so served . I pray my Lord ; quoth he , spare me in that , for I am not willing to tell you my name , and indéed the knowledg of it would be no gaine to you . but might be hurtfull to me : for it is not vnpossible , but you may come into authority againe , and then you may call me before you , & chide me for this my bold attempt . Even as pleaseth God , quoth the Bishop : but I will here passe my word before your friend , meaning the Messenger that carryed the Letter , that you shall never heare more of it : no if you have such thoughts of me , you are deceived in me , and many of you have bin much mistaken in me . But yet he told my Lord , he desired to be spared in that . Well if you think it méet to tell me your name quoth the Bishop , doe as you please . Then the Author took occasion to envie against the Officers of the Court , and especially the Purseuants , séeing they were the natorion , sest Drunkaods and Swearers as could be found among-men . And he said , I am perswaded that if your Lordship had bin inlightned , you would not haue suffered such about you . Alas , said he , it cannot be helped , for none but such will be in those places , I pray consider that me Lord Mayors Sergeants are not the honestest men . Then was there spéeched had about those men they call Puritans and precisians . And the Bishop affirmed it twise over , that he thought in his conscience , there were as honest men given them that name , as any were in London , we cannot , said he , be too pure , if we consider the strictnesse of Gods Law : but yet , said he , I am perswaded , that many of those simple-hearted men are seduced , sometimes by others that are more cunning then they , but I ever had a tender care over the conscience of men , I stand not on the word puritan , but if a man be an honest man , what ever he is I doe approve of him . Indéed , my Lord , quoth he , it may be , there may be some Hypocrites that may have that name put upon them , as you know among our Saviours Disciples there was one Iudas , but yet , my Lord , it is pitty the true-hearted should fare the worse for their sake . FINIS . 
A70534	----	The Arch-bishop of Canterbury his letter to the King concerning the plot &c. and written with his own hand 1692 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A70534 Wing L591A Wing Y72A ESTC R26998 09605963 ocm 09605963 43799 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A70534) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43799) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1724:7, 1339:32) The Arch-bishop of Canterbury his letter to the King concerning the plot &c. and written with his own hand Sancroft, William, 1617-1693. Young, Robert, 1657-1700. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [London? : 1692?] Variously attributed by Wing to William Laud, William Sancroft and Robert Young. Wing number S552A cancelled in Wing (CD-ROM, 1996). Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- History -- 1660-1714. 2007-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-04 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2007-04 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE ARCH-BISHOP of CANTERBURY HIS LETTER TO The King concerning the Plot , &c. and written with his own hand . May it please your Majesty , AS great as the Secret is which comes herewith , yet I choose rather to send it in this Silent Covert way , and I hope safe , then to come thither , and bring it my self . First , because I am no way able to make hast enough with it . Secondly , because should I come at this time , and antedate the meeting ; There would be more Jealousie , of the Business , and more Enquiry after it , especially If I being once there , should return again before that day , as I must if this be followed , as is most fit . The Danger it seems is imminent , and laid by God knows whom ; but to be Executed by them , which are very near about your ( for the great honour which I have to be in danger with you , or for you ; I pass not , so your Sacred Person , and the State may be safe . ) Now may it please Your Majesty , this Information is either true , or there is some mistake in it : If it be true , the Persons which make the discovery will deserve thanks and reward ; if there should be any mistake in it , your Majesty can lose nothing but a little silence . The Business ( if it be ) is extream foul , the Discovery thus by God's providence offered seems fair . I do hereby humbly Beg it upon my knees of Your Majesty , that you will conceal this Business from every Creature and his name that sends this to me . And I sent his Letters to me to Your Majesty , that You may see his sence both of the business and of the Secresy . And such Instructions as You think fit to give him , I beseech you let them be in your own hand for his Warrant without imparting them to any . And if Your Majesty leave it to his discrection to sollow it therein in the best way he can , that in your own hand will be instruction and warrant enough for him ; and if You please to return it herewith presently to me , I will send an Express away with it presently . In the mean time I have by this Express return'd him this Answer , that I think he shall do well to hold on the Treaty with these Men , with all Care and Secresy , and drive on to the discovery so soon as the Business is ripe for it , that he may assure himself and them , they shall not want reward , if they do the Service ; That for my part he shall bee sure of secresy , and that I am most confident Your Majesty will not impart it to any . That he have a special Eye to the 8 and 9 Proposition . SIR , for God's sake and your own safety , secresy in this Business , and I beseech you send me back this Letter , and all that comes with it speedily and secretly , and trust not your own Pockets with them . I shall not eat nor sleep in quiet , till I receive them , and so soon as I have them again and Your Majesty's Warrant to proceed , no diligence shall be wanting in me to help on the discovery . This is the greatest Business that ever was put to me , and if I have herein propos'd or don any thing amiss , I most humbly crave your Majesty's pardon , and I am willing to hope I have not he●●in err'd in judgment , and infidelity I never will. These Letters came to me September 10 at night , and I sent these away according to the date hereof , being extreamly weary'd with writting this Letter , copying out these other which come with this , and dispaching my Letters back to him that sent these , all in my own hand ; once again Secresy for God's sake , and your own : To his most blessed protection , I commend your Majesty and all your Affairs , and I am . Your Majesty's most humble and faithful Servant , William Cant. 
A49713	----	Officium quotidianum: or, A manual of private devotions By the most reverend father in God Dr. William Laud late Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 1663 Approx. 105 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 82 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49713 Wing L593 ESTC R222019 99833258 99833258 37733 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49713) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 37733) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2172:14) Officium quotidianum: or, A manual of private devotions By the most reverend father in God Dr. William Laud late Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury. Laud, William, 1573-1645. The second edition [8], 143, [11] p., [1] leaf of plates : port. printed for Robert Crofts at the Crown in Chancery-lane, London : 1663. Title page on A2. Frontispiece portrait of Laud. With an index. Copy imperfect; tightly bound with loss of text. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Devotional exercises -- Early works to 1800. Christian life -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The most Reverend Father Father i● God Dr. William Laud lat● Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , and Metropolitan of a●● England . Officium Quotidianum : OR A MANUAL OF PRIVATE DEVOTIONS . BY The Most Reverend Father in God Dr. William Laud late Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . B●s . rom . 1. 594. The Second Edition . LONDON , Printed for Robert Crofts at the Crown in Chancery lane . 1663. Et Conversus vivificasti Me , Psal. 71. 20. O come hither , and hearken all ye that fear God , and I will tell you what he hath done for my soul , Psal. 66. 14. Pater noster , LAEsus est , sed tamen Pater qui es in coelis ; Eminenter , noninclusivè Sanctificetur In Me , per Me , super Me Nomen tuum : Patris in Nobis , ut simus filii Patris nostri Adveniat regnum tuum Ut destruatur Regnum Peccati , per quod regnant Mors & Diabolus . Fiat voluntas tua , sicut , &c. In me qui sum terra , sicut in Sanctis Angelis . Panem Et super Coelestem & Corporeum . nostrum Proprium , licitè acquisitum quotidianum , &c. Pro quotidiana necessitate Et remitte nobis Debita , sicut , &c. Talenta dimitte nobis , minuta remittentibus , Et ne nos inducas in tentationem . Nec facias intrare ductos , promosque Sed Libera Nos Ab Authorà Malo Extra Nos Diabolo & Mundo : Intra à Malo. Nos Nobis ipsis . a Malo Culpa per gratiam ; & poenae per misericordiam . Quia tuum est Omniper Pacem . Regnum , Absolutum in Se. Potentia , Independens ab aliis . Gloria , Circumfulgens Omnia & in Omnibus Tuum , Amen . Et à Te , & per Te , & ad Te , in Gloria & Salute servorum tuorum . Amen . Oratio Dominica . OUr Father which art in Heaven , 1 Hallowed by thy Name ; 2 Thy Kingdom come . 3 Thy Will be done in Earth , as it is in Heaven . 4 Give us this day our daily Bread : 5 And forgive us our Trespasses , as we forgive them that trespasse against us . 6. And lead us not into Temptation : 7 But deliver us from Evil. For thine is the Kingdome , the Power , and the Glory , for ever , Amen . Symbolum Apostolicum divisum in Articulos . 1. I Believe in God , the Father Almighty , maker of Heaven and Earth . 2. And in Jesus Christ , his only Son our Lord. 3. Who was conceived by the Holy Ghost , born of the Virgin Mary . 4. He suffered under Pontius Pilate , was crucified , dead and buried . 5. He descended into Hell , the third day he rose again from the Dead . 6. He ascended into Heaven , and sitteth on the right hand of God the Father . 7. From thence he shall come to judge the Quick and the Dead . 8. I Believe in the Holy Ghost . 9. The Holy Catholike Church ; The Communion of Saints . 10. The forgiveness of sins . 11. The Resurrection of the Body . 12. And the life Everlasting , Amen . OFFICIUM QUOTIDIANUM In Nomine Patris , & F. & Sp. Sti. Amen . O Lord I am risen up and fallen prostrate before thee ; prevent mee , I beseech thee , in all my doings with thy most gracious favour , and further me with thy continual help , that in all my works begun , continued and ended in thee , I may glorifie thy holy Name , and finally by thy mercy obtain everlasting life : Through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Almighty God and most merciful father , Al-merciful , Mercy it self ; I have erred willingly , and strayed willingly , nay even from thy wayes , more like an untamed heifer , then a lost and wandring sheep . I have followed too much , even altogether , the absurd devices , and brutish desires of my own heart . I have offended against , nay been offended at thy holy , most holy lawes . I have left undone , not done at all , those things which I ought to have done . And I have done , done nothing else but those things which I ought not to have done . And there is no health , no hope of health , in me . But thou O Lord , have mercy upon me , miserable , most miserable sinner ; the greatest sinner , and most unthankful for so great grace . Spare me , and them all , O God , which confesse their faults : Restore me and them all , O God , that be penitent , that desire to be penitent , that wish they were , would be glad if they were so , that fear they are not enough , and are sorry they are no more ; for this is according to thy promises , most gracious , most sweet promises declared unto Mankinde in Christ Jesus our Lord. Grant therefore , O most mercifull Father , for his sake , who is our Redeemer , Advocate , Authour , and Finnisher of our faith , our Propitiation , Righteousness and Justification , that I and all penitents may hereafter live a godly , righteous , and sober life , to the glory of thy holy Name , and the salvation of our own souls , Amen . O Eternal God , and most merciful Father , pardon I beseech thee , all the sins , Omissions and Commissions , thoughts , words , and deeds , by which I have provoked thee to anger , from the time of my birth unto this present moment , that no one , nor all of my sins together , may ever be able to cry oftner , or louder in thy ears for vengeance , then the cry of my prayers may ascend up unto thee for mercy and forgiveness , and obtain that they sue for ; particularly , I humble beseech thee , forgive unto me my great and clamorous sins , such as are , &c. O Lord , against heaven and against thee have I sined , and committed foul transgressions , in thy sight , but I beseech thee , wipe them all out of the book of remembrances , which thou hast written ; through Jesus Christ our Lord and only Saviour , Amen . Give unto me , O Lord I humbly beseech thee , a wise , a sober , a patient , an understanding , a devout , a religious , a courageous heart : Chast and temperate reynes and thoughts . A soul full of devotion to do thee service , strength against all temptations , especially the temptations of &c. Through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O Lord I give the humble and hearty thanks ; increase my thankfulnesse I beseech thee , for all benefits and blessings , both Spiritual , and temporal , which in the riches of thy great mercy thou hast liberally poured down upon me , but especially Spiritual . Lord let me not live , but to praise and magnifie thy glorious Name . Particularly , I give thee most unfeigned thanks for my preservation from the time of my birth unto this present moment ; for , &c. for bringing me safe to the beginning of this day , in which and all the dayes of my life , I beseech thee , preserve me from sin and from danger , in soul and in body , that all my thoughts , words , and works , may tend to the glory , and honour of thy Name , the good of the Church , and the discharge of my duty , the salvation of my soul , in the day of my appearance , and account , to be made before thee ; through Jesus Christ our Saviour and redeemer Amen . O Eternal God , and merciful Father , I humbly beseech thee , blesse thy whole Catholike Church ; wheresoever spread upon the face of the whole earth ; good Lord purge it from all Atheism , Heresie , Schism , and superstition , factious maintenance of groundlesse Opinions , that one Faith , one Lord , one Baptism , may in all places be professed , as thy Church is , and can be but one . And grant , good Lord , that I may be , and continue , a faithful , living , and a working member , under Christ the head , in the Church the body , all the dayes of my life , and through the hour of my death , through the merits , and by the Grace of thy Son , Jesus Christ our Lord and only Saviour , Amen . O Most Mercifull God , bless this particular Church in which I live , make it , and all the members of it , sound in faith and holy life , that they may serve thee , and thou blesse them , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Lord , blesse our most Gracious Soveraign ; treasure up in him all thy hidden blessings ; make him , and keep him , a devout servant to thee , a constant Pastour of thy Church and Truth , that he may live long , and be ful of honourable successe all his dayes , in his person , in his actions , in his Queen , in his children , in his servants , in his people ; and Crowned with glory after life : under him blesse the whole State , Ecclesiastical and Civil , that righteousnesse and peace may kisse each other , and we serve and honour thee for ever , Amen . Good Lord bless all the places to which thou hast made me have any nearer reference , the place where I was borne , &c. Every Soul contained in any of these : All my friends , kindred , acquaintance : Any unto whom thou hast made me any wayes beholding : especially my nearer and bosome friends , all those , &c. Lord I beseech thee , forgive me , and them , all our sins ; and continue us thy servants , both in life and death , Amen . Gracious Father , bless my servants , and make them thine ; give them grace to serve thee first , then me , with faithfulness , soberness and dilgence Make me ever willing , and in some measure able , to repaire unto them , the time , and the strength which they , either have , or shall spend , to do me service , even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . O Lord , blesse all the afflicted members of the Body of thy Son , wheresoever , howsoever afflicted ; send them constant patience , and speedy deliverance , as seems best to thee , and is best for them , according to their several wants and necessities whatsoever ; particularly , &c. And do unto them , according to all those mercies , which I would or should desire thou shouldest shew unto my own soul ; if at any time , thou shalt be pleased to make mine estate , as theirs is at this present . And O Lord be merciful , Amen . Blessed Father , blesse all sorts of men in their particulars ; mine enemies wish I forgiveness of sins . Turn their heart , that they may no longer hate thy servant ; and if they will not be turned , deliver me not over , I beseech thee , into their power . And , next after the salvation of my soul , I humbly beg it ; deliver me not into the hands of men , to the shame and scorne of the world , Amen . O Domine Jesu , da quod Jubes , & Jube quod vis ; facias animam meam paratam in adventum tuum , & veni quando vis . Des mihi , ad minimum , sufficientem , si placet pacatissimam patientiam ; & veni quo modo vis , O tu qui salus es omnium sperantium in te . Et in super interpone , obsecro O Domine Jesu , Mortem , Crucem , Passionem , Meritum & Sanguinem tuum inter Judicium tuum & animam meam , Nunc & semper , & pracipuè in hora Mortis meae : Quae Mors , obnixé precor , nunquam sit subitanea , nunquam adveniat & inveniat me imparatum : Nunquam it a adveniendo saeviat , quin ut retineam Fidem , spem & Charitatem Memoriam & intellectum sanum , usque ad Extremum halitum . Et esto mihi in Deum Protectorem . Des Peccatis meis Misericordiam & veniam , Ecclesiae Pacem & Concordiam ; Mihi Peccatorum primo , Gratiam in hâc vita , & Gloriam in futura . Ita , Ita venias Domine Jesu , & miserere Mei , Amen . Lord here I am , do with me as it seemeth best in thy own eyes ; only give me , I humbly beseech thee , a penitent and a patient spirit , to expect thee , Amen . Lord , make my service acceptable to thee while I live , and my soul ready for thee when I dye , Amen . Our Father which art in heaven , &c. I. O Lord by thy mercy I am risen out of my grave where I might have slept in death , but that thou preserved'st me . Make it I beseech thee , a resurrection to grace in this life , and to glory in the life to come ; through Jesus Christ , who merited both for us , Amen . This day by the resurrection of thy Son our blessed Saviour , was made holy to us . Give me that grace , that I may keep it holy unto thee , through Jesus Christ , Amen . O send out thy light and thy truth , that they may lead me , and bring me to thy holy hill , and to thy dwelling , that I may go unto the Altar of thee , O my God , even the God of my Joy and Gladnesse , and give thanks unto thee , Amen . Psal. 43. 3 , 4. Almighty and everlasting God , who governs all things both in heaven and earth ; mercifully hear my prayers for my self , and all thy people ; and grant us thy peace , even all the dayes of our life , even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Almighty God , I humbly beseech thee , give me grace to cast away the works of darkness , and to put on the Armour of light , now in the time of this mortal life , in which thy Son Jesus Christ came to visite us , in great humility ; that in the last day , when he shall come again in his glorious Majesty , to judge both the quick and the dead ; I with all thy faithful servants may rise up to the life Immortal , through him who liveth and raigneth with thee and the Holy Ghost , now and for ever , Amen . Blessed God , which hast caused all holy Scripture to be written for our learning ; grant unto me and all Christians , that we may in such wise read , hear , mark , learn , and inwardly digest them , that by patience and comfort thereof , we may embrace , and ever hold fast the blessed hope of everlasting life , which thou hast given us in our Saviour Jesus Christ , Amen . Lord , I humbly besech thee , raise up thy power and come amongst us , and with great might succour us ; that whereas by our sins we are sore let and hindered , thy bountiful grace and mercy , through the satisfaction of thy Son , our Lord , may speedily deliver us ; to whom with thee and the Holy Ghost , be all honour and glory , world without end , Amen . Lord , let thy Angels tarry round about me , and deliver me , that I may taste and see how gracious thou , my God , art ; and how blessed the man is that trusteth in thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Psal 34. I will wait for thy loving kindnesse , O God , in the midst of thy Temple ; and there will I praise thee , Amen , Psal. 48. 9. Lord , let me behold thee in thy Sanctuary , and there see thy power and glory , for thy loving kindnesse is better than life , therefore my lips shall praise thee . Thus will I magnifie thee all my life , and lift up my hands in thy Name : Oh! satisfie me with the riches of thy mercy , which is in Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Psal. 63. 2. O how amiable are thy dwellings , O Lord of Hosts ! my soul hath a desire and a longing to enter into the Courts of thee , O Lord : My heart and my flesh rejoyce in thee , O merciful GOD , Amen . Psalm 84. 1. Lord , I humbly beseech thee to hear , and accept my prayers for my self , and for the people that call upon thee ; and grant that we may perfectly know all things we ought to do , and also , have grace and power , faithfully to fulfil the same , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Almighty and everlasting God , mercifully look upon all my infirmities ; and in all dangers and adversities , stretch out thy right hand to help and defend me , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . God , thou which knowest us to be set in the midst of so many and great dangers , that for mans frailty we cannot alwaies stand upright ; grant I most humbly beseech thee , to me , the health both of body and soul , that all those things which I suffer for sin , I may , by thy help , well passe and overcome , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O Lord , the Sun is at the height for this day ; lift up the light of thy countenance upon me , and I shall be whole . Make all darknesse , and spiritual shadows short upon me , and shorter in me , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Who can tell how ofthe offendeth ? O cleanse thou me from my secret sins ; Keep me , also , O Lord , from presumptuous sins , lest they get the Dominion over me : and keep me innocent from the great offence , I humbly beseech thee , Amen . Psal. 19. 12 , 13. Blessed are they that dwell in thy house , they will be alwayes praising thee ; blessed is the man , whose strength is in thee , in whose heart are thy wayes . Lord , thus blesse the heart of thy servant , for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 84. 4. O Sancta Adoranda & Longanimis Trinitas ! Longanimis n. es , quae eos à quibus scinderis , tam diu toleras . O Trinitas , Cujus Ego , ut Cultor & minimè fictus Praeco essem , jampridem dignus habitus sum . O Trinitas , omnibus aliquando vel per Illuminationem vel per poenam agnoscenda ! Oro te , ut hos , qui nunc Contumeliis te afficiunt , adoratores accipias , ne quisquam vel ex Minimis pereat : Et hoc , etiamsi mihi proptereà aliqua Gratiae Jactura facienda Sit. Neque n. tantum dicere audio , Quantum Apostolus . Concede autem hoc , per & propter Merita Jesu Christi , Redemptoris Nostri , Amen . Almighty God , who through thy onely begotten Son Jesus Christ , hast overcome death , and opened unto us the gate of everlasting life ; I humbly beseech thee , that as by thy special Grace preventing me , thou dost put into my mind good desires ; so by thy continual help , I may bring the same to good effect , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Almighty God , who hast given thine Only Son to die for our sins , and to rise again for our Justification , give me grace so to put away the Leaven of Malice , and all wickednesse , that I may alwayes serve thee in purenesse of living , and in truth , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Almighty God , who hast given thine onely Son , to be unto us both a sacrifice for sin , and an example of good life ; give me grace , that I may alwayes most thankfully receive that inestimable benefit , and also daily endeavour to sollow the blessed steps of his most holy life : Even for the same thy Son Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Lord , give me that grace , that I may hold me still by thee , and abide patiently upon thee ; that I may not grieve my self at the man whose way doth prosper , nor against him that doeth after evil counsels : that I may leave off from wrath , and let go displeasure , lest I fret my self , and be moved to do evil , Amen . Tribuat hîc Mihi Dominus , ut in Me , pro me fiat Ignis Consumens : Et ardeat hoc Igne Cor Meum in Lumen AEternum Mihi : Ne codem ardeat Anima Mea in Poenam perennem ; Per Jesum Christum Dominum Nostrum , Amen . O Lord , make me like a green Olive Tree in thy house , for I trust in thy tender mercy for ever ; and I will alwayes praise thee for that thou hast done , and hope in thy name for ever , Amen . Psal. 52. 8. O Lord , I besech thee , make me remember how much more then other men , I have need to call upon thee . My Charge is great , and my strength is little ; O give me grace to come alwayes before thee , and to ask that help which thou art readier to give , then I to ask , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Have mercy upon me , O Lord , consider the troubles which I suffer of them that hate me , O thou which didst lift me up from the gates of death , Amen . Psal. 9. 8. O Lord , increase in me Faith and Devotion ; replenish my heart with all Goodnesse , and by thy great mercy keep me in the same . Give me Godly zeal in Prayer , True Humility in Prosperity , Perfect Patience in adversity , and continual Joy in the Holy Ghost : Even for Jesus Christ his sake , my onely Lord and Saviour , Amen . O God , who hast taught the hearts of thy faithful people , by sending to them the light of thy holy Spirit , Grant me by the same Spirit , to have a right Judgement in all things , and evermore to rejoyce in his holy Comfort , through the merits of Jesus Christ our Saviour , who liveth and reigneth with thee in the unity of the same Spirit , One God world without end , Amen . Almighty and everlasting God , which hast given unto thy servants grace , by the confession of the true Faith , to acknowledge the Glory of the AEternal Trinity , and in the power of the Divine Majesty , to worship the Unity : I humbly beseech thee , blesse me also , that I may live in the stedfastnesse of this Faith , and through it , be evermore defended from all Ghostly and Bodily dangers , for thy mercy sake , who livest and raignest one God , world without end , Amen . O my God , incline thine Ear and hear ; open thine Eyes and see . Lord forgive ; O Lord , consider and do it ; for thine own sake , O God , and for my Saviour Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Dan. 9. 19. Lord , let me not be afraid , though one be made rich , or though the glory of his house be increased ; for he shall carry nothing away with him when he dyeth , neither shall his Pomp follow him . But ever make me afraid to offend thee , Amen . Psal. 49. 16 , 17. Mine eyes long sore for thy Word , saying , when wilt thou comfort me ? Lord comfort me , for I am become like a Bottle in the smoak ; yet let me not , I beseech thee , forget thy Law , even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 119. 82. O Lord God , which seest that I put not my trust in any thing that I do , mercifully grant that I may be desended against all adversities , through Jesus Christ my Lord and onely Saviour , Amen . O Lord , which hast taught us , that all our doings without charity , are nothing worth , send thy holy Ghost , and pour into my heart that excellent gift of charity , the very bond of peace , and all vertues ; without the which , whosoever liveth is counted dead before thee ; grant this for thy onely Son Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . O Lord , fill me with grace , that I may fulfill all the service I owe thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O Lord God , spare I beseech thee ; who shall raise up Jacob , for he is small ? Spare him therefore , O Lord ; spare thy people : spare me . Say unto my soul , Thou hast repented of the evil intended , and it shall not be , Amen . Amos 7. 2 , 5. Lord , when I am asleep , let me not be made afraid , but let my sleep be sweet , that I may be enabled to serve thee , Amen . Prov. 3. 24. Grant I beseech thee , most mercifull Father , that I , which for my evil deeds am worthyly punished , may , by the comfort of thy grace , be mercifully relieved , through Jesus Christ our only Lord and Saviour , Amen . Consider and Hear me , O Lord , my God ; Lighten my eyes , that I sleep not in Death , Amen . Psal. 13. 3. O Lord , thou hast proved and visited my heart in the night season ; Thou hast tryed me , O blessed Father ; purge me , that thou mayest find no wickednesse in me , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Psal. 17. 3. O Lord , hear me , that seven times a day I may praise thee ; and be acquainted with that great peace which they have , which love thy law , Amen . Psal. 119. 164. O Lord , from whom all good things do come ; grant unto me thy humble servant , that by thy holy Inspiration , I may think those things that are good ; and by thy mercifull guiding , may also perform the same , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . II. POnder my words , O Lord ; Consider my Meditations : O hearken unto the voyce of my calling , My King and My God ; for unto thee will I make my prayer : My voyce shalt thou hear betimes , O Lord ; early in the morning will I direct my prayer unto thee , and will look up . But make me to remember , that thou ar● God , and hast no pleasure in wickednesse , neither shal● any evil dwell with thee , Amen . O Lord bless me , and I will sing unto thee , and praise thy Name ; and be telling of thy salvation from day to day , Amen , Psal. 96.2 . O Lord , let Counsell preserve me , and understanding keep me ; deliver me from the evil way , and from the man that speaketh forward things : and from all such as leave the wayes of righteousnesse , to walk in the wayes of darknesse , even fot Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Prov. 2. 11. O Lord , I know the way of Man is not in Himself ; It is not in man that walketh , to direct his owne steps ; Therefore , O Lord , I beseech thee , make me know my way ; and direct my steps to thy honour , and my owne salvation , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Jerem. 10. 23. Be not wrath with me , O Lord , but spare me , and have mercy upon me ; for thou wilt be merciful unto thy Creature . O Lord , I and my fathers , have all had the same sickness ; but because of us that are siners , thou shalt be called Merciful , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . 2 Esdras 8. O Lord , Guide me here with thy Counsel , and after that , receive me into Glory . For , whom have I in Heaven but thee ; and there is none upon earth that I desire , in comparison of thee . O Lord , preserve me in those longings towards thee , Amen . Psal. 74. 24. O Lord , take from me the way of lying , and cause me to make much of thy Law ; that I may chuse the way of truth , and lay thy judgements before me ; that I may stick unto thy Testimonies , and run the way of thy Commandements , when thou hast set my heart at liberty , Amen . Psal. 119. 26. O God , the strength of all them that trust in thee , mercifully accept my prayers ; and because the weaknesse of mans nature can doe no good thing without thee ; Grant me the help of thy Grace , that in keeping of thy Commandements , I may please thee both in will and in deed , through Iesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O Lord , thou art just , and all thy wayes are mercy and truth ; thou judgest truly for ever : remember me , and look upon me ; punish me not according to my sinnes , or my Ignorances , or my Fathers that have sinned before thee . Deal not with me according to my sins , but as seemeth best unto thee , O Lord , my strength and salvation , Amen . Job 3. 2 , 3 , 6. Lord , I acknowledge my wickedness , and the iniquity of my Fathers ; we have sinned against thee , O Lord be merciful , Amen . Jer. 14. 20. Lord , I beseech thee , mercifully to hear me ; and as thou hast given me an hearty desire to pray , so grant that by thy mighty aid I may be defended both in soul and body , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O Lord , be gracious unto me , and give me an heart to worship thee , and to do thy Will : and open my heart in thy Law ; and send me peace : Hear my prayer , and be reconciled to me , and never forsake me in the time of trouble , for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . 2 Mach. 1. 3 , 4 , 5. Remember me , O Lord , according to the favour that thou bearest to thy people ; O visit me with thy salvation ; that I may see the Felicity of thy Chosen ; and rejoyce in the gladness of thy people , and give thanks with thine inheritance , Amen . Psalm 106.4 . O God , the Protector of all that trust in thee , without whom nothing is strong , nothing is holy ; encrease and multiply upon me thy mercy : that thou being my Ruler and Guide , I may so passe through things Temporal , that I lose not the things AEternal . Grant this , O heavenly Father , for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Grant , O Lord , that I may live in thy fear , and die in thy favour ; rest in thy peace , rise in thy power , raign in thy Glory ; for thy beloved Son's sake , Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Hear , O Lord , Consider my complaint , hearken unto my prayer , that goeth not out of feigned lips ; and prevent me in Mercy , before the Evening of my days close upon me ; Even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 17. 1. O Domine Oro Te , Ultra se Infirmitas mea non tendat , sed loquatur hoc solum in quo Animae Salus est . Neque in id stultitiae simul & Impietatis unquam erumpam , ut Omni potentiae tuae & Sacra mentorum Arbiter esse velim . Neque permittas me erigere Infirmitat is Meae sensum , ultra aut Infinitat is Tuae religiosam Opinionem , aut significatam Mihi AEternitat is tuae fidem . Amen . Illumina Quaeso Domine , tenebras nostras , & totius hujus Noctis insidias à Me & Omnibus fidelibus tuis , ab animabus precipuè , sed & à Corporibus nostris repelle Propitius , Per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O God , which hast prepared for them that love thee , such good things , as pass mans Vnderstanding , pour into mine heart such love towards thee , that I obeying thee in all things , may obtain thy promises , which exceed all that I can desire , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Incline thine ear unto me , O Lord , and hearken unto my words ; shew thy marvellous loving kindeness , thou that art the Saviour of them that put their trust in thee . Keep me as the Apple of thy Eye , and hide me under the shadow of thy wings ; Even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psalm 17. 6 , 7 , 8. O Lord , I cry unto thee : let my Prayer be set forth in thy sight as Incense ; and the lifting up of my hands be an Evening sacrifice , even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psalm 141. 2. The Lord is my shield and my strength , my heart hath trusted in him , and I am helped : Therefore my heart danceth for joy , and in my song will I praise thy Name , Psal. 28. 8. O Lord of all Power and Might , who art the Author and Giver of all good things , graff in my heart the love of thy Name ; increase in mee true Religion ; nourish me with all goodness , and of thy great Mercy keep me in the same , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Lord let me know my End , and the number of my dayes , that I may be certified how long I have to live . Behold , thou hast made my dayes as it were a span long , and my Age is even as nothing in respect of thee ; and verily every man living is altogether vanity : For he heapeth up riches , and cannot tell who shall gather them . And now , Lord , What is my hope ? Truly , my hope is even in thee . Deliver me from all mine offences , and make me not a rebuke unto the foolish , Even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psa. 39. 5. O Domine , mea , omnia & Meipsum Tibi dono offero ; Actionem & Sermonem , Quietem & silentium : Tantum Me habeas , & ducas ; & Manum , & Mentem & Linguam ad ea quae honesta sunt & tibi grata moveas : Et ab omnibus à quibus abstinere praestat abducas ; Per & propter Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . III. LOrd preserve me , that neither this day , nor any day of my life , I may walk in the Counsel of the ungodly , stand in the way of sinners , or sit down in the seat of the scornfull ; but that my delight may be in thy law , O Lord ; and my Exercise in it day and night , Amen . O Sol Justitiae , Pater & Origo Omnium ; Tuo sydere afflari reviviscere est : Tuo foveri Lumine proficere est : Tuis accendi flammis perficere est : Abs te deseri perire est . O ter foelices , quibus Mitis & Rosidus exoreris . Bees me , O Domine Jesu , Lumine Tuo : Et discute Nebulas Ignorantiae meae , & Caliginem Peccatorum meorum : ut non aberrans à via mandatorum tuorum , te sequar in Lumen aeternum , Per te ipsum unicum Salvatorem & Redemptorem meum . Amen . O Lord , thou art my Assurance ; preserve my foot from taking , I humbly beseech thee , Even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Prov. 3. 26. O Lord , give me , I beseech thee , thy Spirit , to think and do alwayes such things as be rightful ; that I who cannot be without thee , may by thee be able to live according to thy will , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O Lord , I lift up my soul to thee , My God , I have put my trust in thee , O let me not be confounded , neither let my enemies triumph over mee . Shew me thy wayes , O God ; and teach me thy pathes : Lead me forth in thy truth , and learn me thy statutes ; for thou art the God of my salvation ; in thee is my hope all the day long . Call to remembrance , O Lord , thy tender Mercies ; and thy Loving kindnesse which hath been ever of old : O remember not the sins and offences of my youth , or of my riper Age ; but according to thy mercy , think thou upon me , O Lord , for thy goodnesse , and the merits of Jesus Christ my Saviour , Amen . Almighty God , who seest that wee have no power of our selves , to help our selves ; keep me , I beseech thee , both outwardly in my body , and inwardly in my soul , that so I may be defended from all adversity which may happen to my body , and from all evill thoughts which may assault and hurt my soul , through Jesus Christ my Lord and only Saviour , Amen . Hearken unto my voyce , O Lord , now I cry unto thee ; have mercy upon me and hear me . My heart hath talked of thee , seek ye my face ; Thy face , Lord , will I seek . O hide not thy face from me , nor cast thy servant away in Displeasure . Thou hast been my succour , leave me not , neither forsake me , O God of my salvation , Amen . Psalm 27. 8 , 9 , 10. 11. At Evening , Morning , and at Noon day will I pray , and that instantly ; hear my voyce . O deliver my soul in peace from the practices that are against mee , Amen . Psalm 55. 18. Let thy merciful Ears , O Lord , be open to the prayers of me , thy humble servant ; and that I may obtain my petitions , make mee to aske such things as shall please thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Lord , let me not be confounded , for I have called upon thee . O how plentiful is thy goodness which thou hast laid up for them that fear thee ; and that thou hast prepared for them that put their trust in thee , even before the sons of men ! Lord , I trust in thee , Have mercy upon me , Amen . My tears have been my meat , day and night , while they daily say unto me , Where is now thy God ? but let them have no cause to say it any more , Even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 42. 3. Almighty God , which shewest to all men that are in Errour , the light of thy truth ; to the intent , that they may return into the way of Righteousnesse : Grant , I beseech thee , unto me , and all them that are admitted into the fellowship of Christs Religion , that we may eschew those things which are contrary to our profession , and follow all such things as are agreeable to the same , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O Domine Salvator . Qui habes in potestate Peccatum solvere , Dicas mihi , Oro , Exi de vinculis tuis , Exi de nexibus peccatorum tuorum ; & dicendo solve funes Er. rorum meorum quibus Circumdatus & ligatus sum . Etsi enim nequissimus sim. omnium & detestabilis usu Peccatorum ; Te tamen jubente , liber co . Amen . Lord give me grace , that I may dwell under the defence of the most highest , and that I may abide under thy shadow , O thou Almighty ; for thou art my hope , and my strong hold , in thee will I trust , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Psal. 91. 1. O God , thou which declarest thy Almighty power , most chiefly , by shewing mercy and pity , Give unto me abundantly thy grace , that I running to thy promises , may be made partaker of thy heavenly treasure , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O God , thou art my hope and my strength , a present help in trouble . Confirm me , that I may not fear , though the earth be moved , and the hills carried into the midst of the Sea ; Though the waters thereof rage and swell , and the mountains shake at the tempest of the same . O be in the midst of my soul , and I shall never be removed , Amen . Psalm 46. 1. O Lord , look upon me , and be merciful unto me , as thou usest to do to those that fear thy name . Order my steps in thy Word , and so shall no wickedness have dominion over me , Amen . Psal. 119. 132. Almighty God , give unto me , I beseech thee , a full encrease of Faith , Hope , and Charity . And that I may obtain that which thou dost promise , make me love that which thou doest Command , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Lord , I call upon thee in the day of my trouble , in the night of my heaviness : O deliver me , and I will glorifie thee , Amen . Psal. 50. 15. O Lord correct me , but with Judgement ; not in thy anger , lest thou bring me to nothing . And grant that thy Correction may amend me , and make me thine , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Jer. 10. 24. Respice Me quoque , O Domine Jesu , ut propria possim recognoscere Peccata , & fletibus piis culpas solvere . Da , quaeso , lachrymas Petri ; Nolo Laetitiam Peccatoris . Utque hic fiat , Respice tu , & des , ut mihi etiam miserrimo Peccatorum Coeli quoquè gallus cantet ; ut liberatus tibi Cantem in sacula saeculorum . Amen . O Eternal God , and Merciful Father , Grant , I humbly beseech thee , that I may love all those things that thou commandest , and desire that which thou dost promise ; that among the sundry and manifold changes of the World , my Heart may surely there be fixed , where true Joys are to be found , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . IV. O Lord , I have sinned , and dealt wickedly ; nay , offended in all thy Ordinances . Let thy wrath turn from me , for I am weak : And hear my prayers and deliver me , for thy own self , and the merits of my Saviour Jesus Christ , Amen . Gracious Father , without thee I can do nothing but sin ; nor can I confesse it , to have pardon , but by thee . I was conceived and born in sin ; and though thou didst wash me from that in the Laver of Baptisme , yet I have since defiled my self again ; and by many grievous Actual sins , have made my self a sinner above all other men , considering the great measure of grace which thou hast given me . Lord , encrease thy grace , and by it , weaken first , and then cut off my Resistance ; that I may see , and confess , and hate , and for sake all my sins , and find mercy and salvation in the merits of my Blessed Saviour Jesus Christ , Amen . O Lord , early this morning did I cry unto thee , for in thy Word is my trust : Hear me , O Lord , for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 119. 147. O Lord , let me hear thy loving kindnesse betimes in the morning , for in thee is my trust . O shew me the way that I should walk in this day , and all the days of my life ; for I lift up my soul unto thee , in the mercies of Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Psal. 143. 8. Deliver me , O Lord , from all my offences , and make me not a rebuke to the foolish ; for man walketh in a vain shadow , and disquieteth himself in vain : But Lord , what is my hope ? Truely , my hope is even in thee ; and there let it still continue , acceptable in Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Psal. 39. 6 , 7 , 8. O Lord , look upon me in mercy , in the greater mercy , because the Calling and place I am in , must give a stricter Account to thee , Look therefore upon me , O Lord , but not till thou hast nailed my sins to the Cross of Christ. Not till I have hid my self in the wounds of Christ : That so the punishment which would otherwise overtake me , may passe over Me. Then look , and say unto my soul , I have forgiven thee ; and by the work of thy mercy in my soul , make me feel it , through Jesus Christ my Lord and only Saviour , Amen . O Domine , Qui Magnos Greges Perficis , & Parvos per Gratiam auges , Per amplissimam Benignitatem tuam copiosè me Consolare , & Gregem mcum , mecum & Pasce , & Conserva : Per Jesum Christum summum Pastorem , & salvatorem nostrum , Amen . O Lord , plead thou my Cause with them that strive with me ; and fight against them that fight against me . Bring forth the spear , and stop the way against them that persecute me . Say unto my soul , I am thy Salvation , Amen . Psal. 35. 1 , 3. Give ear , O Lord , unto my prayer , and ponder the voyce of my humble desires . In the time of my trouble will I call upon thee ; for thou hearest me , Amen . Psal. 86. 6. Deliver my soul , O God from lying lips , and from a deceitfull tongue , Amen . Psal. 120. 2. Keep me , O Lord , thy poor humble servant , with thy perpetual mercy ; and because the frailty of man , without thee , cannot but fall , preserve me ever by thy help , and lead me to all things profitable to my salvation , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O Lord , give me such grace , that I may seek thee while thou mayest be found ; and call upon thee while thou art neer : that I may detest and forsake the wickedness of my waies and the unrighteousnesse of my own imaginations , that I may return unto thee , and thou have mercy upon me , in Jesus Christ my Lord and onely Saviour , Amen . Teach me thy wayes , O Lord , and I will walk in thy truth . O knit my heart unto thee , that I may fear thy name , Amen . Psal. 86. 11. Lord , I beseech thee , grant that thy grace may alwayes prevent and follow me ; and make me continually to be given to all good works , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Have mercy upon me , O God , after thy great goodnesse , and according to the multitude of thy mercies , do away my offences ; wash me throughly from my wickednesse , and cleanse me from my sins : For I acknowledge my faults , and my sin is ever before me : But let not this Evening take from me the light of the Sun of Righteousnesse , Jesus Christ my Saviour , Amen . O Domine , Exaudire dignare Preces meas in Beneplacito tuo . Inimicum ab Actibus meis & Cogitationibus virtute tuâ expelle . Multiplica mihi fidem : Guberna Mentem : Spirituales Cogitationes concede super stratum vigilanti : et ad Beatitudinem tuam producito ; Per Jesum Christum filium tuum , & salvatorem nostrum . Amen . Lord , I beseech thee , give me grace to avoid the Infections of the Devill ; and with a pure heart and mind , to follow thee the onely true GOD , Amen . Lord , I offer up unto thee my Evening sacrifice , thy Sacrifice , even a troubled spirit , a broken , and a contrite heart , which thou wilt not despise , in Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O Domine , Supplex te Oro , Respice Me , & purga mentem meam & Cogitationes meas ab impuris Concupiscentiis & ab omni Inquinamento Carnis & spiritus , & ab omni Diabolica Operatione , Per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O Domine , Inestimabilem Misericordiam tuam clementer ostende , & simul exue Me à Peccatis quae Commisi , & Eripe Me à Poenis quas merui , Per Jesum Christum Dominum Nostrum . Amen . O God , for as much as without thee , I am not able to please thee , grant , that the working of thy mercy , may in all things direct and rule my heart , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O Lord , give me that grace , that I may remember thee upon my bed ; and think upon thee when I am waking : Thou hast been my helper , therefore under the shadow of thy wings , I will hope to passe through the darknesse of this night , in the comfort of Jesus Christ my Lord and only Saviour , Amen . Psal. 63. 6. O Lord , make my eyes prevent me the night watches , that I may be occupied in thy words , Amen . Psal. 119. 148. O Lord , thou which hast made the night for man to rest in , as well as the day to labour ; Grant , O dear Father , that I may so take my bodily rest , that my soul may continually watch for my deliverance out of this mortal life : And that my sleep be not excessive , after the Insatiable desires of the flesh , but sufficient to releive and maintain Nature , to live and serve thee in all sober and godly Conversation ; through the ayd and assistance of Jesus Christ my only Lord and Saviour , Amen . V. O Hold thou up my goings in thy pathes , that my footsteps slip not , Amen . Psal. 17. 5. Subveni Domine meus Jesu , Et Accingere Gladium tuum circa Femur , Potentissime ; Omnium Potentissime egredere , Occide Me in Me , ut vivam in te , & desinant Inimici persequi me . Amen . O God , thou art my God , early will I seek thee : My soul thirsteth for thee , my flesh longeth greatly after thee in a barren and dry land , where no water is . O satisfie this thirst with the freshest waters of comfort , in Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Psal. 63. 1. O Lord , have mercy upon me ; I have waited for thee ; Be thou my arm in the morning , and my help in the time of trouble : that I may exalt thy name which dwellest on high ; that I may live in the stability of thy times , and that thy fear may be my treasure , even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Esay 33. 1 , 5 , 6. O Almighty God , and mercifull Father , grant , I beseech thee , that as I do believe thy only Son our Lord , to have ascended into the heavens , so I , and all thy faithfull servants , may in heart and mind thither ascend , and with thee continually dwell , Amen . O God , the King of Glory , who hast exalted thy only Son Jesus Christ with great triumph into thy Kingdome in heaven , I beseech thee , leave , neither thy Church , nor my poor self comfortless . But send us thy Holy Ghost to comfort us , and exalt us unto the same place , whither our Saviour Christ is gone before , who liveth and raigneth with thee , One God world without end , Amen . Hear my prayer , O God , and hide not thy self from my petition ; take heed unto me , and hear me , how I mourn in my prayer , and am vexed : Give me strength and comfort in thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Psal. 55. 1. O God , the proud are risen against me , and the Congregation of factious men have sought after my soul , and have not set thee before their eyes . But thou , Lord God , art full of compassion and mercy , long-suffering , plenteous in goodnesse and truth . O turn thee then unto me , and have mercy upon me ; shew some token upon me for good , that they which hate me may see it , and be ashamed , because thou , Lord , hast holpen me , and comforted me , in Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Psal. 86. 14. Assist me mercifully , O Lord , in these my supplications and prayers ; and dispose my way towards the attainment of everlasting salvation , that among all the changes and chances of this mortal life , I may ever be defended by thy most gracious and ready help , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O deliver me from them whose words are softer then butter , when they have war in their hearts ; and from them whose words are smoother then oyl , while they are very swords : Lord , I cast my burthen upon thee , that thou mayest sustain me , and not suffer me to fall for ever , Amen , Psal. 55. 22. Blesse me , O Lord , when thou chastenest me , and teachest me in thy laws ; that thou mayest give me patience in time of adversity , till the pit be digged up for the ungodly . O Lord , fail me not , neither forsake me ; for I am part of thy inheritance , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Psal. 94. 12. Almighty and Merciful God , of thy bountiful goodnesse , keep me from all things , that may hurt me , that I being ready both in body and soul , may with a free heart accomplish those things that thou wouldst have done ; through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O AEterne Deus ! quandiu hîc in terris sum , supplex Oro , In quantum terrena mihi serviunt , doceant me esse Dominum suum , sed à Te constitutum : In quantum molesta sunt , doceant me servire tibi Domino meo , Cui dum non obtempero , illa in vindictam justam molesta esse solent : ut sive illa mihi serviant , sive non , Ego semper serviam tibi : In & per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Hold not thy tongue , O God of my praise , for the mouth of the ungodly , yea and the mouth of the deceitfull is opened upon me : and they have spoken against me with false tongues ; they compassed me about also with words of hatred , and fought against me without a cause : But I give my self unto prayer : Lord , forgive them , and hear me , Amen . Psal. 119. 11. O God , which art the Author of Peace , and lover of Concord , in knowledge of whom standeth our AEternal life , whose service is perfect freedom : Defend me and all thy servants , in all assaults of our enemies , that we surely trusting in thy defence , may not fear the power of any adversary , through the might of Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Dic O Domine meus Jesu , doce , discam ( à te ) quod doceam ( de te ) , Amen . Deliver me , O Lord , from the man that is evill , and preserve me from the cruell man , which imagineth mischief in his heart , and stirreth up strife all the day-long . The proud have laid a snare for me , and spred their net abroad with cords , and set traps in my way . Lord keep me from treacherous hands , and preserve me , that though they purpose , yet they may not be able to overthrow my goings ; Even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 140. 2. O God , from whom all holy desires , all just Counsells , and all good works do proceed , give unto me and all thy servants , that peace which the world cannot give , that both our hearts may be set to obey thy Commandements : and also that by thee we being defended from the fear of our enemies , may passe our time in rest and quietnesse ; through the merits of Jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour , Amen . Have mercy upon me , O God , have mercy upon me , for my soul trusteth in thee and in the shadow of thy wings will I trust , till these afflictions be over-past . O send out thy mercy and truth upon me , even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 57. 1. O Domine Misericors , qui ad cor Altum non accedis , humilia Animam meam ! O Tu , qui non videris nisi à mundis cordibus veram Cordis Munditiem dato mihi . Sitio , O Domine , saltem da Guttam Coelestis Pluviae qua refrigerare possium sitim meam , quia Amore ardeo . Nec hoc peto Domine propter merita mev , Indignissimus enim sum qui gustem , sed pro Misericordia tua , & meritis salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi , Amen . Almighty God , vouchsafe , I beseech thee , to direct , sanctifie , and govern both my heart and body , in the wayes of thy lawes , and in the works of thy Commandements , that through thy mighty protection , both here and ever , I may be preserved by night and by day , in body and in soul , through our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ , Amen . O Lord , I cry unto thee , hearken unto me , O God ; thou holdest my eyes waking : I am so feeble , that I cannot speak ; and in the night season my soul refuseth comfort : yet even then give me grace especially , that I may commune with my owne heart , and search out my spirits , and compose them in thee , that I may rise to serve thee , Amen . Psal. 7. 1 , 2. Da Mihi , Domine , dormitum abeunti requiem Corporis & Animae . Custodi me a Caliginoso peccati somno ! Ab omni tenebrosa & nocturna Mollitie . Ignita maligni tela dolosè in me vibrata extinguito . Rebelliones Carnis meae reprimito : Et omnem terrenam & mundanam in Me Cogitationem sopito ; Per ipsum Christum Dominum nostrum , Amen . I humbly beseech thee , O Father , mercifully to look upon my infirmities ; and for the Glory of thy Name sake , turn from me , and the rest of thy servants , all those evils which we most justly have deserved ; and grant , that in all our troubles , we may put our whole trust and confidence in thy mercy , and evermore serve thee in holinesse and purenesse of living , to thy honour and glory , through our onely Mediatour and Advocate , Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . VI. DEus Magne , Deus Omnipotens , Deus summae Bonitatis ; quem Inviolabilem & Incorruptibilem credi & intelligi fas est : Trina unitas , quam Catholica Ecclesia colit , supplex Oro , expertus in meipso misericordiam tuam , ne homines cum quibus mihi in pueritia in omni victu suit summa Consensio , in tuo cultu à me dissentire permittas : Nec vel me , vel illos à veritate & salute quae est in Jesu Christo , Amen . O Lord , I will call upon thee , and early shall my prayer come before thee . Lord , do not abhor my soul , neither hide thy face from me , for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 88. 13. Lord , make me to have a perpetual fear and love of thy holy name ; for thou never failest to help and govern them , whom thou dost bring up in thy steadfast love . Grant this , even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Almighty and Everlasting God , which of thy tender love towards man , hast sent our Saviour Jesus Christ , to take upon him our flesh ; and to suffer death upon the Cross , that all mankind should follow the example of his great humility , mercifully grant , that I may both follow the Example of his patience , and be made partaker of his Resurrection , through the same Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Almighty God , I humbly beseech thee , graciously to behold thy family , for the which our Lord Jesus Christ was content to be betrayed , and given up into the hands of wicked men , and to suffer death upon the Crosse , who liveth and raigneth with thee and the Holy Ghost , one God , word without end , Amen . Almighty and everlasting God , by whose Spirit , the whole body of the Church is governed and sanctified , receive these my supplications and prayers , which I offer up before thee , for all Estates of men , in thy holy Church ; that every member of the same , in his vocation , may truely and devoutly serve thee , through our Lord Jesus Christ , Amen . Dieu est , O Domine , Ex quo contra haereses laboravi , & sum penè fatigatus : veni Domine meus Jesu Praeliator fortissime , Princeps Exercitus Domini qui Diabolum vicisti & saeculum ; Apprehende arma & scutum , & exurge in adjutorium Mihi . Amen . Deal with me , O God , according to thy Name ; for sweet is thy mercy . O deliver me , for I am helplesse and poor , and my heart is wounded within me . Lord save my soul , Amen . Psal. 109. 20. My eyes are ever looking unto thee : O Lord , pluck my feet out of the net , Amen . Psal. 25. 14. Almighty God , who hast promised to hear the petitions of them that ask in thy sons Name , I beseech thee , mercifully to encline thy Ear unto me , now that I make my prayers and supplications unto thee ; and grant that those things which I have faithfully asked according to thy will , may effectually be obtained , to the relief of my necessity , and the setting forth of thy glory , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O remember not my old sins , but have mercy upon me , and that soon , for I am come to great misery . Help me , O God of my salvation ; O deliver me , and be merciful to my sins , for thy names sake , Amen . Pial . 79. 8. Not unto us , O Lord , not unto us , but unto thy Name give the praise , end that for thy loving mercy , and for thy truth's sake , Amen . Psal. 115. 1. O Tu unus Deus , Pater & Fili & S. Spiritus , qui unitam Deitatem Nobis declarasti , & S. S. solius Divinitatis indivisam Gloriam revelasti , & perfectam Trinitatis Tuae sempiternitatem demonstrasti ; Da Nobis , Obsecro , fidem & Obedientiam in hâc vita , & Gloriam in futura : Per & propter Redemptorem nostrum Jesum Christum , Amen . O Lord God of hosts , how long wilt thou be angry with thy poor servant that prayeth . O turn me again , O God , shew me the light of thy Countenance , and I shall . be whole , Amen . Psal. 80. 4. Tibi Gloria , tibi Gloria Domine ; quanta apud te Clementiae abyssus ? quanta Patientiae Copia ? En , qui Nominis tui praetextu ex ignobilibus & obscuris , Clari & Illustres effecti sunt , honore abutuntur , & Contra Te qui honorem largitus es , audentque non audenda ; in S. S. Mysteria tua Injurii ; ut homines perditis moribus praediti summa cum quiete & licentia conturbanti omnia . O Domine , Exurge , Adjuva Ecclesiam tuam , & ne sinas Animam meam in eorum Consilium descendere ; Per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum , Amen . O Lord , I will cry day and night before thee , let my prayer enter into thy presence ; incline thy ear unto my calling : for my soul is full of trouble , and my life draws nigh unto the pit . O let not thy Indignation lye too hard upon me , neither vex me with all thy storms ; but remember of what mould thou hast made me , even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . O Domine , ne sit mihi inutilis Pugna verborum , sed , incunctantis fidei constans professio . Conserva in me , Oro , fidei incontaminatam Religionem : & usque ad excessum spiritus mei hanc Conscientiae meae vocem dona mihi ; ut quod in Regenerationis meae symbolo Baptizatus in Pa : & F. & Sp. S to professus sum semper obtineam ; ut te habeam Patrem , & unà tecum filium tuum adorem , & Sp. Sanctum tuum promerear ; Per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O Lord be merciful unto me , and I will sing praises unto thy name , yea I wil tell of thy loving kindnesse early in the morning , and of thy truth in the night season : O blesse me , and fulfill all thy works of grace in me , even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 92. 1 , 2. Dona mihi Domine , mentem vigilem , Cogitationem sobriam , Cor castum , somnum placidum , & ab omni diabolica cogitatione liberum ; & deinde excita me Domine hora Orationis , ut praeceptis tuis firmiter adhaeream , ut memoriam retineam inviolatam Judiciorum tuorum , Amen . Lord , remember thy promise unto thy servant , wherein thou hast caused me to put my trust ; that thy statutes may be my songs in the house of my pilgrimage ; and that I may remember thy name in the night season , Amen . Psal. 119. 54 , 55. In manus tuas Domine Commendo animam meam & corpus meum ; creasti enim & redemisti ea , Domine Deus veritatis . Commendo etiam mecum & mea Omnia ; Tu enim mihi gratiosè largitus es illa pro beneplacito tuo . In Pace ergo me , simul cubare & dormire facias , O Domine . Qui solus me habitare facias securè ; Per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum , Amen . O omnium Domine & Effector ; O Deus tuorum Pater & Gubernator ; O vitae & Mortis Arbiter ; O Animarum Custos & Benefactor ; O Qui omnia facis , & tempestive , & ut ipse pro sapientiae tuae & Administrationis altitudine nosti , artifice Sermone transmutas , Me Opportuno tempore tuo suscipe , tamdiu in Carne vitam meam moderatus , quamdiu conducibile fuit mihi ipsi , & Ecclesiae : Et suscipe quaeso ob metum tuum paratum , Non turbatum , nec in Extremo tempore Terga vertentem ; Nec invito Animo tanquam abstractum & avulsum à Mundo , sed ut promptè & alacriter ad beatam illam & aeternam vitam proficiscentem , quae est in Domino nostro Jesu Christo , Cui Gloria in saecula saeculorum , Amen . VII . O Lord , I will sing of thy power , and praise thy mercy in the morning , for thou hast been my defence , and my refuge in the day of my trouble ; unto thee , O my strength , will I sing , for thou , O God , art my defence and my mercifull God , Amen . Psal. 59. 16. The Glorious Majesty of thee , O Lord , my God , be upon me , prosper thou the works of my hands upon me , O prosper thou my handy-work , Amen . psal . 90. 17. O Lord , open my eyes , that I may see the wonders of thy law : I am a stranger upon earth , O hide not thy Commandements from me , for thy testimonies are my delight and my Counsellors . Lord , continue thy favour to me , that so they may ever be , Amen . Psal. 119. 18. O Lord , our heavenly Father , Almighty and everlasting God , which hast safely brought me to the beginning of this day , defend me in the same with thy mighty power ; and grant , that this day I fall into no sin , neither run into any kind of danger , but that all my doings may be ordered by thy governance , to do alwayes that which is righteous in thy sight ; through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O my soul , wait thou still upon my God , for my hope is in him : He is my strength and my salvation , He is my defence , so that I shall not fall ; so Amen Lord Jesu , Amen . Psal. 62. 5. O Lord God , be mercifull to every one that prepares his whole heart to seek thee , O Lord God , the God of his fathers , though he be not according to the purification of the Sanctuary , Amen . 2 Chronic. 30. 19. O Lord , I walk in the midst of troubles , I beseech thee refresh me ; stretch forth thy hand upon the fury of my Enemies , that thy right and thy cunning hand may save me . O make good thy loving kindnesse towards me : And despise not , I beseech thee , the work of thy own hands , Amen . Psal. 138. 7. I deal with the thing that is lawful and right ; O give me not over to my Oppressors , Amen . O make me , thy poor servant , still to delight in the thing that is good , that the proud do me no wrong , for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 119. 121 , 122. Almighty God , the fountain of all wisdome , who knowest our necessitie before we ask , and our Ignorance in asking , I beseech thee to have Compassion upon my Infirmities ; and those things which for my unworthinesse I dare not , and for my blindness I cannot ask , vouchsafe to give me , for the worthynesse of thy Son , Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O Lord , I will put my trust in thee alwayes : O let the people do it with me , and I will pour out my heart before thee , Amen . Psal. 62. 8. O that my wayes were made so direct , that I might keep thy statutes : O Lord direct them , Amen . Psal. 119. 5. O Lord , teach me the way of thy statutes , and I shall keep it unto the end ; yea I shall keep it with my whole heart . O stablish thy Word in thy servant , that I may fear thee ; And that for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 119. 33. O Lord , I will call upon thee in my troubles : O deliver me and hear me ; and then especially , what time any storm falls upon me ; Even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 81. 7. Blessed art thou , O Lord : O teach me thy statutes ; that my whole heart may seek thee : and that I may not go wrong out of thy Commandements ; that I may take greater delight in thy testimonies , then in all manner of riches , Amen . Psal. 119. 10 , 12. O praise the Lord all ye his servants , ye that by night stand in the house of the Lord : with these ; O Lord , I lift up my hands unto thy Sanctuary , and will praise thy name : O Lord , be with me this Evening , in all the mercies of Jesus Christ my Saviour , Amen . Psal. 134. 1. Miserae Carnis meae Infirmitatem , tu nosti qui finxisti me . Invisibilium hostium meorum vigilantiam , Tu nosti , qui vides eos : protegat me Ala Bonitatis tuae ; Per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum , Amen . O Lord , there is no hiding me from thy presence : for if I should say , the darknesse shall cover me , then shall my night be turned to day ; for the darknesse is no darknesse with thee , but the night is as clear as the day ; the darknesse and the light , to thee , are both alike : therefore , O God , I present my self open before thee ; O cleanse my soul , that it may rejoyce to be seen of thee , In Jesus Christ , Amen . Die jam transacto , Gratias tibi ago Domine ; Gloriam tibi tribuo , quod sine scandalo , Hymnis effero quod liber ab insidiis diem transegerim , Per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum , Amen . Thy Righteousnesse , O God , is very high , and great things are they which thou hast done for me ; O God , who is like unto thee ? Thou hast brought me to great honour , and comforted me on every side ; therefore will I praise thee and thy righteousnesse , O God : and unto thee will I sing , O thou holy One of Israel . My lips will be glad when I sing unto thee , and so will my soul which thou hast delivered : My tongue also shall talk of thy righteousnesse all the day long ; for many are confounded and brought to shame , that seek to do me evil . O Lord , continue thy blessings to me , and multiply thankfulnesse to thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . Psal. 71. 17. 19. O Lord , thou keeper of I rael , which in the watch of thy servants , dost neither slumber nor sleep , be my keeper , and preserve me this night : O keep my soul , Amen . Psal. 121.4 : O Lord , give me grace to make hast , and not to prolong the time to serve thee , to keep thy Commandements ; that I may call my owne ways to remembrance , and turn my feet to thy testimonies , and then at mid-night will I rise and give thee thanks , because of thy righteous Judgments ; O Lord my strength and my Redeemer , Amen . Psalm 119. 59. Woe is me , that I am constrained to dwell with Mesech , and to have my Habitation among the tents of Kedar ; for my soul hath too long dwelt among them that are enemies to peace ; Too long , O Lord , but that it is thy good pleasure to continue my dwelling in this vale of misery , Amen . Psalm 120. 4. Quid es O Deus meus ? quid rogo , nisi Dominus Deus ? Quis enim Dominus praeter Dominum , aut quis Deus praeter Deum nostrum ? Summe , Optime , Potentissime , Misericordissime , & Justissime , secretissime , & prasentissime , Pulcherrime & fortissime , stabilis & Incomprehensibilis , Immutabilis mutans Omnia ; Nunquam Novus , nunquam vetus , innovans omnia , & in vetustatem perducens superbos , & nesciunt : Semper agens , semper quietus , colligens & non egens ; Portans & implens & proiegens . Creans & nutriens & perficiens . Quaeris quum nihil desit tibi . Amas , nec aestuas . Zelos , & securus es . Poenitet te , & non doles . Irasceris , & tranquillus es . Opera mutas , non Consilium . Recipis quod invenis , & nunquam amisisti . Nunquam inops , & gaudes Lucris . Numquam Avarus , & usur as exigis . Supererogatur tibi & debeas , & quis & quicquam non tuum ? Reddis debita , nulla debens . Donas debita , nihil perdens . Et quid dicemus Deus meus , vita mea , Dulcedo mea sancta ? Aut quid dicet aliquis , quam de te dicit ? Et vae tacentibus de te , quoniam loquaces multi sunt . Miserere Mei Deus , ut loquar de , te & glorificem Nomen tuum . Amen . Lord , this is the time of fear , keep thy servant from presumptuous sins , lest they get the dominion over me ; that though my sins be many and great , yet I may be innocent from the great offence ; Even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psalm 19. 13. O Lord make me worthy of the place to which thou hast raised me in thy Church , that all my endevours may be , to make Truth and Peace meet together . In this course give me understanding to discover my Enemies , and wisdome to prevent them ; An heart to love my Friends , and carriage that may bind them . Lord , make me to love thy Church , and the place where thy honour dwelleth ; that as thou hast honoured me above many others , so I may honour thee above all ; and spend whatsoever is acceptable in the poor remainder of my life , to serve thee in thy Church , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O Lord , turn away my eyes , that they behold not vanity , and quicken thou me in thy way , Amen . Psal. 119. 37. O Domine Misericors quando à te ipse exoratus pacificos dies , proventus uberes , divitem bonis omnibus tranquillitatem & abundantiam dederis super vot a crescentem ; ne sinas me tanta secundarum rerum prosperitate corrumpi , ne & tui penitus obliviscar & mei ; sed humilitatem & gratititudinem adauge , Per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum , Amen . Visita quaeso Domine habitationem meam , & Omnes infidi & Inimici ab eà longè repellantur : Angeli tui Sancti habitent in eâ , & nos in pace & sanitate custodiant : & benedictio tua sit super Nos semper , Per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum , Amen . Linguae Froenum . LEt the words of my mouth , and the meditations of my heart , be always acceptable in thy sight , O Lord , my strength , and my Redeemer , Amen . Psal. 19. 14. Lord keep my tongue from evill , and my lips that they speak no guile ; that so I may eschew evil , and do good , seek peace , and ensue it , Amen . Psalm 34. 12 , 13. O Lord , give me the mouth of the righteous , that it may be exercised in wisdome , and that my tongue may be talking of Judgment , Amen . Psalm 37. 31. Lord , I have said in thy Grace , I will take heed to my wayes , that I offend not with my tongue : Give me , O give me that grace , that I may take this heed , that I may keep my mouth as it were with a bridle , especially , when the ungodly is in my sight , be it never so much pain or grief to me . Hear me , and grant , Even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal , 39.1 , 2. Let the free-will Offerings of my mouth please thee , O Lord ; and teach me thy Judgments , Amen . Psal. 119. 108. O Lord , set a watch before my mouth , and keep the door of my lips ; and let not my heart be inclined to any thing that is evil , Amen . Psal. 141. 3. O Lord , set a watch before my mouth , and a seal of wisdom upon my lips , that I fall not suddenly by them ; and that my tongue destroy me not , Amen . Ecclus. 22. 27. Afflictiones . IF I find favour in thy Eyes , O Lord , thou wilt bring me again , and shew me both the Ark and the Tabernacle ; and set me right in thy service , and make me joyfull and glad in thee : But if thou say , ( O for Jesus Christ his sake , say it not , ) I have no pleasure in thee , Behold , here I am , do with me as seems good in thy own Eyes , Amen . 2 Sam. 15. 25. O Lord , though I be afflicted on every side , let me not be in distresse ; though in want of some of thy comfort , yet not of all ; though I be chastened , yet let me not be forsaken ; though I be cast down , let me not perish ; and though my outward man decay and perish , yet let my inward man be renewed daily ; even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . 2 Cor. 4. 8 , 16. O Lord , whatsoever thou shalt lay upon me , I will hold my peace , and not open my mouth , because it is thy doing , Amen . Psal. 38. 10. O Lord , thou hast dealt graciously with thy servant according to thy Word ; before I was troubled I went wrong , but now have I prayed , that I may keep thy law : and it is good for me that I have been in trouble , that so I may learn still to keep it better ; in the mercies of Jesus Christ , Amen . Psal 119.65 , 75. I know , O Lord , that thy Judgments are right , and that thou of very faithfulnesse hast caused me to be troubled . O let thy merciful kindnesse be my comfort , according to thy Word , to thy servant , even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 119. 75. O Lord Almighty , O God of Israel , the soul that is in trouble , and the spirit that is pierced cryeth unto thee ; Hear , O Lord , and have mercy , for thou art mercifull ; and have pity upon me , because I have sinned before thee ; for thou endurest for ever : but unlesse thou have mercy , I utterly perish : Have mercy therefore , even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . O Lord , remember the promise , that the poor shall not alwayes be forgotten , nor the patient abiding of the meek perish for ever , Amen . Psal. 9. 18. Lord , I will be glad and rejoyce in thy mercy , for thou hast considered my trouble , and hast known my soul in adversities , Amen . Psal. 31. 8. Have mercy upon me , O Lord ; for I am in trouble , and my eye is consumed for very heavinesse , yea my soul and my body : my strength faileth me because of my Iniquity , and my bones are consumed . I am even become like a broken vessel ; for I have heard the Blasphemy of the multitude , and fear is on every side : but my hope hath been , and is in thee , O Lord ; thou art my God , save me and deliver me , for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 31. 10 , 12 , 14 , 15 , 16. Why art thou so full of heavinesse , O my soul ? and why art thou so disquieted within me ? O but thy trust in God , that I may yet give him thanks for the help of his countenance . O my God , my soul is vexed within me , therefore will I remember thee , Amen . Psalm 42. 6. Up Lord , why sleepest thou ? Awake , and be not absent from us for ever : wherefore hidest thou thy face , and forgettest our misery , and trouble ? For our soul is brought low , even unto the dust , our belly cleaves unto the ground . Arise , O Lord , and help us , and deliver us for thy mercies sake , Amen . Psal. 44. 23. In thee , O Lord , have I put my trust , let me never be put to confusion ; deliver me in thy righteousnesse : bow down thy Ear to me , make hast to deliver me : be thou my strong rock , and house of defence , that thou mayest save me . Be thou also my Guide , and lead me for thy names sake , Amen . Psal. 31. 1. O God , the enemy cryeth so , and the ungodly cometh on so fast , that they threaten to overbear me ; they are minded to do me some mischief , so maliciously are they set against me : my heart is disquieted within me , and the fear of death is sallen upon me : Fearfullnesse and trembling , and an horrible dread have overwhelmed me ; and I said , O that I had wings like a Dove , that I might make haste to escape the storm , wind , and tempest : but be thou my helper , and I will magnifie thee , O Lord my strength , and my Redeemer , Amen . Psal. 55. 3. O be thou my help in trouble , for vain is the help of men , Amen . Psal. 60. 11. Gracious Father , the life of man is a warfare upon earth , and the dangers that assault us are diversly pointed against us : I beseech thee , be present with me in all the course and passages of my life ; but especially in the services of my calling ; suffer not malice to be able to hurt me , nor cunning to circumvent me ; Nor violence to oppresse me ; Nor falshood to betray me . That which I cannot foresee , I beseech thee prevent . That which I cannot withstand , I beseech thee master : That which I do not fear , I beseech thee unmask and frustrate ; that being delivered from all dangers , both of body and soul , I may praise thee , the Deliverer ; and see how happy a thing it is , to make the Lord of hosts my helper , in the day of fear and trouble . Especially , O Lord , blesse and preserve me at this time from , &c. that I may glorifie thee for this deliverance also , and be safe in the merits and mercies of Jesus Christ my only Lord and Saviour , Amen . O Lord , thou hast fed me with the bread of affliction , and given me plenty of tears to drink . I am become a very strife to my neighbours , and my enemies laugh me to scorn ; but turn thee again . thou God of Hosts , shew me the light of thy countenance and I shall be whole , Amen . Psal. 80. 5. Help me , O Lord my God , O save me according to thy mercy ; and the world shall know , that this is thy hand , and that thou Lord hast done it ; Amen , Lord Jesu , Amen . Psal. 109. 25. If my delight had not been in thy law , I should have perished in my trouble : O continue my delight , Amen . Psal. 119. 92. Pestilentia . DEliver me , O Lord , from all my offences , and make me not a rebuke to the foolish ; take , I humbly beseech thee , thy plague away from thy people , for we are even consumed by means of thy heavy hand : and for Jesus Christ his sake , lay neither me , nor mine , under this uncomfortable disease , Amen . Psal. 39. 9 , 11. O Lord , deliver me from the snare of the hunter , and from the noisome pestilence : O defend me under thy wings , and keep me sase under thy feathers ; that I may not be afraid for any terrour by night , nor for the arrow that flyeth by day ; for the pestilence that walketh in the darknesse , nor for the sicknesse that destroyeth at noon-day ; though thousands fall before me , and ten thousands at my right hand , yet let it not come neer me , for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psalm 91. 3. O Lord , thou art my hope , I beseech thee , let no evil happen unto me , neither let any plague come nigh my dwelling ; but , give thy Angels charge over me , to keep me in all my wayes , O Lord , my strength , and my Redeemer , Amen . Psa. 91. 10. O let the sorrowful sighing of them whom thou hast visited , come before thee , and according to the greatnesse of both thy power and thy mercy , preserve them that are appointed to die ; Even for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 79. 12. O Lord , I beseech thee , favourably to hear the prayers of thy humble servant ; that I , and my Family , that are justly punished for our offences , may be mercifully delivered by thy goodnesse , from this and all other Infection , both of soul and body , that so we may live both to serve and praise thee , to the glory of thy great Name , through Jesus Christ our Lord and only Saviour , Amen . O Almighty God , which in thy wrath in the time of King David , didst slay with the plague of Pestilence , threescore and ten thousand , and yet remembring thy mercy , didst save the rest ; have pity upon us miserable sinners , that now are visited with great sicknesse and mortality ; and like as thou didst then command thy Angel to cease from punishing , so it may now please thee to withdraw from us this plague and grievous sicknesse , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O Lord , who hast wounded us for our sins , and consumed us for our transgressions by thy late heavy and long continued visitation , and in the midst of thy judgement remembring mercy , hast redeemed us from death ; we offer up unto thee our selves , our souls and bodies ( which thou hast now delivered ) to be a living sacrifice unto thee . And here I offer up unto thee , most merciful Father , in the name of all thy people , all possible praise and thanks , and shall ever magnifie thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O Lord , the sorrows of death compass me , and the snares of death are ready to overtake me ; when thou wilt dissolve my tabernacle , thou alone knowest ; therefore in this my trouble I will call upon thee , O Lord ; and will complain unto my God : O be with me at the instant of my death , and receive me , for Jesus Christ his sake , Amen . Psal. 18. 3 , 4 , 5. Into thy hands I commend my spirit , for thou hast redeemed me , O Lord God of truth , Amen . Psal. 31. 6. O Lord , thy hand is heavy upon me day and night , and my moisture is become like the drought in summer : I acknowledge my sin unto thee , O Lord ; and my unrighteousnesse have I not hid : O Lord be merciful unto me , Amen . Psal. 34. 4. O Lord , hear my prayer , and with thy ears consider my calling , hold not thy peace at my tears ; for I am a stranger with thee , and a sojourner as all my fathers were : O spare a little , that I may recover my strength , before I go hence , and be no more seen , Amen . Psal. 39. 13. O Domine mediâ vità in morte sumus : unde aut à quo quaerimus auxilium nisi à te Domine ? qui tamen pro peccatis nostris meritò infensus est nobis . Sancte , fortis ; sancte , Misericors salvator , amarissimis poenis mortis aeternae ne tradas me : Ne projicias me in tempore aegritudinis meae , quum deficit virtus mea ne derelinquas me . Domine , ante te omnia desideria mea , & suspiria mea à te non sunt abscondita ; Nosti Domine : Tu Domine , Nosti intima Cordis mei , ne , quaeso , occludas precibus meis aures misericordiae tuae : quin parce mihi , O Domine Sanctissime , O Omnipotens Deus , Sancte , & salvator maximè misericors . Dignissime & AEterne Judex , ne sinas me in horâ meâ novissima pro quocunque terrore mortis excidere à te ; Amen : O Domine Salvator Jesu . O Lord , the snares of death compasse me round about , the pains of hell get hold upon me : I have found trouble and heaviness , but I will call upon thy name , O Lord ; O Lord deliver my soul , deliver my soul from death , my eyes from tears , and my feet from falling , that I may walk before thee in the land of the living , Amen . Psal. 116. 2 , 3. Thou , O Lord , hast chastened and corrected me , but not given me yet over unto death : Open me the gates of righteousnesse , that I may go into them , and give thanks unto the Lord , Amen . Psal. 118. 18. There is no health in my flesh , by reason of thy wrath ; neither is there any rest in my bones , by reason of my sins : yet , O Lord , be mercisul to me , and heal me for thy names sake , Amen . O Lord , I give thee humble and hearty thanks , for the great , and almost miraculous bringing mee back from the bottome of my Grave ; what thou hast farther for me to do , or suffer , thou alone knowest . Lord , give me patience and courage , and all Christian resolution to do thee service , and grace to do it ; and let me not live longer then to honour thee : through Jesus Christ , Amen . INDEX . A AMici . folio 11. Afflicti . f. 12 Auxilium . fol. 58 , 59 , 75 , 104. Tempore adverso . 56 Afflictiones . f. 122 , 123 , 124 , 125 , 126 , 127 , 128 , 129 , 130 , 131 , 132. Adoratio & glorificatio dei mei 114. Adventus Dom. 1. f. 18 Dom. 2. 19 Dom. 4. 19. Dies Ascensionis . fol. 76 Dom : post Asc. 77 B BLandientes . fol. 80. Benedictio . 103 C COnfessio peccatorum . fol. 2 , 110 Completorium , quid ? fol. 34. in Margine . Completorium , fol. 34 47 , 59 , 71 , 95 , 99 , 109 Concubium . i. Bed-time , fol. 35 , 49 , 60 , 73 , 87 , 100 , 112 Charitas . 25 , 34 Cogitationes . 37 , 52 Consilium . 38 , 40 Consolatio . 75 Correctio . 80 D DOna . fol. 6. 30 , 60 , 71 Directio viarum . 39 Defencio . fol. 42 , 47 , 67 79 , 81 E ECclesia Cathol . fol. 8 , 92 , Ecclesia Part. 9 , 97 Exaud re . 47 , 54 64 , 67 , 78 , 94 , 108 post Epiphaniam . Dom. 1. fol 22 Dom. 2. 17 Dom. 3. 22 Dom. 4. 22 G Gratia. fol. 1 , 26 , 41 , 59 , 104 Gratiae , 6 , 38 , 48 Gloria Deo. 56 Grex. 67 H HOrae Orationis , viz. Prima , Mane. Tertia , i. e. Nona Matutina . Sexta , Meridies . Nona . Tertia pomeridiana . Vesperi , Completorium , Concubium : quas omnes videas sub literis Capitalibus , M. P. V. B. Hora Mortis . fol. 14 , 101 , 113 I INimici , fol. 13 , 78 , 83 , 105 Illuminatio . 51 , 57 , 103 Imperfectio . 105 Infirmitas . 106 L LAus Deo. fol. 102 , 109 Linguae Froenum . 119 , 120 , 121 Liberatio à pestilentia . 136 Liberatio a morbo gravissimo in quem incidi , Aug. 14. 1629. 143 M MAne . fol. 16 , 37 , 50 , 62 , 75 , 89 , 102 Nona Matutina . 20 , 39 , 52 , 65 , 78 , 80 , 93 , 104 Meridics . fol. 23 , 42 , 43 , 56 , 67 , 69 , 80 , 94. 107 , 108 Malitia . 26 Misericordia . 39 , 42 , 43 , 60 , 72 Mors. fol. 14 , 101 , 113 Submissio Mei-ipsius . 14 , 50 Pro meipso . 29 , O ORat . Gr. Naz. fol. 25 , 50 , 66 Orat. S. Hilar. 45 Orat. Ezekiae . 105 Obedientia . 40 , 46 , 57 , 62 , 71 , 91 Opprobrium . 82 Pro Omnibus . 13 , 92. P PEccatorum Confessio . fol. 2 , 110 Peccatorum remissio . 4 Patientia . 32 , 91 Presumptio . 24 , 115 Preservatio . 50 , 44 Poenitentia . fol. 63 , 65 , 70 , 71 Pax. 83 , 84 Protectio . 109 Procrastinatio . 112 Pestilentia . fol. 133 , 134 , 135 , 136 , 137 , 138 , 139 , 140 , 141 , 142 , 143 Hora tertia pomeridiana . fol. 27 , 43 , 54 , 56 , 91 , 96 , 108 Parasceue , i. e. Dom. ante Pasch : 91 Die Martis Pasch. 26 post Pasch. Dom. 1. fol. 26 Dom. 2. 27 Dom. 3. 57 Dom. 4. 62 Dom. 5. 63 Pentecoste . fol. 30 Q Dom. Quing . fol. 33 Dom. 2. Quadr. 63 Dom. 4. Quadr. 35 R Pro Rege . fol. 10 S SItire Deum . fol. 86 Spes . 65 , 95 Somnus . 35 , 74 , 87 Pro Servis . 11 Submissio mei-ipsius . 14 , 50 , 122 Dom. Septuag . 135 Dom. Sexag . 33 T TImor Dei. fol. 69 , 90 , 107 Trinit as . 95 , 98 Dom. Trin. 31 post Trinit . Dom. 1. fol. 41 Dom. 2. 90 Dom. 3. 42 Dom. 4. 44 Dom. 5. 41 Dom. 6. 46 Dom. 7. 48 Dom 9. 52 Dom 10. 55 Dom. 11. 58 Dom. 14. 60 Dom. 15. 68 Dom. 17. 69 Dom. 18 71 Dom. 19. 72 Dom. 20. 91 V VEsperi . fol. 32 , 45 , 57 , 70 , 83 , 97 , 109 Vniformitas . 8 Veritas . fol. 40 Venia . fol. 42 , 58 , 95 Viarum directio . fol. 39 , 107 , 108. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A49713-e240 Oratio Dom , Gerson aliter par . 3. p. 1147. Notes for div A49713-e690 The Preface . Petitions . The Doxologie . Notes for div A49713-e1020 Pro Gratia preveniente . Lyt . Angl. Confessio cum precatione . Per L. A. W. Pro remissione Peccatorum . Pro Donis . Gratiarnm Actio . Pro Ecclesia Cathol . Uniformitas . Pro Ecclesia part . Pro Rege . Pro Amicis & Consanguineis . Pro Servis . Pro Afflictis . S. Aug. 2. cont . Adv. Sa. Le. & Proph. cap. 2. Pro omnibus , etiam Inimicis . Submissio Mei . Hora Mortis . Hora 1. h. e. Mane . Dom. 2. post Epiph. Adventus Dom. 1. Adventus Dom. 2. Adventus Dom. 4. 〈◊〉 3. ● . e. no●a Matu●ina . Dom. 1. post Epiph. Dom. 3. post Epiph. Dom. 4. post Epiph. Hora 6. h. e. Meridie . Praesumptio . Orar. Naz. 13. Charites . Dom. Paschae . Pro Gratia . Die Martis in Pasch. Contra Malitiam . Dom. 2. post Pasch. Hora 9. h. e. tertia pomeridiana . Paulin. 〈◊〉 . 9. Pro Meipso . Aug. 14. 1629. Pro Omni Dono. Pentecoste . Dom. Trinit . Vesperi . Patientia . Dom. Sexagesima ; Contra Adversitatem . Dom. Quinquagesima . Pro Charitate . Completorium . The Complyne is before bed-time . Somnus . Dom. 4. Quadrages . Pro Auxilio . Bed-time . Et nocte , si vigiles . Dom. 5. post Pasch. Cogitationes . Mane. Gratiae . Consilium . Viarum directio . Hora tertia . Pro Misericordia , Consilium . Veritas . Obedientia . Dom. 5. post Trinit . Pro gratia Hora Sexta , Misericordia . Venia . Dom. 3. post Trinit . Pro defensione . Hora nona . Misericordia . Dom. 4. post Trinit . Vesperi . S. Hillar . l. 12. do Trinit . p. 195. Collect. Vesp. pro auxilio contra Omnia pericula . Dom. 6. post Trinit . Obedientia . Completorium . Pro defensione . Exaudire . Gratiae . Dom. 7. post Trinit . Religio . Bed-time . Et nocte , si vigiles . Gr. Naz. Or at . 8. Submissio mei-ipsius . Mane : Preservatio . Erasmus . Illuminatio . Dom. 9. post Trinit . Cogitationes . Hora Tertia . Dom. 2. Quadrages . Per preservatione . Hora Sexta . Exaudire . Paul'n . Epis. 17. p. 181. Dom. 10. post Trin. Hora Nona . Psal. 31. 19. 21. Gloria Dco . Tempore adverso . Dom. 3. post Pasch. Illuminatio . Obedientia . Vesperi . S. Ambr. Serm. 8. in Psalm . 118. Venia . Auxilium Dom. 11. post Trinir . Gratia. Completorium . Auxilium . Misericordia . Dom. 14. post Trinit . Pro omni dono . Bed-time . Et nocte , si vigiles . Dom. 4. post Pasch. Obedientia . Mane. Poenitentia . Exaudirc . Hora tertia . Spes . Poenitentia . Gr. Naz. Orat. 6. in fine . P. 144. Pro Grege . Hora Sexta . Defensio . Exaudire . Dom. 15. post Trinit . Hora Nona . Timor Dei. Dom. 17. post Trinit . Vesperi . Poenitentia . S. Aug. Serm. 30. de ver . Dom. Pro Omni dono . Dom. 18 , post Trinit . Obedientia . Completorium . Poenitentia . Misericordia . Dom. 17. post Trinit . Bed-time . Et nocte , si vigiles . Somnus . Mane. S. Aug. de . 5. Haer. c. 7. Auxilium Consolatio . Ascensionis dies . D om . post Pasch. Hora Tertia . Exaudire . Inimici . Lyt . Ang. Pro defensione . Hora Sexta . Contra blandites . Correctio . Dom. 20. post Trinit . Pro desensione . Pro Obedientia . Hora Nona . Patientia . S. Aug. cont . Epise . funda . cap. 37. Opprobrium . Coll. 2. per Mat. Pro pace & defensione . Vesperi . S. Aug. de 5. Haer. c. 7. Inimici . Coll. 1. pre vesp . Pro Pace . Completorium . Spes . S. Aug. Nom. Scalae paradisi ca. 4. Sitire Deum . Lyt . Angl. Praeservatio . Bedti me . Et nocte , si vigiles . Somnus . Coll. in sine Lyt . Angl. Defensio . Mane. S. Aug. lib. 1. Rhe. cap. 15. Dom. 2. post Trinit . Timere & amare Deum . Parascue , h. e. Dom. ante pasch . Coll. 1. Dies . Ecclesia . Coll. 2. Dici . Pro Omnibus . Hora tertia . S. Aug. de 5. Haer. 7. Lyt . Angl. Exaudire . Hora Sexta . Venia . S. Athan. lib. 5. de . unita deitate Trin. p. 444. Dom. Trinit . Hora Nona . S. Chry. lib. 3. de Sacerdotio . Ecclesia . Vesperi . Afflictiones . S. Hilar. l. 12. de Trinitate . Completorium . Nox . Bed-time . Et nocte , si vigiles . Gr. Naz. Orat. 10. p. 176. Mors. Mane. Laus Dei. Benedictio . Illuminatio . Coll. prae Mat. Pro Gratia . Auxilium Hora tertia . Orat. Ezekiae . Imperfectio . Inimici . Lyt . Ang. Infirmitas . Hora Sexta . Viarum directio . Timor Dei. Hora Nono . Exaudire . Viarum directio . Vesperi . Laus Dei. Protectio . Completorium . Confessio . Gratiarum Actio . Laus Dei. Bed-time . Et nocte , si vigiles . Procrastinatio . Mors. Adoratio & Glorificatio dei mei S. Aug. lib. 2. Cons. cap. 4. Presumptio . Salvianus , lib. 6. de gubern . dei . pag. 222. Notes for div A49713-e7710 David fugiens . Pestilentia . Dom. Sepruagtsima . Si pestilentia familiam intret . Lyt . Ang. Lyt . Ang. Gratiarum . actio , post liberationem . Liberatio à morbo Gravissimo , in quem incidi . Aug. 14. Ann. 1629. 
A88782	----	The copy of the petition presented to the honourable Houses of Parliament, by the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury, &c. Wherein the said arch-bishop desires that he may not be transported beyond the seas into New England with Master Peters, in regard to his extraordinary age and weakenesse. Laud, William, 1573-1645. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88782 of text R11608 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E100_29). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88782 Wing L582 Thomason E100_29 ESTC R11608 99859082 99859082 111147 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88782) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 111147) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 18:E100[29]) The copy of the petition presented to the honourable Houses of Parliament, by the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury, &c. Wherein the said arch-bishop desires that he may not be transported beyond the seas into New England with Master Peters, in regard to his extraordinary age and weakenesse. Laud, William, 1573-1645. [7], [1] p. printed for Io. Smith, neare the new exchange, London : 1643. Dated: From the Tower of London, this 6th of May, 1643. Annotation on Thomason copy: "May. 6th.". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Laud, William, 1573-1645 -- Early works to 1800. A88782 R11608 (Thomason E100_29). civilwar no The copy of the petition presented to the honourable Houses of Parliament, by the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury, &c.: Wherein the said arc Laud, William 1643 932 1 0 0 0 0 0 11 C The rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-04 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2007-04 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Copy of the Petition presented to the Honourable Houses of Parliament , by the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , &c. VVherein the said Arch-Bishop desires that he may not be transported beyond the Seas into New England with Master Peters , in regard of his extraordinary age and weakenesse . portrait of william laud with city background London printed for Io. Smith , neare the new exchange . 1643. THE Humble Petition of William Laud Arch-bishop of Canterbury , and now prisoner in the Tower . To the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , that this grave Assembly would permit or give way , that the Petitioner might not be transported into New England with Mr. Peters in regard of his age . Humbly sheweth , THat your Petitioners constant solitude here in this place , hath given him time to consider of Your Petitioners self and his actions , especially the latter , which as they had divers motives and ends from whence they sprung and whither they tended , so according to them your Petitioner was generally censured ; your humble Petitioner therefore will here lay downe what your Petitioner did labour for , and upon what grounds , that every one may see that humane intents are not alwaies prosperous in their events , for which your Petitioner is now exceedingly troubled and grieved , humbly desiring that your Petitioners present sufferings and sorrow may bee considered in mercy and compassion . And whereas it is chiefly laid unto your Petitioners charge that your Petitioner sought and endeavoured to change the present Religion , and instead thereof to introduce Innovation and Popery ; which purpose was so odious and hatefull to the people , that being once possessed of this opinion , they generally cryed downe your Petitioners purposes and intents , who knowing the great diversity of Religions which have beene and are in the World , and the strange fantasticall exorbitancy of some of them , which agreeing in many things and in their chiefe principles and foundations , doe yet exceedingly differ in many points and Tenets which they doe severally hold and maintaine . Vpon those considerations your Petitioner thought it would become his place being Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , and Primate of all England , to shew a fervent zeale to Christianity , in reconciling as much as might bee the Protestant and Cotholique Religion together , that though the principles of both were inconsistent , and in many things farre different , yet they might be in some sort made conformable the one to the other , and be brought at least to as neare a distance as possible could any way bee devised , that so they should agree in such points as formerly they varied about . And your Petitioner having made this the Ground-worke of your petitioners labours , hoping that if your petitioner could effect that which your petitioner had propounded , her Majesty seeing that all differences of opinion are not Fundamentall and of Faith , might be reconciled in some sort , her Majesty would more easily be drawne to adhere and joyn with our Church ; so your petitioners end and purpose of all your petitioners endeavours was not Innovation of Religion , but to worke such a conformation and likenesse in both , that her Majesties opinion might be drawne on and induced to embrace the Truth , holding thereby to be a speedy meanes of her Majesties conversion . If therefore your petitioners hearty zeale to Gods glory , and her Majesties conversion to the protestant Faith by that meanes and may which your petitioner intended , did not worke that great and good effect in her Majesty as was expected , nor the petitioners endeavours in that kind were held fitting and agreeable to the petitioners dignity and place : your petitioner doth emplore this grave and Honourable Assembly , that in Mercy , not in Iudgement your compassion may be shewed , in pardoning those errours wherein your petitioner hath offended . For all men , especially such as are advanced to these eminent Honours , ( which your petitioner lately enjoyed ) are subject to the common condition of humane frailety in matters of Judgement , shewing themselves in the greatest estate to bee but men ready to erre , and fall from the happinesse wherein time and favour had invested them , and that most commonly in age , wherein your petitioner deeply stepped forward even to the yeares of 68. all his desires having proceeded contrary and thwart to those grounds whereon they were builded . Your Petitioner therefore humbly beseeches , that in his age and last part of his Life , this grave and Honourable Counsell , now Assembled in high Court of Parliament would looke upon him in mercy , and not permit or suffer your Petitioner to bee transported , to endure the hazard of the Se●s , and the long tediousnesse of Voyage into those transmarine parts , and cold Countries , which would soone bring your Petitioners life to a period ; but rather that your petitioner may abide in his Native Country , untill your petitioner shall pay the debt which is due from him to Nature , and so your petitioner doth submit himselfe to your Honourable and grave Wisdomes for your petitioners request and desire therein . And Your Petitioner shall humbly pray , &c. From the Tower of London , this 6th . of May . 1643. FINIS . 
A58293	----	The recantation of the prelate of Canterbury being his last advice to his brethren the bishops of England : to consider his fall, observe the times, forsake their wayes, and to joyne in this good work of reformation. Laud, William, 1573-1645. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A58293 of text R10287 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing R613). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 64 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A58293 Wing R613 ESTC R10287 12827203 ocm 12827203 94271 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A58293) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94271) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 254:E164, no 16) The recantation of the prelate of Canterbury being his last advice to his brethren the bishops of England : to consider his fall, observe the times, forsake their wayes, and to joyne in this good work of reformation. Laud, William, 1573-1645. [2], 41 p. [s.n.], London : 1641. Imperfect: Irregular numbering of the tracts E. 164, no. 16 missing in number only. E.164, no. 17 erroneously filmed as E.164, no. 16. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Church of England -- History -- 17th century -- Sources. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Church history -- 17th century -- Sources. A58293 R10287 (Wing R613). civilwar no The recantation of the prelate of Canterbury: being his last advice to his brethren the bishops of England: to consider his fall, observe th [no entry] 1641 12376 10 30 0 0 0 0 32 C The rate of 32 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-12 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-01 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2006-02 Apex CoVantage Rekeyed and resubmitted 2007-02 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2007-02 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE RECANTATION Of the Prelate of CANTERBURY : Being his last Advice to his Brethren the Bishops of ENGLAND : To consider his Fall , observe the Times , forsake their Wayes , and to joyne in this good work of REFORMATION . Remember that yee magnifie this great worke which men behold , The Nations that knew not God , shall rejoyce at it , The noyse thereof shall go to the ends of the world , Psal. London , Printed , 1641. To his ever much esteemed , and most deserving Friend , the Authour of this Palinodia . WHilst thou un-mytr'st Prelats , lo ! we bow To gather gracious Garlands for thy brow . And 'cause thou wound'st them with so sweet a grace , They cannot grudge , but smiling on thy face , Must humbly kisse the Rod : So , make thy way Through glories aire , untill the vulgar eie Forget thee , and aethereall thou appeare Vnto the sons of wisdome , like a cleere And select Star , which cannot deigne to bow , And court the empty vapours here below . P. A. Palinodia Cantuariensis . THough the wicked hath settled his habitation with the Eagle among the Starres , and say in his minde , I shall not be changed , I shall not taste of affliction , neither shall the dayes of Adversity lay hold on me , yet there is an appointed time for all things , And the Almighty who hath disposed the whole world , and hath charge over the Earth , will not pervert Judgement , His Eyes are upon the wayes of Man , He seeth all his goings , There is no darknesse , nor shaddow of Death where the workers of iniquity may hide themselves , but in end the fulnesse of destruction will come upon them , as the wide breaking in of Waters : Terrors will persue their souls as the Winde , and their welfair shall passe away as a Cloud . To these great Verities do I now humble my self , and in the sense of that convincing power ( my reverend Brethren , who should be to your times the Beauty of Integrity ) that shakes my minde as an Earthquake , do I pronounce the children of Wisedome blessed , and that no State is so good , so sure , so happy , as the State of a good conscience . But alas , the immoderate desire of a foolish glory , and the passion to raise my condition to an height as unlawfull as unbeseeming , and the want of an humble affection to truth , and hatred of error , hath now produced me an example to after ages , and a beaken to preserve you from Ship wrack , since therefore my angry Starres , will that I forfeit my reputation to shame , and my life t● Justice ; Suffer me ( ye that have had a Communion of Fortune with me , and on whom the door of Favour is not , yet altogether shat ) Suffer me to pour further my Soul in the bosome of your compassion : Resigne all your tears to me , that I may weep for this day , this day of indignation , which hath swallowed me up as a prey , and wherein destruction hath come upon me like an armed man , Receive these my words , my last words , I bequeath to you the Counsels of Truth , which if ye treasure up in your minde , will be a Cordiall to make you live , and not die , for now I am upon the borders of Time , The Vail is removed , and I must enter Eternity , T is no more time to dally with the Gospell , and the World . Ye have been my Fellow-Labourers in a strange Work , which we must now confesse , is not of God , and therfore wonder not , if it tumble down . We have miserably prostituted our souls to the Imagination of a Miter , whose Glory cannot save us in the day of shame , And all our endeavours have been to erect an Hierarchy , upon the Ruines of Religion and Common-wealths . O consider this , ye that figure to your self a happinesse , where there is none , and look what pleasure I have of those things , whereof I am now ashamed , No nothing but the comfortlesse stings of a restlesse remembrance , of by gone unanswerable deeds , w●● I speak with horror , and professe with a bleeding heart . I have embraced that Shaddow which ye so hotly court ; I have been lift up to the Pinacle of the Temple , whereat ye so zealously aspire , and was gazed upon as a Starre , which gave life , and motion to you all ; I have trode these same paths wherein ye contend , and liberally tasted these empty pleasures of preferments . And of all my labours , have reaped nothing , but hatred , and ruine to my self , misery , and reproach to the Church . And it is in vain to put the day of evill , and Justice far from me , for it He that lately did swim in his Princes smiles , on vvhom Nature had bestowed her great abilities with a liberall hand , and Fortune had bountifully opened her Brest , could finde no eloquence to be with the sword of Justice , nor to mollifie the cruelty of the times , but behoved to drink the unavoidable Cup presented to him , What can I expect when the Appetite of revenge is set on edge ? And if Wrath has so easily travelled over Mountains , how shall it not strike flat the Molehils : If the angry thunder made the noble Cedars shrink , how shall not the silly shrubs , lately crept from the mud of the Valleys be drowned in their Primitive basenesse ? I will not harbour the least hopes of escape , or think that my Surplice stained with the adulterous spots , of the great whore , can plead favour , when the purple richly dy'd with the rayes of His Majesties Countenance , could not meet with pardon . Though I have hitherto deckt my self with a kinde of Majesty , and Grace , in my Prelaticall pride arrayed with Splendor , and taught the gazing times to hide my faults , giving my Plots good Fortune , yet behold , an ungratious light ( sudden as a Tempest at Sea ) hath discovered my nakednesse , and publisht my shame ; I am vile , and abased , trode down , and hid in the dust ; Judgement and Justice take hold on me , and cast abroad the rage of their wrath , which will certainly extend their terrours to you , and grinde you to powder , if ye forsake not these wayes , whose going down are to the chambers of death . And therefore while my Oyl is yet lasting , and my Taper weakly burning , I will disclose the true causes of this great misery , and help you with an upright confession of my wayes , as a Sacrifice for my self ( if it were possible to expiat the stain of my dishonour , and appease the Worlds displeasure , Universall as the Sunne-Beams , and hot consuming flames ) and a Testimony against you ( O children of defection ) in the day of your accompt . That I might appear a great Church-man of vast desires , and designes , being radically resolved to set up a Tyrannicall Power in the Persons of Prelates , over the worship of God , over the consciences , liberties , and goods of the People , It cannot be denyed , but I have negotiated most eagerly , and strained all Possibilities , and Stratagems of State , to erect an Hierarchy , forgetting the directions of the Gospel , and the bonds of Monarchy , and the cryes of the oppressed , leaving nothing undone to promote my intentions , and atchieve my ends , to which I had emancipated all thepowers of my mind , with so strong a Passion , as if I had been sent into the world for no other purpose , or as if the glory of God had been interessed , the honor of the King wounded , and all Religion had consisted in Episcopacy . This I thought to effectuate two manner of wayes , especially , first by establishing my self at home in England , in the power of Sole and universall Jurisdiction , and that I might attain to be a Patriarch , for which ye know I have not stuck to plead contentiously . 2. By bringing the neighbour Nations of His Majesties Dominions , but most particularly that Kingdom of Scotland ( to me so fatall ) under my verge , and to the obedience of these novations , and alternations , wherein my Grandeur , and this change did essentially consist ; With what excrbitancy of overdaring pride , and what insolency I have swayed all in the Church of England . How impudently I laid by the pastorall duty , and a care to approve my self to the eternall and secular Powers ; how I have neglected all fear of Laws , of censure and shame , since I obtained the chair of Canterbury , and begun my Antichristian raign , imposing absolute Tyranny on the souls and wils of people , shall the after-age be hardly induced to beleeve . O b●t behold your poor Primitive mother , the distressed Church of this Iland , ( if you be the children concerned in her bleeding miseries ) and look how wofully she is torn , how we have opened her tender sides , pulled her Crown from her head , and trode her under foot , Nay she lyes breathlesses , all covered with wounds , with sores all defiled , And those glorious twins , Religion and Peace , who loved to triumph here , sweetly kissing each other , spreading over us the beauty of their halcyonian dayes , how have we alas so shreudly , so undeservedly banished , and given place to the unquiet furies of ugly error , and bloudy warre , so that whiles she lyes labouring , like a disgraced Virgin under the throwes of her thick coming sorrows , in all the corners of the land , may it justly , be complained . Postquam interna furor discerpere viscera caepit , Omnia membra labant , soluto & defecta vigore , Tabescunt , tota penitus compage soluta A capite ad calcem vestigia nulla salutis Quippe ubi cor languct , vitalia cuncta laborant . Quis miserae queat Ecclesiae memorare dolores , Vulnera deflere lachrimis ? mala dicere verbis ? Nec mihi si centum linguae , totidem ora sonarent , Nec si Mconii Vatis torrente redundem , Nec si mell●fl●i contingat Musa Maronis Haec satis enumerem , subsint aut verba volenti . But now her cryes have peirced the Clouds , and he that said he would come , does come full of vengeance , with phials of wrath in his hand to poure upon those who have so sore oppressed her . I did voluntary forego her wo , and Sacrificing to the lusts of my own minde , I lul'd the world a sleep , that the throne which I was building , for the greatnesse of my name , might rise more safely , I had erected a kinde of Inquisition through the whole Land , and none dared so much to look stern upon the face of Episcopacy , ( though they had been most eminent in all the graces of the Spirit ) but presently behoved to be crushed ; I had so cunningly interlaced the Image of the Beast , with His Majesties Pourtrait , that none durst inveyagainst the one , but presently behoved to injure the other ( thus caught within the compasse of Treason , ) by a strange Divinity , assuring the world , that the Crown could not flourish on the Kings head , without the Fellowship of a Miter ; All my pretentions were deeply guilded with the Beams of Authority , which through Inadvertencie , and fashion of Times , I made Usher in such strangers , as deflored the Church , abused the State , and dishonoured the whole Dominion . When the seeds of Arminianisme , Superstition , and Popery , ( by my Episcopall law more tendering the honour of Hierarchy , then the Gospels integritie ) simplicity had been very Luxuriant , and over-run the whole Vineyard , I knew that as Rome was now filled with joy , for the fair hopes of our return to her , so was England , and all the Churches reformed choakt with fear and sorrow ; For alas , even as the Earth looks sad , and sullen , at the Sunnes departure , and every Tree , every flower puts forth a tear when he renews his comfort , Why do not we conceive the lovers of the Spirit of truth , must be dismayed , wounded in heart , and cloathed in sorrow when truth is banisht from out the face of the Earth . Yet would I never make scruple ( out of zeal to that Spirituall Monarchy ) to tread down all those who were bold to speak against the calamities of Times , iniquities of the Times , and the injuiries done to the Gospel , though we must all confesse the Spirit of Truth , did powerfully dwell in them . I suppressed them , removed them , and send them in banishment beyond Sea , thereby depriving Church and Common-wealth of their Christian help , both in Religion , and Policy ; But my own Creatures , willing Instruments to promote my Counsells , and Projects , were most solemnly advanced to the places in Church and State . Thus We went on , kept our correspondence , and ordored our game by such a strange cunning , and violence , that there remains a black History for our deeds , which will hardly meet with belief in other Churches . By the whole Current of my carriage , by my practises , wayes , motions , and intelligence ye knew , alas , that I was about that great work of the Whore of Rome , ( in such sort that some of the Pasquils of the time have Charactered me Her laborious Pander ) to make the possession of World Hers , and derogate from the glory of the Gospel , and honour of Kings . O be ashamed for so miserably prostituting your selves , and your souls to the domineering pride of my humor , in fomenting my Popish intentions , constantly followed by you , as if we had joyntly conspired to the overthrow of Truth and Religion . And because the Printers Presse did often speake the times , and tell the world the mystery of my Episcopising , therefore did I arrogate to my selfe the keys thereof , and making the power of Printing depend on me , did shut and open the same at my pleasure . Neither durst any booke though never so richly embellisht with the treasures of piety and wisdome once appeare , untill by a supercillious license my Canonicke Secretaries had first found it relish deeply of the Romish and Arminian poyson . And as I was the rule of doctrine , intending and remitting the qualities of Sermons , as the conditions of times required , So were many Pulpits prophaned with Heresies , Revilings , and Scurrilous reproches ; Nay , wherein have I restrained my insolent , and unbridled minde in the pursuit of my superstitious follies ? What Statute Civill or Ecclesiasticall cannot rise up against mee , and argue guilty ? To shew how I have framed new Constitutions , Ceremonies without number , which infest the world daily more and more , Canons , and Articles , and Oaths , printed , published , and forced upon the people ? How wee have dared to grant Licenses , and make presumptuous Dispensations ? How we have kept Courts , made all our Processes , Summons , Citations , and Censures in our owne name , & style , it would make a History as long as tedious to the World , as shamefull to my abhorred selfe : They are written with the point of a Diamond on all the Church windows , every letter whereof to mee is a nigrum Theta ; for it must be confessed , that I and my furious faction so ordered all , untill all was put out of frame , making the Kingdome the object of pitie , lacerate with many miseries and distresses , and my selfe of too just an hate , thereby giving occasion to the Enemies of the Gospel , to sing Te Deum , and to the Church of England to cry Ichabod . And never more justly then now might it be said , Men groan from out of the City , and the souls of the wounded cry out . But I forbeare to enlarge my self , and afflict you with the sad relation of these conveyances wherein yee had a great hand , & to which yee are privy , only let me confound my self , before the World in this Declaration concerning my tyranny in the Scottish affaires , because it is the most eminent , and funest act of the Tragedy , and has proved most effectuall to my perdition , and from thence unde dolor & lachrymae , put forth a Prophesie to you of these evils , which will certainly come upon you likewayes , breake you asunder , and shake you to pieces , if you stop your eares , and still hate to be reformed , when Hee that is the confidence of all the ends of the earth , hath now revealed himselfe so powerfully , and answered the expectation of the upright creature by terrible things , in Righteousnesse ; for I know the end of your hopes , and gave expansion to my soule to seek the things of this world , and not of God , but now , behold , I stand upon the stage of mortality like an accursed tree , the miserable object of this age , groan under the hatred of three Kingdomes , able to crush all the Miters in England , ready to be teared by the wrath of mine Enemies , who sharpe their eyes against mee . Not content with that absolute Power which the errour and consuetude of Times , and the indulgence of Princes ( importuned with restlesse ambition ) suffered to fall upon mee heere in the English Church , I would needes dilate my selfe like a swolne cloud of infection , to obscure the light , to poyson the aire , and to trouble the calme , and serenity of other Kingdomes ; I could not endure that other Churches should looke grievously , and a squint upon our manner of government . For I must confesse , my intentions were deepe and large , against all the reformed Churches , and Reformation of Religion , which through his Majesties Dominions I had wounded to the very soul , so that it lay groveling , and panting on the ground ready to expire , if I had not been removed , and our plots detected to the glory of God , to the honour of King and Parliament , to the terrour of the wicked , and comfort of all those who have bin labouring after the beauty of these times , and would have bought these acceptable days with many thousands . For this purpose , I made the first assault on the weaknesse of Scotland , ( as in my light estimation I conceived , but was destitute of the Spirit of Prophecie ) and caused to be compiled a Service booke for their devotion , obtruding the same upon their Church , which I knew the tenderness of their conscience could no ways endure ; yet by my owne counsell I was cast down ; for though I knew well it was nothing else but a strange Rhapsody of all unclean things and unsavoury , wch once received in the bowels of Church or State , could never give rest , till like a virulent poyson it had begotten intestine warre in the body Ecclesiastick and Civill . I knew likewayes it overturned from the foundation the order of their Church , making a large entry to all Novations to come , being repugnant to the Doctrine , Discipline , and order of their Reformation , to their Confession of Faith , Constitutions of their Generall Assemblies , and Acts of their Parliament establishing true Religion ; yet would I needs enforce that booke upon a Nation , which sooner would have welcomed the Plague , the Famine , and the Sword . Hence did spring this terrible combustion , ( which I feare shall no other wayes be quenched , then by the bloud of that faction which caused the same ) now threatning with open mouth , and implacable fury to devoure us all ; When the Scots affrighted with such an unknown Monster had in most humble manner prostrate themselvs to authority , and craved a dispensation , from that imprestable obedience , not able to drinke that poyson which I had so imperiously presented to them , as if Supreame Majesty had been violated , Monarchy affronted , and a Royall Prerogative many wayes injured , I armed Authority against them , and made such strange pretences , dissembling a Zeale to the honour of the Crowne ( which meane while I was trampling under-foote ) that any thing behoved to bee done , all the Treasures of Revenge were to be wasted , before his Majesties command did not meete with full obedience ; but the suggestions and motions were ever mine , most palpably to blow up all , and involve all in conflagration . All the Supplications ( both pious and frequent ) the Declarations , Informations , and Reformations ( to which none of us could ever reply ) of that afflicted Nation , I caused to bee suppressed most diligently ( not able to stand before such a Light , and fearing they should work the overthrow of our cause ) and procured them to bee answered , with terrible Proclamations . And when they were constrained to use the remedy of protestation , without any scruple or tryall of the busines , ( like an undistinguishing fire that delights to feed it self by embracing all Objects ) I caused them bee declared and published , in all the Churches of England , Traitors , and Rebells ; And lastly when they were seeking to possesse their Religion against my strange devices , and Novations , I Kindled the fatall warre , and rather then I should fall from my counsels , and have any of my intentions cast back on my face , I chosed to cover the whole Island with bloud . And therefore having once espoused the Roman quarrell , I caused display an open banner and mustered my forces , called forth my Squadrons ( as if religion , and the honour Royall had been lying at the stake ) and set forth an Episcopall Expedition for defence of the Mitre , which in end will be covered with ashes in despight of all created powers . But ô yee of little providence , for what all this fury ? Where were your souls ? And why did none of us foresee the black successe of such destructive , distempers , and unmercifull extremities ? But this was our houre , our very houre , wherein wee were wise to our owne destruction . Thus when by our working the Land was divided in two Armies , advanced and brought in view of each other , yet not so much as a Dog to offend ; When all matters were sweetly composed , and by a Pacification as undesired as unexpected of us both Nations had comforted themselves with the hopes of peace and quietnesse , then like an angry wind that layes bare the very ocean , or like fire imprisoned , I burst forth and spred my self with greater violence , and could not give rest to my mind , till a new war was kindled , and all things for their destruction with a fresher resolution then before prepared against them . How I bestirred by self both at the Counsell Table , and privy Juncto , to reproach all his Majesties Royall intentions of peace with his Subjects , and that Pacification as dishonourable , and fit to be broken , yee can all beare mee record . I controlled the judgement of the whole Kingdome and Parliament . And though they found no just reason and emergencie for warre , yet because I apprehended our Kingdome was like to make a fatall end , and our Babel was trembling , ready to tumble down about our eares , and that there was no safety left but to build upon the ruines of their confusion , Therefore in politick probability I thought it most fit to shake all , and put all in divisions and disorders , that so wee might work our owne safety , and the redemption of Hierarchy from the publike reproach , fishing in troubled waters : Thus in my gracelesse fagacity , I concluded it good counsell to bring both Kingdomes neerer to ruine , that being made poore and passive , they might be ruled with the more ease . It is not unknown to you all how impudently , and blasphemously I railed against that Covenant of Scotland , ( which like a terrible Spear in the hand of the mighty has strickē us through the very soul , & must triūph through the world , to the abolishing of that great Bishop , if wee observe the indeniable finger of a Providence ) though it was most true that the same did containe nothing but the marrow of Religion , was approved by Nationall Assemblies , subscribed by his Majesties Commissioners , & by the Lords of his Majesties Counsell , and by them commanded to be subscribed by all the Subjects of that Kingdome , as a testimony of their duty to God & the King . Though the beautiful face of Religion which did shine there most gloriously , and all these warrants in a morall way could have justified them , and taught mee better manners , yet I would break through all considerations , and make good my mistake , using that power whereof I was in possession to the effectuall embracements of my owne wishes . As they used all means to approve themselves to God and Man , and deliver unto their Posteritie the true Religion in her purity and majesty , So I professe my study was to render them odious , charging with unquestioned guilt these Subjects that endeavoured to gain his Majesties favour and were most faithfull to his Crown , and dignity . When the Parliament could not bee induced to discend into warre against a Nation , maintaining their Religion , and Liberties , I did impede their procedings , and stop their Resolutions , as if they had met for no other purpose , then to give up their Judgements to mee , and evidence their devotion to my corrupt ends . And not only did I advise the breaking up of that high and honourable Court of Parliament , ( on which all the Eys of Europe were fastned , and whence the reformed Churches expected refreshment ) but did like-ways sit still in the Convocation house , making Canons and Constitutions : Ordaining under all highest paines , that hereafter the Clergy should preach foure times in the yeere such Doctrines as were contrary not only to the Scottish proceedings , but to the Doctrines and proceedings of other Churches , to the Judgement of all sound Divines , and Politiques , and tending to the utter slavery , and ruining of all Estates , and Kingdomes , and to the dishonour of Kings , and Monarchs . Not content herewith , I procured six Subsidies to be levied of the Clergie , under pain of deprivation to al who should refuse for this great exigency , and Holy war . And as if all these had not been sufficient ( O hide your faces , and blush for shame ) I caused frame and print a Prayer , and sent through all the parishes of England , to be said in time of divine Service , against that Nation by the name of traiterous Subjects having cast off all obedience to their anointed Soveraigne , and comming in a rebellious manner to invade England , that shame might cover their faces , as enemies to God and the King . Here let horrour and wonder sease your soul , and all Religion and C●dor be ashamed ; if these alas be the fruits of the spirit of truth , and peace , or the words of charity or the wayes of the Gospel God and the World will judge . Many strange oaths I invented pressing them upon the paine of imprisonment and huge pecuniall mulets . And in that sacred Synod ( as wee called it , but God is not mocked ) was that love-lock of Antichrist forged , that prodigious that bottomlesse and unlimited oath coined , which was provided most prudently as bonds and chaines to ty the laity from invading our liberties which wee conceived to be powerfully fortified with our imperiors Canons as a Rampard : So that if the wisdome of the State , in the great counsell and supreame Senate of the Kingdome , should think fit to alter any thing hereafter in the government of the Church , we gloried in this as a Master-piece of providence , to anticipate and forestall their judgement by making them sweare before hand to damnable heresies ( for why should I now dissemble ) That the government of Archbishops , Bishops , Deacons , &c. ( A strange mishap in Monster with a Dragons taile , not sprung from Scripture , ) is jure divino , and that they should never give consent to any alteration . This was a heavie yoke , and strong fetters cast upon Christian liberty . Yee all know what meanes wee used in that our Conclave to make all sure against the storme that threatned us : for the motive of our meeting was not the peace and purity of the Church , ( nay , we threw oile in the flame ) nor the extirping of heresies , ( for day after day they set up their abominable heads , and came forth as Locusts out of the pit ) and establishing the truth , in the power of doctrine and discipline ; but to assure our Episcopacie , and exalt Hierarchie , which was now fainting and languishing under the weight of so many reproaches ready to expire . If we dare not for the illegality of these Canons , appeare before that powerfull Sun-beame ( the Estates of Parliament ) which doth melt us like Snow , and make us ashamed like Bats and Owls , where shall we stand for their impietie in the great day of our reckoning . These , ô these be the trophees of my triumph , these bee the garlands adorning my Mitre , which are now desperatly blasted with the angriest thunder that ever fell upon an ambitious hea● , which shall be likeways shortly turned to Cypresse at my unlamented funerals . The black cloud of dishonour hangs over me , and I am drowned in shame ; I am now the despised prey of the world , the noysome spectacle of this age , example of justice to all those who dare crucifie the harmlesse truth , disgrace the beauty of the glorious light , resist the graces of the Gospell , stifle the rayes of Majesty with impure smoake , and drinke with open throat the intoxicate cup of accursed preferment , which taints the judgement , and poysons the heart : And therefore on the bended knees of my soule let mee entreat you , to cast your eyes upon mee , not for pity and wonder only , but to hate those things which have plunged me in this depth of misery . Goe measure the height of your hopes , examine the very life & strength of my happines , and compare it with that weight of anguish , that mighty trouble of mind , those heavy disappointments , the loss of reputation , that bitter hatred ( one dram of which evils , drowns the memory of all my forsaken follies , and deceitfull policies ) and let this sad and serious remonstrance beget in you a perfit hatred of my ways , opinions and practices , and bring forth in your melting souls , a tender love to the peace of the Church : as you would embrace your owne eternall weal . For behold I had lately established my self upon the tops of the Mountaines , and thought I could not be removed , and flourishing like a Bay tree , the terrour of three Nations , feared at home , reverenced abroad , ( in such sort that the Romish Church thought her selfe meritoriously acquit , when she made eminent mention of mee in her prayers , as of the Rulers of Kingdomes , and Princes of the earth , that God would blesse so worthy a Prelate , and the great worke in his hands ) But now I passe away , and my memory stinketh , Lo , there are no more eys in the 3 Kingdomes , nay , in all the Neighbour Churches almost , then are bent against mee , and setting me up as a mark , do shoot their anger at mee , and gaze at me with out-stretched necks : Consider this , and looke a little how abject I am now , and how they have pestred mee , every mouth is filled with railings , and I remaine the subject and recreation of the more frolick pens . The World has consulted with my fate , and found nothing but tyranny contained in the leaf of my destiny , which they have pickt out in the anatomy of my name , as if I had beene a man set apart for the abuse of Churches and Kingdomes , while one doth persecute me with this Anagram , WILLIAM LAUDE . Anagram . I made will Law . SP'rit of Delusion , Church and State Have found this wrapt in thy black fate : Thou rearedst forth the Canon law , And trembling madst them stand in aw , And both the Scepters swaya'st , but now Thy Mitre tumbles from thy brow , Thy maske is torn , and we do see The flames of thine adulterate eye , 'T was from the North was heard the voice Making all England to rejoyce , Which first betrayed thee to thy shame , And did display thy stinking fame : With tyrant Laws , and Iron rod , Thou mad'st the prouder Mountains nod And Caedars reel , Thence thou wouldst try The Artick Pole , and reach the Skie , But thence great terrours , lightnings , thunder Did teare thy throne , thy selfe asunder , And drown'd thee in eternall night Proud and counterfeited light . 'T is reason scurvy Mitres fall , Before base Statesmoles sink us all . If this be the world's estimation , how is my Garland now humbled , and layed in the dust ? where is that honour , that usurped power by which I knew well how to muzzell the times , and correct the petulancie of the bolder pens ? but now they are filled with the venom of Asps , and cast forth flouds of gall upon me . Lo here another monument of my fame , for I thought good to shew you with what honourable Elegies they resolve to attend my Herse , that yee may be acquainted with your Panegyricks before they be engraven on your Tombe , no kind recompence they will allow you nor such as this . LIke to a blazing Comet in the North Drowning the Neighbour Stars , and casting forth A floud of fire , that poyson'd all the aire , And darkn'd the light , thou didst ere-while appeare , Sulphureous Meteor , dangling in thy skie , Thou thoughtst thou couldst the Sun with beauty die , And Soveraignly presumedst to dispence On everything thy usurped influence . Base , putrid vapour , which some gentle rayes , When Phoebus smiling on the Centre plays , Hath lately but exhal'd , and with his beams Hath so so deeply guilded , that it seems Thou art a Star indeed , 'Cause thou didst mock The Moon and heavenly bodies , and provoke , Climbing with jealousie as to a crown , Like Lucifer thou dyest , and art thrown down . Here is likeways the lash of another unmercifull pen ; It is my glory to abhor my self , and I must present these little flourishes to you who like Camelions feed on the aire of popularity , that in them as in a mirrour , yee may discover the minde of the people , and their propension to hate you as Vipers & Serpents , enemies to mankind . Laude tibi Laudis nomen malefacta dedere , Vt sine Laude praeis , sic sine Laude peris , Perniciem in patriae natus , Regisque ruinam es , Nequam es consiliis , alter & Achitophel : Hic natum in Patrem docuit fera bella movere , Tu natum in Matrem bella ciere doces . Vt tibi perfidiis fuit ille exemplar iniquis , Sic tibi sit mortis unica norm atuae I morere ut meritus , laqueoque averte laborem Carnificis , Patriae carnificina tuae . A comfortlesse comparison and sad sentence : but what will not a provoked people ( alas too justly provoked ) say in the heat of their rage ? all language is too narrow . If you will have more evidences of the universall distaste , and know how perfectly odious I am , cast your eyes upon this following Satyre , where they have stretcht themselves to the furthest extent of language , & made me aswell a Devill , as a Tyrant , resolving my name thus , WILLIAM LADE . Anagram . I am a Divell . THen like a fury poast to Tartarus , Vngentle Monster , and depart from us , Sinke to the brazen-gated deep Abysse , And there iriumph , Quaff Stygian Nonacris . Now , now the Tale-tell God displays his light , To shew the world the horrour of thy night ; At whose approach perfuming all the Aire With Spicie vapours , Spirits must disappeare . Hence , hence , on sorrow and revenge to feed , Go pulla Viper from Alectoe's head ; Like angry winds goe whip the Stygian Lake , And Rodomanthoes Iron throne make shake ; Go swallow Lightnings , dart thy prouder thunder , Fill hell , as earth , with horrours , fear , and wonder . We make more heavenly Musique at thy fall , Then all the Spheares that dance about the ball . Here comes forth another full of spight as the Grape ready to burst , and shoots his arrows against me , whose poyson doth make my spirit to smart . To the memory of the true Labourer in the Roman Cause , the Prelate of Canterbury . LAborious Pander to the Whore of Rome , Th'hast acted bravely , and deserv'st a room Above all those who could divide , confound , And raze a Church , and Kingdome to the ground . Thou sprung'st most proudly with aspiring vole Which could not stoop but to the Capitole . The Church , the State , lay panting under neath Thy pestring foot , and durst not once but breath A sigh , or groan , nay , though the times we sie Were bleeding forth their soul , yet durst not cry . Thou pick'st the Diamonds from the Diademe T' adorn the Mitre , and t' exalt the name Of Prelacy'bove power Secular , Which shines beside your Moon , but like a Star . Dread Prelat Lambethan , thou shalt be known Where ere the Roman Eagle yet has flown : Nor Becket , Wolsey , nor the hot-braind Crew , Who did the harmlesse Truth so sore pursue , Gregorian Kalendar have beautified , So nobly as thou in Rubricks deified . 'T is true enraged times may sacrifice Thee for thy zeale , laugh forth thine Elegies , And make thee a Proverb , yet the Lady of lands Which doth embrace the World , amazed stands And weeps thy losse , the Consistoriall train , His Holinesse himself , do much complain , And sweare th' have loos'd th' Arch-feather of their wings By which they used to soare above the Kings : Therefore about each Altar shall they Bayes Throng most solemnly , incense of thy prayse Shall stream through every grieved Cathedrall , While all the bels tole forth thy funerall . Thus am I tossed and made the scorne of time , they hold it good service to the present age , and posterity , to limne me in an hideous hue , and contend whose pen shal be most pungent , and victorious in the Pasquill : These same Palmes are springing and ripening for you , if yee continue to incense the impetuous people , now in a dangerous agitation , which though oftentimes undistinguishing , yet nothing mistaken in me . I desire therefore to entreat you , and conjure you all , in the power of passion , to be no more heires of my institutions and designes , but rather be astonished , putting on wonder , and pitie : for I must tell you , some think that Prophesie ( thirteene Revel. at the last ) about the beast comming out of the earth , which spoke as a Dragon , even now to be fulfilled , and the mystery thereof revealed in my name , the numerall letters whereof being thus written WILL . LAVD make directly the number of the Beast . I am the Beast count it that can , This is the number , I am the Man . If this cōmentary be not accurate , yet sure the envy is exact , which should beget remorse and feare in mee , and wisdome in you , for it will not forbear you when your cup shall be full . O the revolution of times , o the hopes of man ! How happy is hee who is prepared for all the turnings of the World ? I must be shortly dissolved , brethren , and have faithfully ( as becomes one in the last Article of his tim● ) cast open to you the inner cabinet of my heart , where you may see the very fountain and root of all my woes , and learn to correct the perversnes of your own souls , & come out of Babell , as you would flie from a falling Towre . Let my words be precious to you , my condition terrible , and this my lamentation , which I have Bathed in dearest teares of bitter grief , That ever sought to language for relief . Unmaske your eyes , and reclaime you from that spirituall adultery , whereby yee have so grievously prophaned the chastity of Religion , and given offence to the Reformed Churches . O with what exact humility would I cast my self in the bosome of that truth which I have wounded , if I thought my return would be gracious to the World . I know of what spirit yee be , and in the days of my labour did swell with that happinesse which yee all promise to your selves . But take knowledge from me who has bought it at so deare a rate , and assure your selves that the hopes of the Righteous shal be gladnes , when the expectation of the wicked shall perish . Truth must triumph . What shall I doe to enforce this great Resolution which concernes you as the life of your souls ? Even to quit that your darling which you have hug'd so dearly ; To lay by your Rochets , renounce your Episcopacie , which has ever been the very root of all these Ceremonies which this day doe infest the world , & have of old produced the mystery of iniquity : Once begin to entertain this thought that you are fighting against the heavens , and forsake those things which do so evidently soment the combustions of the Christian world . How many Rites , and Orders , and Ceremonies , and Comick follies , & novations ( which are not confined to number , but still springing up after the vanity of the imagination of the heart of man ) doe attend that Antichristian Prelacie , as the tail of the Comet doth follow the imperfect mistion of the evanishing body , which must all be drowned in the clouds of shame , when the Sun comes forth in Majesty like a valiant Champion , to chase ungracious darknesse from the face of heaven and earth ? O be ashamed , for all that is deare to you in heaven or in earth be ashamed , for the peace of your minde , for the worlds reputation , and the welfare of your deare Primitive Mother the Church , be ashamed of these Lordly dignities , that abhorred preheminence . No wonder wee have so long troubled the calme of Church and Common-wealth , because being lift up to the unnaturall places of preferment , we are out of our Element , and so cannot give rest to our selves , nor the world . 'T is no time to stand out any more , multitude of days may teach you wisdome ; God is thundring from above , and in a veine of working miracles . The mystery of inquity is now perfectly revealed , and the world begins to be weary of that tyranny and Iron rod , which so cruelly has bruised the powers of the earth , and twiched with repentance , shall shortly swell with the spirit of revenge ; Joyne therefore cheerfully hand in hand to this Reformation : Behold , the voice of the Turtle is heard in the Land . Night is gone , the day is come , even the day of his power , the beauty of his holinesse ; for now hee will make knowne the strength of his Kingdome , and his Subjects shall bee multiplied as the dew from the wombe of the morning . Can yee restraine the influence of his will ? Or make his eternall purpose of no effect ? O remember that yee magnifie this great worke which men behold , The Nations that knew no God shall rejoyce at it , The noyse thereof shall goe to the ends of the World . Enquire of the dayes of old , and aske the Generations past , since this Island was blessed with the prerogative of the Gospell ( whereat the rest of the World may stand jealous , and amazed ) if ever the Revelation of the Glory of God , was working more powerfully . Nay , certainly , it must be confessed , if wee believe the Scriptures , that as the great Bishop of Bishops , That Man of Sin , that has so long deluded the Kings of the Earth , making them worship vain imaginations , must be swept out of the Church , and be destroyed , So now , even now the disenchanted World thrusts at his very soule through our sides . And those who are more inward with the Spirit of discerning , and observe the advancing of the Prophesies , and long after the riches of the Gospell to be powred forth upon the fulnesse of Nations , have joyfully found ; in these times a very strange revolution , and that the powers of heaven are shaken , as if it had been mystically foretold in the 111 Psalme , Verse 3. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} 400 4 40 70 {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} 6 400 100 4 90 6 {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} 6 30 70 80 {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} 200 4 5 6 {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} 46. 5 {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} 4 70 30 whose numerall Letters produce directly the strange yeere , even the yeere 1640 , wherein by the dread Covenant of Scotland most especially , and ever since by the deportments of the children of peace and terrour , the God of Truth seemed to make a vow against us . This computation doth hold in English , As in the Hebrew , HIs Worke Is honoVrabLe , anD gLorIoVs , anD hIs rIghteoVsnesse enDVrech for eVer , Which cannot be but strange , and joyned with the consonancy of times abroad and at home , and the congruity of spirits and humours of men , might charge you with this sad acknowledgment , and beget in you a curiosity to observe what God is doing . We must indeed be forced to acknowledge from the sense of our losses , from the daily decreasing of our glory , and the advancements of our enemies , since that great yeere 1640 ( which by after ages shall be observed as the times of Babylonish confusion ) That the Lord has beene with them wonderfully , that wee have beene deserted in every particular , and tumbling from a precipice day by day , so that it were madnesse to thinke wee shall recover our game , or attain to the tops of the Mountains from whence wee are falne : This assistance , and the very time of the beginning of this reformation is observed by the more curious to have been promised , as it were , and intimated in the 2 Chron. 15. 2. in these . The LorD Is with yoV WhILe yee bee WIth hIM , whose numerall letters , fulfill the same yeer . But howsoever those curiosities hold , prophesies are no more mysteries , when mysteries are unvailed , and become Histories , for we have found those times , the beginnings of a revolution , which tend to great and effectuall alterations , which have given such a swing to the whole fabrick of our Kingdome , that the ligatures thereof are shaken . Nay , though we should use all nature and art to cement the same , it shall not avail , it shall not prosper , because the finger of God is against us . Wee need not straine arguments afarre , to bring this home to your indocile soules , and possesse you with this assurance , that there is a great work begun which shall be consummate with glory , to the joy of the friends of the Gospell , and utter confusion of the enemies of Peace and Truth ; and that in the Church of England likewayes , there is certainly a Reformation to be looked for , as in the Church of Scotland , which has ( to the great emulation of the dis-heartned people here , in this houre of hope , promising to themselves a certain relief ) so restored Religion and Truth to their splendour and purity ( through the particular finger of God ) that this day it is the measure of the desires , and the height of the wishes , of all distressed Churches to be established in the comforts of such a Reformation as they now enjoy . If the purpose of God by the condition of these times , and this strange working , be not manifested to you , advise with Politike probability ( yee that are Jesuited Statists ) and behold how every thing strugles for our confusion . The winds are let loose from all the corners of the earth , and spread themselves furiously : All mens affections decay almost , and are loosed to the Leaders of that great cause , for which we have poured out our souls ( but unprofitably as waters spilt on the ground ) . For though to the gloriation of Papists ( which they have openly , and insolently declared in print ) the face of our Church was changed , and the language thereof altered , yet now consider the temper of mens minds , the strength of their wishes , and power of their affection . Nothing but universall detestation , and aversenesse from us , and our wayes , nothing but an inclination well followed , with the maturity of times , to the contrary in all points . For the people , like a field of standing corne moved by a stiffe gale , do all bow their heads one way , or like a strong tyde chased by the winde do all make but one current . There is likeways a certain quickning , and agitation , and expectation in the spirits of men , to believe , and hope for the beauty of Reformation , and our utter removall , according as they have been ( no question ) effectually praying , and of late in an extraordinary manner , reporting the comfort of a sure confidence . Now tell me if yee conceive it possible , that so great a work , so eminently assisted by him who holds the ends of the world in his hands , can be deserted , but that it shall be crowned with the Copestone , else they had losed their prayers , and the strength of their wit , by which wee confesse they prevaile , for Hee that is the God of their Covenant marches on like a man of war , and wil notstay , till the Antichrist be puld down , and his Enemies be made his footstool , and the Jews and Gentiles call'd in . Wee have seene the goings of God the King in the Sanctuary . This is the day , and the worke of the Lord terrible in our eyes , wherein the Judgement of the great Whore that sits over many waters shall be shown . Moreover , the fautors and instruments of this great work , have p●inted their truth , and their actions with a Sun-beam , and so strongly seized the judgements of the World , that now every soule is warmed , fill'd with wonder , and rests sweetly convinced . With us and our faction , nothing but a benummed sullennesse , and a profound silence ; We are all given over to the spirit of slumber ; Our pens are plagued with a lethargie , Though your Prelacie be now lying gasping , yet there is none almost that dare owne it , not any to encounter those papers which come forth in Squadrons , displaying the Banner of Truth , to captivate every understanding , and will , to the obedience thereof . Lay your hands on your mouth : for we are not all able to restore that Monster to its wonted dignity , and height of power , nor fetch its pedigree from Heaven , or shew how the same ought to bee welcommed in the World , or can be usefull , and expedient in a Christian Republike : no we should fail , though wee concentrat our wits , and alambique our spirits . There is one , indeed , who hath afflicted his understanding , and wearied his pen in the defence thereof , and now of late , with a new assault , tendred his Remonstrance to the Parliament , humbly entreating the Honorable Court , to let the poor , miserable , torn thing , breath a while , but alas , thinke not that noble Senate ( to whose wisdome all Europe doe pay their tributary gazes ) will any longer nourish such Snakes , & keep Serpents in their bosome , for it cannot be but they must resent their smarts , and think wee have sting'd them with a dangerous poyson , which has mortally defiled all the veines of the Politicke and Ecclesiasticke body . How ready mans corruption is to any thing , which can give warrant , or coloured pretence to his ambition , may well appeare by his livelesse Apologie , wherein his Arguments are not so much Christian , as wrested from Antiquity . Yet yee that are the Fathers of the Church might well know , it was not so from the beginning , Truth did precede erroar , and drive the point home to the Source , it shall be cleere . Antiquity is no patrociny for errour , and prescription no prejudice to Truth , his reasons doe as much befriend the Romish Hierarchy as militate for the English Episcopacie , and much more easie it is to answer them , then to find them out . But I pray you why doe not we follow the safest way , most free of Ceremonies and offences ? Which among us can reproach all this while the Government of the Scottish Church ? And dare wee deny but it is most agreeable to the simplicity of the Gospell ? And a surer Rampard against the prevalencie of Herefies ? whether of the governments , their Presbyteriall , or our splendide , and magnifick Orders are more cōsonant to the Apostolike & Primitive , and least approaching to the Romish ? What Office-bearers among them , which ye find not in the Scriptures ? Or any preheminence , and relation , of a Minister to a Minister , being both of one degree ? Nay , give over the game which must be lost , yee know if the Antichrist must fall that we can hardly stand ; If the Ocean be dryed up , whence shall the Rivers come ? It cannot be denied , but'wee have moved swiftly and boldly . And to say wee have nothing advanced to Rome , & forsaken the cleer waters of the Gospell , evaporated , and dispirited the powers of Religion , it were an impudence beyond wonder , which all the Reformed Churches would cast back on our faces with shame . Nay , wee have dethroned Truth , and builded Altars to Errour and Superstition , chasing Christ out of the Church , and making an holy place for Antichrist ; from Kings likewayes have we wrested Authority , torn the Crowne , and adorned the Mitre , in such sort that the God of all the World may well say , We have reigned , but not by him , Wee have made our selves Princes , but hee knew it not . If it be not so , what then means the lowing of the Oxen , and the bleating of the Sheep ? Whence the huge number of Ceremonies ? The continuall encrease of Novations ? The authorizing of Id●l●●●● by Church Canons ? Whence the communion of words , and practices , with Romanists ? For it is very unbeseeming the people of God to symbolize with Idolaters , and the Enemies of God , ( whether in their manner of worship or government ) where there is no necessity . The Jews would not speak though it were but half the speech of Ashod . And when the world crys out against us , charging our profession with these great dishonours done to the Name of God , wee have no other hole to creep in , nor any better answer to return , then the Papists have for avoiding the stain of that abomination , which this day cuts the hearts of the Jews , and Reformed Churches . Now , to think that the Truth shall ever be born downe , and not once set up his victorious head , Nay , in this same Article of Time , wherein it has received such strength , and power , and Majesty , and hath dispersed the clouds , which wee of a long while have been diligently assembling , were egregiously to be infatuate , and if yee continue to let these hopes smile upon you ye are certainly finally demented , and fitted to perdition , examples and fore-runners of that great wrath , appointed for those who had their eyes upon our returns , and expected the propagation of their Kingdome from us . But if all other things should hold their peace ( ye that are witnesses to this great reformation , and upon whom these happy dayes have falne ) hear how this late Covenant doth cry aloud ; even this great Covenant , sworne , and sealed so solemnly . Do not yee see how they hold out their arms to embrace it , and think they have found a Sovereigne balme for all the wounds in Church & State , if happily applyed ? Have they not hereby as it were taken the Sacrament for our destruction ? What lesse things can bee expected then from the Covenant of Scotland , which as it hath filled the earth with the noise thereof , and made the Altars of Rome to tremble for fear , so now likewayes has proved a dangerous precedent , and a strange leading case for our compleat raine ? Of what strange productions can this be the fore-runner ? Are all these motions , these solemnities of new resolutions , to which the people have so willingly espoused themselves , to no purpose ? Can all this be for the upholding of our Kingdome ? Or do not yee rather perceive a streaming Banner displayed against you ? Have not they combined themselves with immovable thoughts , to extirpate all unnecessary follies , and novations which are the very soul of our glory , and the beams of our splendour ? Have they not cut our haires wherein our strength does lie , made us bald , and discovered our shame , and who may not invade us securely ? No , no , do not disdain these great appearances ; from the root of this Covenant shall spring a Tree whose top shall reach the Heaven , and under the branches thereof shall the Nations of the earth hide themselves ; it shal increase and flourish as the goodly Cedars of Lebanon , but our contemptible plant , which the heavenly Father hath not planted , shall be pulled up , and die . Tell me , yee that can discern the face of the weather , and pretend to know the times and seasons , doth not every day looke more blacke and ugly ? What kindnesse have wee found of God , or what conquest of friends have wee made amongst men , since the times began to be shaken ? Doth not every day pull a feather from our wings , by which wee used to worke so high , till the vapours of the earth could not reach us ? Quae nos dementia coepit to think we shall ever recover of these wounds already inflicted , since the arrows are daily multiplyed , and fall on us in showres from all hands ; Wee have strained our moyen at the Courts of Princes , but they be now justly wearied of us : And hee is reputed neither good Christian , nor understanding Countrey-man , neither pious , nor politike , that dare open his mouth for us . And if wee shall lift up our eyes to Heaven , behold , Wee cannot say there be more for us , then against us , Wee can meet with no consolation , but a devouring sword drawne against the children of Pride . What Giant plots we have set afoot , and how inseasonably they are discovered , to our eternall shame , it is now spred like the Suns light . And though hitherto there were some hopes left , yet now they are all blasted , and wee begin to stink in the eyes of our bosome friends . Our purposes are unvailed , our intentions , blacke as darknesse , are now made known , and howbeit wee could have joyed before in some of the peoples good graces , yet these horrible designes , of advocating strange assistance , of soliciting and covenanting with Papists , of forcing and besieging the very Houses of Parliament , and doing violence to the whole Kingdome , for upholding our Grandours , for keeping our venerable Garlands upon our heads , are indeed Acts able to draw the insupportable weight of publike hate upon us , and which might as deservedly procure us to be cast out of the Church and State , as ever the Jesuits were turned out of France , and are to this day banished from the Venetian Republike . Nor let us any more evanish in this deceit , to think wee can move Authority to lend us a gracious hand , and keep us from sinking : for though the favours wee have found be great , and a mercifull Majesty hath done much , yet now ( it is to be feared ) hee will relinquish us , and not undoe his State Civill , for upholding the Ecclesiastick in Accidentals . And when Heaven and Earth combine against us , and the present estate of affairs deny help , and refuse hope , Whether shall wee flie ? There is no balme in Gilead now ; Take heed , The windes are blowing , the flouds are comming , and our thunder-stricken building must down , because not of God . Wee have already received sentence from the Honourable House of Commons ; their wisdome and justice have pronounced the peoples minde , and denounced the Kingdoms pleasure ; And though the influence of some frolick faction ( now fugitive as our hopes are ) should yet a little prolong the life of our expectation , and entertain us with a possibility of wrestling thorow , Tell me if ever any person did thrive being once cōdemned by them ? It is certainly a great losse , not to have the Parliaments affection , and very hard ( as they say ) to fit in Rome , and strive against the Pope . No , no , Nature and Grace , Time and Fortune , have taken such a good course to destroy us , that it is impossible wee can be saved without a miracle . Far , far be it from us to think our contracted , and long accustomed boldnesse , and impudencie , can any more enveigle the eyes of the World , with that Idoll of Jealousie , which by the corruption of times , through the ambition of mans unlimited heart , is now exalted to such exorbitancie of height , that become top-heavy , it fals with its own weight . O then forsake , In the bowels of mercy depart from that willingly , which as you are now deserted of men , will once make you rejected of God . What is it ( alas ) to be covered with a Princes wings , to be warmed with the beams of his favour , to be set up as it were on a Pyramide , and made the object of wonder , to have such sway , that with the one foot ye may tread on the Church , with the other crush the State , and so to monopolize all power , that without you there is nothing but simulachrum potestatis ? What is it I say , all this ? Is God mocked ? Can yee elude the thunderbolts of his anger ? Can yee be lift up beyond the stroake of revenge ? Can yee give laws to the Spirit of the most high , to mould the times in what fashion pleaseth you ? Be there not certain fatall periods , as of Houses , Families , & Cōmon-weals , so likeways a vicissitude of governments ? In many other places has Episcopacie been cast out , neither ever could the face of Church or Common-wealth look calme , till that Jonas was thrown in the Sea . And in this disposition of time , when all things smile on them , but frown upon us , nothing more easie , nothing more absurd , than to flatter our selves with contrary expectations . O that I knew what way to induce you powerfully , to contemne that , which is unwarranted of God , hatefull to men , odious to the times , hurtfull to the Church , & in the end wil bring a dire destruction upon your selves . Would yee have signes from Heaven ? Remember how all the inventions of our sublimated policies , assisted by the powers of the time , have failed us very wonderfully , in every particular , and turned upon our own pates ; Looke to the continuall progresse of our affairs , how all the machinations which wee conceived were sufficiently able , to ripen and produce our designes , have proved steps to advance our enemies ( The great chastisers of the times ) and that we have reaped nothing of all our pains and expenses , but sad disappointments to our selves , and confusion to our cause . Put off therefore these vain and unprofitable desires , which are of the World , and die with the world . The foolish Grandour of your Lordly dignities , is but a dream and toy of some few decrepit yeeres , which flowne over , will make all the veins of your heart to shake , 'T is but a shadow , in the morning with you , at night behind you , past and gone . But now the inexorable messenger of death approacheth furiously , and charges mee to remove , The impatient world chaseth me away , and I must be gone : I take therefore Heaven and Earth to witnesse against you , that I have not hid my offences from you , but spred my selfe open , and given your discerning eyes a liberall view of my errours , which have so truly deserved the heaviest censure which can f●ll from the sword of Justice , advising you as yee would eschew the wrath to come , and be delivered from the worlds anger , no longer to resist the Spirit , which prompts the times so powerfully , to solicit the embracements of the Whore , and by the continuall encrease of miseries , to expose the Church & Kingdom , to be a spectacle of pitie & laughter to Neighbour Churches , and Common-weals . And if yee will not forsake your wayes , lay downe your Antichristian Offices at the foot of the Church , which ye have so miserably torne , If you will not divorce your selves , from the lusts of that abominable preheminence , and be strongly devoted to the advancements of this happy Reformation , which moves so sweetly towards the end of Prophesies , for the preservation of the glorious light of salvation , and encouragement of Gods people , I declare in audience of the World , that wrath shall come and fall upon your necks as Thunder from the Clouds , yee shall die and none lament it . Thus have I acquit my selfe : for the spirit within me constrained me . I must depart , and resigne my chair , never to be fill'd again . Have pity upon me my friends , for the hand of the Lord is upon me . FINIS . 
A88786	----	A letter sent from the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury (now prisoner in the Tower) to the Vice-Chancellor, doctors, and the rest of the convocation at Oxford, intimating his humble desires to His Majesty, for a speedy reconcilement between him and his high court of Parliament. Laud, William, 1573-1645. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88786 of text R4532 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E83_27). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 12 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88786 Wing L591 Thomason E83_27 ESTC R4532 99872697 99872697 125143 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88786) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 125143) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 14:E83[27]) A letter sent from the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury (now prisoner in the Tower) to the Vice-Chancellor, doctors, and the rest of the convocation at Oxford, intimating his humble desires to His Majesty, for a speedy reconcilement between him and his high court of Parliament. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 8 p. Ordered to be printed, First at Oxford by Leonard Lichfield, and now reprinted at London for Edward Vere, [London] : [1642?] Signed: W.C. "This is believed to be a forgery"--Cf. Madan. "The supposed Oxford original of this letter probably never existed, nor do the records of Convocation show any trace of it."--Cf. Madan. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Decemb: 29". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Laud, William, 1573-1645. Detention of persons -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A88786 R4532 (Thomason E83_27). civilwar no A letter sent from the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury (now prisoner in the Tower) to the Vice-Chancellor, doctors, and the rest of the convocatio Laud, William 1642 2120 4 0 0 0 0 0 19 C The rate of 19 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-04 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2007-04 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LETTER Sent from the ARCH-BISHOP OF . CANTERBVRY ( Now prisoner in the Tower ) TO THE VICE-CHANCELLOR , Doctors , and the rest of the Convocation at OXFORD , Intimating his humble desires to His Majesty , for a speedy reconcilement between Him and His High Court of PARLIAMENT . Ordered to be printed , First at OXFORD by Leonard Lichfield , and now reprinted at LONDON for Edward Vere . A Letter sent from the Archbishop of CANTVRBVRY . Master Vicechancelor , And you Gentlemen , the rest of my ancient friends and fellow-Students , God , whose Judgements are inserutable , before whom the wisdome of the children of men is but foolishnesse , hath beene pleased to lay his afflictions on me with a heavie hand , glorified be his Name in all his Works ; But no one among all the numbers of my miseries hath , or does more afflict me then that I am by my misfortunes made incapable of serving you and that famous Nurse of good Letters , your University ( of which I had sometimes the honour to be Chancelor ) with that intire zeale and devotion , which my intentions aimed at : man purposeth and God disposeth , otherwise had his Almighty Will beene concurrent to my wishes , my indeavours should have rendred Oxford the glory of the Christian world for good literature ; but mens hopes resemble much the Sunne , that at his rising and declension casts large shadowes , at noone , when he is clothed in all his brightnesse casts little or none at all ; when wee are farthest from our expectations , they appeare neerest to our hopes : our hopes feeding our imaginations with the prosperity of our intents , which then approch swiftly to ruine , like quite spent tapers , that give a sudden flash ere they extinguish . It was just so with mee , who now in stead of all the honours I possessed , am a prisoner ; and so like to continue , and would take it as an ample testimony of God Almighties mercy to me , were I but assured to carry my gray haires downe to the grave in peace ; but his Will be done , in earth as it is in heaven , I shall indeavour to make the best of my sufferings , that I may say with the Psalmist , It was good for me that I was in trouble . And surely I shall so demeane my selfe towards God , my King , and the Common-wealth in this my durance , that in my very enemies I shall beget compassion , in you my friends a hearty sorrow for my miseries , which have taught mee that true Dictamen of wisdome , that I shall advise all , especially you of mine owne Calling , the Clergie , never to meddle with things above your reach , I meane State affaires , but to devote your selves solely to the service and worship of God , the true feeding the flocks committed to your charge ; for dangerous it is to meddle with the Councell of Kings , especiall for those who have professed themselves Ministers of the Almighty , on whose Lawes they ought onely to meditate ; the affaires of State being Theatres on which whosoever acts his part , though it appeare to him comicall in the beginning , the end will produce his owne tragedie , if hee looke not with the greater care to his performance ; as it happened to that most famous Clergie-man of all our Nation , that great Cardinall Woolsey ( whom some in a merry mockery ) have ●naptly made my paralell in dignity and fortune , who loden with disgraces , jam sumus ergo pares , not long before his departing-minute exclaimed , that if hee had served God but with halfe that integrity he had done the King , he would not have so deserted him in his old age . How I have served my King , then whom no man ever had the happinesse to serve a more gracious Master , the world must be my judge , how I have performed my duty to God of that , my owne conscience ; nor shall I strive to give the world satisfaction in that point , onely desire them to remember that divine command ; Iudge not lest you be judged : howsoever I have demeaned my selfe , it is enough I now suffer , without either repining at the Will of the Almighty , or exprobating mine accusers with the least accusation of malice , though never man hath had so many scandalous abuses cast upon him : none ever ( considering my Calling ) having been made so notorious a subject for ridiculous Pamphlets and Bailads ; but it is not I alone that have indured injuries of that nature , they have fallen with the same licencious petulancie upon my betters , and I have long since studied that Precept of the Wise man , when a foole reviles thee , regard him not , and so enough of this matter , and all other ; but the maine cause of my writing to you , impute this needlesse Exordium to my humane weaknesse , which is alwayes prone to tediousnesse in relation of its misfortunes , to those it is confident will lament and pitie them : An instance whereof wee have in children , who use to bemone themselves to their Mothers and Nurses , purposely to have them bemone them . But to my businesse : It is not unknowne to you Gentlemen , nor to me , though darknesse and the shadow of death have even incompassed me round , what Myriads of increasing mischiefes these times have produced in this languishing and almost expiring Kingdom , diffencions , wars and blood-sheds , raigning in every place , fellow Subjects , like the ancien Sword-players , in the Roman Cirques and Amphitheatres , butchering one another merely for their delight in blood , Fraternus acies alternaque jura profunis , De certata odiis , May fitly be applyed to the condition of our now distressed Countrey , whose soule is , as it were , divided from the body , and itselfe only the carkasse of that England it was formerly . The Kings gracious Majestie by fatall feares and misconstructions being seperated from the body of the Common-wealth , the Honourable the high Court of Parliament ; and if any comfort can arrive to make a man love his misery or take delight in his inthrallment , certainly I have , that my durance was inflicted on mee before this sad and lamentable breach ( which heaven in its great mercy soone knit up ) happened betwixt his Majesty and his Parliament ; for , had I been at liberty , and injoyed the gracious care of my Soveraigne as formerly , surely I had not beene to have had that aspersion cast upon me as the author of this distraction ( such a fatality is alwayes attendent on persons high in the favour of their Prince , to have all the misfortunes of the Common-wealth inflicted on them , who may be perchance , not onely innocent , but have also indeavoured to have diverted from the State those mischiefs of which they are suspected by some , and by some concluded to have beene the maine incendiaries : and surely I could wish , so my sufferings might have impeached the impetuous current of the Klngdomes miseries , that I had undergone a thousand deaths before this dis-junction had falne out betweene the high Court of Parliament and his Majesty , who being , as I am informed , now with you at Oxford , and intending there to reside , I thought my selfe ingaged in conscience to intimate my intentions to you , and to give you that counsell , which if any one had given me in my prosperitie , I might , perchance at this instant , not have beene unhappy . I know there are among you divers of great and able soules , take heed , I beseech you , lest you pervert those excellent gifts which God and education hath conferred upon you , by intruding your selves into the affaires of the State , and inverting Religion to advance and cherish the present distractions . The King is now amongst you , a good and gracious Prince hee is , as ever heaven blest this Land with , doe not you any ends whatsoever , increase the number of those Malignants , who have given fire to all the Cedars of Lebanon at once kindled a flame , which in a moment hath almost burn'd up all the glories of this Kingdome ; let neither the disgraces cast on the Clergie by some factious spirits without the licence or patronage of the Parliament , incense you to cherish the distractions betwixt his Majesty and that honourable and wise Assembly , nor hope of preferment seduce you to it ; for credit me , who hath more experience in such affaires then many of you , though the beginning of proceedings of that nature may in faire and specious outsides court your imaginations , their period will be nothing but confusion and bitternesse to the undertakers , as other sinnes are , which like subtile Panthers , display their gorgeous spots to intice the traveller to gaze upon them , till the carelesse wretches are surely in their reach , and then they assault and devoure them . It is ill going betweene the barke and the tree , ( sayes the Proverb ) take heed of it ; there is as neere a relation betwixt the King and his Parliament , and though they may a while be separated , that violence cannot be long lived ; it will at last conclude in the ruine of those that have caused this seperation , they will be sure to suffer . It cannot be but offences must come , but woe be to them from whom they come ; mischiefes alwayes meet their Catastraphes in the destruction of their authors . Since then his Majesty hath graciously beene pleased to honour your University and City with his Royall presence , like good Samaritans , indeavour to powre Balme and Oyle into the wounds of the Common-wealth ; labour as much as in you lies , to compose these dissensions : it is your Calling to propagate Peace as well as the Gospell , which is the testimony of peace , given by the King of Peace to the children of men ; you may informe his Majestie even out of your Pulpits , and boldly , that nothing is more perquisit to the duty of a Soveraigny than to acquire and advance the good of his Subjects , which can no way so well and suddenly be effected as by a faire Accommodation of peace betweene his Royall Selfe and his high Court of Parliament : And as an incitement to mo●● 〈◊〉 Majestie to thinke of it , if such a wretched man as I be not quite lost to his memory , tender this to him as the hum●●● Petition of his unfortunate servant , that his goodnesse 〈◊〉 vouchsafe to reflect on my sufferings , who am impossibili●●● by his absence of ever comming to my triall , and so likely to end my dayes in a prison . But this onely as the least motive , because it is for my selfe , but further beseech his Highnesse from me , to looke with a compassionate and tender eye on the Religion , Nobility and Commons of this unhappy Kingdome , and by a speedy reconciliation with the honourable the high Court of Parliament at once finish all their miseries . And lastly , pray you signifie to his Majestie , that I lay my life downe in all humility at his Royall feet , beseeching God day and night for his prosperitie , peace and happinesse , desiring no longer life for any end , but this , to see his Majestie , the glory of our Israel , returne to his Ierusalem , all differences attoned betwixt him and his Parliament , which are the continuall prayers of his Highnesse humblest servant , and your true friend , W. C. FINIS . 
A56866	----	Quatermayns conquest over Canterburies court, or, A briefe declaration of severall passages between him and the Archbishop of Canterbury with other commissioners of the High Commission Court, at six severall appearances before them, and by them directed to Doctor Featly : with their severall conferences, and the doctors by Roger Quatermayne. Quatermayne, Roger. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A56866 of text R9277 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing Q148). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 122 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A56866 Wing Q148 ESTC R9277 11986033 ocm 11986033 51942 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A56866) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51942) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 76:14) Quatermayns conquest over Canterburies court, or, A briefe declaration of severall passages between him and the Archbishop of Canterbury with other commissioners of the High Commission Court, at six severall appearances before them, and by them directed to Doctor Featly : with their severall conferences, and the doctors by Roger Quatermayne. Quatermayne, Roger. Laud, William, 1573-1645. Featley, Daniel, 1582-1645. [17], 39, [8] p. Printed by Tho. Paine, for Roger Quatermayne, and are to be sold by Samuell Satterthwaite ..., London : 1642. Errata: p. [17]. Reproduction of original in Yale University Library. "The prayer": ([8] p.) at end. eng Church of England -- History -- 17th century -- Sources. A56866 R9277 (Wing Q148). civilwar no Quatermayns conquest over Canterburies court· Or A briefe declaration of severall passages between him and the Archbishop of Canterbury, wit Quatermayne, Roger 1642 22255 127 0 0 0 0 0 57 D The rate of 57 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-03 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-03 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion QVATERMAYNS CONQVEST OVER CANTERBVRIES COVRT . OR A Briefe Declaration of severall Passages between him and the Archbishop of CANTERBURY , with other Commissioners of the High Commission Court , at six severall appearances before them , and by them directed to Doctor Featly ; with their severall Conferences ; and the Doctors Reports to the Court . As also his imprisonment by vertue of a Warrant from the Lords of the Councell , with ten privie Councellours hands to it . With his appearance before the Lords of the Councell , and his Answers to the Archbishop and the Lord Cottington , concerning Conventicles , and his Answer to foure Queries , propounded unto him concerning the Scots . As also his tryall three severall Sessions , by vertue of a Commission in Oyer and Terminor at the Guild Hall London , and his blessed Deliverance . And lastly , A Prayer , and Thankesgiving , in an acknowledgement of Gods mercy in his Deliverance . By ROGER QUATERMAYNE LONDON Printed by Tho. Paine , for Roger Quatermayne , and are to be sold by Samuell Satterthwaite , at the signe of the Blacke Bull in Budge Rowe neare Tantlings Church , 1642. TO THE CHRISTIAN READER ; Grace , Mercy , and Peace , from God the FATHER , and from our LORD JESUS CHRIST . BEloved , Thinke it not strange concerning the fiery tryall , which is to try you , as though some strange thing had happened unto you ; but rejoyce in as much as you are made partakers of Christs sufferings , that when his glory shall be revealed , you may be glad also with exceeding Ioy . It was the counsell of the blessed Apostle Peter , as you may see in the first Epistle of Peter the fourth Chapter the 12 and 13 Verses . And the same Apostle giveth the reason thereof in the 14 v●…rse of the same Chapter , sayth he , If you be reproached for the Name of Christ , happy are you , for the spirit of glory , and of God , resteth upon you . But sayth he in the fifteenth verse , Let none of you suffer as an evill 〈◊〉 , a murderer , or as a busie body in other mens matters ; Vers. 16. But if any man suffer as a Christian , let him not be ashamed , but let him glorifie God in this behalfe . For as the Apostle Paul sayth in the twel●… Chapter to the Hebrews , vers. 6. Whom the Lord loveth he chastiseth , and scourgeth every sonne whom he receiveth . And he layeth downe a reason why the Lord doth chastise his children , and that is not for their losse , but for their benefit , which is that they might be partakers of his holinesse For I●… that the sufferings of this 〈◊〉 are not worthy of the glory that shall be revealed , Rom 8. vers. 18. For it is an Apostolicall Injunction laid upon the Saints , that every one that wi●…l live godly in Christ Jesus , must suffer persecution . And indeed , it is a great honour for Beleevers to be called thereunto , being the proper gift of God : For to you it is given , not onely to doe but to suffer for his Name . Vpon all these blessed Considerations , ( Christian Reader ) I have made bold to present before the eyes of thy understanding , a view of severall afflictions which have be●…alne me in this my Pilgrimage , by those which have taken upon them the name and title of the Fathers of the Church , but are indeed , and in truth , the enemies of Christ , and his Gospel , and as opposit to the power of godlinesse , and the sincere wayes of the Saints ; as that cursed Abaddon , or Apollyon of Rome is or can be , as hath and doth appeare daily by their bloudy proceedings against the faithfullest Ministers , and sanctifiedst , and sincerest Professors , that hath been , and are living amongst us ; Witnesse their 〈◊〉 proceedings against Doctor Layton , Master Peter Smart , Doctor Bastwicke , Master Prin , and John Lilburne , with divers others . And lastly , Concerning my selfe , who had like to have suffered Ship wracke under the guidance and conduct of these Romish Pilots , leading and guiding me through so many by-wayes , Rocks , and Sands , that had not the Lord mercifully and miraculously preserved me , I had been taken in their Nets , and swallowed up in the pit that they had digged for me ; so maliciously were they bent against me ; as in the sequell of this Story following , shall with Gods helpe more fully appeare . B●…loved , ( Christian Reader I would not have troubled thee with these few rude lines , had not I be●…n solicited thereunto by many , both judiciously wise , and religiously honest ; whom I much respect , as in dutie I ought , they perswading me that the carriage of the businesse , by Gods especiall assistance , might prove to be a ground of great incouragement unto others , that might in time to come be brought to the same condition , and put to the same straits that I have been in . Truely , there is no reason why wee should be troubled or discouraged with any of their frownes or threats ; for the Lord hath to me , and will to all his , make good his promise , That He will give us a mouth , and a tongue to speak , that the enemies shall not be able to resist . You see it to be a truth in all those valiant warriours of the Lord Iesus before named ; with many others that I could name , but that I am unwilling to be tedious . Onely looke to thy Cause , that it be warranted by the Word ; Looke to thy Conscience , that it be cleansed from sinne ; Looke to thy heart , that it be purified by faith ; and to thy Conversation , that it be unspotted in the world ; and then being thus armed on the right hand , and on the left , goe on thou valiant man in this thy might , in a strong opposition against the foolish , ridiculous , popish , superstitious Ceremonies , and deadread-Service , which the blinde , lame , dumbe , scandalous Priests and Prelates of this age so stand for ; and be you not discouraged from your holy duties of Religion , by reason of these vile 〈◊〉 of Conventicles , and the like , that is cast upon it . For assuredly it is and hath been , the strong Arme of our God , to shake this 〈◊〉 Antichristian Hierarchie , and therefore for sake not the Assembly of the Saints , as the manner of some is , Heb. 10. 25. Through the disheartning Sermons of some Ministers among us , who by their preaching formerly did promise much better service , then now they performe to the Church , whereby they give us just cause to suspect their fidelitie in their Masters worke , and they brow beat their weake Brethren , who according to their measure , and the gift of God received , doe labour to build up one another in their most holy faith , and comfort others with the same comforts that they themselves are comforted of God . But Beloved , You that have tasted how sweet the Lord is in these sacred Ordinances , let not goe your hold of Christ by them , but follow after the Marke , 〈◊〉 the prise of the high Calling of God in Christ Jesus ; For , in due time yee shall reape if you faint not ; therefore , lift up your weake hands , and strengthen your feeble knees ; For certainly , Your redemption draw●…th nigh ; You shall be delivered from the power of these Antichristian Prelates , and their tyrannie . But , Beloved , least whilest I goe about to counsell and incourage you , I forget my selfe , I will addresse my selfe to make you acquainted with some passages in the insuing Discourse , that so I may insinuate my selfe into your affections , and gaine some time from your more necessary imployments , to cast your eyes upon some of these more pleasing passages , in my following Discourse , that may recreate your spirits , and not corrupt your judgement . Christian Readers , For unto you doe I dedicate this Narration of my troubles , paine , and charge , that you may be incouraged in your Christian Course without feare ; for , wh●… is it that can harme you , if you be followers of that which is good ? 1 Pet 3. 1. In the first place , You may gather some things to informe your judgements from my Answers to the great Arch-Pilot , who would seeme to be the guide of all the Ships that floate on the Cantaburian Sea ; he writing himselfe to be the Primate and Metropolitane thereof ; who if you trace him aright , you shall ( as I have done ) finde out his ignorance , untruths , malice , and flattery . Secondly , You may there finde all the brood of Inquisitors in a strait , for want of an honest Rule to walk by , there being no Law to justifie their proceedings . Thirdly , You may there finde the Advocates complaining like Dianaes Chaplaines in Ephesus , for the losse of their Trade , with execrable curses on me for the same . Secondly , Some benefit you may get in the severall passages at the severall appearances that I had before them at the High Commission Court ; where you may finde them put to a stand , when I come up close unto them , in regard of the Lawes of God and of the Land . Thirdly , Some benefit you may get , if you be not wanting to your selves , by reading the Discourse that was between Doctor Featly and my Selfe , concerning an action and rule , as is there laid downe . Fourthly , Some benefit you may get by reading that large Discourse I had with the Lords of the Councell ; wherein it pleased the Lord most graciously to carry me along in my Answers without offence unto them , and yet kept my Conscience uncorrupted . Lastly , Some profit you may reape by the proceedings against me at the Guild Hall London , three severall Sessions , both in point of charge , in respect of Iury , as also in regard of Witnesse , and the malice of my persecutors ; and in observing the hand of the Lord in my deliverance , which was not ordinary , but extraordinary , his blessed Name be praised therefore . Thus have I given you a hint of some things considerable in the insuing Discourse , which if thereby God may be glorified , you may be edified , then have I that which I aimed at . How if it be against all this objected , that I seeme in this my Epistle to justifie my selfe in my carriage of the whole businesse , and much to derogate from the credit of mine enemies . You know what the Apostle sayth , You suffer fooles gladly , because you your selves are wise . Truly , if I had knowne any thing in any of my Spirituall Adversaries worthy of remembrance , for their credit I would not have detained or kept it backe , but have freely yeelded it unto them . Put when I consider what I have by experience found , and what others have felt and found by their cruell proceedings and dealings with them or against them , I could doe no otherwise then I have done , least as Job sayth , While I give flattering titles to men , the Lord should confound mee . And to Apologise for my selfe , if I be not mistaken , I have already said , that I have put this to the Presse by Solicitation of others . And ●…not seeking shelter , as is usually done , under some great Patron to defend me , thought it my dutie not to detaine the truth in unrighteousnesse , but to declare it nakedly , without either feare of foes , or hope of reward , but onely that God might be glorified ; for whom I have suffered all this , and much more ; and will with Gods helpe continue to the end , what ever may fall out in the way . As also that you might be incouraged to goe on in your Christian course of profession of the Gospel without feare , and to store your selves with such promises of divine knowledge in spirituall things , as that those which walke in darknesse , observing no Rule , by leaning to their owne understanding , may be convinced by your invincible boldnesse in standing in , and for the truth . And thus not troubling you any farther at this time , onely one Request I have unto you , that you will be thus favourable unto me , that where I shall come short , or overlash , through want of memory , or weaknesse of judgement , in any of the severall passages and carriages of my Answers , you would be pleased to cover them with the Mantle of love and charitie , and by observing my imperfections , to get strength to overcome the enemies of God and of his truth . And thus I commit you to God , and to the Word of his grace , who is able to build you up , and give you an inheritance among those that are sanctified by faith in Christ Jesus . I rest your loving Brother , and fellow-Souldier , in the quarrell of Christ and his Gospell , ROGER QUATERMAYNE . TO THE CHRISTIAN READER . CHRISTIAN READER . IT is an Axiome in Nature , That things are so much delightfull , as they are seasonable ; and wee have it confirmed by more then ●…mane authoritie in Pro 25. 11. Words in season ar●… as apples of gold with pictures of silver . This Consideration ( Courteous Reader ) without any other Preface , might hallenge a mat●… between thine eye and this Discourse Thou are bere presented with a suffering Discourse in suff●…ring times ; It hath been the lot of the Church and people of God in all ages and generations to be the butt and marke , at which the enemies of Gods truth and glory , have shott their 〈◊〉 arrowes of malice and crueltie ; God hath but a few precious ones in the world , upon whom , he hath set his love and glory ; and they are the men which are most of all vilified and contemned : the enemies of Gods Church have been alwayes exceeding inraged against them , but now more then ever , their time being but short , and their enmitie everlasting : there hath sprung up in this last age of the world , a cursed generation , ( shall I say of men ) nay , of Vipers , who slily and insinuatingly have more ruined the Church , then all the open persecutors that ever were , who under pretence , of being called Fathers of the Church , have been the most mercilesse , and dangerous tyrants that ever it had ; I meane the Prelates , with all their hellish retinue , who have drunke so deepe of the poyson of Aspes , and have so intoxicated their braines with that same bloody Cup of the Scarlet Whore , that they can spit nothing but poyson and malice , against the truth and people of Christ . And therefore have they laboured to put scandalls , and nick-names , ( never heard of among Christians , untill these innovating Prelates brought them in ) Scandalls , I say , upon Religion , and the sincere Professors of it ; calling them factious , seditious , Cum id genus monstris ; their foule-mouth'd Chaplaines , and their gracelesse Curates , in every Sermon almost , have not ceased , in their Turkish Dialect , to powre out their venome on the most judicious , and holy Christians : Neither was this their malice onely against some malignant Spirits ( as they cald them ) but even against the very power of godlinesse , in any poore soule that profest it . As one of their reverend Champions most wickedly said , That if he had had the power that Canterbury had , he would not have left one Puritan in England this day . Manifold and apparent discoveries wee have had of their cruell tyranny , and their Arch-pittie , both on the bodies , estates , and precious Consriences of the deare Saints of God ; they have not onely undone many families in the Kingdome ; but have the guilt of the bloud of thousands of soules upon them , which are this day in hell for want of the precious meanes of grace , which should have fed their soules to life eternall . I need not acquaint thee with their cruell tyranny in the persecuting of th●…se Worthyes of God in their High Commission Court , that Hellish Inquisition of our Land ; thou hast here a sufficient light to see their grace in their dealings with this Worthy of God ; of whom I may say in another cause as the Apostle sayth of himselfe 2 Corinth . 11. 5 : He is not a whit behind the chiefest of these Worthyes that have sacrificed their lives for the cause of Christ . Concerning the Discourse , I shall say no more , but onely this , Reade it , and if thou finde any good by it , give God the glory , and the Authour thankes . I know ( Christian Reader ) that manifold are the temptations which thou meetest with daily in the flesh : And indeed , Christ tells before hand , what his service will cost , If any will live godly in Christ , he must suffer persecution : But yet be not discouraged , though wee sow in teares , wee shall reape in joy : though wee have a nipping Autumne , wee shall have a Ioyfull Spring ; goe on thou blessed Christian , and the Lord goe with thee ; fight the battailes of the Lord Jesus , quit thy selfe like a man , be couragious for God and his Cause ; start not aside for all the malice of the enemies ; God hath whet his Sword against them , and thou shalt ere long see them all dead on the shore before thee . Our Fathers beleeved in him , and they were delivered ; David , and Ieremiah , and Daniel , and Paul , and all the excellent ones of the Earth have gone this way , and are now in Heaven singing Hallelujahs to all eternitie . And these were for Examples to us , sayth the Apostle , 1 Cor. 10. 6. God never set any upon high imployment , but he gives him proportionable strength , He will not suffer you to be tempted above that you are able , but will give an issue with the temptation , that you may be able to beare : The duggs and breasts of the Scripture are even bursting with promises of this kinde , Open your mouth wide , and he will fill it : There are a kinde of people in the world , who goe for professours and would thinke it a great matter to deny them the name of Christians ) who will be content to follow Christ , while Christ is advanced in the world , and seemes to be a good neighbour , but when he comes to be thrust out of the Court , and out of the Councell , and out of esteeme with the men of the world , they are afraid to follow him too close at the heeles , least he should dash out their braines ; they will be religious and wise , they must not thrust themselves into danger they say ; it is good sleeping in a whole skin ; and indeed , it is no marvell to see men fall away as leaves in Autumne , and perish everlastingly ; for they never took Christ upon his owne Conditions , they never were really ingraffed into him ; they hung as the Ivie to the ●…ake , they had a kinde of externall being in Christ , but they never drew the sap and luice of spirituall life from him . In a word , they never had the true and genuin bloud of Christ running in their veines . Yet ( Christian Reader let not thy heart faile , neither be discouraged at this , Be faithfull to the death , and thou shalt have the crowne of life . I will not Apologise any farther for the Authour or the Worke , they both deserve thy Christian acceptation ; onely my prayer to the throne of grace for thee shall be , That a double portion of the Authours Spirit may be powred on thee in the reading of it , that thou maist be able more valiantly to stand in the Cause of Christ , and fight his battailes against Gog and Magog , and all the cursed enemies of Gods Church , that so having fought a good fight of faith , thou maist in the end receive the end of thy faith , the salvation of thy soule ; so prayeth thine and the Authours friend CUT . SIDENHAM . ERRATA . PAge 2. line 13. for first of Numbers , read fift of Numbers , page 21. line 33. for Gavaston read Carlton . QVATER MAYNES CONQVEST , OVER CANTERBVRIES COVRT . MY first Apprehension was on Ashwednesday in Hillary Terme , the 12th . day of February 1639. At which time , came two Pursevants unto mee , with an Attachment from the High Commission-Court ; under the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury , Sir Nathaniel Brent , and Sir John Lambe : at which time , I unwisely entered into Band of one hundred pounds , to appeare in their Court : and my first appearance was in Easter Terme , the second day of the Terme , being Thursday the 23th of Aprill . 1640. My appearance being made , I was called , and presently they called for a Booke , which being tendered unto mee ; I asked what I should doe with it : they told me I must take my Oath ; I answered , I would not take any Oath , I knew no cause why I should ; the Officer that attended the Court , opened the Booke , and I said , I could open it my selfe , if I would reade in it . Then Doctor Reeve said , I must take my Oath , to answer to such Articles , as were in Court against mee ; I told him , I knew of no Articles ; neither doe I know wherein I have offended : The Doctor told me , if I would take my Oath , I should know : I answered , I would take no Oath , I did not hold it lawfull . Thus much betweene the Doctor , and my selfe . Archbishop . Then said the Archbishop , Master Quatermayne , Master Quatermayne ; I heare you , though you speake but softly , you seeme to scruple at the Oath taking ; you neede not to doe it , you thinke it to be an accusing Oath , but it is not so , it is a purging Oath . Quatermayne . My Lord , I thinke it to bee an accusing Oath indeed . Archbishop . It is not so , but it is a purging Oath . Quatermayne . My Lord , I need no purging , for I have not offended : yet neverthelesse , if you will so administer it , I will take it : because I find in the first of Numbers , an Oath of Purgation , so that it agree with other Scriptures , that it may be an end of strife . Archb. Such an Oath may this bee , for any thing that I know to the contrary . Quater . My Lord , I doe not know wherein I have offended , nor any that doth accuse mee . Archb. Yes , there is your accuser , Doctor Reeve . Quater . Doctor Reeve , are you my accuser ? Doctor Reeve . Yes , said Doctor Reeve . Quater . Then put you in my Articles , according to Law , and I will take forth a Copy of them , and shew them to my Counsell , and I will advise with my Counsell , and I will either demur to them , if they bee illegall , or else I will put in my answer , upon my Oath : that is as much as the Law requireth , and so much I will doe , and more I will not . Doct. Reeve . That the Court will not allow , said Doctor Reeve . Quater . Then said I , I will doe no otherwise . Archb. Master Quatermayne , said the Archbishop , you speak like a very Rationall man , and I doe admire you should bee so Rationall in one thing , and come so short in another ! Truly , I will doe you all the favour I can ; Nay , more than the Court will allow , or beare mee out in : I should bee very loth you should cast your selse into danger . Quater . My Lord , I am not willing to thrust my selfe into danger . Archb. Nay , said the Archbishop , give mee leave to expresse my selfe . Doct. Reeve . Heare my Lord , said Doctor Reeve . Quater . I will , said I. Archb. I will tell you , said the Archbishop , the danger of not taking the Oath ; and I will tell you the utility , and benefit of taking the Oath : The danger lyeth in this , that after twice or thrice admonition , wee can proceede against you , pro 〈◊〉 , and that is as you know , to take you as guilty of those things that are objected against you , and then we can imprison and fine you , as we shall see cause : and the benefit l●…eth in this ; that after you have taken the Oath , for any thing that I know to the contrary , you may presently be freed . Quater . My Lord , it is not the danger , of not taking the Oath , that doth dismay me ; nor the vtility orbenefit that doth allure me : I have kept a Court in my owne Conscience , before I came hither ; and I have sought all the Records , and from the first of Genesis , to the last of the Revelations , I doe not find it lawfull for me to take the Oath . Archb. Master Quatermayne , this Court hath stood this hundred years , and hath been stablisht by all the Acts of Parliament that hath been since , and do you come to judge our Court , and question our Authority ? Quater . My Lord , I come not to judge your Court , nor to question your Authority : the thing that I come to question and find , is the things that are injoyned mee ; whether I may doe it with a good Conscience , yea , or no ? Archb. Master Quatermayne , what Ministers are you acquainted with ? Quater . Withmany , both in the Citie , and in the Countrey . Archb. I thinke so ; what Minister will you make choyce of , to resolve you ? Quater . None my Lord . Archb. None , that is strange . Quater . My Lord , I need none ; for I am already resolved : besides , no Minister can satisfie mee , but the Word and Spirit of GOD . And againe , I will not insnare , nor intangle any Minister to resolve me , that am already resolved . Archb. Nay , Master Quatermayne , there shall bee no Minister intangled nor insnared , I will promise you . Quater . Not by me , said I. Archb. Nor by mee , nor yet by the Court : What Minister doe you know , that hath beene intangled or insnared ? Quater . My Lord , I doe not come to accuse . Archb. Master Quatermayne , then let mee appoint you to goe to a Minister . Quater . My Lord , I will not bee refractory ; I will reason with any man , in things that concerne GODS glory , and my own good , so it be within the compasse of my time , place , and calling . Archb. Nay , I will not lay any heavie charge upon you , doe you know Doctor Featly ? Quater . Yes . Archb. Will you goe to him ? Quater . Yes my Lord , or to any other whom you will appoint . Archb. Nay , it shall bee only to him : I hope hee will give you full satisfaction . Quater . I doe not doubt , but I shall be satisfied ; for I am already satisfied . Archb. Master Quatermayne , where dwell you ? Quater . In Mary Overis Parish . Doct. Reeve . In Mary Overis Parish , said Doct. Reeve ; and why not Saint Mary Overis Parish ? Quater . Saint Mary Overis , or Saint Saviours , call it what you will , it hath a double Name , and I care not for the Titles . Archb. That is not farre from Doctor Featli's . Quater . If it were much farther , with Gods helpe I would goe to him . Archb. Doe so , I pray Master Quatermayne , and reason with him , and let him report , how hee finds you , and repaire hither again . Doctor Reeve . The next Court day , said Doct. Reeve . Archb. No , said the Archbishop , repaire hither this day fortnight , and I hope by that time , you will bee resolved . Quater . My Lord , I am already resolved . Archb. By that time , I hope , you will bee otherwise resolved . Master Quatermayne , what doe you follow now ? Quater . I follow now soliciting of Causes . Archb. Oh! in the Common Law ; why then you know there is an Oath administred in all Courts . Quater . My Lord , I know there is , there is an Oath for the King ; there is an Oath between King and Subject ; also , there is an Oath between Plaintife , and Defendant ; and there is an Oath for clearing a mans selfe in some particulars . Archb. You know in Star-Chamber , there is such an Oath as this is . Quater . My Lord , with subjection to better Judgements , if you doe proceede , as they doe in the Court of Request , Chancery , or Exchequer , or Star-Ch●…mber , which is in this manner : the Plaintife , or Informer , doth first put in Bils of Articles , Informations , or Complaints , or the like : and then the Defendant taketh forth a Copy of them , and car●…eth them to his Counsell , and adviseth with his Counsell , and doth after demur to them , or putteth in his answer upon Oath : and so will I doe here , if you please , or the Court , to let mee see those Articles that are against me . Doct. Reeve . The Court will not allow of that , said Doctor Reeve . Archb. Who was it that came to you , Mr. Quatermayne , said the Archbishop ? Quater . It was Mayle the Pursevant , such a one , so that he may g●…t money , he careth not what hurt he doth . Archb. Mr. Quatermayne , we doe not use to have the Officers of our Court traduced , or evill spoken of . Quater . It may be so ; but will you be pleased to give mee leave to prosecute against him , according to Law , and I will make him appeare to bee as Notorious a VVretch , as liveth . Archb. I , with all my heart , I will give you free leave to prosecute against him , or any other Officer of the Court whatsoever : We do not fit here to maintain any in their wickednesse . Doct. Reeve . You have so affronted the Court , I have been the Kings Advocate almost these twenty yeeres , and I never saw the Court so affronted before ; you have spoken enough to lay you by the heeles . Quater . Did not you say , Doctor Reeve , even now , that you were mine accuser ? Doct. Reeve . Yes . Quater . Then it is not fit you should be my Judge . Archb. Mr. Quatermayne , I have often heard of your name , but I never saw your face before . Quater . My Lord , I was borne not far from you . Archb. In what place ? Quater . At Watlington in Oxfordshire . Archb. That is a good way off , above ten miles . Doct. Reeve . Neere Challgrove , said Doctor Reeve . Quater . Within two or three miles of it , on this side . Archb. It was not in the Countrey , but here in London , and neere to it ; but I am sorry to heare , what I doe heare of you . Quater . My Lord , I have not offended the Law in any thing , to my knowledge . Archb. Where did the Messenger finde you ? Quater . At my owne house . Archb. Who was with you ? Quater . My Wife . Archb. And who else ? Quater . No body else . Archb. What time was it , that the Messenger came to you ? Quater . At five of the clock in the Morning . Archb. You rise betimes in the Morning Mr. Quatermayne , and goe abroad , and hee could not finde you at home at other times . Quater . I doe rise , and goe abroad , as my occasions serve . Archb. Yea , and it is very well , and honestly done so to doe Mr. Quatermayne : Well , Mr. Quatermayne , I pray repayre to Doctor Fea●…ly , and then come hither againe this day fortnight ; I hope by that time , you will have your judgement rightly informed ; Wee have done for this present : Farwell Mr. Quatermayne . This is the summe , and substance of my first Appearance at Lambeth house , and when I went away , a great number of people , came away with me , which was agreat offence unto them ; in so much , that the Officers said , halfe the Court goeth away with Master Quatermayne . Now followeth the Conference between Doctor Featly and my Selfe at his house . I Came to Doctor Featly , according to my direction the next weeke following , to confe●…e about the Oath ; whom I found very Wise , Rationall , and Discreete ; and hee tooke much paines to perswade mee , the Oath was lawfull , and might be taken ; so it were ministred with Caution , and according to Law : and hee prest mee with his owne Example , who had taken the Oath , and as hee said , had warily , and wisely subscribed thereunto ; did avoyd much danger , which other wise had fallen upon him : then I requested the Doctor to give mee some Scriptures , as might cleare the thing in hand , 〈◊〉 hee very reddily condescended thereunto : which Scriptur●… , I here insert in Figures , for brevitie sake : The 〈◊〉 , was the 4th of Ieremie , and the second verse . The 22. of Exodus , the 11. verse . The first of Kings , the 8. chap the 31. verse . The 10th of Ezra , the 7. verse . The 13. of the Romans , the 1. verse . Which Scriptures , how purtenent they are to the Oath , Ex officio , I leave to you to judge . After the Doctor and I had much talked , concerning the lawfulnesse , and the unlawfulnesse of the Oath , he very modestly , and moderately , reasoning with me ; told mee , he did commend mee , in using the best meanes that I could , in satisfying of my Conscience , in things of such Consequence as this is : and therefore saidhee unto me , the Cause being your owne , it lyeth you upon to give me your doubts , and I will doe my best indeavours to give you satisfaction : Then Sir , said I , I will bee bold to propound some things unto you ; then said the Doctor , I pray doe Master Quatermayne , what you please . I have been a Doctor this one and twenty yeares , but I never had any man so Rationall to reason with mee before ; I hope our meeting will be to Gods glory , and our owne goods , I hope you will get some benefit by me , for I will doe my best indeavour to get by you , I promise you ; therefore I pray Master Quatermayne speake your minde . Quater . Sir , if you please , we will reduce the Oath to action , and then bring it to rule . Doct. Featly . Yea marry Sir , with all my heart , that is a good way indeed . Quater . With subjection to better judgement , I doe conceive every action that is good , must have these three things in it , that which is last in prosecution , must be first in intention . Doct. Featly . In truth , well spoken Master Quatermayne , it must be so indeed . Quater . The end to which it must tend , the rise from whence it springs , the means by which it is accomplished ; they must be all good , or else the action cannot be good ; the end must be the glory of God , and the good of the creature ; the rise must be from a soule sanctified , in covenant with God by faith in Christ Jesus , or that is conducible thereunto ; and the meanes must be according to the will of God revealed in his Word : all which I refer to your grave and wise co●…deration . Doct. Featly . Nay , certainly , Master Quatermayne , all this is truth . Quater . Then Sir , with subjection to better judgement , I shall produce and lay downe , three Rules to try an action by . Doct. Featly . I pray doe Mr. Quatermayne , this is a very profitable way of reasoning . Quater . The first Rule is the third of the Romans the eight verse , Thou shalt not doe evill , that good may come thereof : The second Rule is the fourth of the Philippians , the eight Verse , Furthermore Brethren , whatsoever things are true , whatsoever things are honest , whatsoever things are just , whatsoever things are pure , whatsoever things are worthy of love , whatsoever things are of good report , if there be any vertue , or if there be any praise , thinke on these things : The third Rule is the first of the Thessalonians , the fift Chapter , the twenty-two Verse , Shun all kinde or appearance of evill . Now Sir , if you please , wee will bring the Oath Ex Offic●…o to Rule , as it is an action ; and Sir , as I conceive , under correction , of all the Scriptures you have named , there is but one that is purtenant to the purpose . Doct. Featly . Then said the Doctor , it is the fourth of Jeremy , the second Verse . Quater . You say true , said I , and therefore I pray Sir , bring the Oath Ex Officio to that Scripture , and open that Scripture , and shew how lawfully by that Scripture I may take the Oath . Doct. Featly . That will I gladly doe , said the Doctor . First , Thou shalt sweare in truth , saith the Prophet ; and that doe I beleeve you will doe , saith he ; for , I take you for an honest man , and therefore you will speake nothing but the truth . Secondly , Thou shalt sweare in judgement , and that doe I beleeve you will doe , because you are an understanding man . Thirdly , Thou shalt sweare in righteousnesse , and that doe I also beleeve you will doe ; because the Oath being in a lawfull way administred unto you , it is a righteous and a just thing for you to submit thereunto . Quater . Now good Sir , give me leave to deale with the Oath , and with 〈◊〉 Scripture , and to bring it to the Rules afore-cited . Doct. Featly . Yea , with all my heart , said the Doctor , God forbid else , it is very fit that wee should labour to have our judgements informed in every thing . Quater . Then Sir , in the first place , I cannot sweare in truth , and therefore if any should aske mee , as Pilate did Christ , what thing is truth , I must answer him in this particular , I cannot tell , and that because truth is wrapt up and hid from mine eyes , either in the administration of the Oath , or in the Oath it selfe , that I cannot see it . Secondly , I cannot sweare in judgement , because my judgement wanteth information from my understanding , by reason of the darknesse and obscuritie of the Oath ; and yee know what Salomon saith , Where there is not judgement , the minde is not good . Thirdly , I cannot sweare in righteousnesse ; for it is an unrighteous thing for me , either to accuse my selfe , or my brother , and therefore , I conceive , by vertue of this Scripture , this Oath can lay no waight on my conscience ; and therefore wee will bring it to the Rule , as to the touchstone , to try it by , for I doe conceive , the end of this Oath is voyde , because neither is God glorified , nor my brother edified ; which ought to be the end of every action . And now as concerning the rise from whence it came , wee will examine that . Doct. Featly . I pray doe so , I like this very well . Quater . Then Sir , you may remember the Oath was grounded on a Statute in Henry the fourths time , and it was a cursed curbe or scourge , invented by the Papists and Prelates , to punish and put to death the people of God , under the name of Lollords , who then were true Christians . And this Oath was supprest in King Edwards dayes ; and in Queene Maryes dayes it was set up againe ; and in the first of Queene Elizabeth , it was supprest , and the High Commission Court was establisht , and hath continued by the Bishops ever since ; and they have made use of this Oath , both to suppresse the people & truth of God , and therefore the rise of this Oath cannot be good . Thirdly , This Oath is contrary to all good meanes , for by the Law of God , every thing should be determined by two or three Witnesses ; and this Oath causeth a man to be his owne accuser , witnes , and judge , contrary to the Law of God , and of the Land , and the Law of Nature , and therefore this Oath as it is an action , neither is nor can be good , and therefore to be avoyded . Quater . Now Sir , I pray , let me aske you a question or two . Doct. Featly . What you will Mr Quatermayne , and I will indeavour to answer you . Quater . What benefit shall I have by taking the Oath ? Doct. Featly . A two fold benefit : The first is your libertie , and that is a great benefit , as you know . Secondly , If you will call for it , you may have a Promoter of the cause , and he shall give you good securitie to pay the cost of the Suit , if you overthrow him , and this the Court cannot deny , if you will challenge it at their hands . Quater . I doe acknowledge Sir , that both these be good , so that I might have them with a good conscience . Now Sir , I will bring it to the first Rule , and that is this , Thou mayst not doe evill that good may come thereof ; thy damnation is just in so doing ; for me to have my body at libertie , and my conscience in prison , it is an evill and a bitter thing so to doe , and therefore by this Rule to be avoyded . Againe , secondly , for me to have my cost allowed me , and goe further in debt with God by reason of sinne , that will not hold by this Rule ; and therefore as our Saviour saith , What will it profit a man to winne the whole world , and loose his owne soule . Againe , for the second , bring the Oath Ex Officio to the second Rule , and see what good report it hath among its neighbours ; I never heard wise man nor foole , good man or bad , speake a good word for it ; surely , if it were good , there would not yesterday have been at the Parliament House so many hundreds as was to speake against it . Thirdly , Bring it to the third Rule , which is , Shun and avoyd all appearance of evill ; and this is not onely an appearance , but evill it selfe , and therefore to be avoyded . Doct. Featly . Truly Mr Quatermayne , you have reasoned to the purpose , I am sorry that time calleth mee away from you . What is it you would have mee to write ? I will write what you will have me to write . Quater . No good Sir , by no meanes , I will not appoint you what to write , for then it will be my report , and not yours ; therefore I will leave it to your wisdome , and Gods guiding to direct you ; write what you please . Doct. Featly . Truly Mr Quatermayne , I will write nothing that shall do you any hurt . I pray will you fetch it upon thursday morning , and my man shall deliver it unto you . Quater . This is the summe and substance of the Conference betweene Doctor Featly and my selfe , being to him directed by the High Commission Court . Here followeth a Copie of Doctor Featly's Report to the High Commission Court upon our Conference . To the Right Honourable and most Reverend Father in God , WILLIAM , Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace , Primate of all ENGLAND , and Mettopolitan . IN obedience to an Order made by your Grace in the Honourable Court of High Commission , on Roger Quatermayne , Gent. Came to my House the fift of this instant May , to conferre with mee ; whom I found conformable to the Doctrine , Discipline , and all holy Orders and Constitutions of our Church ; save onely he maketh some scruple in taking the Oath Ex Officio , and in that also he seemeth to mee very desirous to receive satisfaction ; and if by your gracious favour and goodnesse , he may obtaine a longer time of respit , more maturely to consider of the point , and resolve his Conscience , I conceive good hope that he will conforme himselfe to the publike Justice of this Kingdome , and submit in all things to the proceedings and Order of this Honourable Court . Your gracious humbly devoted , DANIEL FEATLY . Quater . My second appearance in the High Commission Court , was the seventh of May 1640. Bishop Wrenne . I being called by Bishop Wrenne ( the Arch-Bishop being absent that day ) the Bishop of Ely asked me , if I would take the Oath . Quater . To whom I answered , as before , that I would not take it , for I did not hold it lawfull . Bish. Wrenne . Why , said the Bishop , you were to goe to Doctor Featly , and that he should report hither how he found you . Quater . To whom I answered , I did goe according as I was directed . Bish. Wrenne . Well , said the Bishop , and what doe you say of Doctor Featly ? Quater . I answered and said , that he was a very wise and judicious Gentleman . Bish. Wrenne . How ? said the Bishop , a wise and judicious Gentleman , and yet not give you satisfaction , concerning the lawfulnesse of the Oath . Quater . I answered , that doth not follow , he may be a wise and a judicious Gentleman , and yet we may differ in our judgements in this thing . Bish. of Bathe and Wells . Then said the Bishop of Bathe and Wells , it is like you will never take the Oath while you live . Quater . To whom I answered , it is very like so indeed . Bish. of Bathe and Wells . Where is Doctor Featly's report ? Quater . Here it is , said I , and gave it into their hands . Bish of Bathe and Wells . Then said the Bishop of Bathe and Wells , the Doctor speaketh very well of you . Quater . I answered , I hope I shall give him no cause to the contrary . Bish. Wrenne . Well , said B●…shop Wrenne , Master Quatermayne , take a longer time for it , and informe your judgement . Doct. Then said a Doctor , informe your selfe with wise and judicious men , such as Mr Suitt , Doctor Gouge , and the like . Quater . I answered , trouble not your selfe , I will goe to such as I thinke fit , both wise and honest . Bish. Wrenne . I pray , said Bishop Wrenne , doe so , and come hither the first day of the next Terme . Quater . I answered , I could not come then . Bish. of Bathe and Wells , Then said the Bishop of Bathe and Wells , why ? Quater . I answered , I was to go into the Countrey to visit my friends , and that I could not return so soon . Bi. Wren . Well , said Bishop Wren , let it be the second Court day , and in the meane time inform your judgement ; for assure your self , if you do not conform your self , we will take another course with you . Quater . I answered , I would do any thing that an honest man should or ought to do , or else I would suffer for it : if you will convince me by Scriptures , I shall willingly submit thereunto , or else suffer as a Delinquent . Bishop Ba. Well , M. Quatermayn , I hope you will between thi and the next Tearme satisfie your conscience . Quatermayn . I answered , I am already satisfied . Bish. Bath . I pray M. Quatermayn come again the next Terme . Pursevant . Then said the Pursevant , I pray M. Quatermayne , take your company with you , for here be an hundred and fiftie Puritants . Thomas Squire . How do you know that ? said an honest man . Pursevant . I know them , said the Pursevant , by their eyes , they look upward . Tho. Squire . Well said the honest man , there shall be three hundred the next Court day ( which was done accordingly , as I suppose . ) Doctor . Then said a Doctor , A pox a God on him , if he will not take the Oath , we may burn our books . And this is the sum and substance of my second appearance . Quater . My third appearance in the High Commission Court , was the eighteenth day of June , 1640. at which time the Archbishop and Bishop Wren were both present together , the Archbishop with a very sterne countenance spake unto me in this manner . Archbishop . Mr Quatermayne , are you yet resolved to take the Oath ? Quater . I answered , I am not yet resolved to take it , I do not find it l●…wfull . Archbishop . Then said the Archbishop , It was lawfull before you were born ; and I will make it both Law and Justice too , before I have done . Quater . My Lord , if you do , then you and I shall not differ . Archb. Then said the Archbishop , you were wisht to go to Doctor Featly , and that he should report to the Court how he found you . Quater . I answered , I did go according as I was directed . Archb. Then said the Archbishop , where is the Report ? Quater . I answered , I brought it into the Court the last Tearme . Archb. Where is it ? read it , said the Archbishop . Clerke . Then the Clerke read it . Archb. What is the reason you are not resolved to take the Oath ? Did not Doctor Featly labour to informe your judgement ? Quater . I answered , he did his best endeavour . Archb. You stand much upon Scripture , did he not give you Scripture enough for it ? Quater . I answered , he gave me foure Scriptures . Archb. Well , and what do you say of those Scriptures ? Quater . I answered it was the holy Word of God , but nothing to the purpose , for the lawfulnesse of the Oath taking . Archb. Then I see it is not Scripture that will satisfie you . Quater . I answered , if you do convince me by the Scriptures , I will submit . Archb. I pray by what rule will you be judged ? Quater . I answered , by the Law of God , and of the Land . Archb. What do you meane by the Law of God and the Land ? Quater . By the Law of God , I meane the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament . And by the Law of the Land , I mean●… the Stature Law of the Kingdom . Archb. You are very often up with the Law , pray God you are as willing to live by the Law , as you are to vindicate your own cause by the Law . Quater . My Lord , if I do not , the Law is open against me . Archb. Well , you sh●…ll know before I have done , that our Court is both Law and Justice ; and that we do not sit here to keep sheep : and I promise you we will not wait upon you no longer than the next Court day , and therefore informe your selfe , and resolve to take the Oath ; for I am resolved to take another course with you , if you doe not . Divers spake . Then said divers Doctors , send him away to prison , you have admonished him oftentimes enough . Archb. No , said he , I will wait upon him one Court day more . A Doctor . My Lord , said a Doctor , pray aske him if he hold not our Court , and the Administration of the Oath unlawfull , but the Archbishop answered nothing . Doctor . Then said a Doctor , Doe you hold our Court and the administering the Oath unlawfull ? Quater . To whom I answered , What have you to doe to examine mee ? you are no Commissioner , if your Court or you doe that which is unlawfull , you shall answer 〈◊〉 it your s●…lves for my part . What I doe shall be lawfull , or else I will not doe it . Archbishop . Well , said the Archbishop , repaire to Doctor Featly once more , and see if you can receive satisfaction from him , and repaire hither againe this day 〈◊〉 , and resolve before-hand to take the Oath ; for , assure your selfe , we will not have his Majesties Court so slighted , and Commission ●…spected ; and if you doe not satisfie your selfe , you shall goe another way directly . Quater . This is the summe and substance of my third appearance at Lambeth . House ; and when we had done , the Purse●… did wish they were rid of the Puritans , for they were ready to be stifled with them . Pursev●…nt . Then said one of them , this is the C●…mpion of the Puritans . Doctor . No , said a Doctor , Master Quatermayne is no Puritan , he doth not fast and pray , he is too fat . Quater . Whence we may take notice , that they are convinced in their consciences , that these duties of Religion ought to be performed , and that those whom they call Puritans , doe performe them . My fourth Appearance was the twenty-fift day of June , 1640. Quater . I having been with Doctor Featly the second time , with divers others ; and his occasions were such as wee could not reason together , and therefore he did report to the Archbishop , that after the Terme he would doe his best endeavour to give us satisfaction , which gave me good content , for by this means I was preserved out of prison . To the Right Honourable and most Reverend Father in God , the Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace , Primate of all ENGLAND and METROPOLITANE . MAY it please your Grace , I understand by my servants , that Master Roger Quatermayne , and Io Garbraim , and divers others were at my house , since the beginning of the Terme , appointed , as they affirmed , by order of this Honourable Court , to conferre with me ; but being this Terme to provide for a tryall at the Exchequer Barre , and being Sued both in Chancery concerning a Lease pretended to be made by the Provost and Fellowes of Chelsey Colledge , and in the Kings Bench , for the House wherein I dwell , and by occasion of these Suits , inforced to attend in divers Courts , I could not appoint them any time or place where they should certainly meet me : But as soone as the end of the Terme shall give me some respit from these vexatious Suits , I will doe my best to give them satisfaction ; the rather be●…ause I finde them all willing to be informed , as they professe to me , and some of them conformable in all things to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England , save onely they make scruple of the Oath Ex Officio . Your Graces humbly devoted , DANIEL FEATLY . WHen I came and appeared in the Court , I being called the Report was read , and the Archbishop was so impatient , that he would not indure to heare it read thorow , but said Archb. That Mr Quatermayne was the Ring-leader of all the Separatists . Quater . Notwithstanding , I was one of their greatest opposits in regard of some particulars then said . Archb. The Archbishop , Mr Quatermayne , I perceive that Doctor Featly hath no time to reason with you , by which you have a long time to consider , and so have we also , I pray doe you resolve your selfe betweene this and the next Tearme , for wee will demur no longer ; you stand very much upon Scripture and Law . Bish. Wrenne . I , said Bishop Wrenne , he is a great Scriptureman , I warrant you my Lord . Quater . My Lord , if you please to make proofe of mee , I shall be able to answer you , if you please , or any other to convince me by Scriptures , as I said before , I shall be willing to submit or suffer . Archb. Well Mr Quatermayne , I pray satisfie your selfe betweene this and the next Tearme ; and I pray let us request one thing at your hands when you are gone , that you doe not report that wee are cruell , and mercilesse , and oppressors of mens consciences ; you have found no hard measure at our hands , wee have not dealt unkindly with you , but it is the course of you all , to raise evill reports of us , though wee in obedience to his Majesties command , sit to doe justice . Farewell Mr Quatermayne , and God speed you , and informe you against the next Terme . Officers . Then said the Officers , wee are glad we shall be rid of the Puritans , I pray take th●…m along with you Master Quatermayne . Quater . I answered , where one will goe with thee , ten will follow mee ; this is the summe and substance of my fourth appearance at Lambeth House . Quater . And home I went accompanyed with the Saints of God 〈◊〉 my house , and Mayle the Pursevant like the Devill in the first of Job went with us . My fift appearance at Lambeth-House was the fifteenth day of October 1640. When I came thither the Court was Adjourned to Pauls ; and I asked of Medall , one of the Notaries , where the Court was kept , and he told me it was appointed to be kept in the Convocation-House all this Terme . But , said he , let it be kept where it will , there is nothing for you to doe , for you are not in the Bill this weeke , nor will you be called upon this weeke . Quater . I answered , are you certaine of it ? Notary . And he said , yes . Quater . So I returned home accordingly ; and so much for that time ; yet neverthelesse , there was a hubbub at the Convocation-House that day , although I was not there ; and therefore I was not the cause of the tumult . Quater . My sixt appearance was at the Convocation House in Pauls , the 22 day of October 1640. At which time the High Commission Court was pulled downe ; but for as much as the whole businesse was opened before the Lords of the Counsell , and answered before the Justice of Oyer and Terminer , by vertue of a Commission under the great Seale of England ( for the Prelates use when the King went into the North ) I was caused to answer three severall Sessions holden in the Guild-Hall for the Citie of London ; all which I shall hereafter lay downe , therefore I refer all till its proper time and place . Quater . In the next place , followeth my whole businesse before the Lords of his Majesties Privie Councell : First , my apprehension ; and secondly , all our proceedings . Quater . On Satterday , which was the 24th day of October 1640. about eight of the Clock at night , as I was going to my House , a Messenger from the Privie Councell came unto mee , with a Warrant , and ten Privie Councellors hands to it , and carried me away prisoner to the Catterne . wheele in Southworke ; for his Warrant was so strict , that no Bayle would be admitted of , for I had neighbours that offered body for body , but the Messenger durst not accept of them . Truly , the Messenger was in such a condition , that he trembled , as if he would have sunke . But I blesse the Lord , I was never more chearefull in all my life ; but there was such vild aspersions cast upon me , and such false informations given to the Lords against mee ; and the Messengers charge so strict , that he wondred to see mee so chearefull and well contented ; and I told him , there were three things that made a man chearefull ; a good God , a good Cause , and a good Conscience ; and I praise God in this thing all these I have . Afterwards , I understood that the Lords had given him order , that I should not be carried to prison , for the prison would be pulled downe , and I rescued from him ; neither that he should carry me with any tumult , for feare of the like danger that might insue ; so upon the Lords day following , as aforesaid , in the afternoone I was brought to White-Hall before the Lords of the Councell , and when I came thither , Sir Dudly Gaveston his Clerke began to examine the Messenger , whether he had found me or no . Pursevant . To whom he answered , yes ; what Quatermayne , yes , Quatermayne , said the Messenger . Where is he , said the Clerke . Here is he , said the Messenger . Quater . Then the Clerke looking upon me , supposing I had not heard them , said , he is a proper tall man ; but before God , he will be hanged , all the world cannot save him . I nnderhearing of him , thought though all the world cannot save mee , yet God can , and I was no whit discouraged by his words , as knowing my hope was not in the world , but in God onely . There I waited certaine houres , while men stared on mee , and every one censured mee , and condemning mee . At the length I was called in before the Lords , where was about sixteene or seventeene of them together , and when I had stood there a pretty while , the Lords looking one upon another , and then upon me ; at last spake the Lord privie Seale to the Archbishop of Canterbury , My Lord , what say you to this man ? Archb. Then the Archbishop said , this Mr Quatermayne standing here before your Lordships , is such a one as will not submit to our Court , nor our authoritie , especially our High Commission Court ; neither will he subscribe to the Oath Ex Officio , although I have used all means to informe his judgement , and resolve his conscience , and therefore I appointed him Doctor Featly , to whom he himselfe was willing to goe , that so he might receive information of his judgement from him , and I never used him unkindly , I appeale to himselfe , for I never imprisoned him , nor threatned him with imprisonment , and yet notwithstanding , he is so farre from the taking the Oath , that he hath been in the Countrey in divers places , both in Oxfordshire and in Barkshire , and there hath drawn much people together , and preached unto them and made Conventicles , as I am credibly informed by divers wise and judicious Gentlemen , that he hath preached and made Conventicles in the Countrey in divers places , and at sundry times . Archb. Master Quatermayne , were you not at Farrington the latter part of this Summer ? Quater . No , my Lord , I was never at Farrington in all my life . Archb. I was informed that you were , and that you drew much people there together , and made Conventicles . Quater . I was never there . Archb. Were you not that wayes ? Quater . Yes , my Lord , though I will not take the Oath Ex Officio , yet I will speake the truth in any thing that shall be demanded , I was at Longworth . Archb. And did you not there draw people together , and make Conventicles . Quater . No , my Lord , I did not draw people together , nor make Conventicles . Archb. My Lords , for any thing that I doe know to the contrary , Master Quatermayne was the principall cause of the mutiny upon Thursday last at the Convocation House at Pauls , although he was not called , nor did wee intend any more to call him , and therefore in as much as he doth not , neither will submit to our authoritie , I will have no more to doe with him , but refer him to your Lordships . Quater . Then spake the Lord Privie Seale in this manner following . Lord Privie Seale . Quatermayne , Quatermayne , Quatermayne , You keepe a fayre quarter , you quarter it indeed , you are a Separatist , an Anabaptist , a Brownist , a Familist , and you are Preacher to them all , and they all receive quarter from you ; and you upon Thursday last raysed a multitude of them , and made a mutiny , and you pulled downe the High Commission Court , and no Court of Justice can stand for you , you will pull them all downe , as you were the cause of the High Commission Court pulling downe the other day , as we shall justly prove , and you are like to suffer for it , I will assure you . Quater . My Lords , is it your pleasure , that I shall speake ? ( and they all answered , Yes . ) Quater . Then I turning my selfe to the Archbishop , said , for answer to your Lordships , whereas you say , I doe not submit unto your High Commission Court , I thus farre submit , as being bound in a band of one hundred pounds to attend your Court , I have alwayes attended , as I have been appointed ; and whereas your Lordship saith , you have used all means to informe my judgement , by appointing me to goe to Doctor Featly , I doe acknowledge it a truth , and the Doctor did take paines therein . And whereas you say , you used me not unkindly , in not imprisoning , nor threatning of me , I doe not lay any hard thing to your charge . But for my not taking the Oath Ex Officio , my Lords , I will give all your Lordships a reason thereof ; it is not for want of information of my judgement , for my judgement is rightly informed , and I doe know and will prove it , that the Oath Ex Officio , is contrary to the Law of God , and of the Land , and of the Law of Nature , and therefore I neither did nor never will take it . Then turning my selfe to the Lord privie Seale , I answered him in this manner ; As for all that your Lordship hath said , it is impurtenent , and to no purpose , it is no way proper , nor appertaining unto mee at all ; all that your Lordship hath spoken , I will reduce into two heads , and answer it in two words . Whereas your Lordship saith , I am a Separatist , a Brownist , an Anabaptist , and a Familist ; all which , I doe deny , and will prove the contrary ; and for proofe hereof , if you will be pleased to call in the Messenger , he shall prove that I was at Saint Georges Church , and heard both Service and Sermon this day . Lord of Dorset . Can you make that appeare , said the Lord of Dorset . Quater . Yes , my Lord , if you please to call in the Messenger , he shall justifie it . Lord Dorset . No , said the Lord of Dorset , it shall suffice , I thinke you speak truth . Sir Francis Windebank . Master Quatermayne , said Sir Francis Windebank , Doe you receive the Sacraments in our Church ? Quater . Yes , I receive both the Sacraments , Baptisme and the Lords Supper ; and all my children have been Baptised in this Church , according to the 〈◊〉 of the same . Lord of Dorset . Can you make all this appeare to be true , M Quatermayne , said the Lord of Dorset ? Quater . Yes , my Lord , by a thousand witnesses , I will not tell a lye before your Honours for a hundred pounds . Lord of Dorset . I thinke you will not , sayth the Lord of Dorset . Quater . Then I turned my selfe to my Lord Privie Seale , and 〈◊〉 my second head , thus ; That I was not nor could . not be the cause of the mutiny in Pauls , I will give your Lordships a just account , how I spent my whole time on Thursday 〈◊〉 . In the Morning when I went from my owne house , I past over the Water to Bridewell , to an honest man , that hath some Suits in Law , to advise with him the best I could for his owne good , and stayed with him the space of an houre ; and from thence I went to Fryday Streete , to a Merchant , and there I continued about an houre more ; and from thence into CloakeLane , and from thence into St Thomas Apostles , and there stayed untill dinner time ; and from thence I with one more went to the Dagger in Fryday-street , and there wee dined , and our dinner cost nine pence ; and from thence wee walked together to Pauls-Church-yard , and from thence he went about his occasions , and I into Pauls to attend the High Commission Court ; I went alone , no body with me , and when I came thither , there stood a man in the Convocation . House-dore , and I asked him if the High Commission Court would be kept there that day or no , and he answered me , yes , then said I , what is the reason the dore is not yet opened , then said he because the Court is not yet come , and when they are come , there will not be roome enough for them ; then said I , remove the Court where roome is , and I walked downe into the body of the Church , and one came unto mee , saying these words ; Master Quatermayne , what doe you here ? To whom I answered , I was bound in a band of one hundred pounds there to be . Friend . Why , said he , Is your businesse not yet ended ? Quater . I answered , no ; neither doe I know when it will . Friend . Then he asked me , what they did intend to doe with me ? Quater . I answered , I could not tell . Friend . Then said he , will you take the Oath Ex Officio ? Quater . I answered , no ; I will never take it . Friend . Then said he , what will they doe ? Quater . I answered , I know not , it may be they will imprison mee , the Archbishop did threaten mee , that he would the last Tearme . Friend . No , said he , I thinke they will not be so forward , they have other businesse to doe . Quater . Then I left him , and I walked quite thorow Pauls , all alone , no body with mee , and went into the Book-sellers Church-yard , and there made water against the payles , and returned againe thorow Pauls to the High Commission Court , and the Court was set , and I went up into the Court , and did diligently hearken when my name should be called ; and after a while people comming in , they made a hemming , hooting , and shouting , and thronging into the Court , and upon my selfe , so that I was forced and constrained to put on my hatt to save my belly , and cryed out unto them , take heed of my belly , you hurt me with your thronging upon me ; and presently as the people shouted , the Court began to rise , and Sir Nathaniel Brent , being one of the first that came downe , I went downe together with him , and he turning backe unto me , said : Sir Nathaniel Brent . What a tumult is here , Mr Quatermayn , this is not long of you , I hope ? Quater . It is in no wise , but Sir , I am bound in a band of one hundred pounds here to appeare , and if you have nothing in Court against mee , why should honest men be troubled ? The Knight replyed thus : Sir Nathaniel Brent . Pray Mr Quatermayne , come to my house to morrow or next day . Quater . To whom I replyed , I would with Gods helpe ; and while we were thus talking , came the Register , and said : Register . This is long of you , Master Quatermayne , all this tumult . Quater . To whom I answered , you speake falsly , are you the Register of the Court , and doe you lye , you doe speake falsly , you have my band of one hundred pounds , give me my band , and I will neither trouble you nor your Court . Then I parted from the Knight , and I came to the South dore of Pauls , and the Court was shut up , and all the people were gone , and then I went into Pauls-Church-yard , to looke for my wife , and leaning my backe against a Drapers stall , I saw the Cushions fly over mens heads , and into the dirt , and men kicked them ; but who they were , I know not ; but my Lords , under your Lordships favour , I doe conceive that the Commissioners themselves were onely in the fault ; for , if they had done as in other Courts of Justice , that is , in this manner , Be uncovered in the face of the Court , Gentlemen keepe silence , Give audience to the Court ; or my Lords , in the third place , if they had made Proclamation , and deferred the Court untill some other time , there would have been no tumult at all , but they brake away from the Court , and the people followed hooting as Birds at an Owle . After all this , my Lords , I with my wife and her sister and two or three more , went into the uppermost house in Carter-Lane , and there we dranke a cup of Beere together , and then parted some of the company ; my selfe , my wife , and one other went to Master Seamans his Lecture in Bred-street , and there heard both Service and Sermon . And thus have I given your Lordships an account , how I spent the whole day on Thursday last . Archbish. Then said the Archbishop , but you were in the Countrey , and there you made Conventicles and preached . Quater . My Lord , I was in the Countrey , but made no Conventicles , nor yet did preach . Quater . My Lord , I never made any Conventicle since I knew any thing that was good . But I was close by where a fearfull Conventicle was , and that upon the Sunday or Lords day , where were at the least two thousand met together , to blaspheme God , and to prophane his holy Sabbath , abuse his creatures , and to misspend their precious time , to the great dishonour of God , and the provocation of the eyes of his glory . And my Lords , except your Lordships speedily looke to it for a Reformation , the judgements of God will fall upon this Kingdome . But my Lords , if this be a Conventicle , when the judgements of God be upon the Land , for a people to meet together , and humble themselves , and pray before the Lord ; we are farre off from Salomons judgement ; for he saith , If the Lord send a judgement among the people , if the people that are called by his Name , shall humble themselves , and pray and seeke his face , and depart from their wicked wayes , God will heare from heaven , forgive their sinnes , and heale the Land . And my Lords , are not the judgements of God upon us ? is here not the plague of pestilence , and a threatned famine , and the sword of warre hanging over our heads ? and shall not wee my Lords , humble our selves in the sence of Gods displeasure ? It is an argument , my Lords , that there is no Religion among us . Lord Newborg . Then said the Lord Newborg ; at such meetings as these are , Master Quatermayne , in what manner doe you performe your d●…ties ? Quater . My Lord , thus ; Wee pray , and we reade the Scriptures , and as well as wee are able finde out the meaning of the Holy Ghost therein , and what we understand from the Word , we impart to our company . A Lord . So , said one of the Lords , and is not this Preaching ? Quater . No , my Lord , I doe not understand it so , it is nothing but godly Conference , which every Christian man is bound to doe and performe ; for it is our dutie to edifie and build up one another in our most holy faith , which wee cannot doe , except it be opened unto us . Archb. Then said the Archbishop , this is his constant practice in Citie and Countrey , to draw people togeth●…r , and to make 〈◊〉 . Quater . My Lord , I want information in my judgement , I understand n●…t wh●…t you meane by Conventicle , I did alw●…yes thinke , that publike duties did not make voyd private , but that both might stand with a Christian . Archb. No more it doth not , said the Archbishop , but your Conventicles are not private . Quater . My Lord , I am sure they are not publike ; I pray , my Lord , informe my judgement what a Conventicle is . A●…chb . Why , this is a Conventicle , said the Archbishop , when t●…n or twelve or more or lesse , meet together , to pray , reade , preach , expound , this is a Conventicle . Quater . My Lord , I doe not so understand it . Archb. No , saith he , my Lord Chiefe Justice , I appeale to you , whether this be a Conventicle or no . Sir Edward Littleton . But my Lord Chiefe Justice answered nothing . Quater . My Lord , under your Lordships favour , I know it is no Conventicle , neither by any Statute , nor Cannon Law of this Kingdome , if this be a Conventicle , then I will be a Conventicler while I live , with Gods helpe , I kept a Conventicle in my house the last Wednesday , if this be a Conventicle . My Lord , I did never come to your Court , but I set apart the day before to 〈◊〉 to God for a blessing to direct me how to carry my selfe before you . Archb. I , so you may in private , so it be onely with your owne family . Quater . And no body else , my Lord , truly my whole family consists wholy in my wife and my selfe , and therefore I must call in my neighbours to helpe me , for this dutie if it be kept as it ought , will require more than a man and his wife to keepe it . Archb. You were at Watlington , and there be many of the Scottish faction there . Quater . At Watlington , my Lord , I was borne there , will you not give me leave to goe into the Countrey to visit my friends . Archb. Yes , but not to make Conventicles , and Preach . Quater . My Lord , you said I m●…ght in private , and when I am there , I am as at home , and my Lord , we alwayes did it in private , and not in the publike Congregation . Lord N●…wborg . Then said the Lord Newborg , how doe you pray , M●… . Quatermayne , at such meetings ? Quater . My Lord , I will tell you how wee pray , wee pray thus , that the Lord will be graciously pl●…ased , out of all these combustions and confusions , to bring forth a sacred Order for the establishment of the Gospell , the rooting out of Popery , superstition , and Idolatry . For the uniting of the two Kingdomes together , England and Scotland , in peace , and setling his Majestie and his posteritie Royall in peace , that so we may live under our owne Vines and Fig-trees , to serve our God , and to be loyall and obedient to our King and Soveraigne , and loving and charitable one to another . Lord Cottington . Then said the Lord Cottington , the Lord , the Lord , and why not our Lord , or Jesus Christ , or God Almightie ? Quater . My Lord , I am not willing to mis-phrase the Scriptures , neither am I willing to displease your Lordships , therefore , whether I say our Lord , or God , or Christ , or God Almightie , the Scripture will beare me out in what I say . Lord Cottington . The Lord , the Lord , what Lord doe you meane ; doe you meane the Lord Wentworth ? Quater . No , my Lord , I doe not meane the Lord Wentworth , I know him not , nor am I acquainted with him , but that Lord that I meane , is the Lord of Heaven and Earth . Lord Privie Seale . The Lord , said the Lord Privie Seale , Doe you finde fault with the man , for saying the Lord , he speak●…th to the purpose , why is not the Lord in Scriptures as well to be spoken , as our Lord , or Christ , or God All-mightie ? Lord of Dorset . My Lord , said the Lord of Dorset , you loose time , the man speaketh punctually to the purpose , the Lord , it is the principall title that God is denominated in the Scriptures by . Archb. You were at Watlington , and there be of the Scotish faction . Quater . My Lord , I know not what you meane by the Scotish faction . Lord Cottington . Yes , said the Lord Cottington , I thinke you doe , and I beleeve , if you were well examined , you would be found one of the principall . Then many of the Lords cryed out of the Scots , and called them Rebells and Traytors . Archb. I , said Canterbury , wee have proved them Traytors and Rebels . Lord Cottington . They must needs be Traytors and Rebells , when they shall come in such hostile manner , to invade his Majesties Realme , and rob and spoyle his Subjects . Archb. I , said Canterbury , and under pretence of Religion , to invade the Land . Lord Cottington . Then said the Lord Cottington , what doe you thinke of the Scots , Mr Quatermayne ? Quater . My Lord , if you examine my conscience , I pray doe it by Scriptures . Archb. You say right , said Canterbury , I never did otherwise , nor will doe . Lord Cottington . Then said the Lord Cottington againe , Master Quatermayne , what doe you thinke of the Scots ? Quater . My Lord , I thinke more than I will speake . Then said another Lord , you heare that they be proved traytors , what doe you thinke of them now ? Quater . My Lord , I have thought formerly , that those things that your Lordship now sayes were not true , I know not now what cause I may have to al●…er my thoughts . Another Lord . But what doe you now thinke of them , Master Quatermayne ? Quater . Then said I , my Lord , if they be Traytors , let them suffer as Traytors . Lord . Master Quatermayne , what doe you thinke of them ? Quater . My Lord , whatsoever I thinke , I will say nothing . Lord Goring . Then said the Lord Goring , Master Quatermayn , how doe you judge of the Scots ? speake your mind freely , you need not be so shy , here is none that will wrong you . Quater . My Lord , I cannot judge at uncertainty , I heare one thing now , and another ●…hing anon , I hardly heare one thing twice together , and therefore I will suspend my judgement . Then said two or three Lords together , what doe you say of the Scots ? speake your mind freely , you heare they are proved traytors . Quater . My Lord , you say you have already proved the Scots Traytors , and I have said , if they be Traytors , let them suffer as Traytors , and my Lord , if you have proved them Traytors , you doe not want my approbation ; for if I say , they are Traytors , or if I say , they are not , it proves them neither to be , nor not to be Traytors , and therefore I will say nothing . Sir ●…homas Row . Then said Sir Thomas Row , and the Lord Goring , What doe you beleeve concerning the ●…cots , i Master Quatermayne ? Quater . To whom I answered , my Lord , I doe beleeve all the Articles of my Creed . Sir Thomas Row and Lord Goring . Then said both those , I thinke you doe , for you seeme to be a man of judgement , but doe you beleeve the Scots are Traytors ? Quater . My Lord , it was never no Article of my faith , for I never found it in my Creed ; with that they all smiled . P. S. and Arch. Then s●…y the Lord privie Seale and the Archbishop , Well , for all this , wee shall prove , that you were the chiefe cause of the ryot at Pauls on Thursday last , and therefore Sir John Bankes , I pray receive information from Master Lathom , and Master Lathom goe you to Master Atturney Generall , and give him instruction , how he shall draw the Bill of information . Quater . My Lords , if you please , you may make an end of the busin●…sse without any further trouble , for whatsoever I have spoken before your Lordships , I will prove by sufficient witnesses . Then divers of them sayd , Wee have sufficient proofe Master Quatermayne , that you were the cause of the Tumult , you shall goe forth , and if we have occasion , wee will call you in againe anon . Quater . So I departed from them , thinking by their fayre speeches and carriage , I had been directly freed , but it proved otherwise ; for in my absence , the Register had informed them very falsly and wickedly , and promised to prove against mee , whatsoever he said . Then afterwards the Messenger was called unto , and was by the Lords charged to looke unto mee , and keepe me safe , but to use me kindly . And one of the Lords said , for ought I see , he will maintaine any thing he hath done . And so I returned againe in peace to my prison in Southwarke . And this is the summe and substance of the Conference had with the Lords of the Councell . And the Lords writ a Letter , and sent it by another Messenger to Sergeant Greene in London , ( I will not say as David by Uriah but I leave it to your wisdome to judge by the sequell of the Story following . Upon the next day , which was the twenty sixth day of October , 1640. I was carryed into London to Sergeant GreenesHouse , and when I came to him , he did appoint me to be at the Guild Hall at two of the 〈◊〉 the same d●…y . And when I came there , there was a great preparation , both Holberts , Bills , and Constables Staves , to the number of three or foure hundred , n●…ver the like in London seene before , and three or foure thousand Auditors and Spectators , and all their Conference was about me ; and all concluded , that I should dye ; and many sweet and worthy Christians came to mee , to comfort mee . But especially , Master Goodin , that Reverend Divine , who told mee , I was not a man to be pittied ; and his reason was , because I was able to beare my burden , and those that were miserable , were to be pittied . Then came the Lord Major and his Brethren in Oyor and Terminor , the Commission being read , a Jury of Inquirie was impanelled , of three and twenty men , round about Doctors Commons , which is the foundation of Ignoramus Schoole ; a Jury of life and death being in readinesse , ( for their intent and purpose was I should have dyed before next morning ) the Bill was given to the Jury , where in were fifteene persons more , for shew onely , their ayme being onely at me , as by the sequell it did appeare ; a great number of persons were produced to take their Oaths against me , which they did to the purpose , as they thought ; Then was I had into the Court of Aldermen , to be examined by Sir Christopher Clethero , Sir Edward 〈◊〉 Sergeant Greene , and Sergeant Fesant : which examination of mine , with my owne hand 〈◊〉 annexed ; because it is included in my Speech with the Lords of the Councell , I here omit , as being too tedious . After my Examination , I was caused to walke in the Gallery , conveyed into that place ( as it seemed unto mee ) as a sheepe to the sl●…ughter . It was in such a place , as I might have called long enough before I could have been heard , and there was a backe way that I should have gone to execution , had the Jury but found the Bill , as I was informed by honest men . And now I returne to the Jury , for the carriage of that there were indirect courses used by all the Sergeants , to informe the Jury against mee . Likewise a Sergeant of the Sheriffes , did most grossely abuse the Iury and hi●…selfe . But the Iury could not agree , there , were many want 〈◊〉 among them , that had never been of a Iury before , as I have been likewise informed . There were two very understanding men , one Master Nicolson , and Mr Mcredith , that h●…d been Grand Iury men oftentimes before , and they made it appeare plainly to the Lord Major and the Sergeants , that I was every way innocent , and could not be guiltie , and all the Oaths that had past were to no purpose , and not concerning the thing at all ; yet notwithstanding , by the information of the Sergeants , and the pressing upon them by the Officer of the Court , one and twenty of them were agreed to finde the Bill . But beloved Christian , take notice I pray thee , of the speciall hand of God , and joyne with me 〈◊〉 thankes giving to the Lord , for so great a Deliverance . When the Iury came in , Sergeant Stone , who ●…ar Judge of the Court , asked them if they were agreed , Master Nicolson said , We are not agreed ; we finde it ignoramus , wee cannot finde Master Quatermayne guiltie ; with that , there was a great shout in the Hall with a thousand voyces , as taking it for granted , I should be freed . Then said the Forman of the Iury , there be one and twenty of us agreed ; then said the Iudge , you may yeeld up the Bill , they are some wise men that shall stand against one and twenty , Who shall speake for you , said the Iudge●… our Foreman , said the Iury , Give up your Bill , said the Iudge , here it is , here is nothing written in it , said Sergeant Stone ; then said the Foreman of the Iury , But wee are all agreed of our Verdict ; How doe you finde it , said Sergeant Stone . Then said the Foreman , A B●…ll of Errour , wherein the words of the Prophet a●…e made good , Man purposeth , h●…t God disposeth ; You are all agreed indeed , said the Lord Major S Hen : 〈◊〉 : For one sayth , ●…gnoramus , and all the rest sayth , A Bill of Errour . Wherein Christian Reader , 〈◊〉 give thee another hint of a speciall mercy ; for , if the Lord Major had been willing to have had my life , as I judge more charitable of him , he might have bid them returne into the Iury roome , and write upon the Bill , and then I had been found , but the Lord 〈◊〉 his heart , that he appointed them a longer tim , and adjourneth the Court untill the Tuesday 〈◊〉 following , which was the third day of November ( the first day of the Parliament ) in the afternoone . I conceive one reason my Lord Major might have the twenty-nine of October , he was to leave his place , and it was his wisedome not to carry the guilt of innocent bloud with him upon his conscience , and peradventure he might also thinke that they would proceed no further , in regard of the Parliament . And this is the sum and substance of the first proceedings in this Sessions , which continued untill between seven and eight a Clock at night , and then to my prison againe , with as much joy and peace as I could containe or hold , attended on by hundreds of the Saints of God . I looked on that place in the one and thirty Psalme , the fifteenth Verse , where the Prophet David sayth , My times are in thy hands : Whence I concluded thus much , that if my times were in Gods hands , then neither in Canterburies nor in Cottingtons hands , and that as the creature could not give life , no more it could not take away life . But I concluded , if my death might be as Sampsons , the pulling downe of the English Antichristian Hierarchie , the pulling downe the Devillish spirituall Courts , then should I gladly sacrifice my life in the cause of the Gospell , for Christ and his true English Church . And now to returne backe to that from which I have a little digrest ; Betweene that time and the next Sessions , the old Lord Major going out of his place , and the new one comming in , the spirit of jealousie fell into the hearts of my enemies , and wrought so deeply in them , that they plotted more cunningly to take my life then before , they being afraid , as indeed it did fall out , that the Iury would learne more wit and be better advised betweene that and the next Sessions , made the Commission , and Bill , and Iury , and all voyde , as if nothing at all had been done , and our three London Sergeants in their Scarlet rode in thei●… Co●…ches to the Court , to procure a new Commission sealed , which they got upon the Lords day in the morning about Sermon time . And then the new Lord Major , Sir Edward Wright sent for Smith the Sergeant , giving him a strict Charge to warne a Jury of speciall able men , telling him that it was for a businesse of greater consequence then he tooke it to be , and so it was done accordingly . And now Christian Reader , I will lead thee along from my Prison in Southworke , to my next Sessions holden in the Guild Hall in London ; where were twenty Constables , and each man had twenty Watchmen to attend with Bills , and Halberts , and a greater number to see me then at my first comming ; more to see me then were to see Doctor Ducke let downe and puld up with a Rope at the High Commission Court in Pauls . So we ascended up into the Court , and the old Iury fitting themselves to give in their Bill , all joyntly did assent to give up their Bill Ignoramus . But when they came into the Court , supposing to begin where they left off , they found it otherwise , for there was a new Iury impannelled , and a new Commission read , and a new Charge given , and the old forsworne Witnesses anew swo●…ne , and the old Iury much disgraced by Stone our London Sergeant : which Iury had learned more wit or wisdome in his absence , then ever he would have taught them being present . So the new Iury being called by their names , they answered to them , three and twenty were summoned to appeare , and did all appeare , but six of them were not called , because ( sayd the Register ) they are Puritans , of Quatermayns faction . Then Stone the Sergeant , sitting as Judge , told me it was not fit I should be in the Court . Then said I to my Lord Major , my Lord , so your proceedings be to Gods glory , and the good of the Common-wealth , and in a just way for my owne particular , my presence shall not be hurtfull to you ; you have chosen a Iury of wise discreet Gentlemen , I am willing to referre my selfe unto them . Then sayd Sergeant Stone , K●…epe him safe Messenger , you must looke unto him ; Then I answered him againe , My cause is good , and I will not start , though you would give me a thousand pounds . Then answered my Lord Major , I thinke you will not Master Quatermayn , then the Iury looked upon me , and when they looked upon the Witnesses , how like Rogues they looked ; then I answered they are of the Court , meaning they were of the High Commission Court . So the Iury going into the Iury-roome , my adversaries thought , they had expunged all Puritans out of the company , but they were utterly deceived ; for one Master Lee , a Vintner at the Sunne Tavern at Criple-gate , a very wise and judicious man , did so debate the matter with the rest of the Iury , that notwithstanding my enemies , which were the enemies of the truth , had cast such aspersions upon me , saying , that I was an Arian , an Anabaptist , a Separatist , a Familist , and the like , he made them to see clearly , that the Bill could not be found against mee , yet notwithstanding , they did not make an end that night . At length the Iury being often called upon to bring in their Bill , it being late in the night , the Iury came forth , and Sergeant Stone asked them if they were agreed , they answered they were not agreed , then inquiry being made how the businesse stood , seven would have found the Bill , and ten were against it , and so the Sessions for that night ended , untill the next Friday following , being the sixth of November 1640. Loving Christian Reader , I will put thee in minde of one thing , my persecutor said , he would have my life , though it cost him five hundred pounds , and another said , that if Quatermayn were not hanged within six houres , he would be hanged for him ; but the first hath mist of his purpose , and the l●…st hath time enough to choose his Gallowes , or to repent hims●… of his precipitated malice . And this is the summe and substance of our second S●…ssions , and I returned home to my prison againe , waiting upon the Lord for my free and full deliverance in his own good time . In the meane time , there were three or foure Letters sent from the Lords of the Councell , or the Councellor of the Lords , to the Lord M●…jor and the Sergeants ; but what was in them , I know not , God in his due time , I hope , will reveale it . Besides , divers Messengers were sent to the place where I was imprisoned , to see whether I were safe or no . And now Christian Brother , I shall lead thee to my Gayle-Delivery . And this proved a Sessions of peace , for when we came thither , there was neither Constable nor Watchman , so the Iury after some certaine time came forth and desired audience , for they would give up their Bill , and the three Sergeants would not receive it , by reason that my Persecutor the Register of the High Commission Court was not there , but at length Lathom came in , and then the Iury was called , and they were all agreed but one , and they yeelded up the Bill , and it was a Bill of Vera , for one Reynolds a Waterman and Ignoramus for all the rest . At which word , there was a great rejoycing among the people ; but Lathom looked as pale as ashes , then I blessed God with these two words , Truth is strong and will prevaile ; and then divers good Christians tooke me by the middle , and sayd , Master Quatermayne , you are sr●…ed ; and I said , Blessed be God , who is the deliverer of his people . Then William Barrife , who was one of the Iury , was called for , who would not assent with the rest of the Iury ; but see the hand of God in this also ; for he was fined fortie shillings for his absence , and was glad to submit to his Brethren , and intreat the favour of the Court for his fine . Then I spake to my Lord Major and his Brethren , saying ; Is it in your power to free me , seeing I am freed by the Iury ? And they answered , No . Then I asked if they had not authoritie in those Letters that they had received , to free me ; but they answered me , No . Then I told them , I would use meanes my selfe . And thus was I most graciously delivered from the Lyon , and the Beare , and the uncircumcised Philistims , and the Diotrephes , the troubler of the people of God , by their prating of many swelling words of vanitie ; But the Net is broken , and I am delivered ; to God onely . be the glory ; and to the Instruments thereof due respect and praise . AMEN . THE PRAYER . THou , oh Lord God omnipotent reigneth , holy are thy wayes , just are thy workes , great are thy mercies , dreadfull are thy judgements , oh King of Saints . Oh Lord , who is like unto thee ? Thy goodnesse and mercy , Oh most mightie God , encompasseth us round on every side . Thou , oh Lord , hast said , Thou wilt be a wall of fire round about thy people , and the glory in the midst of them . Thou h●…st said , Thou wilt be a Sunne and a Sheild to thy Servants , and no good 〈◊〉 wilt thouwithhold from them that walke uprigh●…ly before thee , but grace and glory wilt thou give unto them . Thy people of old beleeved in thee , they called upon thy Name , and were delivered . Thou never ●…allen them that put their 〈◊〉 thee . Oh Lord who is it then that doth know thy Name , but will trust in thee . Oh Lord , I am thy Serva●…t ; the Sonne of thy hand●… ; Thou haste broken my bands in sunder , and set my fe●…te in a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that I ●…ht 〈◊〉 the wayes of thy C●…mmandements , ●…nd so serve thee with an upright heart , and a willing minde . I have ●…ound by 〈◊〉 experience , Oh Lord , that the issuos from death are in thy hands . The enemies plotted and contrived to take away the life of thy Servant , and yet behold Lord , thou didst most 〈◊〉 deliver him . The Net was layd , the Pit was digged , thy servant freed , and his and thine enemies ensnared and covered . Oh Lord , prayse waiteth for thee in Sion , and unto thee shall the Vow be performed . Thou hearest Prayers , and therefore unto thee shall all flesh come . O Lord , thou haste done wondrous things . Thy promises of old are faithfulnesse and truth . Oh Lord , what shall I render unto thee for thy great goodnesse , and loving kindnesse , shewed to thy Servant . I will take the cup of Salvation , and give prayse unto thy name , Thou haste good Lord , preserved mee from the Lyon and the Beare , and the usurping tyrannous Philistims of the Kingdom , to what end , deare Father , but that I should not forget the loving kindnesse of the Lord , but be still mindfull of his Covenant . Thy out-stretched arme hath been my defence . Thy right hand , Oh Lord , hath the preheminence . Thy right hand deare Father , hath brought mightie things to ●…asse . I shall not dy●… through the malice of the enemy , but 〈◊〉 live , through the goodnesse of my God , to declare the loving ?…?ness of the Lord . I am resolved to make my boast of thy prayse , all the day long my tongue shall never cease to speake of thy goodnesse whilest I have a being ; for , Thou bringest downe to the grave , and raisest up againe . Thou dost all thy workes to be had in remembrance of all that are ●…ound about thee . If any Creature that ever thine ●…and hath made , hath cause to magnifie thy Name , and to declare thy prayse , then have I much more . Mine enemies did as it were cast Lots upon my Vesture , and had so numbred my dayes , as that they thought within six houres to take away the life of thy Servant ; and yet behold Lord some dead , ●…me run away , and others imprisoned , as thine the Churches , the States , and G●…mmon mealths enemies and yet deare Father , thy Servant preserved alive , to take notice of thy mercy in beleeving thy holy promise , where thou sayest , Thou wilt deliver the righteous out of trouble , and bring the wicked in their stead . Oh Lord , I have found that my tim●… are in thy hands , and not in the han●… of my enemies ; yea , I ●…ve and doe finde by blessed experience , o●… Lord , that as the creature cannot give life , so neither can it take life away , Deare Father , I received my life from thee , to glorifie thy Name in the discharge of the severall actions and duties in my place and calling , and should the enemies deprive mee of it , to th●… shame and reproach of the Gospell . Oh Lord , thou haste forbidden it , and so it is come to p●…sse , for ever blessed be thy N●…e for it . Lord , thou haste said , that we should be brought before Princes and Rulers for thy Name sake , and yet we should not feare nor take care what to speake , for thou wilt g●… a mouth and a tongue , and behold , deare Lord , thou haste made this promise also good to thy servant . Wherein thou didst so guide him and direct him , as that he did neither deny the truth , nor corrupt his conscience , to please the times ; at that time , deare Father , thou didst sill his heart full with joy , and peace in beleeving , that all things should worke together for his good , when the enemies , oh Lord , did coop him up and appoint him as a sheepe for the slaughter . ●…hen didst thou lengthen his life , and prolong his dayes , to tell of all thy wondrous workes . I will therefore sing of thy prayse all the day long ; for thou haste shewed kindnesse to thy servant . Thou haste multiplyed thy hand of bountie , I will never forget thy free and full acts of love vouchsafed to me . Deare Father , I beseech thee to direct thy Servant what to doe , and how to carry himselfe in this his Pilgrimage , that so ●…e may glorifie thy Name , and endeavour to 〈◊〉 thy people , that others may by his example be incouraged to walke on constantly , conscionably , and faithfully , in the pursuit and practise of all the duties of Christianitie . Blessed Father , Lord of life and glory , I doe most humbly desire thee so to direct me by thy Word and Spirit , that as thou hast miraculously and mercifully preserved mee from all dangers on the right hand and on the left , from the malice and fury of mine enemies , I may now in an humble acknowledgement of thy goodnesse , walke before thee in all holy and humble subjection to thy blessed will in all things . To this end , I beseech thee , ●…athe my soule 〈◊〉 that ●…ountaine that thou hast opened to the house of Judah , and the Iohabitants of Jerusal●…m to wash in . Make good that holy promise more and more to my soule , wherein thou hast said , Thou wilt wash mee from mine u●…cleannesse , and sprinkle mee with cleane water . Deare Father , it is thy good pleasure , that in Christ the God-head should dwell bodily , that so I might be made partakers of the divine nature , yea , that in him all sulnesse should dwell , that so I might receive grace for grace . Now I besecch thee , deare Father , let it not be with me as with Pharoahs leane Kine , that I may still feed upon the fat and 〈◊〉 promises of the Gos●…ell , and yet remaine a starveling to thy great dishonour , and the reproach of Religion . But grant , 〈◊〉 beseech thee , that in the use of all holy meanes I doe so plentifully injoy , I may grow up to that age , stature , fulnesse , and 〈◊〉 of thy saints in Jesus Christ , that so as thy band hath and still is upon mee for good , so my heart may alwayes meditate on thy Statutes , and my tongue may speake of all thy wondrous workes . Blessed Father , I be seech thee to anatomize my heart , and spiritualize my soule , and see if there be any wickednesse in mee ; and by thy Word and 〈◊〉 it , divide between the Soule and Spirit , and joynts and marrow of my corruption , and so separate betweene the precious and the vile ; that all iniquitie may be removed farre away from my person , and from my Tabernacle , that so O Lord , for the time that is to come , I may walle evenly with thee in the path that is called holy , that so I may have my fruit in holinesse , and at the end eternall life , that being guided by thy counsell here , I may at last be brought to glory . Good Lord grant that I may never be of that number that doth so we to the 〈◊〉 to reap●… corruption , but of those that doth so we to the Spirit and reape life everlasting , that I may never as formerly dig broken 〈◊〉 that will hold no water , but that I may drinke deeply of that fountaine of the water of life , my fresh springs being found in thee , that so 〈◊〉 soule may be filled with the fruits of rightcousnesse , which is to the prayse of thy rich grace by faith in Christ ●…esus . Deare Father , I have three grand enemies to grapple with , the world , th●…●…lesh , and the Devill , the least of which is too great for me to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if my weaknesse be not supported , and my wants supplyed . But yet I know that thorow Jesus Christ that strengtheneth mee , I may by faith make the Devill flye , overcome the world , and get my owne heart purified : 〈◊〉 although holy Father of my selfe being poore , weake , and contemptible , I can doe nothing , yet thorow Jesus Christ that strengtheneth me , I can doe all things ; for he is the right hand of thy power , and strong arme of thy salvation , in and from whom thou hast received full compensation to divir●… just●…ce for the sinnes of all the Elect , and in particular for mee thy unworthy servant . I beseech thee 〈◊〉 Lord , so long as thou hast any imployment for thy unworthy servant in this 〈◊〉 and transito●…y life , so long as these few broken ends of mortalitie doth remaine , be thou pleased , who doth all things according to the counsell of thine owne will , so to uphold mee in the way of holinesse , that in all th●… actions of my generall and speciall calling , I may glorifie thy great Name , 〈◊〉 my Brethren , propagate the knowledge of the Lord Jesus Christ , stop the mouths and put to silence the tongues of wicked and ungodly men , for this is the will of thee my God as touching thy servant . I beseech thee , O Lord , be not angry with poore sinfull dust and ashes , and I will speake but this one time , and it is in the behalfe of the generation of thy first borne , whom thou from eternitie hast set thy love upon , and still 〈◊〉 delight in to extend mercy to . It is the Vine which thine owne hand hath planted holy holy , Lord , looke downe from Heavn , behold , and visit this Vine . The straits of thy people are great , but deliverance is in thine owne hands , thy mercyes are thine owne , I beseech thee therefore , O Lord , consider how deeply thine owne glory is involved in the great cause of thy Church . Behold , the insolency , pride , and subtilti●… , of thine enemies , and looke upon the imbecilitie and weaknesse of thy people , and let that auntient motive which from the beginning , and 〈◊〉 ages , did stirre thee up to doe good to thy people , provoke thee at ; this time to be mercifull to thy Church , because mercy 〈◊〉 thee . O Lord , thou h●…st in thy Word spoken great things of thy Servants concerning their deliverance , and also gathering thy Churches from the foure Corners of the World ; and that thou wilt rayse up thy Jerusalem , and make it the prayse of the whole Earth , and is not now the time come wherein thou wil●… extend thy mercy to Sion ? O Lord is not yet the time fully come ? Hath shee not lyne long enough in the dust ? Hath not the Plowers plowed long furrowes on her bucke for a long s●…ason ? Hath not O Lord , the Fox●… , the subtill Foxes broke off her fruitfull bowes , spoyled her grapes , and would not let them cluster ? Good Lord , hath not thine enemies mingled our Wine with water , our silver with drosse , and thy pure worship with superstitious vanities ? And shall they , O Lord , prosper , that thus runne along in their wickednesse , eating up thy pe●…ple even as bread , ●…vouring thy precious Saints , and sacred truthes , as much as in them lyeth ? And will not our God returne , and cause the light of his countenance to sh●…ne upon his . Sanctuary ? Thou hast said , O Lord , that thou never biddest the sonnes of Iacob seeke thy face in vaine ; is not the time yet come that the Stone cut out of the mountaine without hands , shall grow to be a Mountaine , and fill the whole earth ? When , O Lord , wilt thou give the Kingdoms of the earth to the Saints of the most High ? When shall our Sister that hath no breast , desire the sincere milke of the Gospell ? When Lord , shall those dry bones live ? When deare Father , shall the great River Euphrates be dryed up , that thy redeemed may passe over ? When shall that Monarch of Rome and Hiera●…chy of England which makes the reall Antichrist , not onely be discovered , but rooted out and consumed , that thy Saints may rejoyce their hearts , and warme their hands at that great bonefire so long desired , that the Lord Iesus Christ may raigne in his Church . Deare Father , Lord of Heaven and Earth , Gird thy Sword upon thy thigh , O thou most mightie , strike thorow the loynes of thine , and thy Churches enemies . Root out all them that delight in superstitious vanities ; avenge the quarrell of thy Covenant , and maintaine thine owne glory . Blesse thine owne worke , O Lord , the great Reformation already begunne in this Kingdome ; yea , blesse O Lord , the Parliament , that strong arme of flesh , which thou hast sanctified and preserved to doe great things by , let not our hopes be made frustrate ; let not the malicious purposes of thine enemies come to passe , least they grow too proud . O Lord , Blesse the Kings Majestie , with spirituall , corporall , and eternall Blessings , that he may so comply with his Parliament , that all differences may quietly be composed , Religion may flourish , scandalous dumb dogs removed , and faithfull Pastors and Teachers planted in their roomes , with those sacred Governours and government ; which Christ hath instituted in his Church . Blesse the Queene , the Prince , and the rest of that royall Race : Lord , let thy blessing be upon all states and degrees of people , as if their names were particularized before thee . Good Lord , cause Warres to cease in Ireland ; let justice and mercy meet together in that Kingdome , that thy enemies may justly be punished , and thy people mercifully delivered . Blesse those Forces that are imployed for that service ; send more , and prosper them also ; that the great good worke hoped for , may be most blessedly accomplished . Good Lord , blesse thy blessed people of the Scots Nation , by whom thou hast done so much good to this Kingdome , and all others , that thy poore servant is bound to pray for , by dutie , Religion , or any band or tye of nature or grace , even for the Lord Iesus Christ his sake . In whom , and for whom , thou receivest poore sinners to mercy . To whom with t●…ine own Majesty , and God the holy Spirit , three persons , one onely holy wise God , be rendred , as is most due , all honour , prayse , glory , and thankes , now , hence forth , and for ever . AMEN . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A56866e-920 Jo. Lincol . now York . Notes for div A56866e-1430 My first Apprehension . My Appearance The Conference . Doctor Featly . Dr Feally his report . Bishop of Bathe & Wells . Pursevant . Thomas Squire . Diver●… spake . A Doct●… Purs●…vant , Officers . Notary . Clerke of the Co●…cell . Privie Seale . Lord privy Seale . Lord of Dorset . 〈◊〉 Francis Windebanke , Secretary of State . Friend . Sir Nathaniel Brent . Register . Lord Newborg A Lord . Sir Edward Littleton . Lord Cottington . Lord Privie Seale . 〈◊〉 Tho. Row . Sir Tho. Row . and Lord Goring . 〈◊〉 Generall . Of Sir Jo. Finch Lord Keeper . Said the Jury . The Archbishop . 
A56199	----	Romes master-peece, or, The grand conspiracy of the Pope and his iesuited instruments, to extirpate the Protestant religion, re-establish popery, subvert lawes, liberties, peace, parliaments, by kindling a civill war in Scotland, and all His Majesties realmes, and to poyson the King himselfe in case hee comply not with them in these their execrable designes revealed out of conscience to Andreas ab Habernfeld, by an agent sent from Rome into England, by Cardinall Barbarino, as an assistant to con the Popes late nuncio, to prosecute this most execrable plot, (in which he persisted a principall actor severall yeares) who discovered it to Sir William Boswell His Majesties agent at the Hague, 6 Sept. 1640. he, under an oath of secrecie, to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury (among whose papers it was casually found by Master Pyrnne, May, 31. 1643) who communicated it to the King, as the greatest businesse that ever was put to him / published by authority of Parliament by William Prynne ... Prynne, William, 1600-1669. 1644 Approx. 146 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A56199 Wing P4056 ESTC R7561 12814996 ocm 12814996 94126 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A56199) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94126) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 820:29) Romes master-peece, or, The grand conspiracy of the Pope and his iesuited instruments, to extirpate the Protestant religion, re-establish popery, subvert lawes, liberties, peace, parliaments, by kindling a civill war in Scotland, and all His Majesties realmes, and to poyson the King himselfe in case hee comply not with them in these their execrable designes revealed out of conscience to Andreas ab Habernfeld, by an agent sent from Rome into England, by Cardinall Barbarino, as an assistant to con the Popes late nuncio, to prosecute this most execrable plot, (in which he persisted a principall actor severall yeares) who discovered it to Sir William Boswell His Majesties agent at the Hague, 6 Sept. 1640. he, under an oath of secrecie, to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury (among whose papers it was casually found by Master Pyrnne, May, 31. 1643) who communicated it to the King, as the greatest businesse that ever was put to him / published by authority of Parliament by William Prynne ... Prynne, William, 1600-1669. Habervešl z Habernfeldu, Ondřej. Boswell, William, Sir, d. 1649. Laud, William, 1573-1645. The second edition. [6], 36, [1] p. For Michael Sparke, Senior, Printed at London : 1644. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. William Laud was the Archbishop of Canterbury. cf. DNB. Published also in 1678 under title: The grand designs of the Papists. Includes letters of Ondřej Habervešl z Habernfeldu and Sir William Boswell. Part of letter and text in Latin and English. Errata: p. [6] Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. Catholic Church -- Great Britain -- Controversial literature. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. 2002-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-07 Sara Gothard Sampled and proofread 2002-09 Aptara Rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-10 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ROMES MASTER-PEECE : OR , The Grand Conspiracy of the Pope and his Iesuited Instruments , to extirpate the Protestant Religion , re-establish Popery , subvert Lawes , Liberties , Peace , Parliaments , by kindling a Civill War in Scotland , and all his Majesties Realmes , and to poyson the King himselfe in case hee comply not with them in these their execrable Designes . Revealed out of Con●cience to Andreas ab Habernfeld , by an Agent sent from Rome into England , by Cardinall Barbarino , as an Assistant to Con the Popes late Nuncio , to prosecute this most Execrable Plot , ( in which he persisted a principall Actor severall yeares ) who discovered it to Sir William Boswell his Majesties Agent at the Hague , 6 Sept. 1640. He , under an Oath of Secresie , to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury ( among whose Papers it was casually found by Master Prynne , May , 31. 1643. ) who communicated it to the King , As the greatest businesse that ever was put to him . Published by Authority of Parliament . By William Prynne , of Lincolnes Inne , Esquire . 1 COR. 4. 5. The Lord will bring to light the hidden things of Darknesse , and will make manifest the counsels of the hearts , and then shall every man have praise of God. It is Ordered by the Committee of the House of Commons in Parliament concerning Printing , this first day of August , 1643. that this Book , Intituled , Romes Master-Peece , be forthwith Printed by Michael Spark , Senior . Iohn White . The second Edition . Printed at London for Michael Sparke , Senior . 1644. TO The Right Honourable ROBERT Earle of WARWICK , Baron of LEEZE , AND LORD ADMIRALL of all the Parliaments Sea Forces . Right Honourable , YOur eminent zealous Sincerity , and incomparable Activity both by Sea and Land in defence of our undermined , endangered Protestant Religion , Lawes , Liberties , Parliament , Nation , against the many late secret Plots , and open Hostilities of Antichristian Romish Vipers , who for sundry yeares together , have desperately conspired , and most vigorously prosecuted their utter extirpation , and now almost accomplished this their infernall Designe , unlesse Gods infinite mercy ( which hath never hitherto beene wanting to us in times of greatest extremity ) miraculously disappoint it ; hath induced me to dedicate this Master-p●ece of the Romanists , and Jesuites Iniquity , to your most Noble Patronage . Wherein your Lordship may summarily behold the most horrid conspiracy against our Reformed Religion , and the very life of the King our Soveraigne in case he comply not with them ( as now alas He doth overmuch in all things ) that ever was discovered to the world : and clearly descry , who have beene the reall originall Contrivers , Fomenters of all those late bloody civill warres , which have suddenly transformed our peaceable , pleasant delectable Edens of England , Ireland , Scotland , into most desolate rufull Acheldamaes , yea Golgothaes , to the just amazement of our selves , and astonishme●t of all our Neighbour Nations : who now more lament our present Infelicity , then ever their envied our pristine Tranquility . It was an admirable act of Divine Providence , that a principall Actor in this Conspiracy , sent from Rome to promote it , should out of remorse of conscience prove the first Revealer of it to Sir William Boswell : But it was a farre more wonderfull hand of God ; that after this Plot had been long concealed from publique knowledge by Canterbury , who smothered it ; hee should unexpectedly rayse Me up from my forraigne Close Prison of Mount-Orgueil Castle in Jersey , ( where Canterbury and his Confederates had intombed me sundry yeares , as * a dead man out of minde , whom they remembred no more , reputing me among the number of those that go down into the pit , and as one quite cut off by their hands , never likely to rise up again till the generall Resurrection ; ) and not only reduce me with Honour and Triumph to my Native Countrey , restore me to my former liberty , and Profession by the Parliaments impartiall Iustice ; and make my former and my fellow Sufferers unjust Censures , the ruine of the S●archamber , Highcommission , and Prelates , who censured us ; but likewise , beyond all expectation , send this Archprelate ( though the Kings chief Favourite ) a Prisoner to the Tower of London , to which I was first of all committed by his malice ; and employ me to search his Papers there , where he had formerly twice searched mine by his Instruments , and therehy make Me both the Discoverer and Publisher of this second Gunpowder Plot to the world , after a long concealment of it , ( and that in a time most seasonable ; ) which otherwise , in all probability , had never come to light . a O the depth of the Riches both of the wisdome and knowledge of God! how unsearchable are his Judgments , and his wayes past finding out ! This adorable strange Providence of the b God of Heaven , ( who revealeth the deep and secret things , and knoweth what is in the darknesse , and makes known unto us the Kings matter , ) as it should ascertaine us , of his future Protection of our Church and State against these Romish Conspirators , whose trayterous Designes hee hath formerly most admirably discovered , and frustrated from time to time ; So it should adde much dignity and acceptation to this Discovory , and enlarge our gratulations to God for it . To his Blessing I shall in my Prayers recommend this Master-Piece , together with your Lordships Person , and all your Heroick Endeavours for our Religions , our Republikes security , and for ever remaine Your Lordships most affectionate Servant William Prynne . SInce the first Publishing in Print of the ensuing Plot and Letters by Authority and Directions from the House of Commons , which imployed me in this service ; I have been credibly informed by some Friends , that many inoredulous , over - suspitious Malignants ( who think there is as much falshood , dishonesty in others ; as in themselves ) have questioned the Truth of the ensuing Plot , Letters , Papers ; and confidently , if not impudently , averred them to be meere Fictions , without any shadow , proofe , reason , ground at all , but their own malicious misbeliefe . But to satisfie all the world in this Particular , and these slanderous Infidels too , if not ●rodigiously obstinate : I doe here attest upon the faith and honour of a Christian ; First , that I found all these ensuing Letters , Papers in the Archbishop of Canterburies Chamber in the Tower of London under his own custody , when I was unexpectedly employed by the Close Committee , in that undesired service of searching it , which the Archbishop himself , his Servants , the Gentlemen and Souldiers , who then accompanied me , with those who employed me , can witnesse , and have already oft attested . Secondly , that they were all Originals , no● Copies , under the severall hands and Seals of Sir William Boswell , Knight ( the Kings own Leger Embassador at Hague in the N●therlands ; ) Andreas ab Habernfeld , ( a Noble Bohemian , Physitian to the Queen of Bohemia ; a man of known sincerity and untainted reputation : ) The Archbishop of Canterbury ( who must be the sole forger of the Plot , and Letters , if fained ; ) and of the King himself : As the Letters , Papers themselves ( o●t viewed by divers of the Lords , Commons , and other persons of quality for their satisfaction , all now remaining in the Custody of a Committee of the House of Commons , where any incredulous Thomas , who dares trust his own senses , may view them at his leasure ) will evidence to all who know their Hands or Seales . Thirdly , that the Archbishop himselfe , and his Servants , have confessed the verity , reality of the Plot and Papers to divers who repaired to them for their own resolution therein ; and the Archbishop in his late Petition to the Lords in Parliament for restitution of these Papers , hath againe fully acknowledged their reality . Fourthly , ( which puts all out of question ) had these Letters , Papers been Forgeries , or Impostures , not reall verities , his Majesty himselfe , or the Oxford Mercury for him ; at least the Archbishop , Sir William Boswell , Andreas ab Habernfeld , or some of their Instruments , being all living , and the Presses open ; would long ere this have detected this forgery , and disclaimed these Papers and Letters in Print : which neither of them have done in seven Months space ; whereas each of them on the contrary ( as I am informed ) have avouched these severall Letters , Papers to be genuine , and their own . Finally , it had been a strange over-sight , yea madnesse in my self , and a great dishonour to , a most impolitique devise in the Parliament , to publish forged Letters in these eminent living Persons names ; who want neither will , meanes , nor power immediately to detect , refute , and manifest such a grosse Imposture to all the world , to the eternall infamy of the Publishers . Let Malignants and Papists then , with all others , who have any sparks of Honesty , or Policy , remaining in them , henceforth rest assured of the verity , reality , of this Plot , these Papers , though they have formerly doubted of them ; else let them perish in their groundlesse Infidelity ; who will neither believe the King , the Archbishop , Sir William Boswell , nor Hab●rnfeld , under their Hands and Seales ; nor yet the Parliament , nor Discoverer of them ( by an admirable unexpected Divine Providence ) who abhorres all fictions , frauds , Impostures whatsoever , and can doe nothing against the truth , but for the truth . I shall only adde this to the Premises ; that the multitude of his Majesties royall Letters of Grace , and Discharges of Popish Recusants , Priests , Iesuits , together with his Marriage-Articles , Oathes , Letter to the Pope , and other evidences lately published in The Popish Royall Favourite , the late horrid Rebellion in Ireland , the Rebels seising of the Goods , Estates , and Persons of all the English Protestans there to the Kings use ; and their bloody massacre by blood-thirsty Papists , a For the exaltation of the holy Roman Catholike Church , and the advancement of his Maiesties service , &c. And that by vertue of his Majesties speciall Commission under the Great Seale of Scotland , and Letters of direction sent therewith , for the effecting of this great Work ; which Commission , together with the Arguments evidencing the reality thereof , you may read at large in the Mystery of iniquity newly published , pag. 34. to 42. his Majesties Articles of Pacification with those Rebels , ratified under the Great Seale of England , wherein he cals these bloody Rebels , his Roman Catholike Subjects , and good Subiects in some copies ; and gives them Authority to persecute his Protestant Subiects in Irelands , with license to send such Agents to his Majesty from time to time as they shall think fit ; accepting a grant of thirty thousand eight hundred pound from them , and making their base Irish money currant in England by a speciall Proclamation ; his sending for the Souldiers sent by the Parliament into Ireland to subdue the Rebels , and for Irish Rebels too , into England , and that By his Maiesties speciall Commission and Authority ; ( as b Mercurius Aulicus informs us twice together ) and administring an Oath to every Officer and Souldier that shall be transported , To the utmost of his power , and hazard of his life to fight against the Forces now under the conduct of the Earle of Essex , and against all other Forces whatsoever that are or sha●l be raised under what pretence soever , contrary to his Majesties Command or Authority ▪ in defence of our Protestant Religion , Lawes , Liberties . All these particulars laid together , will infallibly demonstrate the reality of this designe , and how farre it hath prevailed even with the King himselfe ; whose heart and person ( now wholly captivated and stolne away from the Parliament and Kingdome by these Conspirators ) the good God rescue out of their Traytorly hands , and restore unto us in d●e season : which shall be the prayer of the Publishe● of this Plot , William Prynne . Errata . COurteous Reader , I pray correct these Presse-errours , which during my absence at St. Albanes , have , through the Printers oversight escaped the Presse in this Edition . Page 4. l. 1. r. suffer , p. 7. l. 20. na●●ragio , p. 9. l. 29. them , and most , p. 15. l. 6. quam , p. 28. l. 3. not brooke , l. 27. his zeale , 1. 29. strong , strang , p. 29. l. 33. Chaplaine , p. 31. l. 10. men , these , l. 15. yet come into the Kings p , 34. l. 29. his destiny , l. 40. reasonable , l. 46. dele as , p. 35. l ▪ 26. conspired . In the Margin . p. 22. l. 18. small r. female . ROMES MASTER-PEECE . IF there be any professing the Protestant Religion within the Kings Dominions , or elsewhere , who are yet so wilfully blinded as not to discern , so so●tishly incredulous as not to believe , any reall long-prosecuted conspiracy , by former secret practises , and the present warres to extirpate the Protestant Religion , re-establish Popery , and inthrall the people in all three Kingdomes , notwithstanding all visible effects , and transparent Demonstrations of it , lively set forth in the late Declaration of the Lords and Commons , concerning the Rise and Progresse of the Grand Rebellion , with other Remonstrances of that nature , most visibly appearing in the late Articles of Pacification , made by his Majesties Authority and approbation with the Irish Rebels , contrary to divers Acts of Parliament passed by the King this present Session : Let them now advisedly fixe their Eyes , Minds , upon the ensuing Letters and Discoveries , ( seised on by Master Prynne , in the Archbishops Chamber in the Tower , May 31. 1643. by Warrant from the Close Committee , to search his Papers there , being unexpectedly commanded on that service ) and then they must needs acknowledge it an indubitable verity ; Since Sir William Boswell , the Archbishop himselfe , if not his Majesty , and those who revealed this Plot , were perswaded of its reality upon the first Dis●overy , before it brake forth openly in Ireland , and England . Who and what the Authour of this Discovery was ; who the chiefe active instruments in the Plot ; when , and where they assembled ; in what vigorous manner they daily prosecuted it ; how effectually they proceeded in it ; how difficult it is to dissolve or counter-work it , without speciall diligence , the Relation it selfe will best discover . Whose verity if any question , these Reasons will inforce beliefe : First , That the Discoverer was a chiefe Actor in this Plot , sent hither from Rome by Cardinall Barbarino ; to assist Con the Popes Legate in the pursute of it , and privy to all the particulars therein discovered . Secondly , That the horrour and reality of the conspiracy so troubled his conscience , as it ingaged him to disclose it , yea to renounce that bloody Church and Religion , which contrived it ; though bred up in , preferred by it , and promised greater advancements for his deligence in this designe . Thirdly , That he discovered it under an Oath of Secrecy , and offered to confirme every particular by solemne Oath . Fourthly , That hee discovers the persons principally imployed in this Plot , the places and times of their secret conventions ; their manner and diligence in the purs●ite of it , with all other circumstance● so punctually , as leaves no place for doubt . Fifthly , The principall Conspirators nominated by him are notoriously known to be fit instruments for such a wicked design . Sixthly , Many particulars therein have immediate relation to the King and Archbishop , to whom he imparted this Discovery , and it had been an impudent boldnesse and irrationall , frentick act , to reveale any thing for truth to the King and Bishop , which they could disprove on their own knowledge . Seventhly , Sir William Boswell , and the Archbishop , if not the King himselfe , were fully satisfied , that it was reall and most important . Eightly , Some particulars are ratified by the Arch-bishops testimony , in the Memorials of his own life , written with his own hand some yeares before ; and others so apparent , that most intelligent men in Court and City , were acquainted with them whiles they were acting , though ignorant of the plot . Finally , The late sad effects of this Conspiracy in all three Kingdomes , in prosecution of this design , compared with it , are such a convincing evidence of its reality ; and Gods admirable hand of Providence in bringing this concealed plot so seasonably to light , ( by an instrument unexpectedly raised from the grave of Exile and imprisonment , to search the Arch-bishops papers , in the Tower , who had there seised his in former times , and shut him up close prisoner in a Forraine Dungeon ) such a testimony from Heaven super-added to the premises , that hee who deemes it an imposture , may well be reputed an Infidell , if not a Monster of incredulity . The first overture and larger Relation of the plot it selfe were both writ in Latin , as they are here Printed , and faithfully translated word for word , as neare as the Dialect will permit . All which premised , the Letters and plot here follow in order . Sir Williams Boswels first Letter to the Arch-bishop concerning the Plot. May it please your Grace , THe offers ( whereof your Grace will finde a Copy ) here inclosed towards a further and more particular discovery , were first made unto me at the second hand , and in speech , by a friend of good quality and worth in this place ; But soone after ( as soone as they could be put into Order ) were avowed by the principall party ; and delivered me in writing by both together : Upon promise , and Oath , which I was required to give , and gave accordingly , not to reveale the same to any other man living but your Grace ; and by your Graces hand , unto his Majesty . In like manner they have tyed themselves not to declare these things unto any other , but my selfe ; untill they should know , how his Majesty and your Grace would dispose thereof . The Principall giving me withall to know , That hee puts himselfe , and this secret into your Graces power , as well because it concernes your Grace so nearely after his Majesty : As that he knowes your wisdome to guide the same aright : And is assured of your Graces fidelity to his Majesties Person , to our State , and to our Church . First , Your Grace is humbly , and earnestly prayed , To signifie his Majesties pleasure ( with all possible speed ) together with your Graces disposition herein , and purpose to carry all with silence , from all , but his Majesty untill due time . Secondly , When your Grace shall think fit to shew these things unto his Majesty ▪ To doe it immediately ; not trusting to Letters ; nor permitting any other person to be by , or in hearing : And to entreat and counsell his Majesty as in a case of Conscience to keep the same wholly , and solely in his own bosome , from the knowledge of all other creatures living but your Grace ; untill the businesse shall be cleare , and sufficiently in his Majesties and your Graces hands to effect . Thirdly , Not to enqure or demand the names of the parties from whom these overtures doe come , or any further discoveries and advertisements in pursute of them which shall come hereafter , untill due satisfaction shall be given in every part of them . Nor to bewray unto any person but his Majesty , in any measure or kinde , that any thing of this nature , or of any great importance is come from me . For as I may believe these overtures are verifiable in the way they will be layed ; and that the parties will not shrink : So I may accompt , That if never so little a glimpse , or shadow of these informations shall appeare by his Majesties , or your Graces speech or carriage , unto others , the meanes whereby the businesse may bee brought best unto tryall , will bee utterly disappointed : And the parties who have in Conscience towards God , and devotion to his Majesty ; affection to your Grace , and compassion of our Countrey , disclosed these things , will runne a present and extreame hazard of their persons , and lives , So easily it will be conjectured ( upon the least occasion given upon his Majesties or your Graces parts ) who is the discoverer ? By what meanes , and how he knowes so much of these things ; And where he is ? These are the points , which together with the offers , they have pressed me especially to represent most seriously unto your Grace . For my own particular , having most humbly craved pardon of any errour or omissions , that have befalne me in the mesnaging of this businesse , I doe beseech your Grace to let me know ; First , Whether , and in what order I shall proceed hereafter with the parties ? Secondly , What points of these offers I shall chiefly , and first put them to enlarge and cleare ? Thirdly , What other points and enquiries I shall propose unto them ? And in what manner ? Fourthly , How farre further I shall suffer my selfe to heare and know these things ▪ Fifthly , Whether I shall not rather take the parties answers , and discoveries sealed up by themselves , and having likewise put my owne seale upon them , without questioning or seeing what they containe , so to transmit them to his Majesty or your Grace ? Sixthly , Whether I may not insinuate upon some faire occasion , That there will be a due Regard held of them , and their service , by his Majesty and your Grace : When all particulars undertaken in these generall offers , and necessary for perfecting the discovery and work intended , shall be effectually delivered to his Majesty on your Grace ? Upon these heads , and such others as his Majesty or your Grace shall think proper in the businesse , I must with all humility beseech your Grace to furnish me with instructions , and warrant for my proceedings , under his Majesties hand with your Graces attestation , as by his Majesties goodnesse , and Royall disposition is usuall in like cases . May it please your Grace to entertaine a Cypher with me upon this occasion , I have sent the Counterpart of one here inclosed : In the vacant spaces whereof your Grace may insert such names more , with numbers to them , as you think requisite . If these overtures happily sort with his Majesties and your Graces minde , and shall accordingly prove effectuall in their operation , I shall think my selfe a most happy man , to have had my oblation in so pious a work for my most gratious Soveraign and Master : More particularly , in that your Grace under his Majesty shall be , Opifex rerum & mundi melioris origo . Which I shall incessantly begge in my prayers at his hands , who is the giver of all good things , And will never forsake , or ●aile them , who doe not first faile , and fall from him : The God of mercy and Peace . With which I remaine evermore . I have not dared to trust this businesse ( without a Cypher ) but by a sure hand , for which ▪ I have sent this bearer , my Secretary , Expresse , but he knoweth nothing of the contents hereof . Your Graces Most dutifull and obliged servant . William Boswell . Hagh in Holland , 9. Sept. 1640. Sti. loci . Sir William Boswels indorsement . For your Grace . The Arch-bishops indorsement with his own hand . Rece . Sept. 10. 1640. Sir William Boswell about the Plot against the King , &c. Andreas ab Habernfeld his Letter to the Archbishop concerning the Plot revealed to him . Illustrissime ac reverendissime Domine , COncutiuntur omnes sensus mei , quoties p●aesens negotium mecum revolvo , nec intellectus sufficit , quaenam aura tam horrenda attulerit , ut per me apricum videant . Praeter spem enim bonus i●te vir mihi innotuit , qui cum me discurrentem de turbis istis Scoticis audisset ; ignorare me , inquit , nervum Rei , superficialia esse ista quae vulgo sparguntur : Ab ista hora indies mihi fiebat familiarior ; qui dexteritate mea agnita , pleno pectore cordis sui onera , in sinum meum effudit ; deposuisse se gravamen conscientiae , quo premebatur , ratus ▪ Hinc Factiones Jesuitarum , quibus totus terrenus intentatur orbis , mihi enarravit ; depastasque ipsorum per virus , Bohemiam & Germaniam ut adspicerem , ostendit , sauciam utramque partem vulnere irreparabili ; Eandem Pestem per Angliae Scotiaeque repere Regna , cujus materiam , scripto adjacenti revelatam , me edocuit : quibus auditis , viscera mea convellebantur , tremebant horrore artus ; Tot animarum millibus infestam paratam esse voraginem : verbis conscientiam moventibus , animum hominis accendi ; vix horam unam , monita coxerat , abdita omnia aperuit , liberumque dedit , agerem , ut iis , quorum interest , inno● tescerent . Non tardanum cum rebus censui : Ea ipsa hora Dominum Bosuelium Residentem Regium Hagae Comitum , adii , juramento silenti● mihi obstricto , Rem communicavi ▪ ponderaret ista ad trutinam , monui ▪ neque differret ei quin ageret , ut periclitantibus succurratur propere . Is u● virum honestum condecet , officii memor , propiusque introspecto negotio , monita recusare non quievit , quinimo egit è vestigio ut expressus expediretur . Retulitque iterum quam acceptissimum Regi , Tuaeque Reverentiae fuisse oblatum ; de quo ex corde gavisi sumus , judicavimusque ac tutum , favorabile sese interposuisse in hoc Negotio NUMEN , quo servaremini . Ut vero rerum enarratarum confirmetur veritas , studio primaria nonnulla conjurationis capita sunt praeterita , ut nortitia ●orum ab circumventa conjurationis societate extorqueatur . Promovebitur res cito tutoque i● actum si cautè procedetur Bruxellis ; Meo consilio , observandum esse eam die● qua fasciculi literarum expediuntur , qu● sub titulo , Al Monsignor Strario Archidiacono di Cambray , una operta ligati Praefecto Tabellionum traduntur , ab ipso talis fasciculus tacite poterit repeti , inutilis tamen erit , quia omnes inc●usae Characteristicè scriptae sunt ; Alter quo● que fasciculus hebdomadatim Roma veniens , qui sub inscriptione , Al illustrissimo Signor Conte Rossetti , pro tempore Legato , adportatur , non negligendu●●●● similiter Charactere eodem conscriptae includuntur literae ; ut intelligantur , Reda consulendus erit : supra nominata dies expeditionis Aedibus Redae adcumulata congreg●tio , circumvenietur , quo succedent● , Tuae Reverentiae erit Negotium disponere . Detecto tandem per Dei gratiam , intestino hoste , omnis amaritudo animorum qua ab utraque parte causata est , aboleatur , oblivioni tradatur , deleatur & consopiatur , utrique parti Infidiare hostis , ita Rex , amicusque Regis , & Regnum utrumque Discrimini vicinum servabitur , eripietur imminenti periculo . Haec penes etiam Reverentia 〈◊〉 i●junctum sibi habeat , si alias consultum sibi optime volet , ne Pursivantibus suis nimium fidat , vivunt enim eorum nonnulli sub stipendio partis Pontificiae . Quot scopuli , quot ●cillae quotque infensae obsultant T ● . R ● . Charibdes , quàm periculoso mari agitatur vita T. R. Cymbula naufragio proxima , ipse judicet , p●llenda ad portum prora properè . Haec omnia tuae Reverentiae in aurem ; scio enim juramento filenti●● obligatam , ideo aperto nomine , praesentibus Reverentiae tuae innotescere volui , mansu●●● . Hagae Comitum Sept. 14. S. N. 1640. Observantissimus & officiosissimus Andreas ab Habernfeld . Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord , AL my senses are shaken together as often as I revolve the present businesse , neither doth my understanding suffice ( to conceive ) what wind hath brought such horrid things , that they should see the Sun-shine by me : for besides expectation this good man became known unto me , who whē he had heard me discoursing of these Scottish stirs , said that I knew not the nerve of the business , that those things which are commonly scattered abroad are superficial : From that hour he every day became more familiar to me ; who acknowledging my dexterity herein , with a full brest powred forth the burdens of his heart into my besome , supposing that he had discharged a burden of conscience wherewith he was pressed . Hence he related to me the Factions of the Iesuites , with which the whole earthly world was assaulted ; and shewed , that I might behold how through their poyson , Bohemia & Germany were devoured , & both of them maimed with an irreparable wound ; that the same Plague did creep through the Realmes of England and Scotland , the matter wherof revealed in the adjacent writing , he discovered to me : which things having heard * my bowels were contracted together , my loyns trembled with horrour , that a pernicious gulf should be prepared for so many thousands of soules : with words moving the conscience , I inflamed the minde of the man : he had scarce one hour concocted my admonitions , but he disclosed all the secrets and he gave free liberty that I should treat with those whom it concerned , that they might be informed hereof . I thought no delay was to be made about the things : The same houre I went to Master Boswell the Kings Leger at the Hage , who being tied with an oath of secrecie to me , I communicated the businesse to him , I admonished him to weigh these things by the ballance , neither to defer , but act , that those who were in danger might be speedily succoured : He , as becomes an honest man , mindfull of his duty , and having nearer looked into the businesse , refused not to obey the monitions : moreover , he forthwith caused that an expresse should be dispatched ; and sent word back again what a most acceptable oblation this had been to the King and your Grace ; for which we rejoyced from the heart , and we judged , that a safe and favourable Deity had interposed it selfe in this businesse , whereby you might be preserved . Now that the verity of the things related might be confirmed , some principall heads of the conspiracy were purposely pret●rmitted , that the knowledge of them might bee ext●rted from the circumvented society of the conspirators . Now the things will be speedily and safely promoted into act , if they be warily proceeded in at Bruxels . By my advise , that day should be observed wherin the Packet of Letters are dispatched , which under the title of , To Monsieur Strario Archdeacon of Cambray , tied with one cover are delivered to the postmaster , such a packet may be secretly brought back from him , yet it will be unprofitable , because all the inclosed Letters are written Characteristically . Likewise another Packet comming weekly frō Rome , which is brought under this subscription , To the most illustrious Lord Count Rossetti , Legat for the time ; these are not to be neglected : to whom likewise Letters writ in the same Character are included . That they may be understood , Reade is to be consulted with . The forenamed day of dispatch shal be expected : In Reades house an accumulated congregation may be circumvented ; which succeeding , it will be your Graces part to order the businesse . The intestine enemy being at length detected by Gods grace , all bitternesse of minde which is caused on either side may be abolished , delivered to oblivion , deleted and quieted , the enemy be invaded on both parts : thus the King and the Kings friend , and both Kingdomes neere to danger , shall be preserved , delivered from imminent danger . Your Grace likewise may have this injunction by you , if you desire to have the best advise given you by others , that you trust not overmuch to your Pursevant● , for some of them live under the stipend of the popish party . How many Rocks , how many Scillaes , how many displeased Charibdes appear before your Grace , in what a dangerous sea the Cockbote of your Graces life , next to shipwrack , is t●ssed , your selfe may judge , the fore deck● of the Ship is speedily to be driven to the harbour . All these things ( I whisper ) into your Graces eare , for I know it bound with an oath of secresie , therefore by open name , I would by these presents become known to your Grace , Hage 14. Sept. S. N. 1640. Your Graces most observant and most officious Andrew Habernfeld . Andreas ab Habernfeld , a Noble Bohemian , Dr. of Physick to the Queen of Bohemia , his indorsement hereon . Illusstrisimo ac Reverendissimo Dom. Domino G●lielmo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi , Primati & Metropolitano totius Regni Angliae Dom. meo . The Archbishops indorsment with his own hand . Rece . Octob. 14. 1640. Andreas ab Harbenfed . His Letters sent by Sir W. Boswell about the discovery of the treason . I conceive by the English Latin herein , that he m●st needs be an Englishman with a concealed and changed name . And yet it may be this kind of Latin may relate to the Italian . Or else he lived some good time in England . The declaration of this treason I have by His Majesties speciall command sent to Sir W. Boswell , that he may there see what proofe can be made of any particulars . The generall Overture and Discovery of the Plot , sent with Sir William Boswels first Letter . The Kings Majesty , and Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , are to be secretly informed by Letters . 1. THat the Kings Majesty and the Lord Archbishop are both of them in great danof their live● . 2. That the whole Commonwealth i● by this means endangered , unlesse the mischiefe be speedily prevented . 3. That these Scottish troubles are raised to the end , that under this pretext , the King and Archbishop might be destroyed . 4. That there is a meanes to be prescribed , whereby both of them in this case may be preserved , and this tumult speedily composed . 5. That * although these Scottish tumults be speedily cōposed , yet that the King is endangered , and that there are many waies , by which destruction is plotted to the King & L. Archbishop . 6. That a certaine society hath conspired , which attempts the death of the King , and L. Archbishop , and Convulssion of the whole Realme . 7. That the same society every week deposits with the President of the society , what intelligence every of them hath purchased in eight daies search , and then confer all into one packet , which is weekly sent to the * Director of the businesse . 8. That all the confederates in the said conspiracy may verily be named by the poll . But because they may be made knowne by other meanes , it is thought meet to defer it till hereafter . 9. That there is a ready meanes , whereby the villany may be discovered in one moment , the chiefe conspirators circumvented , and the primary members of the conju●ation , apprehended in the very act . 10. That very many about the King , who are accounted most faithfull and intimate , to whom likewise the more secret things are instrusted , ARE TRAYTORS TO THE KING , corrupted with a forraigne Pension , who communicate all secrets of greater or lesser moment to a forraigne power . These and other most secret things , which shall be necessary to be known for the security of the King , may be revealed , if these things shall be acceptable to the Lord Archbishop . In the mean time , if his Royall Majesty and the L. Archbishop desire to consult well to themselvas , they shall keep these things , onely superficially communicated unto them , most secretly ▪ under deep silence , not communicating them so much as to those whom they judge most faithful to them , before they shall receive by name , in whom they may confide ; for else they are safe on no side . Likewise they may be assured , that whatsoever things , are here proposed , are no figments , nor fables , nor vaine dreams , but such reall verities , which may be demonstrated in every small tittle . For those who thrust themselves into this businesse are such men , who mind no gaine , but the very zeal of Christian charity suffers them not to conceale these things : yet both from his Majesty and the Lord Archbishop some small examplar of gratitude will be expected . All these Premisses have been communicated under good faith , and the Sacrament of an oath to Mr. Leger Embassadour of the King of Great Brittain , at the Hague ; that he should not immediately trust , or communicate these things to any mortall , besides the King and the L. Archbishop of Canterbury . Subscribed , &c. Present , &c. Hague , Com. 6 Sept. 1640. in the stile of the place . Regiae Majestati , & Dom. Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi in●inuandum per litteras . 1. REgiam Majestatem & Dom. Archiepiscopium , u●rumque in magno discimi●e vitae constitutum . 2. Totam Rempublicam hoc nomine periclitari , nisi properè occurratur malo . 3. Turbas istas Scoticas in ●um finem esse concitatas ; ut sub isto praetextu Rex , & Dominus Archiepiscopus perimeretur . 4. Dari medium , quo utrique hac in parte bene consuli , & tumultus iste cito componi , possit . 5. Compositis etiam turbis istis Scoticis , nihilo● minus periclitari Regem : esse plurima media quibus Regi , & Domino Archiepiscopo machinatur exitium . 6. Conspirasse certam societatem quae Regi & Dom. Archiepiscopo molitur necem , totuisque Regni convulsionem . 7. Eandem societatem singulis septimanis , explorationis octiduae suum quemque quod nundinatus est , ad Presidem Societatis deponere , & in unum fasciculum conferre : qui Hebdomadatim ad directorem negotii expeditur . 8. Nominari quiden posse omnes per capita dictae conspirationis conjuratos : At quia alio medio inno●escent , differre in posterum pl●cuit . 9. Medium esse in promptu , quo uno momento detegi poterit scelus : Conspiratores praecipui circumveniri , membraque primaria conjurationis in ipso actu apprehendi . 10. Astantes Regi plurimos , qui pro fidelissimis & intimis censentur , quibus etiam secretiora fiduntur , proditores Regis esse , peregri●â pensione corruptos , qui secreta quaeque majoris , vel exigui momenti ad ext●ram Potestatem deferunt . 11. Haec & alia secretissima , quae scitu ad securitatem Regis erunt necessaria : quòd si haec accepta Dom. Archiepiscopo fuerint , revelari poterunt . 12. Interim si Regia Majestas sua & Dominus Archiepiscopus bene sibi consultum volunt , haec superficialiter quidèm tantum ipsis communicata , sub profundo silentio , & secretissimè servabunt , ne quidem iis , quos sibi fidelissimos judicant , communicaturi , antequam de nomine acceperint , quibus fidendum sit : Ab nullo enim latere ali●s tuti sunt . Sint etiam certi quicquid hic proponitur ; nulla figmenta , nec fabulas , aut inania somnia esse ; sed in rei veritate ita constituta , quae o●nibus momentis demonstrari poterunt : Qui enim se immiscent huic negotio , viri honesti sunt : quibus nullus quaestus in animo ; sed ipse Christianae charitatis fervor ista facere non sinit : Ab utroque tamen , suae Majestati tum Domino Archiepiscopo , gratitudinis exemplar tale quale expectabitur . Haec omnia antecedentia sub bona fide & juramenti Sacramento , Dom. Residenti Regis magnae Britanniae , Hagae Comitum communicata esse ne ulli mortalium , praeter Regem , & Dom. Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem immediate ista fideret , vel communi caret . Subscripta , &c. Presentes , &c. Hagae Com tum . 6 Sept. 1640. St. loci . Detectio &c. offerenda Ser ●● . Regiae Majestati Brittaniae & Dom. Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi , &c. 6. Sept. 1640. The Archbishops own indorsment . Rece . Sept. 10. 1640. The Plot against the King. The Archbishop of Canterburies Letter to the King concerning the Plot : with the Kings directions in the Margin , written with His own hand . May it please your Majesty , AS great as the Secret is which comes herewith , yet I choose rather to send it in this silent covert way , and I hope safe , then to come thither , and bring it my selfe . First , because I am no way able to make haste enough with it . Secondly , because should I come at this time , and antedate the meeting Septemb. 24. there would be more jealousie of the businesse , and more enquiry after it : especially , if I being once there , should returne againe before that day , as I must if this be followed , as is most fit . The danger it seemes is imminent , and laid by God knowes whom , but to be executed by them which are very neere about you . ( For the great honour which I have to be in danger with you , or for you , I passe not , so your sacred Person and the State may be safe . ) Now , may it please your Majesty , This information is either true , or there is some mistake in it : If it be true , the persons which make the discovery will deserve thankes and reward ; If there should be any mistake in it , your Majesty can lose nothing but a little silence . The businesse ( if it be ) is exteam foul . The discovery thus by Gods providence offered , seems fair . I doe hereby humbly beg it upon my knees of your Majestie , that you will conceale this businesse from every creature , and his name that sends this to me . And I send his Letters to me to your Majestie , that you may see his sence both of the businesse and the secrecy . And such Instructions as you thinke fit to give him , I beseech you let them be in your own hand for his warrant , without imparting them to any . And if your Majestie leave it to his discretion to follow it there in the best way he can , that in your own hand will be instruction and warrant enough for him . And if you please to return it herewith presently to me , I will send an expresse away with it presently . In the mean time I have by this expresse returned him this answer , That I think he shall doe well to hold on the Treatie with these men with all care and secrecie , and drive on to the discovery so soon as the businesse is ripe for it , that he may assure himselfe and them , they shall not want reward , if they do the service . That for my part he shall be sure of secrecy , and that I am most confident that your Majesty will not impart it to any . That he have a speciall eye to the eighth and ninth Proposition . Sir , for Gods sake , and your own safety , secrecie in this businesse : And I beseech you send me back this Letter , and all that comes with it , speedily and secretly , and trust not your own pockets with them . I shall not eat nor sleep in quiet till I receive them . And so soon as I have them again , and your Majesties warrant to proceed , no diligence shall be wanting in me to help on the discoverie . This is the greatest businesse that ever was put to me . And if I have herein proposed or done any thing amisse , I most humbly crave your Majesties pardon . But I am willing to hope I have not herein erred in judgement , and in fidelity I never will. These letters came to me on Thursday , Septemb. 10. at night , and I sent these away according to the date hereof , being extreamly wearied with writing this Letter , copying out these other which come with this , and dispaching my Letters back to him that sent these , all in my own hand . Once again secrecy for Gods sake , and your own . To his most blessed protection I commend your Majestie and all your Affairs : and am * Yorke 13. Lambeth Septemb. 11. 1640. Your Majesties most humble faithfull servant , W. Cant. * As I had ended these , whether with the labour or indignation , or both , I fell into an extream faint sweat ; I pray God keep me from a Fever , of which three are down in my Family at Croyden . These Letters came late to me , the expresse being beaten back by the winde . The Archbishops indorcement with his own hand . Received from the King Sept. 16. 1640 , For your sacred Majestie . Yours Apostyled . The Kings Answer to the Plot against him , &c. Sir William Boswels second Letter to the Archbishop . May it please your Grace , THis evening late I have received your Graces dispatch , with the enclosed from his Majestie , by my Secretary Oueart , and shall give due account with all possible speed of the same , according to his Majesties and your Graces commands , praying heartily that my endeavours , which shall be most faithfull , may also prove effectuall , to his Majesties and your Graces content , with which I do most humbly take leave , being alwayes Hagh . 24. Sept. 1640. S. Angel ● . Your Graces most dutifull and humblest servant , William Boswell . The Archbishops indorcement . Received Sept. 30. 1640 ▪ Sir William Boswell his acknowledgement that he hath received the Kings directions and my Letters . Sir William Boswels third Letter to the Archbishop , sent with the larger discovery of the Plot. May it please your Grace , VPon receipt of his Majesties Commands , with your Graces Letters of 9. and 18. Sept ▪ last . I dealt with the party to make good his offers formerly put in my hand , and transmitted to your Grace : This he hopes to have done , by the inclosed , so far as will be needfull for his Majesties satisfaction ; yet if any more particular explanation or discovery shall be required by his Majestie or your Grace , He hath promised to adde thereunto , whatsoever he can remember and knowes of truth . And for better assurance and verification of his integrity , he professeth himselfe ready ( if required ) to make * oath of what he hath already declared , or shall hereafter declare in the businesse . His name he conjures me still to conceale : though he thinks his Majestie and your Grace , by the Character he gives of himselfe , will easily imagine who he is , having been known so * generally through Court and City , as he was for three or foure yeers , in the quality and imployment he acknowledgeth ( by his Declaration inclosed ) himselfe to have held . Hereupon he doth also redouble his most humble and earnest suit unto his Majestie and your Grace , to be most secret and circumspect in the businesse , that he may not be suspected to have discovered , or had a hand in the same . I shall here humbly beseech your Grace to let me know what I may further doe for his Majesties service , or for your Graces particular behoof ; that I may accordingly endeavour to approve my selfe , as I am Hagh . 15. Octob. 1460. Your Graces most dutifull and obliged servant , William Boswell . The Archbishops indorcement . Received Octob. 14. 1640. Sir William Boswell in prosecution of the great businesse . If any thing come to him in Cyphers , to send it to him . The large particular Discovery of the Plot and Treason against the King , Kingdom , and Protestant Religion ; and to raise the Scottish Wars . Illustrissime ac Reverendissime Domine . ACcepta suae Regiae Majestati simulac Reverentiae Tuae , suisse offerta nostra lubentes , & ex animo percepimus . Adesse vobis benignitat●m Numinis , hoc unicum nobis Index est , quo stimulus datu● , ut tantò alacrius , liberaliusque , illa quibus vitae discrimen utriusque , statusque Regni Angliae , tum Scotiae , eximiae Majestatis sede de●urbatio intendatur , effundamus , detegamus . Ne autem ambagibus superfluis , dilatetur Oratio , nonnulla , quae tantum ad rem necessaria praemittemus . Sciant primò , bonum istum virum per quem sequentia deteguntur , in pulvere isto Pontificio esse natum & educatum , qui in dignitatibus Ecclesiasticis aetates consump●it ; Tandem praesentis Negotii expeditioni , par invent●● , Consilio & mandato D●mini Card●nalis Barbarini , ad auxilium Domino Cuneo adjunctus est : penes quem in officio ita diligens ac sedulus inventus , ut spes magnae promotionis ipsi data fuerit : ipse vero , boni Spiritus ductus instinctu ▪ ut ●t dulcia promissa contempsit ; agnitisque Religionis Pontificiae vanitatibus ; ( quarum alias defensor fuerat severissimus ) malitia etiam sub vexillo Papali militantium notata , gravari Conscientiam suam senserat ; quod onus ut deponeret ; ad Orthodoxam Religionem animum convertit : Mox ut Conscientiam ●uam exoneraret , machinatum in tot innocentes Animas scelus , revelandum censuit , levamen se percepturum , si in sinum amici talia effundat . Quo facto ab eodem amico serio conmonitus , verae conversionis , Charitisque exemplar ostenderet ; libera●et ab imminenti discrimine , innocentes tot Animas ; In cujus monita lubens consenserat , calamoque sequentia excipiendum dederat , ex quibus Articuli non ita pridem tuae Reverentiae oblati , luculenter explicari & demonstrari poterunt . 1 Ante omnia , ut Cardo rei recipiatur , sci●ndum est , omnes istas , quibus tota Christianitas hodie concutitur , factiones , exoriri , ab Jesuitica ista Chamea Sobole , cujus quatuor per orb●m luxuriant ordines . Primi Ordinis sunt Ecclesiastici , quorum Religionis promotoria , est c●rar● . Secundi Ordi●is sunt Politici , quorum officium est , statum Regnorum , Rerumque publicarum , quo quomodo intentare , turbare , reformare . Tertii Ordinis sunt S●●ulares , quorum proprium est , Regibus , Principibusque , ad officia sese obtrudere , insinuare , immiscere se rebus forensibus ; emptionibus , venditionibusque , & quae civilia sunt occupari . Quarti Ordinis Exploratores sunt , sortis inferioris homines , qui servitiis Magnatum , Principum , Baronum , Nobilium , Civium , sese sub nittunt , animis dominorum imposituri . II. Tot ordinum societatem , Regnum Anglicanum alit : Vix enim tota Hispania , Gallia , & Italia tantam multitudinem , Jesuitarum , quantam unicum Londinum , exhibere posset : Ubi plus ●uam 50 Scoti Jesuitae reperiuntur . Ibi sedem iniquitatis , dicta societas sibi elegit , Conspiravitque in Regem , Regique fidelissimos , inprimis vero Dominum Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem , etiam in regnum utrumque . III. Certo certius enim est ; Determi●asse societatem nominatam , reforma●ione universali Regnum Angliae tum Scotiae adficere ; Determinatio ergò finis , in●ert necessario determinationem mediorum ad finem . IIII. Ad promovendum ergo susceptum scelus , Titulo , Congregationis Fidei propagandae , dicta societas sese insignivit : quae Caput Collegii Pontificem Romanum , substitutum & executorem , Cardi●alem Barbarinum , agnoscit . V. Patronus Societatis primarius Londi●i , est Legatus Pontificius , qui curam negotii gerit ; in cujus sinum , saex illa proditorum omnia explorata , hebdomadatim deponit : Impetrata autem est ●es●da Legationis istius Londini , Pontifici● Romani nomine , qua mediante , Cardinali Barbarino , agere in Regem Reg●umque tanto tutius faciliusque liceret , Nullus enim alias , tam libere ambire Regem posset , quam ille qui Pontificia Auctoritate palliatus sit . VI. Fungebatur tùm temporis , Officio Legati Pontificii , Dominus Cuneus Conjura●ae societatis instrumentum ●niversale , & serius negotii promotor ; ●ujus secreta , ut & aliorum exploratorum om●ium , prae●eus vir bonus , communicator horum , excipiebat , expedie●batque quo res postulabat , Adoriebatur Cuneus , primaria Regni Capita , nihilque intentatum sivi● , quomodo singula corrumperet & ad partem Pontificiam inclinaret ; var●● incitamentis plurimos alliciebat , Etiam Regem ipsum donationibus picturarum , A●tiquitatum , Idolorum , aliarumque vantitatum Româ allatarum , deludendum quaer●bat , quae tamen apud Regem nihil prof●●erant . Familiaritate inita cum Rege , rogatur saepius Hantocurti , etiam Londini , Palatini causam ageret , interponeretque autoritatem suam , intercession● Lega●o Coloniensi persu●deret , ut palatinus in conditiones , proximis Comitii● de pace acturis , insereretur , quod quidem pollicitus est ; contrarium vero praestitit ; scripsit quidem . * Regatum se de talibus ●b Rege fuisse , non consulere tamen , ut consentiatur , * ne ab Hispani● fortasse dicatur , Pontificem Romanum Principi Haeretico patrocinatum fuisse . Subolfecit interim Cun●us , * ab domino A●chiepiscopo Regi fidelissimo , totum animu●● Regium esse pendulum● Omnem se motu●um lapidem , nervosque adplicaturum statuerat , ut ad partem suam lucrari p●ssit : Paratum ●● habere medium certò confisu● ; Mandatum enim hab ▪ bat , Pileum Cardinalem , nomine Pontificis Romani , domino Archiepiscopo offerret , lactaretque pollicitis etiam sublimioribus , ut animum si ●cerum corrumperet : Commoda tamen occasio nunquam dabatur , qua domino Archiepiscopo sele in●inuare posse● ( quaerebat enim Scorpius ovum ) Per Comitem & Comitissam Arondelianā , etiam per Secretarium Windibankum ; liber accessus impetrari debeat . Quorum omnium intercessionibus neglectis , societatem vel familiaritatem Cunei , peste pejus fugiebat ; Persuadebatur etiam ab aliis non infimis , ipsi bene notis , nec tamen conmovebatur . VII . Quaerebatur & alius qui ad facinus detestandum accessum impediebat , Secretarius Cook ; erat is o●or Jesuitarum infensissimus , quibus aditum ad Regem intercipiebat , excipebat plurimos pro meritis , in illorum factiones sedulo i●quirebat ; quo nomine incitamentum omne , vi● magneticam ad partem Pontificiam spirans , erat apud ipsum inefficax , nihil enim tam carum erat , quod ipsum ad pravum inclinasset : Hinc , Conjurationis Patronis exosus factus ; pe●iclitabatur de officio ut exueretur , laborabatur per triennium , quod ultimo impetratum . Mansit nihilominus ab parte Regis , nodus solutu difficilis ; Dominus Archiepiscopus enim constantia sua , sicuti durissimum sese interposuit saxum . Laborasse se incassum , ab parte domini Archiepiscopi Cuneus cum intellexisset , efferbuit m●litia ipsius , totiusque Societatis ; mox 〈◊〉 parari caeperunt , quibus dominus Archiepiscopus una cum Rega caperetur . In regem quoque ( cujus gratia totum istud disponitur Negotium ) à quo quia nihil quod promovendae Religioni Papisticae inserviret speratur , ( imprimis verò , Cum animum suum aperuerit , se ejus opinionis esse , quemvis in Religione sua dummodo vir probus & pius sit , Salvari p●sse ) sententia lata est . VIII . Ad perpetrandum susceptum facinus , executio criminalis VVestmonaste●i , per scripta nonualla Puritanorum causata , primi incendii ansam dedit , quae res ab Papistis apud Puritanos in tantum ex●cerbabatur , exaggerabaturque , ut si inulta maneret , Religioni ipsis duceretur ; cujus incendii , subsequens tandem liber precum , flammas auxit . IX . In isto fervore expeditus furit ad Scotos ab parte pontificia Comes quidam Scotus Maxfi●ld , ni fallor nomine , cum quo , duo alii Comites Scoti Papistae , correspondebant . Is commovere debebat plebem , injuriamque refricare ut animos accenderet , ad arma precipitaret , quibus noxius libertatis Scoticae perimeretur Turbator . X. Ibi una opera paratus in Casses Regi , eo enim directum esse praesens negotium ut Anglorum complurimi sese adglutinarent Scotis ; Rex armis maneret inferior , qui ab Papistis auxilia petere cogeretur , quae tamen non impetraret , nisi in conditiones descenderet , quibus libertatem Vniversalem exercitii Religionis Pontifi●iae , permitteret ; it a enim res Papistarum ad nutum succederent , Quo consensu si difficiliorem sese exhibuerit , remedium erit in promptu : Adolescente enim cum primum Regio filio , ( qui à teneris , ut parti Pontificiae adsuescat educatur ) de Rege actum est : Nux quippe Indica acutissimo veneno referta in societate servatur ( quam Cuneus tum temporis gloriabundus mihi oftentabat ) quo Regi exemplo Patris , parabatur Pharmacum . XI . In ista Commotione Scotica Marquesse d' Hamelton saepius Regis nomine ad Scotos ablegatur , regiam auctoritatem interponere● , quâ aestus animorum mitigaretur , sine fructu tamen , reque infecta toties reversu● . Ipsius Concionator tum temporis nos adiit , qui cum Cuneo secretè nonnulla Communicavit ; Interrogatus a me , joco ; Num etiam Iudaei , cum Samaritanis convenirent ? Ad quae Cuneus respondit , Vtinam omnes ministri tales , ut ipse , essent ; conjiciatur hinc quidcunque . XII . Rebus sic stantibus , ab Cardinali Richelieu , Dominus Thomas Cam●rarius , Sacellanus & Eleemosinarius ipsius , natione Scotus , Londinum adpulit ; Qui Colleg●o Societatis conjuratae adsidere debebat , remque seriò agere , ●ihil intentatum relinquere , quo primus exasperaretur servor . Quo officio honorarium Episcopatus , erat ipsi pollicitum . Cohabitabat & Societati per quatuor Menses , nec prius discedendum licebat , donec rebus ex voto cedentibus , cum bonis novis redux fieri possit . XIII . Cavalliero To●ias Mathei Sacerdos Jesuita , ordinis politicorum , è capitibus primariis homo vigilantissimus , cui nunquam tam charum cubile , quo caput reclinet ; ad sellam tantum , hor●una , at que altera , somno corpus reficit ; nec diei nec nocti , machinamētis parcit , vir summè noxius & ipsa Regis , Regnique Angliae Pestis , homo impudentissimus , qui per omnia convivia , epulasque , vocatus vel non vocatus , volitat ; ●unquam quietus , ●emper in actione , mo●uq●e perpetuo ; singulis Conversationibus Superiorum immiscuit , urget familiarè colloquis , ut animos hominum expiscaretur ; Quic quid inde ad partes Conjuratorum commodi vel incommodi concernere advertit , Legato Pontificio communicat , Secretioria , ipse ad Pontificem vel Cardinalem Ba●ba●inum perscribit . In summa , cuivis societati sese adglutinat , nullum ve●bum effari potest , quod ipse non arripiat & ad partes suas accommodet . Quicquid interea temporis expiscatus , in catalogum redigit , & quavis Aestate ad Consistorium generale Jesuitarum Politico●ū quod in Provincia Wallensi secretò concurrit , hospes acceptus de●ert . Ibi tacitè consilia cuduntu● quae ad convulsionem status Ecclesiastici , turn Politici , Regni utriusque sunt aptissima . XIIII . Capitaneus Reda Scotus , habitans in platea Longaker , prope tabernam Angeli , Jesuita saecularis , quiob detestandum officium praestitum ( quo ministrum quendam Ecclesiae , incitamentis dulcibus ad religionem Papisticam , tota cum familia ipsius perverterat , filia ipsius in uxorem ducta ) pro repensa obtinuit reditus vel vectigal Butiraceum , quod rustici sibi praestare tenentur , adquisitum ipsi ab rege , per nonnullos Societatis praecipuos ; cui stimulus nunquam deficit , quo in officio constans de●ineatur . In ipsius ae●ibus Rei totius peragitur Negotium , ubi Societas quae in Regem & dominum Archiepiscopum , regnumque utrumque conjuravit , plerumque diebus singulis concurrit ; Die vero expeditionis tabellarii , quae ordinariè est dies veneris , tanto frequentiores , tum enim omnes exploratores conveniunt , quae quisque ea hebdomada expiscatus est , in commune conferunt ; qui ut extra suspitionem sint , secreta sua per Tobiam Mathei vel ipsum Redam , ad Legatum Pontificium , amandant ; ipse , fasciculum compactum quem ab exploratoribus nundinatus est , Romam transmittit . Apud eundem Redam deponuntur literae Roma illatae , sub titulis & nominibus fictis , quae per ipsum singulis ad quos spectant traduntur , illorum enim omnium & singulorum nomina ipsi sunt cognita . Eadem ipsa occasione adferuntur etiam literae , sub coperta Patris Philippi ( ipso tamen rerum nescio ) a quo conjuratis dstribuuntur . Habetur in illis ipsis aedibus Sacellum publicum ; cui Jesuita ordinarius consecrat , ibidemque habitat . In dicto Sacello missae celebrantur quotidie à Jesuitis ▪ Baptism●que liberis domesticis & nonnullorum conjuratorum inservitur . Qui in nominatis aedibus concurrunt , Rhodis vel Equis , frequenter habitu Politico , magnoque Comitatu , quo palliantur ne innotescant , Jesuitae tamen sunt , & membra societatis conjurata . XV. Hoc caetu contribuitur ab omnibu● Papistis Angliae , ne quidquam ad promovendum susceptum negotium de●●ciat . In quem fiscum , unica vidua proprietaria olim aedium quas modo Secretarius Windebanck inhabitat , ante triennium defuncta 40000 librarum Anglicarum , contulit ; sic & alii etiam citravires faciunt , modo ad optatum finem ▪ promoveatur negotium . XVI . Praeternominatas Eedes , etiam pe● alia loca secretiora fiunt conventicula , de quibus ne inter se quidem fidunt , met● ne dispatentur . Convocantur primo ad certa diversoria singuli ( alter alterius inscius ) hinc per exploratores ad locum ubi convenire debent , singuli deducuntur , ignari alias ubi conventuri sint , ne forte insperato obruantur . XVII . Comitissa'd Arondel , strenua Pontificiae Religionis propugnatrix , ad Reformationem universalem omnes nervos intendit , quicquid ad aulam regis ▪ secretè vel apertè verbis vel factis geritur , Legato Pontificio infinuat , cum quo ad minimum ter de die , modo in Aedibus Arondelianis , jàm ad aulam vel Tarthalae cum ipso congreditur ; Ex ungue talia vix exugit . Ipse C●mes vocatus jam à triennio hoc anno ire debebat Romam , acturu● ibi dubio procul de seriis Negotium concernentibus . Donis dictionibusque suis , Jesuitae missis invigilant . Grinwici , impensis Comitis , Schola foeminea sustentatur ; quaealias Monasterium Monialium est ; Adultae enim inibi Juvenculae , hic inde per extera transmarina monasteria , emittuntur . 18. Dominus Porter , Cubicularius Regius , Pontificiae Religioni addictissimus ; Regis infensus hostis , Is ipsius secretissima quaeque , Legato Pontificio aperit , quamvis rarissi●e cum ipso conveniat ; Uxor tant● saepiùs , quae ab marito informata , Legato secreta confidit : In omnibus suis actionibus Tobiae Mathei nihil ●●dit ; effari non potest qualiter negotio invigilet . Filii ipsius in Religione Pontificia o●culte informantur , aperte Reformatam profitentur . Major natu offic●um Patris suscepturus , sub Rege suturo ; Alteri , si negotium bene successerit , pileus Cardinalis paratus est . Ante triennium ablegari debebat dictus Dominus Portera Rege Marochum ; prohibitus fuit ab societate , ne moram pateretur Negotium . Patronus est Jesuitarum , quibus ad exercitium Religionis , Sacella , domi , forisque subministrat . 19. Secretarius Windebank , Papista acerrimus , Regi omnium infidelissimus qui non solum secretissima etiam quaeque Regia prodit & revelat , sed etiam consilia quibus optime Negotio consuleretur , communicat . Ipse ad minimum ter in hebdomada , per nocturna conventicula cum legato conversatur ; injungitque quae scitu digna cogitat : cujus causa , aedes vicinas Legati Domo conduxit , quem saepius per portam horti adit , hac enim vicinitate , facilitatur congressus . Dictus Secretari●● ad partem societatis conjuratae , muneribus emptus est , quibus sustentatur , ut magis seriò officium peragat . Filium suum expressè Romam misit , qui Romano Pontisici sese insinuare debebat . 20 Cavalliero Digbi , Cavalliero Winter , Dominus Mountague Junior , qui Romae fuit , Mi-lord Sterling ; Congnatus Comitis d'Arundel , Eques : Comitissa de Neuport , Duciffa Buckingham , & plerique alii qui in Conditionem , hanc jurarunt , omnes in opere sunt vigilantissi●●i . Horum alii , Aulicorum ; alii Politicorum officiorum spe inescantur : Alii ad sexdecim pileos Cardinales vacantes attendunt , qui ideo ab aliquot annia otiosi detinent u● , ut spem vanam expectantibu● imponant . 21 Praeses nominatae societatis erat Mi lord Gage , Sacerdos Jesuita , ante triennium defunctus : Habebat is palatium , lascivis picturis exornatum , quae prophanitatem in aedibus mentiebantur , palliabatur vero illis Monasterium , quo quadraginta Moniales sustentabantur , tanto Palatio occultatae ; Situm est in Platea Reginae ; quam statua Regina aurea decorat . Istam plateam totam Jesuitae secul●res emerunt , redegeruntque in quadratum , ubi tacitè Collegium Jesuiticum extruit●● , eâ spe , ut quamprimum reformatione universali Incepta , apertè elaborar● possit . Legatus Pontificius triplici Charactere five cifra utitur : Uno , quo , cum omnibus Nunciis communicae : Altero cum solo Cardinale Barbarino : Tertio , quo secretioria nonnulla communicanda ucculta● . Quaecunqu● per hebdomadam ab societate aut aliis exploratoribus excepit , illa uno fasciculo consarcinat , sub inscriptione , Al Monsignior Stravio Archidiacono de Cambray , dedicat , a quo tandem promoventur Romam . His ita constitutis , ●i singula ad trutinam ponantur , sati●fiet in specie , omnibus articulis propositis . QUIBUS . 1. COnjuratio in Regem & Dominum Archiepiscopum detegitur ; Media quibus exitium utrique minatur , demonstra●tur . 2. Pericula Regno utrique imminentia recensentur . 3. Exortus incendii illius Scotici & progressus ennarratur . 4. Media quibus tu●bae istae Scoticae sedari possint , suggeruntur ; postquam enim resciverint Scoti , à quibus & in quem finemanimi ipsorum accendantur , consulent sibi propere ; neque utriusque partis vires succumbere sinent ; ne medius sese interp●●at qui utramque quaerit . 5. Quo ense Regis petatur jugulum , etiam turbis istis sopitis , Cun●i Confessio , oculataque demonstratio , do●et . 6. Locus Congr●gationis in aedibus Capitanei Redae nominatur . 7. Dies expeditionis octiduae per Redam & Legatum injungitur . 8. Q●o modo nomina conjuratorum innotescere possint . 9. Ubi tota ista Congregatio possit circumveniri . 10. Infideles nonnulli ab parte Regis praecipuorum de nomine notificantu● , plures , quorum nomina non occurrunt , habitationes tamen notae sunt ; de nomine facile ab Reda extorqueri poterunt . Si cau●è in his procedetur , nervus totius negotii in apricum prodibit , ita Sagitta piaevisa , effugietur periculum , quod ut succedat prospere , Creator omnipotens faxit , Most illustrious and Reverend Lord. WE have willingly and cordially perceived , that our offers have been acceptable both to his Royall Majestie , and likewise to your Grace . This is the only Index to us , That the blessing of God is present with you , whereby a spur is given , that wee should so much the more cheerfully and freely utter and detect those things whereby the hazard of both your lives , the subversion of the Realme and State both of England and Scotland , the tumbling down of his Excellent Majesty from his Throne , is intended . Now least the Discourse should be enlarged with superfluous circumstances , we will onely premise some things which are meerly necessary to the businesse . They may first of all know , that this * good man , by whom the ensuing things are detected , was borne and bred in the Popish Religion , who spent many yeeres in Ecclesiasticall dignities , At length being found fit for the expedition of the present Designe , by the counsell and mandate of the Lord Cardinall Barbarino , he was adjoyned to the assistance of Master Cuneus ( * Cun ) by whom he was found so diligent and sedulous in his Office , that hope of great promotion was given to him . Yet he , led by the instinct of the good Spirit , hath , howsoever it be , contemned sweet promises , & having known the vanities of the Pontifician Religiō ( of which he had sometime been a most severe defender ) having likewise noted the malice of those who fight under the Popish banner , felt his Conscience to be burdned ; which burden that he might ease himself of , he converted his mind to the Orthodox Religion . Soon after , that he might exonerate his Conscience , he thought ●it , that a desperate Treason , machinated against so many soules , was to be revealed , and that he should receive ease if he vented such things into the bosome of a friend : which done , he was seriously admonished by the said friend , that he should shew an example of his conversion and charity , and free so many innocent soules from imminent danger . To whose monitions hee willingly consented , and delivered the following things to be put in writing , out of which the Articles not long since tendered to your Grace , may be cleerly explicated and demonstrated . 1 First of all , that the hinge of the businesse may be rightly discerned , it is to be known , that all those factions with which all Christendome is at this day shaken , do arise from the Iesuiticall off-spring of Cham , of which four orders abound thorowout the world . Of the first Order are Ecclesiasticks , whose office it is to take care of things promoting Religion . Of the second Order are Politicians , whose office it is by any means to shake , trouble , reforme the state of Kingdomes and Republikes . Of the third Order are Seculars , whose property it is to obtr●de themselves into Offices with Kings and Princes , to insinuate and immix themselves in Court businesses , bargains and sales , and to be busied in civill affairs . Of the fourth Order are Intelligencers ( or spies ) men of inferiour condition , who submit themselves to the * services of great men , Princes , Barons , Noblemen , Citizens , to deceive ( or corrupt ) the mindes of their masters . 2. A Society of so many Orders , the * Kingdome of England nourisheth : for scarce all Spain , France , and Italy , can yeeld so great a multitude of Jesuites , as London alone ; where are found more then 50 Scottish Jesuites . There the said society hath elected to it selfe a seat of iniquity , and hath c●nspired against the King , and the most faithfull to the King , especially the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , and likewise against both kingdomes . 3. For it is more certaine then certainty it self , that the forenamed society hath determined to effect an universall reformation of the Kingdome of England and Scotland . Therefore the determination of the end , necessarily infers a determination of means to the end . 4. Therefore to promote the undertaken Villany , the said society dubbed it selfe with the Title of , The Congregation of propagating the Faith ; which acknowledgeth the Pope of Rome the Head of the Colledge , and Cardinall Barbarino his substitute and Executor . 5. The chief Patron of the society at London , is the Popes Legat , who takes care of the businesse ; into whose bosome , these dregs of Traytors weekly deposite all their Intelligences . Now the residence of this Legation , was obtained at London , in the name of the Roman Ponti●e , by whose mediation it might be lawfull for Cardinall Barbarino , to work so much the more easily & safely upon the King and kingdom . For none else could so freely circumvent the King , as he who should be palliated with the Popes Authority . 6. Master Cuneus did at that time enjoy the Office of the Popes Legat , an Vniversall Instrument of the conjured society , and a serious Promoter of the businesse , whose secrets , as likewise those of all the other Intelligencers , the present goodman , the Communicator of all these things , did receive and expedite whither the businesse required . Cuneus set upon the chief men of the Kingdom , and left nothing unattempted , by what means he might corrupt them all , and in●line them to the pontifician party : he inticed many with various incitements , yea , he sought to delude the King himselfe with gifts of Pictures , antiquities , Idols , and of other vanities brought from Rome , which yet would preva●le nothing with the King. Having entred familiarity with the King , he is often requested at Hampton Court , likewise at London , to undertake the cause of the Palatine , and that he would interpose his Authority , and by his intercession perswade the Legat of Colen , that the Palatine in the next Diet to treat of peace , might be inserted into the Conditions ; which verily he promised , but performed the contrary . He writ indeed , that he had been so desired by the King concerning such things , yet he advised not that they should be consented to , lest peradventure it might be said by the Spaniard , that the Pope of ROME had patronized an hereticall Prince . In the meane time , Cuneus smelling * from the Archbish. most trusty to the King , that the Kings mind was wholy pen●ulous ( or doubtfull . ) Resolved , That he would move every stone , and apply his forces , that he might gaine him to his party : Certainly confiding , that he had a meanes prepared . For he had a command to * offer a Cardinalls Cap to the Lord Archbishop in the name of the Pope of ROME , and that hee should allure him also with higher promises , that hee might corrupt his sincere minde . Yet a fitting occasion was never given , whereby he might insinuate himselfe into the Lord Archbishop ( for the Scorpion sought an Egge : Free accesse was to be impetrated by the Earl and Countesse of Arundel , likewise by Secretary Windebanke : The intercession of all which being neglected , he did flie the company or familiarity of Cuneus , worse then the plague : He was likewise perswaded by others of no mean rank , well known to him , neither yet was he moved . 7. Another also was assayed , who hindred accesse to the detestable wickednesse , Secretary Cook , he was a most bitter hater of the Jesuites , from whom he intercepted accesse to the King , he entertained many ( of them ) according to their deserts , he diligently inquired into their factions ; by which means every incitement , breaththing a magneticall ( attractive ) power to the Popish party , was ineffectuall with him ; for nothing was so dear unto him , that might incline him to wickednesse . Hereupon being made odi●us to the Patrons of the Conspiracy ▪ he was endangered to be discharged from his Office ; * it was laboured for three yeers space , and at last obtained . Yet notwithstanding there remained on the Kings part a knot hard to be untied , for the Lord Archbishop by his constancy , interposed himselfe as a most hard rock . When Cuneus had understood from the Lord Archbishops part , that he had laboured in vain , his malice and the whole Societies waxed boyling hot : soon after ambushes began to be prepared , wherwith the Lord Archbishop together with the King should be taken . Likewise a sentence is passed against the King ( for whose sake all this businesse is disposed ) because nothing is hoped from him , which might seem to promote the Popish religion ( but especially when he had opened his minde , that he was of this opinion , that every one might be saved in his own religion , so as he be an honest and pious man. ) 8. To perpetrate the Treason undertaken , the criminall * Execution at VVestminster , caused by some writings of Puritans , gave occasion of the first fire : which thing was so much exasperated & exaggerated by the Papists to the Puritans , that if it remained unrevenged , it would be thought a blemish to their Religion ; The flames of which fire , the subsequent Book of * Prayers increases . 9. In this heat , a certain Scotish Earl , called Maxfield , if I mistake not , was expedited to the Scots by the Popish party ; with whom two other Scotish Earls , Papists , held correspondency : he ought to stir up the people to Commotion , and rub over the injury afresh , that he might enflame their minds , precipitate them to Arms , by which the hurtfull disturber of the Scotish Liberty might be slain . 10. There , by one labour , snares are prepared for the King ; for this purpose the present businesse was so ordered , that very many of the English should adhere to the Scots ; That the King should remaine inferiour in Armes , who ( therupon ) should be compelled to crave assistance from the Papists ; which yet he should not obtaine , unlesse he would descend unto * conditions , by which he should permit * Universall liberty of the exercise of the Popish Religion ; for so the affairs of the Papists would succeed according to their desire . To which consent , if he should shew himself more difficult , there should be a present remedy at hand : For the Kings Son growing now very fast to his youthfull age ( who is * educated from his tender age , that hee might accustome himselfe to the Popish party ) the King is to bee dispatched : For an * Indian Nut stuffed with most sharp poyson , is kept in the Society ( which Cuneus at that time shewed often to me in * a boasting manner ) wherein a poyson was prepared for the King ; after the example of his * Father . 11. In this Scottish Commotion , the Marquesse of Hamelton , often dispatched to the Scots in the Names of the King , to interpose the royall Authority , whereby the heat of minds might be mitigated , returned notwithstanding as often without fruit , and without ending the businesse : His Chaplaine at that time repaired to us , who * communicated some things secretly with Cuneus . Being demanded of me injest , Whether also the Jewes agreed with the Samaritans ? Cuneus thereunto answered ; would to God all Ministers were such as he : what you will , may be hence conjectured . 12. Things standing thus , there arrived at London from Cardinall Richelieu , Mr. Thomas Chamberlaine , his Chaplain and Almoner , a Scot by Nation , who ought to assist the Colledge of the confederate Society , and seriously to set forward the businesse , to leave nothing unattempted , whereby the first heat might be exasperated . For which service he was promised the reward of a * * Bishopricke , He cohabited with the Society , foure moneths space ; neither was it lawfull for him first to depart , untill things succeeding according to his wish , he might be able to return back again with good newes . 13. Sir Toby Matthew a Iesuited Priest , of the order of politicians , a most vigilant man of the chief heads , to whom a bed was never so dear , that he would rest his head theron , refreshing his body with sleep in a chair for an houre or two , neither day nor night spared his machinations ; a man principally noxious , and himselfe the Plague of the King and Kingdom of England ; a most impudent man , who flies to all banquets , and feasts , called or not called ; never quiet , alwaies in action & perpetuall motion ; thrusting himselfe into all conversations of Superiours ; he urgeth conferences familiarly , that he may fish out the minds of men ; what ever he observeth thence , which may bring any commodity or discommodity to the part of the conspirators , he communicates to the Popes Legat ; the more secret things he himself writes to the Pope , or to Cardinall Barbarino . In sum , he adjoines himself to any mans company , no word can be spoken , that he will not lay hold on , and accommodate to his party . In the mean time , whatever he hath fished out , he reduceth into a Catalogue , and every summer carrieth it to the generall Consistory of the Jesuites politicks , which secretly meets together in the Province of * Wales , where he is an acceptable guest . There Councells are secretly hammered which are most meet for the convulsion of the Ecclesiastick , and politick estate of both Kingdoms . 14. Capiaine Read a Scot , dwelling in Longacre-streete , ne●r the Angell Taverne , a secular Jesuite , who for his detestable office performed ( wherby he had perverted a certain Minister of the Church , with secret incitements to the Popish religion , with all his family , taking his Daughter to Wife ) for a * recompence obtained a rent or impost upon butter , which the Country people are bound to render to him , procured for him from the King , by some chief men of the Society , who never want a spur , wherby he may be constantly detained in his Office : In his house the businesse of the whole Plot is concluded , where the Society which hath conspired against the King , the Lord Archbishop & both Kingdoms meet together , for the most part every day : but on the day of the Carrier● ( or Posts ) dispatch , which is ordinarily Friday , they meet in greater numbers ; for then all the Intelligencers assemble , and confer in common , what things every of them hath fished out that Week ; who that they may be without suspi●ion , send their secrets by Toby Matthew , or Read himselfe , to the Popes Legat ; he transmits the compacted pacquet , which he hath purchased from the Intelligencers , to Rome . With the same Read , the Letters brought from Rome are deposited , under faired Titles and Names , who by him are delivered to al , to whom they appertain : For all and every of their Names are known to him . Vpon the very same occasion , Letters also are brought hither under the covert of Father Philip ; ( he notwithstanding being ignorant of things ) from whom they are distributed to the Conspirators . There is in that very ●use a publik Chappell , wherin an ordinary Jesuite con●ecrates , and dwels there . In the said Chappell Masses are daily celebrated by the Jesuites , and it serves for the baptizing of the Children of the House , and of some of the Conspirators . Those who assemble in the forenamed house , come frequently in Coaches or on Horse back in Lay-mens habit , and with a great Train , wherwith they are diguised , that they may not be known , yet they are Jesuites , and conjured members of the Society . . All the Papists of ENGLAND contribute to this Assembly , lest any thing should be wanting to promote the undertaken Designe . Vpon whose treasury , one Widdow , owner of the Houses , wherein Secretary Windebanke now dwelleth , dead above three Yeares since , bestowed fourty thousand English pounds , so likewise others contribute above their abilities , so as the businesse may be promoted unto its desired end . 16. Besides the foresaid Houses , there are Conventicles also kept in other more secret places , of which verily they confide not even among themselves , for fear lest they should be discovered . First , every of them are called to certain Innes , ( one not knowing of the other ; ) hence they are severally led by Spies to the place where they ought to meet , otherwise ignorant where they ought to assemble , lest peradventure they should be surprised at unawares . 17. The Countesse of Arundel , a strenuous She-Champion of the Popish Religion , bends all her Nerves to the Vniversall Reformation ; whatsoever she hears at the Kings Court , that is done secretly or openly , in words or deeds , she presently imparts to the Popes Legat , with whom she meets thrice a day ▪ sometimes in Arundel ● House , now at the Court , or at Tarthal ▪ He scarce sucks such things by the Claw . The Earl himselfe called now about three years since , this year ought to go to Rome , without doubt to consult there of serious things , concerning the Designe . with gifts and speeches , the Iesuites watch diligently to their Masses . At Greenwich at the Earles costs , a feminine School is maintained , which otherwise is a Monastery of Nunnes ; for the young Girls therein , are sent forth hither and thither into forraine Mon●steries beyond the Seas . Master Porter of the Kings Bed-chamber , most addicted to the Popish religion , is a bitter enemy of the King , he reveales all his greatest secrets to the Popes Legat ; although he very rarely meets with him , yes his wife meets him so much the oftner , who being informed by her husband , conveyes secrets to the Lega● . In all his actions he is nothing inferiour to Toby Matthew ; it cannot be uttered ▪ how diligently he watcheth on the businesse . His sonnes are secretly instructed in the Popish Religion ; openly , they professe the Reformed . The eldest is now to receive his Fathers Office , under the King which shall be . A Cardinals hat is provided for the other , if the Designe shall succeed well . Above three yeares past the said Master Porter , was to be sent away by the King to Maroco : but he was prohibited by the Society , lest the businesse should suffer delay thereby . He is a Patron of the Iesuites , for whom , for the exercise of Religion , he provides Chappels both at home and abroad . Secretary Windebanke , a most fierce Papist , is the most unfaithfull to the King of all men , who not onely betraies and reveales even the Kings greatest secrets , but likewise communicates Counsels by which the designe may be best advanced . He at least thrice every week converseth with the Legat in Nocturnal conventicles , and reveales those things which he thinkes fit to be knowne ; for which end , he hired a house neare to the Legates house , whom he often resorts to through the Garden doore , for by this vicinity , the meeting is facilitated . The said Secretary is bribed with gifts to the party of that coniured Society , by whom he is sustained , that he may the more seriously execute his Office. He sent his Sonne expresly to Rome , who ought to insinuate himselfe into the Roman Pontif. Sir Digby , Sir Winter , Master Mountague the younger , who hath been at Rome ; my Lord Sterling , a Cosen of the Earle of Arundels , a Knight , the Countesse of Newport , the Dutchesse of Buckingham ; and many others who have sworne into this conspiracy , are all most vigilant in the designe . Some of those are inticed with the hope of Court , others of Politicall Offices ; Others attend to the sixteene Cardinals Caps that are vacant ; which are therefore detained idle for some yeares , that they may impose a vaine hope on th●se who expect them . The President of the aforesaid Society was my Lord Gage , a Iesuite Priest , dead above three yeares since . He had a Palace adorned with lascivious pictures , which counterfeited prophanenesse in the house , but with them was palliated a Monastery , wherin forty Nunnes were maintained , hid in so great a Palace , It is situated in Queenes-street , which the statue of a Golden Queene adornes . The secular Iesuites have bought all this street , and have reduced it into a guadrangle , where a Iesuiticall Colledge is tacitly built , with this hope , that it might be openly finished , as soone as the universall reformation was begunne . The Popes Legat useth a threefold Character or Cipher ; One wherewith he communicates with all Nuncioes ; Another , with Cardinall Barbaraino onely : A third , wherewith he covers some greater secrets to bee communicated . What soever things he either receiveth from the Society or other spies , those he packes up together in one bundle , dedicated under this Inscription : To Mounsieur Stravio Archdeacon of Cambray : from whom at last they are promoted to Rome . These things being thus ordered , if every thing be laid to the bullance , it will satisfie 〈◊〉 speciall , all the Articles pr●pounded . WHEREIN . 1. THE Conspiracy against the King and Lord Arch-bishop is detected , and the meanes whereby ruine is threatned to both , demonstrated . 2. The imminent dangers to both Kingdomes are rehearsed . 3. The rise and progresse of that Scottish ●●re is related . 4. Meanes wherby these Scottish troubles may be appeased , are suggested : for after the Scots shall know by whom and to what end their minds are incensed , they wil speedily look to themselves , neither will they suffer the forces of both parts to be subdued , lest a middle party interpose , which seekes ( the ruine ) of both . 5. With what sword the Kings throat is assaulted , even when these stirs shall be ended , Cunens his confession ; and a visible demonstration , sheweth . 6. The place of the Assembly in the house of Captaine Read is nominated . 7. The day of the eight dayes dispatch by Read and the Legate is prescribed . 8. How the names of the Conspirators may be knowne . 9. Where this whole Congregation may be circumvented . 10. Some of the Principall unfaithfull ones of the Kings party are notified by name ; many of whose names occur not , yet their h●bitations are knowne ; their names may be easily extorted from Read. If these things be warily proceeded in , the strength of the whole businesse will be brought to light ; so the arrow being foreseene , the danger shall be avoyded ; which that it may prosperously succeed , the Omnipotent Creator grant . The Arch-Bishops indorsement with his ow●e hand . Rece . Octob. 14. 1640. The Narration of the great Treason , concerning which he promised to Sir William Boswell , to discover against the King and State. A further evidence and confirmation of some things in the Relation concerning the Archbishop of Canterbury . THe Relation of this horrid plot by a chiefe Actor in it , ( with which the Arch-Prelate acquainted the King , not many daies before this Parliament began ) lay concealed among the Arch-bishops papers , without any prosecution of the conspirators ( for ought appeares ) who are since dispersed in part by the Parliament , but neither dissolved nor taken off this plot , but become more active in its prosecution , putting forth their last and utmost endeavours in all places , to accomplish this their designe , which they have almost brought to maturity to our shame and grief , by new raysed civill wars both in Ireland and England . Two things in this plot , which concerne the Arch-bishop , may perchance seem strange to different sorts of men . First ; That the Popes Legat should presume to tempt the Archbishop with the offer of a Cardinals cap ; and some friends of his will perchance affirme , that certainely no such proffer was ever made unto him : but to put this out of question , the Bishop himselfe under his owne hand , among other memorials , in the Iourn●ll of his life ( then found by Mr. Prynne in his pocket ) hath these two remarkable memorandums , Anno 1633. August 4. Sunday , newes came to Court of the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterburys death , and the King resolved presently to give it me . That very morning at Greenenwich there came one to me SERIOUSLY , and THAT AVOWED * ABILITY TO PERFORME IT , and OFFERED ME TO BE A CARDINALL . I went presently TO THE KING and ACQUAINTED HIM BOTH WITH THE THING AND PERSON . Aug. 17. ( the same moneth ) Saturday I had A SERIOUS OFFER MADE ME AGAINE TO BE A CARDINALL ; I was th●● fr●m Court , but so soone as I came thither ( which was Wednesday August 21. ) I ACQUAINTED HIS MAJESTY WITH IT . But my answer againe was , that somewhat dwelt within me that would not suffer that TILL ROME were other then it is : so that by his owne Notes it appeares , a Cardinals Cap was twice proffer'd him very seriously , and that he acquainted the King with it ; not by way of complaint to crave justice against the party who durst presume to tempt him with such a forraigne dignity , to be the Popes sworn instrument ; but , by way of advice , and to sound His Majesties opinion hereof ▪ as his answer imports . Neither did he absolutely di●claime the dignity it selfe , as if he might in no case accept it , but conditionally , Till Rome should be other then it is now , and then he would not refuse it . Indeed the Arch-bishop in his * Reply to Fisher , challengeth this title ( Putriarch of another world ) as his due , being given to his predecessor Anselm , and therefore could brook● any other Pope ( in point of Soveraignty ) to Lord it over him here ; and this made him refuse the Cardinalls Gap● But had he resisted the Legats landing or conti●nance here , which he never did for ought appeares , but entertained some familiarity with him at first , though they afterwards grew more strange ; or peremptorily refused the first offer with indignation , thrust out the Legate or offerer of it by head and shoulders , prosecuted him ( as he did poore innocent Puritans ) upon the Statute of 23● Eliz. c. 1. as a Traytor , for attempting to seduce him from his Alegiancy , and subject him to the See of Rome ; or brought him publikely into the Star-Chamber or High-Commission , as he did some others for lesser pretended crimes and scandals , hee had discharged the part of a good zealous Prelate and Protestant ; but here was no such proceeding in this case : the very parties that tendred this Cap , presuming some good inclination in him to accept it , and good affection to the Romish Church , which * he maintaines to be a true Church , wherein men are and may be saved ; and the second proffer of the Cap following so soone at the heeles of the first , intimates ; that the first was in such sort entertained by him , as rather incouraged then discouraged the party to make the second ; and his second consultation with the King concerning it , insinuates , that the King rather inclined to , then against it , or at leastwise left it arbitrary to him to accept or reject it as he best liked . As for his lukewarme severity in prosecuting Papists , it appeares most lively by his Epistle to the King before his Conference with the Iesuite Fisher , where hee useth these speeches of his ●arriage towards them ; God forbid that I should perswade a persecution in any kind , or practise it in the least ( against Priests and Jesuites . ) For to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as crosse language . Therefore he is no great enemy to them : the edge of ●eale being wholly bent against Puritans whom hee prosecuted even to strong Cities , Countries withall manner of Tortures . The second thing which may seeme strange to others , disaffected to him ▪ is this ; that the Popes Legat and Jesuites should ever ●ate , or conspire his death , unlesse he were an utter Enemy to all Popery , Papists and the Church of Rome ; which admits an easie answer : The truth is , the Bishop being very pragmaticall and wilfull in his courses , could not well brooke pragmaticall , peremptory Iesuits , who in Popish Kingdomes are in perpetuall enmity with all other orders , and they with them ; they having beene oft banished out of * France and other Realmes by the Sorbonists , Dominicans and other orders , no Protestants writing so bitterly against this Popish Order as themselves , as some of their Priests , Dominicans , and other Friers have done : yea the Priests and Jesuites in * England were lately at great variance , and persecuted , and writ against one another with much violence ; This same then is no good argument that the Arch-bi . held no correspondence with Priests and other Orders , can beare no good affection to the Church of Rome , in whose superstitious Ceremonies he outstripped most Priests themselves . VVhat correspondency he held with Franciscus de Sancta Clara , with other Priests , and Doctor Smith Bishop of Calcedon , whom the Jesuits likewise have persecuted , and got excommunicated , ( though of their owne Church and religion ) is at large discovered in a Books in●●●●led , The English Pope : and how well he approved of some Romish doctrines , Alt●●s and Massing rites , is evident by the Scottish Common-prayer-booke , then found in the Archbishops chamber , with all those alterations , wherein it differs from the English , written with his owne hand in the margin , some of which smell very strongly of Popery ; as namely , his blotting out of these words at the delivery of the Bread and Wine in the Sacrament , Take and eate this in remembrance that Christ dyed for thee , and feed on him in thy heart by faith with thankesgiving : Take and drink● this in remembrance that Christs blood was shed for thee , &c. and leaving onely this former clause ( the better to justifie and imply a * corporall presence of Christ in the Sacrament ) The body of our Lord Iesus Christ which was given for thee ; The blood of our Lord Iesus Christ which was shed for thee , preserve thy body and soule unto everlasting life . And this popish Rubricke therein written with his owne hand . The Presbyter during the time of consecration shall stand AT THE MIDDLE OF THE ALTAR , where he may with more ease and decency * USE BOTH HIS HANDS , then he can do if he stand at the North end : with other particulars of this kind . Moreover , in his booke of Private devotions , written with his owne hand , he hath ( after the Romish form ) reduced all his prayers to Ca●●nicall houres , ( many of them for his late good Lord and Master the Duke and Dutches of Buckingham , and their family ; and some against the Scotch Rebels , as he stiles them . ) And in the fore-mentioned Memorials of his life , written with his owne hand , there are these suspicious passages , among others , besides the offer of the Cardinals-cap , An. 1631. I●n . 21. and 26. My nearer acquaintance began to settle with Do. S. God blesse us in it . I●nii 25. D. S. with me at Fulham cum M● . &c. ( meant of Dr. Smith , the Popish Bishop of Calcedon , as is conceived ) Iun. 25. Mr. Fr. Windebanke my old friend was 〈◊〉 Secretary of State , which place I OBTAINED FOR HIM of my gracious Master King Charles : What an Arch-Papist and conspiratour he was , the Plot relates , and his flight into France * for releasing Papists and Iesuits out of prison from executions for debts by his owne Warrants , and imprisoning those Officers who apprehended them ) confirmes . About this time Dr. Theodor Price , Subdean of Westminster , a man very intimate with the Archbishop , and recommended specially to the King by him to be a Welsh Bishop ( in opposition to the Earle of Pembroke , and his Chaptain Griffith Williams , now an Irish Prelate ; ) soon after died a reconciled Papist , and received extream● Vnction from a Priest : Noscitur ex comite . August 30. 1634. He hath this memoriall . Saturday at Oatelands the Queen sent for me , and gave 〈◊〉 thanks for a businesse with which she trusted me ; her promise then , that she would be my friend , and that I should have immediate addresse to her , when I had ●ccasion . All which considered , together with his Chaplaines licencing divers popish Bookes , with their ●xpunging most passages against Popery out of Bookes brought to the Presse , and other particulars commonly knowne , will give a true Character of his temper , that 〈◊〉 is another Ca●●ander , or middle man betweene an absolute Papist , and a reall Protestant , who will far sooner hug a popish Priest in his bosome , then take ● Puritan by the little finger ; an absolute Papist in all matters of ceremony , pompe , and externall worship , ( in which he was over● zealous , even to an open bitter persecution of all consci●●tious Ministers , who made scruple of them ) if not halfe an one at least , in Doctrinall 〈◊〉 . How far he was guilty of a conditionall voting the breaking up the last Parliament before this was called , and for what end it was summoned ; this other memoriall under his owne hand will attest , Dec. 5 1639. Thursday , the King declared his resolution for a Parliament , in case of the Scottish rebellion : the first movers to it were my L. Deputy of Ireland ▪ my Lord Marquesse Hamilton , and my selfe : And a Resolution voted at the Board to assist the King in extraordinary wayes , if the Parliament should prove peevish and Refuse , &c. But of him sufficient , till his charge ( now in preparation , and since transmitted to the Lords ) shall come in . Observations on , and from the relation of this plot . FFom the relation of the former Plot by so good a hand , our own three Realms , and a●● forraigne Protestant States may receive full satisfaction . First , that there hath been a most cunning , strong , execrable conspiracie long since contrived at Rome , and for divers yeeres together most vigorously pursued in England with all industry , policy , subtilty , engines , by many active , potent confederates of all sorts , all sexes , to undermine the Protestant Religion , re-establish Popery , and alter the very frame of civill government in all the Kings Dominions ; wherein a most dangerous visible progresse hath been lately made . Secondly , That to effect this traiterous designe , they have not onely secretly erected some Monasteries of Monkes , Nunnes , in and about London ; but sent over hither whole Regiments of most active subtill Iesuits , incorporated into a particular new society , whereof the Pope himselfe is head , and Cardinall Barbarino his Vicar : which Society was first discovered , and some of them apprehended in th●ir private Colledge at Clerken-well ( together with their bookes of account Reliques , and Massing Trinket● ) about the beginning of the second Parliament of this King ; yet such power , favour , friends , they had then acquired , that their persons were speedily and most indirectly released out of Newgate without any prosecution , to prevent that Parliaments proceedings against them , which examined this abuse , and illegall release . Since which , this conjured society increasing in strength and number , secretly replanted themselves in Queens-street and Long-acre , and their purses are now so strong , their hopes so elevated , their designes so ripened , as they have there purchased , founded a new magnificent Colledge of their owne for their habitation , neere the fairest buildings of Nobles , Knights , and Gentlemen , the more commodiously to seduce them . Thirdly , that these Iesuits and conspirators hold weekely , constant , uninterrupted intelligence with the Pope and Romish Cardinals ; and have many spies or intelligence● of all sorts about the King , Court , City , Noblemen , Ladies , Gentlemen of quality , and in all quarters of the Kingdome , to promote this their damnable Plot. Fourthly , that the Pope for divers late yeeres hath had a known avowed Legat , C●● by name , openly residing even in London , neere the Court , of purpose to reduce the King and his Kingdoms to the obedience of the Church of Rome ; and the Queen at least , another Legor at Rome trading with the Pope , to facilitate the designe , to wit , one Hamilton a Scot , who receives a pension out of the Exchequer , granted to another Protestant of that name , who payeth it over unto him , to palliate the businesse from the peoples knowledge ; by which meanes there hath been a constant allowed Neg●tiation held between Rome and England , without any open interruption . 5. That the Popes Legate came over into England to effect this project , and kept ●is residence here in London , for the better prosecution thereof by the Kings own● privity and consent . And whereas by * the ancient Law and Custome of the Real●e ●et in force , even in times of Popery , no Legat whatsoever coming from Rome . ought to ●rosse the Seas , or land in England , or any the Kings Dominions , without the Kings own Petition , calling and request to the Pope , and before hee had taken a ●olemne Oath or Pr●te●station , to bring and attempt nothing in word or deed , to the prejudice of the Rights , Priviledges , Laws and Customs of the King and Realm . This Legat , for ought appears , was here admitted without any such cautionary Oath , which would have crossed the chiefe end of his legation , which was , to prejudice all men , and our Religion too . Yea , whereas by * the Statutes of the Realm , it is made no lesse then high Treason for any Priests , Iesuits , or others , receiving orders or Authority from the Pope of Rome , to set footing in England , or any the Kings Dominions , to seduce any of his Subjects to Popery : and Popish Recusants ( much lesse then Priests , Jesuits , & Legats ) ought not to remain within ten miles of the City of London , nor come yet into the King or Princes Courts , the better to avoid such trayterous and most dangerous Conspirators , Treasons , and attempts as are daily divised and practised by them against the King and Common-weal . Yet notwithstanding , this Popes Legate , and his confederates , have not only kept redence for divers yeeres , in or neer London and the Court , and enjoyed free liberty ( without disturbance , or any prosecution of the Lawes against them ) to seduce his Majesties Nobles , Courtiers , Servants , Subjects every where , to their griefe and prejudice ; but likewise had familiar accesse to , and conference with , the King himselfe , ( under the name , notion , authority of the Popes Legat ) by all Arts , Policies , Argument to pervert and draw him , with his three Kingdomes , into a new subjection to the Sea of Rome , as * Cardinall Pool , the last Popes Legat extant in England before this , in Queen Maries raigne , reconciled her and the Realm to Rome , to their intolerable preiudice . An act so inconsistent with the Laws of the Realm , with his Majesties many ancient and late Remonstrances , Oathes , Protestations , to maintaine the Protestant Religion , without giving way to any back-sliding to Popery , in such sort as it was maintained and professed in the purest times of Q. Elizabeth , &c. as may well amaze the world , which ever lookes more at reall Actions , then verball Protestations . 6. That the Popish party & Conspirators , have lately usurped a soveraign power , not only about the Lawes and Magistrates of the Realm ( which take no hold of Papists , but by the Parliaments late care against them here ) but even over the King himself ; who either cannot , or dares not ( for feare , perchance , of poysoning , or other assassination ) oppose or banish these horrid Conspirators from his Dominions & Court , but hath a long time permitted them ( by vertue of his marriage articles , ) to prosecute this plot without any publike opposition or dislike , by whose powerfull authority and mediation , all persons may easily divine . Alas ! what shal become of the poore sheepe , when the Shepheard himself , not only neglects to chase and keep out these Romish wolves , but permits them free accesse into , and harbor in the sheepfold , to assault , if not devour , not only his flock , but Person too ? Either Saint * Iohn was much mistaken in the Character of a good Shepheard , and prescribing this injunction against such seducers , * If there come any unto you , and bring not this doctrine , receive him not into your house , neither bid him God speed : for he that biddeth him God speed , is partaker of his evill de●ds ▪ And the * Fathers , the Canonists deceived in this Maxime , Qui non prohibet malum quod potest , jubet : or else the premises cannot be tolerated or defended by any who professe themselves enemies or opposites to the Pope , Priests , or Church of Rome ; or true Defend●rs of the Protestant reformed Religion . 7. That these conspirators are so potent , as to remove from Court and publiqu● Offices , all such as dare strenuously oppose their plots , ( as the example of Secretary Cooke , with other Officers lately removed in Ireland , the Articles of Pacificatio● there lately made with the Rebels , evidence ) and plant others of their owne party and confederacie , both in his Majesties Court , Privie Councell , Closet , Bedchamber if not Bed , and about the Prince , to corrupt them : And how those that are th● invironed with so many industrious potent seducers of all sorts , who have so many snares to intrap , so many enticements to withdraw them , both in their Beds , Bed-chambers , Closets , Councels , Courts , where ever they goe or come , should possibl● continue long untainted , unseduced , without an omnipotent protection ( of which none can be assured , who permits or connives at such dangerous temptations ) is ● thing scarce credible in divine or humane reason , if * Adams , * Solomons , and other Apostacies by such means , be duly pondered . He who sailes in the midst of dangerous rocks , may justly feare , and expect a * wracke . 8. That the late Scottish troubles , wars , were both plotted and raised by thes● Iesuiticall Conspirators , of purpose to force the King to resort to them and thei● Popish party for aid of Men and Money against the Scots ; and by colour thereof to raise an Army of their owne , to gaine the King into their power , and then to wi● or force him to what conditions they pleased ; who must at leastwise promise the● an universal toleration of their Religion throughout his Dominions , ere they woul● yeeld to assist him . And in case they conquer or prevaile , he must then come ful●ly over to their party , or else be sent packing by them with a poysoned Fig to another world , as his Father ( they say ) was ; ( its likely by their instruments or procurement , they are so conusant of it , though it might not be examined when complaine● of in open Parliament by the Commons , but the Assembly rather dissolved , then 〈◊〉 death discussed ) and then the Prince , yet young , and well inclined to them already b● his education , will soon be made an obedient son of the Church of Rome . Thus th● Relator , a chiefe actor in this pre-plotted Treason , discovers . And if his single test●mony ( though out of an wounded conscience ) will not be believed alone , the ensuing circumstances will abundantly manifest , the Scottish wars to be plotted and directed by them ; For Con the Popes Legate , Hamilton the Queenes Agent , mo●● of the Iesuites then about London , Captain Read their Host , the Lord Sterling Chamberlaine , Cardinall Richelleiu his Agent , with other chiefe actors in the plot● being all Scots , and imploying of Maxfield , and he two other active Popish Sco● Lards , in raising these tumults ; the Earle of Arundel ( another principall member of this conspiracie , being by their procurement made Generall of the firs● Army against the Scots , and most of his Commanders Papists ; the Papists in a● counties of England ( upon the Queens Letters directed to them ) contributin● large summes of Money , besides Men , Armes and Horses to maintaine this wa● ( for which Master Squire of Shoreditch highly commended them in the Pulpi● as the Kings best Subjects : See Master Whites first Century of scandalous Priest● P. 25 ) Sir Toby Matthew ( the most industrious conspirator , in the packe ) makin● a voyage with the Lord Deputy into Ireland , to stir up the Papists there to contr●bute Men , Armes , Money , to subdue the Scottish Covenanters ; yea , Marquesse Hamiltons own Chaplain ( imployed as the Kings Comissioner to appease these Scots ) holding correspondency with Con , and resorting to him in private , to impart the secrets of that businesse to him , the generall discontent of the Papists and conspirators upon the first pacification of those troubles , which they soon after infringed , and by new large contributions raised a second Army against the Scots , when the English Parliament refused to grant Subsidies to maintaine the war. All these concurring circumstances compared with the relation , will ratifie it without dispute , that this war first sprung from these conspirators . 9. That the subsequent present Rebellion in Ireland , and wars in England , originally issued from , and were plotted by the same conspirators . For the Scottish war producing this setled Parliament beyond the conspirators expectation , which they foresaw would prove fatall to this their long agitated conspiracie , if it continued undissolved ; thereupon some Popish Irish Commissioners comming over into England , and confederating with the Dutchesse of Buckingham , Captaine Read ( now a prisoner in the Tower , and taken in the field in actuall rebellion in Ireland ) and other of these conspirators , who afterwards departed secretly into Ireland , they plotted an universall Rebellion , surprisall and Massacre of all the Protestants in that Kingdome : which , though in part prevented by a timely discoverie , which secured Dublin , and some few places else ; yet it tooke generall effect in all other parts , to the losse of above an hundred and fourtie thousand Protestants lives , there massacred by them . And finding themselves likely to be overcome there by the Parliaments Forces sent hence , and from Scotland , to relieve the Protestant party ; thereupon to worke a diversion , they raised a civill bloody war against the Parliament here in England , procuring the King ( after Endymion Porter , a principall conspirator in the Plot , had gained the custody of the great Seale of England ) to issue out divers Proclamations under the great Seale , proclaming the Parliament themselves Traytors and Rebells , yea to grant Commissions to Irish and English Papists ( contrary to his former proclamations ) to raise Popish forces both at home and in forraigne parts for his defence , as his trustiest and most loyall Subjects ; to send Letters and Commissions of favour to the Irist Rebels , and hinder all supplies from hence to the Protestant party . And withall , they procured the Queene , by the Earle of Antrim● and Dutchesse of Buckinghams mediation , to send Ammunition to the Irist Rebels , and to attempt to raise an insurrection in Scotland too , as the Declaration of the rise and progresse of the Rebellion in Ireland , more largely discovers : since which , his Majesty hath condescended to Articles of Pacification with these Rebels contrary to an act of Parliament , and both Houses consents ( wherein they are declared His Majesties GOOD * Catholike Subiects of Ireland , and no Rebels at all ) and hath sent for many thousands of them into England to massacre the Protestant English here , and fight against the Parliament , as they did in Ireland heretofore . Seeing then all may clearely discerne the exact prosecution of this plot carried on in all these wars by the conspirators therein particularly nominated ; by the Queen and Popish partie in all three Kingdomes , and by Papists in forraign parts ( who have largely contributed Men , Money , Armes , Ammunition , to accomplish this grand designe , through the instigation of those conspirators in this plot , who are gone beyond the Seas ) and have lately caused publike Proclamations to be made in Bridges , and other parts of Flaunders , in ●uly last , ( as appeares by the Examination of Henry Maye , since seconded by others , That all people who will now give ANY MONEY TO MAINTAIN THE ROMAN CATHOLIKES IN ENGLAND , should have it re-payd them againe in a yeeres time , with many thanks ; ) the whole world must of necessity , both see and acknowledge ( unlesse they will renounce their ownn eyes and reason ) that this conspiracy and plot , is no feigned imposture , but a most reall perspicuous agitated treachery , now driven on almost to its perfection , the full accomplishment whereof ( unlesse Heaven prevent it ) the Catholikes of England expect within the circuit of one yeere , as the forenamed Proclamations intimate . 10. That no setled peace was ever formerly intended , nor can now be futurely expected in England or Ireland , without an universall publike toleration ( at the least ) of Popery , and a repeale and suspention of all Lawes against it ; this being the very condition in the plot which the King must condescend to , ere the Papists would ingage themselves to assist him in these warres thus raised by them , for this end : and that none may doubt this verity ; the late most insolent bold demands of the Irish Rebels in the Treaty with them , the most favourable Articles of Pacification granted to them , the present suspention of all lawes against Priests and Recusants in all Counties under his Majesties power ; the uncontrolled multitudes ▪ of Masses in his Armies , Quarters , Wales , the North , and elsewhere ; the open boasts of Papists every where , the introducing of thousands of Irish Rebels , and other Fugitives , to extirpate the Protestant Religion , most really proclaime it : And if the King , after all their many yeeres restlesse labour , plots , costs , paines , and pretended fidelity to his cause against the Parliament , should deny these Merit-mongers , such a diminutive reward as this is , ( the very least they will expect ▪ ) now they have him , the Prince and Duke , within their custody , Bristol , Chester , Ireland , Wales , most of the Westerne parts , and all his Forces in their power , this Discoverer ( an eye and ●are-witnesse of destinie from the Legates owne vaunt , will informe his Majesty and all his Protestant Subjects ( who will tremble at the very apprehension of it ) that they have an Indian poysoned Nut reserved for him amongst this Iesuiticall societie ; or if it be lost , a poysoned Knife perchance , or some other Instrument , to dispatch him out of the World , and so to get the possession , protection of the Prince , whom they will educate in their Antichristian Religion ; which how possible , how probable it is for them ( considering their present power and indeavours to effect it , their * poysoning of the Emperor , Henry the seventh , in the sacred host ; of King Iohn in the Chalice ; their * stabbing of Henry the third of France with a K●ife in the belly ; of Henry the fourth his successor , first in the mouth , next in the heart-strings ; though all of their owne Religion , because they would not humour the Pope in every unreasonable demand , ( though Henry the fourth turned an Apostate from the Protestant Religion wherein hee was bred , restored the Iesuites formerly banished out of France , rased the Pillar erected in Paris , as a●standing Monument of their Treasons against their Soveraignes , and built them a stately Colledge , to secure his life from their Ass●ssination , which yet would not save him from their butchery : ) Together with their pistolling of the Prince of * Orange , and poysoning of * King Iames himself ( as the Legate boasted ) may informe his Majestie , and all his faithfull Protestant Subjects , ( especially such as by their confederating with them in these their wars , have done nought , but executed , advanced their fore-named designes , whom it concernes now very neerly to prevent , if possible , such a sad Catastrophe of that bloodie Tragedie , which hath been acted overlong in Ireland & England by these Conspirators fore-plotted treasons . The execrable horridnesse and reality whereof , made the very Discoverer of the Plot , out of remorse of conscience , to desert the Conspirators , conspiracie , and that bloody Religion which begot it ; and therfore should much more incite all such in his Majesties Army , who are cordially faithfull to their Soveraigne , Religion , Countrey , Posterity , and have hitherto ignorantly acted these conspirators treasonable designes , under colour of serving the King ; to consider with remorse of conscience , whose Instruments they have thus long been , whose treasons they have ripened , what Protestant blood they have shed , how much they have weakened , impoverished , betrayed their own Protestant party , who have really stood for God , Religion , King , Countrey , Parliament , against these Romish conspirators ; and what hopes , what advantages they have given these confederates , both in England and Ireland , to overtop , suppresse , and ere long , utterly to extirpate the Protestant Religion , themselves , and all other cordially pro●essing it , as they have done many thousands of them already . And then upon all these sad , most serious considerations ( the very thoughts whereof should cause their soules to bleed and tremble ) speedily to desert these trayterous Papists , ere they get all into their power , and unite all their heads , hearts , hands , forces to the Parliaments party , who had so good cause to take up defensive arms , to prevent the imminent ruine , which otherwise is like to befall both King , Kingdome , Religion , Parliament , Liberty , Property , Posterity , ere we be aware ; especially , since the most cowardly unworthy yeelding up of Bristoll , a fit Inlet for the maligant Welch Papists , Irish Rebels , ( who have conspire to come over hither with all expedition , and are lately landed here in great multitudes since the pacification made with them ) to cut all our throats . 11. That those Protestants who now side with Popish conspirators , when they have accomplished their designes , whatsoever they may now fancy to themselves , shall find no more mercy or favour from them , then the greatest Roundheads , if they comply not with them in all things , and even in Popery it selfe ; for if they will not spare the Kings own person and life , after so many favours , graces extended to them , ( as they will not , if we believe this Relation , or the late story of King Henry the fourth of France , yet fresh in memory ) what inferiour person can think to be secure , to fare better then the King himselfe ? And if Con the Legate , to insinuate himselfe into the Kings and Palatines favours at the fi●st , when he had no interest in them , would not so much as advi●e the Legat of Colen , to mediate for the Palsgrave , lest peradventure the King of Spaine should report , that the Pope had patronized an here●●●all Prince , as the Rela●ion attests , though he promised the King effectually to do it ; How can Prince Rupert , Maurice , ( or any other Commanders ) in the Kings Army , when they have fully accomplished the Popes , and these his Instruments designes ( under whose banner they ignorantly , yet really militate and promote his cause , in steed of the Kings and Kingdomes , to whom they and theirs have been so much ingaged ) hope to receive the least dram of favour , pity , muchlesse any recompence from the Pope and Popish party , if they continue hereticks still , notwithstanding all their present goodly promises ? Will they ( think● you ) part with any other inheritances to them , then , who will not so much as now mediate for them to regaine their own ? Will these who have butchered so many thousands of innocent Protestants in Ireland , in England , even before they were sure of the day , without any provocation given ; spare any mothers sonne of them alive , if they once erect their Trophees over them ? Certainly the experience of all former ages compared with the present , may fully resolve all , that the very * tender mercies of these wicked ones , will be nought but extreme cruelty ; and if they prevaile , wee all must perish without distinction sooner or later , unlesse wee will turne Apostates , and lose our Religion , God , Heaven , soules , to save our transitory lives . Finally , therefore , let the serious consideration of all the premises instruct us , to learne wisdome from these our adversaries ; let their indefatigable industry , subtill policy , sincere fidelity , cheerfull constancy , bountifull liberality , fraternall unanimity , undaunted magnanimity , indissolvable confederacy , and uninterrupted pertinacie in prosecuting , establishing , propagating their Antichristian Religion , Treasons , designes , excite all Protestants ( according to their severall late Covenants and Protestations much forgotten ) to equalize , if not transcend them in all these , in defending , securing , propagating our true Christian Religion , protecting our King , Kingdomes , Parliament , Lawes , Liberties , Posterity , all we yet have , or hereafter hope for , from that imminent ruine , which these Popish conspirators threaten to them . Fore-warned fore-armed ; if now we perish through our owne private dissentions , folly , cowardize , covetousnesse , trechery , security , or monstrous credulity , that these conspirators and Papists now in Armes , fight onely for the King , and establishment of the Protestant Religion , as it was in Queen Elizabeths dayes , ( against whom they plotted so many Treasons , even for her very Religion , and also the powder-plot since , against King Iames , and the whole Parliament , ) our blood shall rest upon our owne heads , who would not take timely notice of our incumbent dangers , nor suddenly prevent them whiles we might . YO have read before in the plot it selfe , what an active instrument Captaine Read was , in promoting this conspiracie of the Iesuites ; and how he was intrusted with the dispatch and delivery of all their Letters and Packets of intelligence , and his house the ordinary randevouze where they weekely met ; yet see what a Protection this desperate Traytor obtained from his Maiesty , to secure him against all apprehensions and prosecutions to advance this designe , recorded in the Clerke of the Peace hi● Book for Middlesex in open sessions , for his greater immunity , and in the Crowne Office. By the King. VVHereas We have received good testimony of the Loyalty and Duty of Our trusty and welbeloved Captaine , Iohn Read ; and because he may be subject to the penalty of the lawes for Recusancie . These are to signifie , that We are graciously pl●ased to extend Our speciall Grace towards him : and doe hereby will command , that no Inditement , Presentment , Information , or Suit in Our name , or in the name of any other , be henceforth commenced , prosecuted , or accepted against him , by any of Our Officers or Subjects whatsoever , for or concerning Recusancie : and if any such shall happen , then Our will and pleasure is , that upon sight hereof the same shall be discharged and made voyd , or otherwise not prejudiciall to him . Given under Our Signet at Our Court at Theobals the 13. day of Iuly , in the 10 th . yeere of Our Raigne . To all and singular Our Iudges of Assize , Iustices of Peace , Maiors , Sheriffes , Clerkes of Assize and Peace , Bayliffes , Constables , Informers , and all other Our Officers and Ministers , whom it doth , or may concerne , and to every of them . The Examination of Henry Mayo . WHo saith , That on Thursday last , being the twentieth of Iuly , one thousand six hundred forty three , he being at Bridges in Flanders , heard Proclamation made in Dutch , ( who understands it very well ) that all people within that City , that would goe to the Governours house , and give any Money to maintaine the Romane Catholiques in England , they should have their Money re-paid them againe in a yeeres time , with many thanks . HENRY MAYO . This Examination was taken before us , EDWARD BOYCE . JOHN BOYCE . GEORGE TROTTER . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A56199-e290 * Psal. 31. 12. Psal. 88. 4 , 5. a Rom. 11. 33. b Dan. 2. 22 , 23. Notes for div A56199-e1090 ● C●r . 13. 8. a See the Acts of the General Assembly of the ●ebels at ●ilkenny , Anno 164● . printed at ●ondon Marc● 6. 1643. T●e Myste●y of lniquity , p. 32. 33. &c. b The 48 week ending Decem , ● . p. 681. 685. Notes for div A56199-e3390 * If a stranger were thus affected at the hearing of this Plot , how should we our selves be sensible thereof ? Notes for div A56199-e3850 * The Je●uits pl●ts are never ended till they obtaine their desired ends in all things . * The Pope and Cardin●ll 〈◊〉 His Majesty and the Realme may be soone betrayed by such false attendants . Notes for div A56199-e4430 I beseech Your Majesty read these Letters a● they are endorsed by figures , 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. Ye had reason so to doe . It is an unanswerable Dilemma . I c●ncur totally with you in opinion , assuring you that no body doth , or shall know of this businesse , and to shew my care to conceale it , I received this but this afternoon , and now I make this dispatch before I sleepe . Herewith I send his warrant , as you advise , which indeed I judge to bee the better way . I like your answer extreame well , and doe promise not to deceive your confidence , nor make you break your word . I have sent all back . I thinke these Apostyles will bee warrant enough for you to proceed , especially when I expressly command you to doe so . In this I am as far from condemning your judgement as suspecting your fidelitie . C. R. * The Kings hand and date . * The Archbishops Postscript Notes for div A56199-e4920 * A very good Argument of truth and reality . * Therefore a man of note and imployment . Notes for div A56199-e5160 * Jesuites know well how to equivocate thus . * If Popes must not favour pro●●stant Princes , it s a miracle that they should favor them , or harbour any of their agents now neer them . * The papacy of Cant. and this other world is of greater value then an Italian Cardinalship . * The quality of the discovere● & meane● inducing him to reveale this plot . * The Popes Nuncio then in England . Four sorts of Jesuits . * A good caveat to Nobles & Gentlemen to beware they entertaine not a Jesuit or Romish spie in their houses in stead of a servant . * We had need look about , when so many active Traytors are harboured among us , even perchance at this present , Therfore both Kindoms need look to themselves . Strange that such a society should be erected under the Defender of the faith . A strange world when a Popes Legate shall be openly harboured so neere the King and Court , and have fr●e●ccesse to both without controule . If the King truly hate the Pope , it will make his Instruments lesse effectuall , if they come in his name . Popes Instruments are ever very active . Strange it was that the chiefe men should not set themselves against him & his , to send thē packing hence ; especially that the King himselfe did it not when he thus tempted & assaulted him . That a Popes Legat should be so familiar with the King , and the King make much of him in steed of banishing him , is a riddle . * The Archb. therefore , & he , had some familiarity , and acquaintance at first . * This offer appears under the Archbishops own hand in the Journall of his life . But he kept not him from the Court. Jesuites are both diligent and able to remove their greatest opposites at Court from out of place and favour too . * It is admirable this faction should be so powerfully predominant as to displace the greatest and faithfullest Officers . Iesuites wil be sure to move hell , when they cannot prevail with Heaven . Jesuites cannot indure neuters . If a man may be saved in any Religiō , he may safely imbrace any and cleave close to none . * The Bishops ty●●nny against Puritans the best advantage , and greatest advancement of popes designes . * He means the Scottish Prayer book ; the alterations whereof frō the English , were found in the Originall copy , under the Archbishops own hand , whē his chamber was searched . The Jesuits love to fish when the Bishops trouble the streames with their innovations and Popish Ceremonies ▪ The Iesuits the plotters & chief directors of the Scotish war. * The King tied to conditions by papists befor they aided him * Now practised in Oxford , Wales , and the Northern parts , by open toleration . * The more shame & pity , and a caveat for the Parliament henceforth to look to it . * The King thē must needs be in great danger amongst Papists now . * Jesuites make but a vaunt of poysoning Kings . * The Jesuites it seems know very well King Iames was poysoned , belike by some of their Instruments : * It seems some Noblemens Chaplains are but the Popes and Jesuites intelligencers , if not their confederates . All forraigne popish States contribute their best assistance to reduce England to Rome . * A meet guerdon for such a service . * Jesuites will not give over acting , till they accomplish their designes . Bishops Sons oftentimes the Popes greatest Agents . His industrious activity should shame our slothfulnesse . The protestants want of such mutuall correspondency , and intelligence is a great weakning to their cause . Let them learn Wisedome by their Enemies . * A fit place for their intelligence and correspondency with Ireland , lying in the midst between both . The Jesuites now make good use of all Nations and Instruments . * O that such Romish seducers should obtaine such power and rewards for being seducing Instruments . The Jesuites it seems are very powerfull at Court. The Popes weekly intelligence at Rome , from hence , can produce no good to England . Jesuites know how to conceal thei● Names and Lodgings ▪ There are more Popish Chappels in and about London , then are commonly known . Jesuites can counterfeit any habit , or part , to delude the vulgar . Papists large contributions to undermine our Religion , should make us liberall to defend it . Jesuites are as wise as Serpents though not so innocent as Doves . The Jesuits learne of the Serpent to seduce men by small instruments to their ruine . Her voyage to Rome to visit the Pope , made her frequently to visit his legat . The Countesse belike was his forerunner thither . No wonder the Earls debts be so great . A School of Nunnes . Is not the King in great danger who hath such a person in his Bed-chamber , now keeper of the great Seal ? Both King and Prince have Iesuiticall agents in their Bed-chambers . All businesses and imployments must be set aside to promote this plot . A Iesuiticall Secretary , his flight and Articles in Parliament , confirme all this and more . Papists spare no cost . The other Conspirators names . A ●●●cover for such a dish . It seemes their purses were strong , & their hopes great . His Maiesty perchance hath learnt to write Characters from him , as appeares by some of his late intercepted Letters . A good 〈◊〉 for England now . Notes for div A56199-e8770 * This must needs be the Legat , or one imployed from him . * Page 171. * Conference with Fisher , neere the end . * See the Generall Hist. of France in the life of H. 3. & 4. * See the English Pope . * With which his Speech in Star-chamber agrees , There it is , Hoc est corpus m●um , &c. * To elevate the Hos●ia , as Papists do● . * See the Articles against him in Parliament . Notes for div A56199-e10040 * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 322. Ead. lib. 1. and Fox Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. edit . ult . p. 926. * 23. Eliz. c. 1. 35. Eliz. c. 1. 3. Iac. c. 3. 4 , 5. * See 1. & 2. Phil. & Mary , c. 8. See the Royall Popish Favorite . * Ioh. 10. 10. 11 , 12 , 13. * 2 Ioh. 10. 11. * Gratian caus . 23. * Gen. 3. * 1 King ▪ 11. * Qui amat periculum peribit in 〈◊〉 . * So are th● Shrewesbury printed copies . See the Royall Popish favorite , where it is largely proved . * Grimston in his life . * Fox , Speed , Generall hist. of France . in Hen. 3. & 4. * Meteran●s ▪ Grimston . * See Doctor Eggl●shams Booke , and the Commons charge against the Duke of Buckingham . * 〈◊〉 . 12 , 10. 
A67878	----	A true narrative of the Popish-plot against King Charles I and the Protestant religion as it was discovered by Andreas ab Habernfeld to Sir William Boswel Ambassador at the Hague, and by him transmitted to Archbishop Laud, who communicated it to the King : the whole discoovery being found amongst the Archbishops papers, when a prisoner in the Tower, by Mr. Prynn (who was ordered to search them by a committee of the then Parliament) on Wednesday, May 31, 1643 : with some historical remarks on the Jesuits, and A vindication of the Protestant dissenters from disloyalty : also, A compleat history of the Papists late Presbyterian plot discovered by Mr. Dangerfield, wherein an account is given of some late transactions of Sir Robert Peyton. Habervešl z Habernfeldu, Ondřej. 1680 Approx. 120 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). 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A67878) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 56562) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 617:13 or 1672:6) A true narrative of the Popish-plot against King Charles I and the Protestant religion as it was discovered by Andreas ab Habernfeld to Sir William Boswel Ambassador at the Hague, and by him transmitted to Archbishop Laud, who communicated it to the King : the whole discoovery being found amongst the Archbishops papers, when a prisoner in the Tower, by Mr. Prynn (who was ordered to search them by a committee of the then Parliament) on Wednesday, May 31, 1643 : with some historical remarks on the Jesuits, and A vindication of the Protestant dissenters from disloyalty : also, A compleat history of the Papists late Presbyterian plot discovered by Mr. Dangerfield, wherein an account is given of some late transactions of Sir Robert Peyton. Habervešl z Habernfeldu, Ondřej. Boswell, William, Sir, d. 1649. Laud, William, 1573-1645. Prynne, William, 1600-1669. [4], 36 p. Printed for Robert Harford ..., London : 1680. Attributed to Habervešl z Habernfeldu by Wing and NUC pre-1956 imprints. This item can be found at reels 617:13 and 1672:6. Errors in paging: p. 13 misnumbered 16, and p. 16 misnumbered 13. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York and the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. Jesuits. Popish Plot, 1678. Dissenters, Religious -- England. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-03 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-03 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A TRUE NARRATIVE OF THE POPISH-PLOT AGAINST King CHARLES I. AND THE Protestant Religion : As it was Discovered by Andreas ab Habernfeld to Sir William Boswel Ambassador at the Hague , and by him Transmitted to Archbishop Laud , who Communicated it to the King. The whole Discovery being found amongst the Archbishops Papers , when a Prisoner in the Tower , by Mr. Prynn ( who was ordered to search them by a Committee of the then Parliament ) on Wednesday , May 31. 1643. WITH Some HISTORICAL REMARKS on the JESUITS , and a Vindication of the Protestant Dissenters from Disloyalty . ALSO A Compleat HISTORY of the Papists late Presbyterian PLOT DISCOVERED BY Mr. DANGERFIELD , Wherein an Account is given of some late Transactions of Sir ROBERT PEYTON . LONDON , Printed for Robert Harford at the Angel in Cornhil , near the Royal Exchange : M. DC . LXXX . THE PREFACE . IT may appear strange to some , that this Conspiracy against King Charles I. was never divulged till found by Mr. Prynn in 1643. seeing it was known both to the King and Archbishop in 1640. But if they do but reflect upon the Actions of those Times , the Wonder will cease : For these Romish Traytors having by their Devillish Cunning raised a Rebellion in Scotland , and fomented the Divisions between His Majesty and Parliament to that heighth , as soon after brake forth into a most bloody and unnatural War between Prince and People : His Majesty ( as they design'd ) was sufficiently Diverted for the present ; and afterwards ( the Devil of Discontent raised by these wicked Incendiaries of Rome , proving too Head-strong for them , and threatning their ruin ) the Conspirators were so disperss'd , that it would have been a difficult thing for His Majesty ( if he had been free from the Rebellious Clamours of Be-Jesuited Men ) to have brought them to Conviction . The Person who had the greatest Opportunity of Advancing this Design , was Sir F. W. a Man in all outward appearance a Protestant , and verily believed to be so by the Archbishop , whose Interest with the King made him Secretary of State ; as we find it set down by the Archbishop in the Journal of his Life , in these words , June 25. 1631. Mr. Fr. Windebank , my old Friend , was Sworn Secretary of State , which Place I obtained for him of my Gracious Master KING CHARLES . How Industrious this Secretary was in carrying on the PLOT , may partly appear by the Charge against him in Parliament , Novem. 12. and Decem . 1. 1640. viz. Seventy four Letters of Grace to Recusants in Four Years , Sixty four Priests discharged by his Warrants , Twenty nine by his Verbal Order , and Twenty three by his Authority under Read's Hand : But he prevented the the necessity of Answering to this or any other Charge by his Flight into France , where he was Generously Entertained by Cardinal Richelieu , ( no doubt for the good Service he had done the Catholick Cause in England ) and lived and died a profest Papist . His Son went to Rome , where he was received with the like Kindness by Cardinal Barbarino , the chief Contriver of this POPISH PLOT . As for Read , he was an Actor in this Plot , much in the same nature as Coleman was in that lately discoved by Doctor Oates , and others ; and because he was a profest Papist , the Secretary above-mentioned , ( to whom I think he appertain'd as Clerk ) procured for him the following Protection , which for his greater Immunity was Recorded in the Crown-Office , and in the Clerk of the Peace his Book for Middlesex in open Sessions . BY THE KING . WHEREAS We have received good Testimony of the Loyalty and Duty of our Trusty and Well-beloved Captain John Reade , and because he may be subject to the Laws for Recusancy ; These are to signifie , That We are Graciously pleased to extend our Special Grace towards him : And do hereby Command , That no Indictment , Presentment , Information , or Suit in Our Name , or in the Name of any other , be henceforth Commenced , Prosecuted , or accepted against him , by any of our Officers or Subjects whatsoever , for or concerning Recusancy : And if any such shall happen , then Our Will and Pleasure is , That upon sight hereof , the same shall be discharged and made void , or otherwise not prejudicial to him . Given under Our Signet at Our Court at Theobalds , the Thirteenth Day of July , in the Tenth Year of Our Reign . To all and singular Our Judges of Assize , Justices of the Peace , &c. whom it doth or may concern , and to every of them . Thus was that good King so far abused ( by having a Traytor represented to him as a Loyal Subject ) as to grant a Protection to this Read , who intended to make no other use of it , than thereby to destroy with the more safety his ROYAL PROTECTOR . This Plot against King Charles the First , was buried in a Bloody Civil War , but raised again against King Charles the Second , in time of Peace , by the Blood-thirsty Jesuits ; the Discovery whereof has been sufficiently made known by the Tryal and Execution of several of them , as well as by the Printed Narratives thereof . To get up their Reputation again , they plotted to throw their Guilt upon the Dissenting Protestants ; but the All-seeing Eye of God prevented their Villanous Designs by a timely Discovery : The Design and Discovery whereof , you will find particularly related at the End of this BOOK . A TRUE RELATION OF THE POPISH-PLOT AGAINST King CHARLES I. AND THE Protestant Religion . IF there be any professing the Protestant Religion within His Majesties Dominions , who are yet so wilfully blinded , as not to believe the Reality of the late Conspiracies , or that it has not been a long time carrying on to extirpate the Protestant Religion , reestablish Popery , and inthral the People in all the Three Kingdoms , let them but advisedly fix their Eyes and Minds , upon the Ensuing Letters and Discoveries , and they will easily find Papistical Plots have been no new things in this Nation . To omit their attempts upon King Edward , Queen Elizabeth , and King James , these Papists make it evidently out , that the same Design , and the same Contrivances were on foot in the Reign of our late Sovereign Charles the First , of Blessed Memory ; a True Narrative whereof these Sheets contain , as they were found in the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Study in the Tower , May 31. 1643. The first who discover'd it , was an Actor in it , sent hither from Rome , by Cardinal Barbarini , to assist Con , the Pope's Legat , in the pursuit of it , and privy to all the particulars ; who being touch'd with remorse of Conscience , for being guilty of so detestable a Crime , reveal'd the whole Mystery to Sir William Boswell , the King's Leiger Embassador at the Hague , who gave private notice of the same to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , by whom it was declar'd to the King himself . Sir WILLIAM BOSWELL's first Letter to the Arch-Bishop , touching this Plot. May it please your Grace , THe Offers ( whereof your Grace will find a Copy ) here enclos'd toward a farther and more particular Discovery , were first made to me at the second hand , and by word of mouth by a Friend of good Quality and Worth in this place . But soon after , as soon as they could be put into order , were avowd by the principal party , and deliver'd me in writing by both together , upon promise and Oath , which I was required to give , and gave accordingly , not to reveal the same to any other Man living , but your Grace , and by your Grace's hand to his Majestie . In like manner they have tied themselves not to declare these things to any other but my self , untill they should know how His Majestie , and your Grace would dispose thereof . The Principal giving me withall to know , that he puts himself and this Secret into your Grace's power , as well because it concerns your Grace so nearly after his Majestie , as that he knows your wisdom to guide the same aright , and is also assur'd of your Grace's fidelity to His Majesties Person , to our State and to our Church . First , your Grace is earnestly pray'd to signifie His Majesties pleasure , with all speed , together with your Grace's disposition herein , and purpose to carry all with silence from all but his Majestie , until due time . Secondly , when your Grace shall think fit to shew these things to His Majestie , to do it immediately , and not trusting Letters , nor permitting any other Person to be by , or within hearing , and to intreat and counsel His Majestie as in a case of Conscience , to keep the same wholly and solely in his own bosom from the knowledge of all other Creatures living , but your Grace , until the business shall be clear'd out . Thirdly , not to enquire or demand the Names of the Parties from whom these Overtures do come , or any farther discoveries or advertisements in pursuit of them , which shall come hereafter , until satisfaction shall be given to every part of them . Nor to tell to any Person but His Majestie , that any thing of this Nature is come from me . For as I may believe these Overtures are veryfiable in the way they will be laid , and that the parties will not shrink ; so I may account , that if never so little glimpse or shadow of these Informations shall appear by His Majesties or your Grace's words or carriage unto others , the means whereby the business may be brought best unto Tryal , will be utterly disappointed . And the parties who have in Conscience toward God , Devotion to His Majestie , Affection toward your Grace , and Compassion to our Country disclos'd these things , will run a present and extream hazard of their Persons and Lives . So easily it will be conjectur'd upon the least occasion given either by His Majestie or your Grace , who is the Discoverer . These are the Points and Offers which they have prest me to represent more especially to his Grace . For my own particular , having already most humbly crav'd Pardon of any Errour or Omissions that have befallen me in the managing this business , I do beseech your Grace to let me know , First , whether , and in what order I shall proceed with the Parties . Secondly , what points of these Offers I shall first put them upon to enlarge and clear ? Thirdly , what other Points and Queries I shall propose to them , and in what manner ? Fourthly , how far further I shall suffers my self to hear and know these things . Fifthly , whether I shall not rather take the parties answers and discoveries sealed up by themselves , and having likewise put my own Seal upon them , without questioning or seeing what they contain , so to transmit them to your Grace or His Majestie . Sixthly , whether I may not insinuate upon some fair occasion , that there will be a due regard had of them and their service by His Majestie and your Grace ; when all particulars undertaken in these general Offers , and necessary for perfecting the discovery , and work intended , shall effectually be delivered to His Majestie and your Grace . Upon these Heads , and such other as His Majesty and your Grace shall think proper in the Business , I must with all humility beseech your Grace to furnish me with Instructions , and Warrant for my proceedings , under His Majesties Hand , with your Grace's attestation , as by His Majesties Goodness and Royal disposition is usual in like Cases . May it please your Grace to entertain a Cipher with me upon this Occasion ; I have sent the Counterpart of one here inclos'd . If these Overtures happily sort with His Majesties and your Grace's mind , and shall accordingly prove effectual in their Operation , I shall think my self a most happy man , to have any Oblation in so pious a Work for my most Gracious Soveraign and Master . More particularly in that your Grace under His Majesty shall be Opifex rerum & mundi melioris Origo . Which I shall incessantly beg in my Prayers at his Hands , who is the giver of all good things , and will never forsake or fail them , who do not first fail and fall from him , the God of Mercy and Peace , with which I remain ever more , Your Grace's most Dutiful and obliged Servant , WILLIAM BOSWELL . Hague in Holland , Sept. 9. 1640. Stylo loci . I have not dar'd to trust this business ( without a Cipher ) but by a sure hand , for which reason , I have sent the Bearer my Secretary Express , but he knows nothing of the Contents thereof . Superscrib'd For your Grace . Endors'd by the Arch-Bishop with his own hand . Received Sept. 10 1640. Sir WILLIAM BOSWELL , About the Plot against the King. ANDREAS ab HABERNFELD's Letter to the Arch-Bishop , concerning the Plot revealed to him , written by him in Latin. Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord , ALL my senses are shaken together as often as I revolve the present business , neither doth my Understanding suffice , to conceive what Wind hath brought such horrid things , that they should see the Sun-shine by me : for unexpectedly this good Man became known unto me , who when he had heard me discoursing of these Scotch stirs , said , that I knew not the Nerve of the business , that those things which are commonly scattered abroad are superficial . From that hour he every day became more familiar to me , who acknowledging my dexterity herein , with a full breast poured forth the burdens of his heart into my bosom , supposing that he had discharged a burden of Conscience wherewith he was pressed . Hence he related to me the Factions of the Jesuits , with which the whole earthly World was assaulted ; and shewed , that I might behold how through their Poison , Bohemia and Germany were devoured , and both of them maimed with an irreparable wound ; that the same Plague did creep through the Realms of England and Scotland , the matter whereof , revealed in the adjacent writing , he discovered to me : Which things having heard , my Bowels were contracted together , my Loyns trembled with horrour , that a pernicious Gulf should be prepared for so many thousands of Souls : With words moving the conscience , I inflamed the mind of the Man ; he had scarce one hour concocted my admonitions , but he disclosed all the secrets , and he gave free liberty that I should treat with those whom it concerned , that they might be informed hereof . I thought no delay was to be made about the things : The same hour I went to Sir William Boswell , the King's Leiger , at the Hague , who being tied with an Oath of Secrecy to me , I communicated the business to him , I admonished him to weigh these things by the Ballance , neither to deser , but act , that those who were in danger might be speedily succoured : He , as becomes an honest Man , mindful of his Duty , and having hearer looked into the business , refused not to obey the Monitions . Moreover , he forthwith caused that an Express should be dispatched , and sent word back again what a most acceptable Oblation this had been to the King and your Grace ; for which we rejoyced from the heart , and we judged , that a sase and favourable Deity had interposed it self in this business , whereby you might be perserved . Now that the verity of the things elated might be confirmed , some principal heads of the conspiracy were purposely pretermitted , that the knowledge of them might be extorted from the circumvented Society of the Conspirators . Now the things will be speedily and safely promoted into act , if they be warily proceeded in at Bruxels . By my advice , that day should be observed wherein the Packet of Letters are dispatch'd , which under the Title of , To Monsieur Strario Arch-Deacon of Cambray , tyed with one cover , are delivered to the Post-Master ; such a Packet may be secretly brought back from him , yet it will be unprofitable , because all the inclosed Letters are written Characteristically . Likewise another Packet coming weekly from Rome , which is brought under this superscription , To the most Illustrious Lord Count Rossetti , Legat for the time ; these are not to be neglected : To whom likewise Letters writ in the same Characters are included . That they may be understood , Reade is to be consulted with . The forenamed day of dispatch shall be expected : In Reade's House an accumulated congregation may be circumvented ; which succeeding , it will be your Graces part to order the business . The intestine enemy being at length detected by God's Grace , all bitterness of mind , which is caused on either side may be abolished , buried in oblivion , deleted and quieted , the enemy be invaded on both parts : Thus the King and the Kings Friend , and both Kingdoms neer to danger , shall be preserved and delivered from eminent danger . Your Grace likewise may have this injunction by you , if you desire to have the best advice given you by others , That you trust not overmuch to your Pursevants , for some of them live under the stipend of the Popish Party . How many Rocks , how many Scilla 's , how many displeased Charybdes appear before your Grace , in what a dangerous Sea , the Cock-boat of your Graces life , next to Shipwrack , is tossed , your self may judge ; the Fore-deck of the Ship is speedily to be driven to the Harbour . All these things ( I whisper ) into your Grace's ear , for I know it bound with an Oath of Secrecy ; therefore by open name , I would by these Presents become known to your Grace , Hague Sept. 14. S. N. 1640. Your Graces most observant , and most officious , Andrew Habernfeld . Superscribed by Andreas ab Habernfeld , a Noble Bohemian , Dr. of Physick to the Queen of Bohemia , Illustrissimo ac Reverendissimo Dom. Domino Gulielmo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi , Primati & Metropolitano totius Regni Angliae Dom. meo . The Arch-Bishops Indorsement with his own Hand . Received , Octob. 14. 1640. Andreas ab Habernfeld . His Letters sent by Sir William Boswell , about the discovery of the Treason . I conceive by the English Latin herein , that he must needs be an Englishman , with a concealed and changed name . And yet it may be this kind of Latin may relate to the Italian . Or else he lived some good time in England The Declaration of this Treason I have by His Majesties special Command , sent to Sir W. Boswell , that he may there see what proof can be made of any particulars . The general OVERTURE and DISCOVERY of the PLOT , sent with Sir William Boswell's first Letter , and written in Latin. The King's Majesty and the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury are to be secretly informed by Letters , 1. THat the King's Majesty , and the Lord Arch-Bishop are both of them in great danger of their lives . 2. That the whole Common-wealth is by this means endangered , unless the mischief be speedily prevented . 3. That these Scotch Troubles are raised , to the end , that under this pretext , the King and Arch-Bishop might be destroyed . 4. That there is a means to be prescribed , whereby both of them in this case may be preserved , and this Tumult speedily composed . 5. That although these Scotch Tumults be speedily composed , yet that the King is endangered , and that there are many ways , by which destruction is plotted to the King and Lord Arch-Bishop . 6. That a certain Society hath conspired the Death of the King , and Lord Arch-Bishop , and Convulsion of the whole Realm . 7. That the same Society , every Week deposits with the President of the Society , what Intelligence every of them hath purchased in eight days search , and then confer all into one Packet , which is weekly sent to the Director of the Business . 8. That all the Confederates in the said conspiracy may verily be named by the Poll. But because they may be made known by other means , it is thought meet to defer it till hereafter . 9. That there is a ready means , whereby the Villany may be discovered in one moment , the chief Conspirators circumvented , and the primary Members of the Conjuration apprehended in the very act . 10. That very many about the King , who are accounted most faithful and intimate , to whom likewise the more secret things are intrusted , are Traytors to the King , corrupted with a Foreign Pension , who communicate all secrets of greater or lesser moment to a Foreign Power . These and other most secret things , which shall be necessary to be known for the security of the King , may be revealed , if these things shall be acceptable to the Lord Arch-Bishop . Likewise they may be assured , that whatsoever things are here proposed , are no Figments , or Fables , nor vain Dreams , but such real Verities , which may be demonstrated in every small tittle . For those who thrust themselves into this business , are such men , who mind no gain , but the very zeal of Christian Charity suffers them not to conceal these things : Yet both from His Majesty and the Lord Arch-Bishop some small exemplar of gratitude will be expected . All these premises have been communicated under good Faith , and the Sacrament of an Oath , to Mr. Leiger Embassadour of the King of Great Britain , at the Hague ; that he should not immediately trust , or communicate these things to any mortal , besides the King , and the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . Subscribed , &c. Present , &c. Hague , Com. 6. Sept. 1640. In the Style of the Place . The Arch-Bishops own Indorsement . Recieved Sept. 10. 1640. The Plot against the King. The Arch-Bishop of Canterburies Letter to the King , concerning the PLOT ; with the King's Directions in the Margin , written with his own hand . [ I beseech your Majesty read these Letters as they are Endorsed by Figures , 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. ] May it please your Majesty , AS great as the Secret is which comes herewith , yet I choose rather to send it in this silent covert way , and I hope safe , than to come thither , and bring it my self . First , because I am no way able to make hast enough with it . Secondly , because should I come at this time , and antedate the meeting , Sept. 24. there would be more jealousie of the business , and more enquiry after it : Especially , if I being once there , should return again before that day , as I must , if this be followed , as is most fit . The danger it seems is eminent , and laid by God knows whom ; but to be executed by them which are very near about you . ( For the great honour which I have to be in danger with you , or for you , I pass not , so your Sacred Person , and the State may be safe . ) Now , may it please your Majesty , This information is either true , or there is some mistake in it : If it be true , the Persons which make the Discovery will deserve thanks and reward ; if there should be any mistake in it , your Majesty can lose nothing but a little silence . The business , ( if it be ) is extream foul . The Discovery thus by God's Providence offered , seems fair . I do hereby humbly beg it upon my knees of your Majesty , that you will conceal this business from every creature , and his name that sends this to me . And I send his Letters to me , to your Majesty , that you may see his sence both of the business and the Secrecy . And such Instructions as you think fit to give him , I beseech you let them be in your own hand for his Warrant , without imparting them to any . And if your Majesty leave it to his descretion to follow it there in the best way he can , that in your own hand will be Instruction and Warrant enough for him . And if you please to return it herewith presently to me , I will send an express away with it presently . In the mean time , I have by this Express returned him this Answer , That I think he shall do well to hold on the Treaty with these men , with all care and secrecy , and drive on to the Discovery , so soon as the business is ripe for it , that he may assure himself and them , they shall not want reward , if they do the Service . That for my part he shall be sure of Secrecy , and that I am most confident , that your Majesty will not impart it to any . That he have a special eye to the eighth and ninth Proposition . Sir , for God's sake , and your own safety , Secrecy in this Business : And I beseech you , send me back this Letter , and all that comes with it , speedily and secretly , and trust not your own Pockets with them . I shall not eat , nor sleep in quiet , till I receive them . And so soon as I have them again , and your Majesties Warrant to proceed , no diligence shall be wanting in me to help on the Discovery . This is the greatest business that ever was put to me . And if I have herein proposed , or done any thing amiss , I most humbly crave your Majesties pardon . But I am willing to hope I have not herein erred in judgment , and in fidelity I never will. These Letters came to me on , Thursday , Sept. 10. at night , and I sent these away according to the date hereof , being extreamly wearied with writing this Letter , copying out those other which come with this , and dispatching my Letters back to him that sent these , all in my own hand . Once again secrecy for God's sake , and your own . To his most blessed protection I commend your Majesty and all your Affairs : And am , Lambeth , Sept. 11. 1640. Your Majesties most humble faithful Servant , W. Cant. The Arch-Bishop's Postscript . As I had ended these , whether with the labour or indignation , or both , I fell into an extreme faint Sweat ; I pray God keep me from a Feaver , of which three are down in my Family at Croyden . These Letters came late to me , the express being beaten back by the wind . The Arch-Bishops Indorsement with his own hand . Received from the King , Sept. 16. 1640. The King's Answer to the Plot against him , &c. Superscrib'd by the Arch-Bishop , For your Sacred Majesty : By the King , Yours Apostyled . Sir William Boswel's second Letter to the Arch-Bishop . May it please your Grace , THis evening late I have received your Graces dispatch , with the enclosed from His Majesty , by my Secretary Oveart , and shall give due account with all possible speed of the same , according to His Majesties and your Graces Commands , praying heartily that my endeavours , which shall be most faithful , may also prove effectual , to His Majesties and your Grace's content , with which I do most humbly take leave , being always Hague , Sept. 24. 1640. S. Angelo . Your Graces most dutiful and humblest Servant , William Boswell . The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement . Received , Sept. 30. 1640. Sir William Boswell his acknowledgement , that he hath received the King's Directions in my Letters . Sir William Boswell's third Letter to the Arch-Bishop . sent with the larger Discovery of the PLOT . May it please your Grace , UPon receipt of His Majesties Commands , with your Grace's Letters of 9 , and 18 , Sept. last , I dealt with the party to make good his Offers formerly put in mine hand , and transmitted to your Grace : This he hopes to have done , by the inclosed , so far as will be needful for His Majesties satisfaction ; yet if any more particular explanation or discovery shall be required by His Majesty or your Grace , He hath promised to add thereunto , whatsoever he can remember , and knows of truth . And for better assurance and verification of his integrity , he professeth himself ready ( if required ) to make Oath of what he hath already declared , or shall hereafter declare in the business . His name he conjures me still to conceale , though he thinks His Majesty and your Grace , by the Character he gives of himself , will easily imagin who he is , having been known so generally through Court and City , as he was for three or four years , in the quality and imployment he acknowlegeth ( by his Declaration inclosed ) himself to have held . Hereupon he doth also redouble his most humble and earnest Suit unto His Majesty and your Grace , to be most secret and circumspect in the business , that he may not be suspected to have discovered , or had a hand in the same . I shall here humbly beseech your Grace to let me know what I may further do for His Majesties service , or for your Graces particular behoof ; that I may accordingly endeavour to approve my self , As I am , Hague , Octob. 15. 1640. Your Grace's mest dutiful and obliged Servant , William Boswell . The Arch-Bishop's Indorsment . Received Octob. 14. 1640. Sir William Boswell in prosecution of the great business . If any thing come to him in Cyphers , to send it to him . The large particular Discovery of the PLOT and Treason against the King , Kingdom , and Protestant Religion , and to raise the Scotish Wars , written in Latin. Most Illustrious and Reverend Lord , WE have willingly and cordially perceived , that our offers have been acceptable both to his Royal Majesty , and likewise to your Grace . This is the only Index to us , That the blessing of God is present with you , whereby a spur is given , that we should so much the more chearfully and freely utter and detest those things whereby the hazard of both your lives , the subversion of the Realm and State both of England and Scotland , the tumbling down of his Excellent Majesty from his Throne , is intended . Now lest the discourse should be enlarged with superfluous circumstances , we will only premise some things which are meerly necessary to the business . You may first of all know , that this good man , by whom the ensuing things are detected , was born and bred in the Popish Religion , who spent many years in Ecclesiastical dignities . At length being found fit for the expedition of the present Design , by the counsel and mandate of the Lord Cardinal Barbarini , he was adjoyned to the assistance of Master Cuneus ( Con ) by whom he was found so diligent and sedulous in his Office , that hope of great promotion was given to him . Yet he , led by the instinct of the good Spirit , hath , howsoever it be , contemned sweet promises , and having known the vanities of the Pontifician Religion ( of which he had sometime been a most severe defender ) having likewise noted the malice of those who fight under the Popish banner , felt his Conscience to be burdened ; which burden that he might ease himself of , he converted his mind to the Orthodox Religion . Soon after , that he might exonerate his Conscience , he thought fit , that a desperate Treason , machinated against so many souls , was to be revealed , and that he should receive ease if he vented such things in the bosom of a friend : which done , he was seriously admonished by the said friend , that he should shew an example of his conversion and charity , and free so many innocent souls from imminent , danger To whose monitions he willingly consented , and delivered the following things to be put in writing , out of which the Articles not long since tendered to your Grace , may be clearly explicated and demonstrated . 1. First of all , that the hinge of the business may be rightly discerned , it is to be known , that all those factions with which Christendom is at this day shaken , do arise from the Jesuitical Off-spring of Cham , of which four Orders abound throughout the World. Of the first Order are Ecclesiasticks , whose Office it is to take care of things promoting Religion . Of the second Order are Politicians , whose Office it is by any means to shake , trouble , and reform the state of Kingdoms and Republicks . Of the third Order are Seculars , whose property it is to obtrude themselves into Offices with Kings and Princes , to insinuate and immix themselves in Court businesses , bargains and sales , and to be busied in civil affairs . Of the fourth Order are Intelligencers , ( or Spies ) men of inferiour condition , who submit themselves to the services of great men , Princes , Barons , Noble-men , Citizens , to deceive ( or corrupt ) the minds of their masters . 2. A Society of so many Orders , the Kingdom of England nourisheth : for scarce all Spain , France , and Italy , can yield so great a multitude of Jesuits , as London alone ; where are found more than 50 Scotish Jesuits . There the said society hath elected to it self a Seat of iniquity , and hath conspired against the King , and the most faithful to the King , especially the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , and likewise against both Kingdoms . 3. For it is more certain than certainty it self , that the forenamed society hath determined to effect an universal reformation of the Kingdom of England and Scotland . Therefore the determination of the end , necessarily infers a determination of means to the end . 4. Therefore to promote the undertaken Villany , the said society dubbed it self with the Title of , The Congregation of propagating the Faith ; which acknowledgeth the Pope of Rome the Head of the College , and Cardinal Barbarini his substitute and Executor . 5. The chief Patron of the society at London , is the Popes Legat , who takes care of the business ; into whose bosom , these dregs of Traytors weekly deposite all their Intelligences . Now the residence of this Legation was obtained at London in the name of the Roman Pontiff , by whose mediation it might be lawful for Cardinal Barbarini to work so much the more easily and safely upon the King and Kingdom . For none else could so freely circumvent the King , as he who should be palliated with the Popes Authority . 6. Master Cuneus did at that time enjoy the Office of the Popes Legat , an Universal Instrument of the conjured society , and a serious Promoter of the business , whose secrets , as likewise those of all other Intelligencers , the present good man , the Communicator of all these things , did revive and expedite whither the business required . Cuneus set upon the chief men of the Kingdom , and left nothing unattempted , by what means he might corrupt them all , and incline them to the pontifician party : he inticed many with various incitements , yea , he sought to delude the King himself with gifts of Pictures , Antiquities , idols , and of other vanities brought from Rome , which yet would prevail nothing with the King. Having entred familiarity with the King , he is often requested at Hampton Court , likewise at London , to undertake the Cause of the Palatine , and that he would interpose his Authority , and by his intercession perswade the Legat of Colen , that the Palatine , in the next Diet to treat of peace , might be inserted into the Conditions ; which verily he promised , but performed the contrary . He writ indeed , that he had been so desired by the King concerning such things , yet he advised that they should not be consented to , lest peradventure it might be said by the Spaniard , that the Pope of Rome had patronized an heretical Prince . In the mean time , Cuneus smelling from the Archbishop , most trusty to the King , that the Kings mind was wholly pendulous ( or doubtful , ) Resolved , That he would move every stone , and apply his forces , that he might gain him to his party : Certainly confiding , that he had a means prepared . For he had a command to offer a Cardinals Cap to the Lord Archbishop in the name of the Pope of Rome , and that he should allure him also with higher promises , that he might corrupt his sincere mind . Yet a fitting occasion was never given , whereby he might insinuate himself into the Lord Archbishop . Free access was to be gained by the Earl and Countess of A — likewise Secretary W — The intercession of all which being neglected , he did flie the company or familiarity of Cuneus , worse than the plague : He was likewise perswaded by others of no mean rank , well known to him , neither yet was he moved . 7. Another also was assayed , who hindred access to the detestable wickedness , Secretary Cook , he was a most bitter hater of the Jesuits , whom he intercepted from acces , to the King , he entertained many ( of them ) according to their deserts , he diligently enquired into their factions ; by which means every incitement , breathing a magnetical ( attractive ) power to the Popish party , was ineffectual with him ; for nothing was so dear unto him , that might incline him to wickedness . Hereupon being made odious to the Patrons of the Conspiracy , he was endangered to be discharged from his Office ; it was laboured for three years space , and at last obtained . Yet notwithstanding there remained on the Kings part a knot hard to be untied , for the Lord Arch-Bishop , by his constancy , interposed himself as a most hard rock . When Cuneus had understood from the Lord Arch-Bishops part , that he had laboured in vain , his malice and the whole Societies waxed boyling hot : soon after ambushes began to be prepared , wherewith the Lord Arch-Bishop together with the King should be taken . Likewise a sentence is passed against the King ( for whose sake all this business is disposed ) because nothing is hoped from him which might seem to promote the Popish Religion ; but especially when he had opened his mind , that he was of this opinion , That every one might be saved in his own Religion , so as he be an honest and pious man. 8. To perpetrate the Treason undertaken , the criminal Execution at Westminster , caused by some Writings of Puritans , gave occasion of the first Fire : which thing was so much exasperated and exaggerated by the Papists to the Puritans , that if it remained unrevenged , it would be thought a blemish to their Religion ; The Flames of which Fire , the Scotch Book of Prayers increases , occasioned by it's alterations . 9. In this heat , a certain Scotish Earl , called Maxfield , if I mistake not , was expedited to the Scots by the Popish Party ; with whom two other Scotish Earls , Papists , held correspondency : He was to stir up the People to Commotion , and rub over the injury afresh , that he might enflame their minds , precipitate them to Arms , by which the hurtful disturber of the Scotish Liberty might be slain . 10. By this one labour , snares are prepared for the King ; for this purpose the present business was so ordered , That very many of the English should adhere to the Scots ; That the King should remain inferiour in Arms , who ( thereupon ) should be compelled to crave assistance from the Papists , which yet he should not obtain , unless he would descend unto conditions , by which he should permit Universal liberty of the exercise of the Popish Religion ; for so the affairs of the Papists would succeed according to their desire . To which consent , if he should shew himself more difficult , there should be a present remedy at hand . The King is to be dispatched : For an Indian Nut , stuffed with most sharp Poyson , is kept in the Society ( which Cuneus at that time shewed often to me in a boasting manner ) wherein a Poyson was prepared for the King ; after the Example of his Father . 11. In this Scottish Commotion , the Marquess of Hamilton , often dispatched to the Scots in the Name of the King , to interpose the Royal Authority , whereby the heat of minds might be mittigated , returned notwithstanding as often without fruit , and without ending the Business : His Chaplain at that time repaired to us , who communicated some things secretly with Cuneus . Being demanded of me in jest , Whether also the Jews agreed with the Samaritans ? Cuneus thereunto answered ; Would to God all Ministers were such as he : What you will may be hence conjectured . 12. Things standing thus , there arrived at London from Cardinal Richelieu , Mr. Thomas Chamberlaine , his Chaplain and Almoner , a Scot by Nation , who was to assist the College of the confederate Society , and seriously to set forward the Business , to leave nothing unattempted , whereby the first heat might be exasperated . For which service he was promised the reward of a Bishoprick ; He cohabited with the Society four Months space ; neither was it lawful for him first to depart , until things succeeding according to his wish , he might be able to return back again with good news . 13. Sir Toby Matthew , a Jesuited Priest , of the Order of Politicians , a most vigilant man of the chief heads , to whom a Bed was never so dear , that he would rest his head thereon , refreshing his Body with sleep in a Chair for an hour , or two , neither day nor night spared his Machinations ; a Man principally noxious , and himself the Plague of the King and Kingdom of England ; a most impudent man , who flies to all Banquets and Feasts , called or not called ; never quiet , always in action and perpetual motion ; thrusting himself into all Conversations of Superiours ; he urgeth Conferences familiarly , that he may fish out the minds of Men ; What ever he observeth thence , which may bring any commodity , or discommodity to the part of the Conspirators , he communicates to the Pope's Legat ; the more secret things he himself writes to the Pope , or to Cardinal Barbarini . In sum , he adjoins himself to any mans company ; no word can be spoken , that he will not lay hold on , and accommodate to his Party . In the mean time , whatever he hath fished out , he reduceth into a Catalogue , and every Summer carrieth it to the general Consistory of the Jesuits Politicks , which secretly meets together in the Province of Wales , where he is an acceptable guest . There Counsels are secretly hammered , which are most meet for the Convulsion of the Ecclesiastic , and Politic Estate of both Kingdoms . 14. Captain Read , a Scot , dwelling in Long-acre-street , near the Angel Tavern , a secular Jesuit , who for his detestable office performed ( whereby he had perverted a certain Minister of the Church , with secret incitements to the Popisn Religion , with all his Family , taking his Daughter to Wife ) for a recompence , obtained a Rent , or Impost upon Butter , which the Country People are bound to render to him , procured for him by some chief men of the Society , who never want a spur , whereby he may be constantly detained in his Office. In his House the business of the whole Plot is concluded , where the Society , which hath conspired against the King , the Lord Arch-Bishop , and both Kingdoms , meet together , for the most part every day : But on the day of the Carriers ( or Posts ) dispatch , which is ordinarily Friday , they meet in greater numbers ; for then all the Intelligencers assemble , and confer in common , what things every of them hath fished out that Week ; who , that they may be without suspition , send their secrets by Sir Toby Matthew , or Read himself , to the Pope's Legat ; he transmits the compacted Packet , which he hath purchased from the Intelligencers , to Rome . With the same Read , the Letters brought from Rome are deposired , under fained Titles and Names , and by him are delivered to all to whom they appertain : For all and every of their Names are known to him . Upon the very same occasion , Letters also are brought hither under the covert of Father Philip ; ( he notwithstanding , being ignorant of things ) from whom they are distributed to the Conspirators . There is in that very House , a publick Chappel , wherein an ordinary Jesuit Consecrates , and dwells there . In the said Chappel Masses are daily celebrated by the Jesuits , and it serves for the Baptizing of the Children of the House , and of some of the Conspirators . Those who assemble in the forenamed House , come frequently in Coaches , or on Horse-back in Lay-mens Habit , and with a great Train , wherewith they are disguised , that they may not be known , yet they are Jesuits , and conjured members of the Society . 15. All the Papists of England contribute to this Assembly , lest any thing should be wanting to promote the undertaken Design . Out of whose Treasury , a Widow , owner of the Houses , wherein Secretary W. now dwelleth , dead above three Years since , bestowed forty Thousand English Pounds ; so likewise others contributed above their abilities , so as the business may be promoted unto its desired end . 16. Besides the foresaid Houses , there are Conventicles also kept in other more secret places , of which they dare not confide , even among themselves , for fear lest they should be discovered . First , every of them are called to certain Inns , ( one not knowing of the other ; ) hence they are severally led by Spies to the place where they ought to meet ; otherwise ignorant where they ought to assemble , lest peradventure they should be surprised at unawares . 17. The Countess of A — a strenuous She-Champion of the Popish Religion , bends all her Nerves to the Universal Reformation ; whatsoever she hears at the King's Court , that is done secretly , or openly , in words or deeds , she presently imparts to the Pope's Legat , with whom she meets thrice a day . Sometimes in A — House , now at the Court , then at Tarthal . He scarce sucks such things by the Claw . The Earl himself , called now about three years since , this year ought to go to Rome , without doubt to consult there of serious things concerning the Design . At Greenwich , at the Earls cost , a Feminine School is maintained , which otherwise is a Monastery of Nuns ; for the young Girls therein , are sent forth hither and thither , into Foreign Monasteries beyond the Seas . Mr. P — of the King's Bed-Chamber , most addicted to the Popish Religion , is a bitter enemy of the King , he reveals all his greatest Secrets to the Pope's Legat ; although he very rarely meets with him , yet his Wife meets him so much the oftner , who being informed by her Husband , conveys secrets to the Legat. In all his actions , he is nothing inferiour to Sir Toby Matthew ; it cannot be uttered , how diligently he watcheth on the business . His Sons are secretly instructed in the Popish Religion ; openly , they profess the Reformed . The eldest is now to receive his Fathers Office , under the King which shall be . A Cardinal's Hat is provided for the other , if the Design shall succeed well . Above three Years past , the said Mr. P — was to be sent away by the King to Marocco ; but he was prohibited by the Society , lest the business should suffer delay thereby . He is a Patron of the Jesuits , for whom , for the exercise of Religion , he provides Chappels both at home and abroad . Secretary W — a most fierce Papist , is the most unfaithful to the King of all men , who not only betrays and reveals even the King 's greatest secrets , but likewise communicates Counsels , by which the Design may be best advanced . He , at least thrice every Week , converseth with the Legat in Nocturnal Conventicles , and reveals those things which he thinks fit to be known ; for which end , he hired a House near to the Legats House , whom he often resorts to , through the Garden door ; for by this vicinity , the meeting is facilitated . The said Secretary is bribed with Gifts to the Party of that conjured Society , by whom he is sustained , that he may the more seriously execute his Office. He sent his Son expresly to Rome , who was to insinuate himself into the Roman Pontif. Sir D — Sir W — Mr. M — the younger , who hath been at Rome ; my Lord S — a Cousen of the Earl of A — the Countess of N — the Dutchess of B — and many others , who have sworn into this Conspiracy , are all most vigilant in the Design . Some of these are inticed with the hope of Court , others of Political Offices ; Others attend to the sixteen Cardinals Caps that are vacant , which are therefore detained idle for some years , that they may impose a vain hope on those who expect them . The President of the aforesaid Society was my Lord Gage , a Jesuit Priest , dead above three years since . He had a Palace adorned with lascivious Pictures , which counterfeited Profaneness in the House , but with them was palliated a Monastery , wherein forty Nuns were maintained , hid in so great a Palace : It is situated in Queen-street , which the Statue of a Golden Queen adorns . The secular Jesuits have bought all this Street , and have design'd it into a Quadrangle , where a Jesuitical College is built in private , with this hope , that it might be openly finished , as soon as the universal reformation was begun . The Pope's Legat useth a threefold Character or Cipher ; one of which he communicates with all Nuncioes ; another , with Cardinal Barbarini only ; with a third , he covers some greater secrets to be communicated . Whatsoever things he either receiveth from the Society , or other Spies , those he packs up together in one bundle , dedicated under this Inscription ; To Monsieur Stravio , Arch-deacon of Cambray : From whom at last they are promoted to Rome . These things being thus ordered , if every thing be laid to the Ballance , it will satisfie in special , all the Articles propounded . WHEREIN 1. THe Conspiracy against the King and Lord Arch-Bishop is detected , and the means whereby ruin is threatned to both , demonstrated . 2. The eminent dangers of both Kingdoms are rehearsed . 3. The rise and progress of that Scottish Fire is related . 4. Means whereby these Scottish Troubles may be appeased , are suggested : For after the Scots shall know by whom and to what end their minds are incensed , they will speedily look to themselves , neither will they suffer the Forces of both parts to be subdued , lest a middle party interpose , which seeks the ruin of both . 5. With what Sword the King's Throat is assaulted , even when these stirs shall be ended , Cuneus his Confession , and a visible Demonstration , sheweth . 6. The place of the Assembly in the House of Captain Read is nominated 7. The day of the eight days dispatch by Read and the Legat is prescribed 8. How the names of the Conspirators may be known . 9. Where this whole Congregation may be circumvented . 10. Some of the Principal unfaithful ones of the King's Party are notified by name ; many of whose names occur not , yet their habitations are known ; their names may be easily extorted from Read. If these things be warily proceeded in , the strength of the whole business will be brought to light ; so the arrow being foreseen , the danger shall be avoided ; which that it may prosperously succeed , the Omnipotent Creator grant . The Arch-Bishops Indorsement with his own hand . Received , October 14. 1640. The Narration of the great Treason , concerning which he promised to Sir William Boswell to discover , against the King and State. Historical Remarks ON THE JESUITS . WHoever shall Compare the before-recited PLOT against King Charles the First , of Glorious Memory , with that against His most Sacred Majesty now Reigning ; shall find them so like in all the Parts and Circumstances , that never were two Brothers more : the Design the same , the Contrivance the same , the Working and Machination , all moving upon the same Wheels of KING-killing , and State-destruction ; and in reference to Condition , Quality , Religion , and Motive , the Conspirators the very same . From whence it follows , that there is no such Improbability of the Late discovered PLOT , as the Papists would have us believe . An ill Name is half a Conviction ; Quo semel est imbuta recens , & naturam expellas furcalicet , are the Jesuits Morals : Plot , Contrivance , and Cruelty are so much the Essential Attributes of Jesuitism , as if like so many Romulusses and Remusses they had suckt the Milk of Wolves rather than of Christian Mothers , that when you hear of Plots and Designs against Kings and Princes , you may be assur'd what sort of Cyclops were the Forgers of such Conspiracies . Neither is this bare Allegation , but Matter of Fact , there being nothing more frequently taught , nor more frequently practis'd , than the rebellious Principles of the Jesuits and their Adherents . How abominably the Reigns of several of our Princes here in England has been pester'd with this Generation of Vipers and Blood-suckers , the Penal Statutes of the Kingdom , and the utter Expulsion of the Popish Priests and Jesuits out of the Nation , are convincing Evidences . And as to their Behaviour in other Countries , take this following Account . First then it is a Maxim most true and undoubted , That a Vacuum in Nature may be as soon allow'd , as that there is any Court of King of Prince where these Jesuits do not swarm and abound , if they can but creep in at the least Creviss . To come to particulars , we will begin with Portugal , a Kingdom altogether acknowledging the Papal Jurisdiction . In the Year 1578. the Jesuits perswaded Sebastian King of that Kingdom , to undertake that Fatal Expedition into Africa , to the end that by his ruin they might transfer the Kingdom to the Dominion of the Spaniard . The Success answer'd their Expectation ; for Sebastian being cut off , together with his Son , and the greatest part of the Portugal Nobility , presently Philip King of Spain prepares to invade Portugal with two powerful Armies : But well knowing how little Right he had on his side , and how much he should be censur'd as well in Italy as in Portugal for such an Action , he began to make it a Point of Conscience , and referr'd his Scruples to be discuss'd by the Jesuits and Franciscans in the Colledge of Alcana de Henares , and of them he desires to know , Whether if it were apparent that he had a Right to the Crown of Portugal by the Death of Henry , he were not oblig'd in Conscience to submit himself to some Tribunal , that should adjudge the Kingdom to him . Secondly , Whether if the Portugals should refuse to admit him for their King before the difference were decided between the Competitors , he might not by force of Arms Invest himself in the Kingdom by his own Authority . To which the Jesuits and Pranciscans made answer , That Philip was bound by no tye of Conscience to subject himself to the Will of another , but might act as he saw fitting by his own Authority . Which flattering Sentence of those irreligious Cusuists being approved by Philip , he presently began the War. In the heat of which War , the Jesuits were they that would have betray'd the chiefest of the Azores Islands to the Spaniards , which so incens'd the People , that some would have had them try'd for their lives , others would have had them and their Colledge burnt together . In France , Joane Albret Queen of Navarr , was poysoned with a pair of Perfumed Gloves , at the procurement of the Jesuits , for being the Patroness of those of the Reformed Religion . That Rebellious League of the Guizes against Henry the Third of France , was carried on and promoted by the Jesuits , both at Paris and other places : Insomuch , that when the League got strength and began to appear , the Jesuits making a wrong use of their Power of Confessing and Absolving , would Absolve none that professed themselves obedient Subjects to the King. This unfortunate Prince was not only harrass'd and tormented by this Villanous and Jesuitical League , not only driven out of his chief City , but at length at the Instigation of the Jesuits , stabb'd and murder'd by a Dominican Monk , by them procur'd . The Murder was also applauded by Pope Sixtus the Fifth , in a long Oration spoke in a full Consistory of Cardinals in these words : That a Monk ( saith he ) should kill the unfortunate King of France in the midst of his Army , was a rare , noble , and memorable Act. And a little further , This Act , saith he , was done by the Providence of God , design'd by the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost ; a far greater Act than that of Judith , who slew Holofernes . Expressions rather becoming the Mouth of a Devil , than of a Vicar of Christ. After him Henry the Fourth was first attempted by Barrier , exhorted and confirm'd in the lawfulness of the Fact by Varada the Jesuit , and others of the same Gang. Secondly by John Castell , at the Instigation of Gueret and Guignard , both Jesuits : And Francis Verona the Jesuit , publisht an Apology in vindication and justification of the Fact : And lastly , murder'd out-right by Francis Ravaillac a great Disciple of the Jesuits . And for no worse Pranks than these , they were banished out of France by Decree of Parliament , As Corrupters of Youth , Disturbers of the public Peace , and Enemies to the King and Kingdom . Truly very honourable Characters for those that pretend to be of the Society of Jesus . The Venetians expell'd them upon this occasion : The Senate observing that the Ecclesiastics , especially the Jesuits , began to engross Lands and Houses of their Territories under the pretence of Legacies , to the great damage of the Public Income , thought it convenient to put a stop to this Jesuitical Engrossment ; and provide by Law that Ecclesiastical Persons should not possess all the Temporal Estates in their Territories to themselves , but give leave for others to share with them , it being positively against the Constitution of their Order , and the Institution of Christ their Founder . The Jesuits took this in great dudgeon , and wrote to Pope Paul the Fifth about it . The Venetians being summon'd to answer , would not relinquish their Right , Protesting withal , that they had the Supreme Jurisdiction in their own Territories , and consequently to make Laws ; and that the Pope had nothing to do with them in those Matters . Upon which Answer , the Pope thunders out his Excommunication . The Duke and Senate by public Decree condemn the Excommunication as unjust and invalid ; which done , they call the whole Body of their Clergy , and to them declare how Affairs stood . The elder sort take part with the Commonwealth , and maintain the Argument against the Pope in writing , among whom Paulus Venetus was most eminently Signal : The Jesuits not enduring the kneeness of his Reasons , hire two Ruffians , and upon the fifth of October , 1607. set them to assassinate Paulus Venetus , who thinking they had done his work , left him for dead , and fled away . This was something near Sir Edmundbury Godfreys Case . The Senate hearing this , by a new Law banish the Jesuits for ever out of their Territories , and cut them off from all hope of ever returning : And this was their Fortune in Venice . In the year 1609. the Bohemians made a Complaint to the Emperour against the Jesuits , for the same Encroachments of which the Venetians had accused them before , desiring of Caesar that they might no longer be permitted to transfer and translate into their own possession such ample Patrimonies , under pretence of Donations and Legacies , as they did continually . Of which when the Emperour took little notice , they were by the Bohemian States themselves in the year 1618. utterly expelled out of that Nation for ever , with these Characters : 1. That they were lavish Wasters of the Public Peace and Tranquility of the Nation . 2. That they endeavour'd to subject all Kingdoms and Nations to the Power of the Pope . 3. That they did nothing but set the Magistrates together by the Ears . 4. That they made particular Advantage of Confessions , to the destruction of the people : with many other Crimes of the same nature . The same year they were expell'd out of Moravia for the same Reasons ; and the next year out of Hungaria for the same Causes . In Silesia also a Decree was made , That the Jesuits should not enter that Province upon pain of Death , as being the onely means to preserve peace in the Nation . As to other Villanies in Poland , a Polonian Knight , himself a Papist , in an Oration by him made in a full Assembly of the Polonian Nobility , declares , That Cracow the most Famous City of Poland , and Ornament of the Kingdom , was so plagu'd by the Jesuits , that several good men , though Catholicks , affirmed , That they would rather live in the Woods among wild Beasts , than abide in the City . One time among the rest , these Jesuits having brought their Conspiracy to perfection , brake into the most ancient Monument of Antiquity in the City , and to the great danger of the whole City , set it on Fire , as being granted to the Evangelics by Consent of the King , and States of the Kingdom . In Posnania another great City of the same Kingdom , they set Fire on the Church belonging to those of the Augustan Confession , and committed so many Insolencies without Controul , that the Nobility refus'd to meet at the Dyet shortly after to be held at Warsaw , resolving to repair further off to Lublin , for the redress of these Misdemeanours . Neither indeed was there any thing more grievously burdensom to that Kingdom than the Pride and Avarice of those Miscreants . In Muscovy , upon the Death of the Great Duke Basilowich , the Jesuits set up one Demetrius against the lawful Heir , who had made them large Promises , if he obtain'd the Dukedom . Thereupon by the help of these Jesuits , the said Demetrius gets Aid from the King of Poland , which was not onely the Occasion of a great War in Muscovy , but had like to have cost them the Alteration of their Laws , and loss of their ancient Customs and Priviledges , had they not prevented it by a desperate Attempt upon the Impostor , and put him to Death ; surrounded with Impostors and Jesuits . The Transilvanians publicly and with one Consent laid all the Cause of their Miseries and Calamities , upon the Subtilties and Contrivances of the Jesuits , for which reason by a Public Decree of the States of that Province , they were Ejected out of the limits of their Territories . Nevertheless they secretly fomented the Ruin of that Country , and were the reason that Sigismund Bathor involv'd himself in War and Trouble , and at length died an inglorious and miserable Death . By their Contrivance also Stephen Potski , Prince of Transilvania , opposing their Bloody Sect , was put out of the way , as they call it , by Poyson , in the year 1607. In Styria and Carinthia , Provinces of Germany , they never left till they had voided those Provinces of all the Inhabitants of the Reformed Religion . In Holland , they never left till they saw the Blood of William Prince of Orange , spilt by the trayterous Hand of Balthasar Gerard , a Burgundian and Disciple of their own . The same Attempts did Peter de Tour , and other Ruffians make upon the person of Maurice his Son , a brave and Martial Prince , and all at the Instigation of the Jesuits , those Insatiable Sons of BLOOD and PERDITION . A VINDICATION OF THE Dissenting Protestants , From being Authors of the REBELLION against the late KING , and Plotters of Treason against His MAJESTY now Reigning . SEeing then no Corner of Europe has been free from the Plots and Conspiracies of these Jesuitical Fiends , it would be a kind of Crime and sleepy Desertion of our own Safety , to suffer our selves to be charm'd by the Delusions of insinuating Libels and Rumors of Presbyterian Plots , to mistrust the Truth of the continu'd Jesuitical Contrivances against the Kingdom . Neither can they be thought the best Subjects of England , who are so willing to Gratifie the Popish Party , by giving Credence to such idle Surmizes which they can have so little ground to believe . The Jesuits have committed a great piece of Villany in this Nation ; they have attempted the Life of the King , and have been Plotting to subvert the Established Religion of the Kingdom , and now they would throw it upon the Presbyterians : Which is a Fourbery so plain , that common Sense and Policy may easily discover the full intent and meaning of it : And therefore it is fairly to be hop'd , that neither Presbyterians , nor any other Protestant Dissenters will be so Unchristian-like Disloyal , as to receive any Exasperation from these Calumnies ; but rather unite against the Common Enemy , from whom they can expect no more Mercy , than the severest Champion of Episcopacy can hope for . But you will say , the Presbyterians are not accus'd of any Design to bring in Popery , but miraculously discover'd , as the Authors of a Plot to set up the Classes of their own Ecclesiastical Government . Well! if it were so , they were the arrantest Bunglers of Plotters that ever plotted Mischief in this World : For I do not find their Plot to be above a years standing ; And it was a Plot that was driven on out of pure Kindness to the Papists . For the Presbyterians understanding that the Papists , ( their Incarnate Enemies ) were under a Premunire , as being accused of Treason and Conspiracy against the KING and Kingdom ; They therefore would needs enter into a Plot , which they would so order as to be discover'd a Twelve-month after , to ease the Papists of the Load they groan'd under . So that as considering the time , it fell out most confoundedly unluckily , that the Presbyteriaus should conceal this Plot from the Papists , till so many good , honest , pious and loyal Priests of Baal , and Sons of Belial were hang'd , which would never have been done , had there been the least Inkling given of the Meal-Tub in season . But when the Names of the Persons came to be seen that were to be Actors in this Presbyterian Tragedy , then to the Laughter of the whole World , there never appear'd such a Dow-bak'd Plot out of a Meal-Tub since the Creation , to bring so many Great Men plotting against their own prosperity and enjoyments ; so many wise and politie States-men , by whom the Nation has been so long steer'd , to be Plotters and Conspirers against their own Preservation . These are Plots of such a strange Nature , that if they could be thought reall , they would occasion the unhinging of the whole Frame of Order and Government , while it were impossible for Honour , Probity , and Reputation to remain upon the Earth . Obedience and Allegiance to Government are grounded either upon Religion , or Moral Vertue ; or if these two fail , there is a necessity which obliges the ordinary fore-sight of Prudence . Against these Ambition or Revenge are the only Combatants ; but neither Ambition nor Revenge can bear so great a sway in persons that understand the Intrigues of Policy , or the more mysterious management of Prudence , as to delude them into Plots and Conspiracies where there is no prospect of a secure Change. The Presbyterians are a sort of people wary and deliberate : Neither are their Tenents , which had their rise and beginnings from men whom the Papists themselves confess to have been men of great Learning , Eloquence , and Exemplary Lives , of that Crimson Constitution , as to prompt them to lay the Foundations of their Hierarchy in Blood and Massacre ; or so deeply to wound the Reputation of the Protestant Religion , by the clandestine Treachery and secret Contrivances of Disloyalty . For as for that Design of the Huguenots under Francis the Second , King of France , of which the Prince of Conde , and the Admiral Coligni were said to be Chief ; that was no Design against the Life or Person of the King , but against the exorbitant Pride of the Guises , Duke and Cardinal , who were at the same time Papists , and were themselves contriving to take away the Life of the young King , and translate the Royal Dignity into their own Family . Neither could the Civil Wars of France be said to be the Rebellion of the Hugonets : But a War of the Queen Regents , and the two Guises own weaving , while they all strove to preserve their own Authority . And the Queen Regent her self was the first that caus'd the Prince of Conde to take Arms , as fearing the Guises would wrest the Government out of her hands , by recommending to his Protection the young King Charles the Ninth her Son , her Self , and the Kingdom . Nay they were so far from being Rebels to their King , that they joyn'd with the Catholiques for the Recovery of Haure out of the hands of Queen Elizabeth , who had been their Friend : And though the Admiral and Danaelot were not at the Siege , for fear of being tared by the Queen of Ingratitude , yet they sent both their Forces and Friends . Some indeed justly deserved to be blamed for the violence of their Conduct in the late Wars ; but it is a Question , of which some make no doubt , whether those Violences were not occasion'd by the Papists in Masquerade , who well knew how to intermix themselves both in their Counsels and Actions ; whether they did not stand behind the Scene and prompt those Sons of Jehu ? Whether they did not pour Oyl upon those Flames ? For it appears that the Presbyterians ( if Names of distinction may be us'd among people of the same Religion ) were the first that relented , as is evident by Votes of Addresses , and their Treaty at the Isle of Wight , not broke off by them , but by One that was playing his own Game , and meditating the destruction both of his Sovereign and them too : Who having made his Exit , they then considered what ill Phaetons they had been before , and return'd the more skilful Phoebus the Reins of his Chariot again . But that you may know that 't is an old Dog-trick of the Papists to play the Devils Incarnate , and lay their most wicked Actions upon the Innocent ; I will repeat this short Story out of one of the choicest French Historians , and a Catholique to boot . The Queen Regent of France having long design'd the Destruction of the Protestants in France , and of all the chief Heads of the reformed Religion ; and among the rest of Admiral Coligni , the Life and Soul of the whole Party , projects the Execution , with the Assistance of the Duke of Anjou , the Counts of Tavanes and Raix , and the Chancellor Birague , and easily drew in the young King , whom they made believe that there was no safety so long as those persons were alive , and the young Guises were as ready as she to revenge their Fathers Death . As for the King of Navar , they had so order'd it , that he was to be marry'd at Paris at that time , and that brought the Prince of Conde to the City . But the Admiral more wary kept aloof , till the King had begun the War with Spain in the Low Countries , which the Admiral had so passionately desir'd , and of which the King and Queen Regent , had assur'd him the Management . Then he came an end , seeing the War begun , and two of his own Favourites , Noue and Genlis , at the Head of some thousands in Flanders . And these three Great Personages , the King of Navarr , the Prince of Conde , and the Admiral Coligni , brought such Trains after them , as throng'd all Paris with the Flower of all the Protestant Nobility and Gentry of France : Who being all thus within the Net , Orders were given to make a general Slaughter of all without distinction , excepting the King of Navarr , and the Prince of Conde . Hence proceeded that Horrible Massacre in the Year 1572. which lasted for seven Days together , to the destruction of above 5000 persons of all Ages and Sexes ; and among these above 600 Persons of Quality . After this Deluge of Blood , and that the Queen had sent the Head of Coligny Embalm'd as a Present to the Pope , the Queen Regent had contriv'd to lay the Load of all the committed Impiety upon the Guises , who were Captains of the Massacre , believing that the Monmor ancies would certainly seek to revenge the Admirals Death upon them : So that while those two Factions ruin'd and destroy'd one another , she might have all the Power in her own hands , and rule according to her own Will. But the Guises being aware of this Design , and having the Catholique Nobility , the Duke of Montpensier , and the Parisians on their side , caus'd the Queen to change her Note ; and thereupon she caus'd the King to write abroad , That all was done to prevent the detestable Conspiracy of the Admiral and his Confederates , againsh his Life and Royal Family . Thereupon there was a Court of Justice erected , wherein the Admiral was Condemn'd , and after they had murder'd him , Executed again in Effigies , his Goods Confiscated , and his Children degraded : And the better to colour this , two poor innocent Gentlemen that had escaped the Massacre , were apprehended for saving their Lives , Briquemaut , and Arnaud de Covagnes , as his Accomplices , condemn'd to the same punishment , and executed accordingly . Thus what these did , our late Plotters would have done : We may then say to all Protestants in general , Felices Agricole sua si bona norint , Happy would they be , would they but know their own strength , Would they but make the right use of these wicked Contrivances of their Enemies , and laying aside all froward Puuctilio's of private Opinions , joyn unanimously against the common Adversary . For if it be a Maxim falsly argu'd against , that Peace and Diversity of Religions cannot be preserved in the same Nation , as the Ambassadors of the Germane Princes urg'd to Charles the Ninth of France ; much more truly may it be said , that little matters of difference between persons of the same Religion can be no impediment to their Union and Conformity . But further to clear the Dissenting Protestants , I shall here add a perfect Narration of the Management and Contrivance of the Jesuits , to render the greater part of the principal Men in this Kingdom , as well those of the Church of England , as the Dissenters , obnoxious to the Government , thereby utterly to ruin them and the Protestant Religion , which Design God of his infinite Goodness has been pleased to bring to Confusion , and the Instruments thereof through the same Divine Providence , we hope shortly to see brought to Condign Punishment . A Compleat HISTORY OF THE LAST PLOT OF THE PAPISTS , UPON THE Dissenting Protestants . THe late PLOT of the Romish Priests and Jesuits for murdering His Majesty , subverting the Government and Protestant Religion , and introducing Popery , being proved by undeniable Evidences and Circumstances ; the cunning Jesuits thought it their best way ( since peoples Eyes were too open to be made believe there was no PLOT ) to confess there was a Plot , and to aggravate it too ; but withal to use their utmost skill to prove , That this Plot was not a Popish-Plot , as was generally believed , but a pure Design of the Presbyterians , and other Dissenters from the Protestant Church of England , to ruin the Loyal Roman Chatholiques , whilst indeed themselves were the Conspirators ; who ( whereas they gave out that the Papists intended by murdering the King , &c. to bring in Popery ) really intended by killing His Majesty , to Introduce Presbytery and a Commonwealth , and so at one Blow subvert the Government both in Church and State , and then to set up a new one of their own under the Name of Conservators of the Liberties of England : And for this purpose they had secretly given out Commissions for raising an Army , the principal Officers whereof were such Persons who seemed to have the greatest share in the Peoples Affections . This Design being agreed to by these Hellish Miscreants , all possible Diligence was used to bring it to Execution ; and for this purpose they drew up the Scheme of a Government they intended to Impeach several of the truly Loyal Nobility and Gentry , and the whole Body of Dissenting Protestants , of conspiring . This being done , they began to form Letters of Intelligence concerning this Presbyterian Plot , and also to provide themselves with Persons to Swear for the Truth of their Allegations . To this end Mrs. Cellier ( a zealous Papist , and Midwife to the Lady Powis , and other Roman Catholic Ladies ) procures the Enlargement of one Wiltoughby , aliàs Dangerfield , aliàs Thomas ; aliàs Day , who had been a Prisoner in Newgate about six Weeks , and had been Convicted once at Salisbury Assizes , ( where he was fined Five pounds , and sentenced to stand Three several times in the Pillory , which he did twice , and then brake Prison and escaped ; ) and twice at the Old Bailey , for uttering false Guineys , ( where for the first Offence he was fined Fifty pounds , and for the second he got His Majesties Pardon . ) He was no sooner released from Newgate , but he was Arrested and thrown into the Counter , from whence by the means of Bannister and Scarlet she got him removed to the King's-Bench , where ( after some fruitless attempts to get some Papers relating to Captain Bedlow from one Strode a Prisoner there ) he was furnished with Money by the five Lords in the Tower , viz. the Lord Bellasis , the Lord Powis , the Lord Petre , the Lord Arundel , and the Lord Stafford , ( Mrs. Cellier also giving him 5 l. ) to Compound all his Debts , &c. Before Mrs. Cellier would discharge him from Newgate , she made tryal of his Wit , by ordering him to draw up Articles according as she directed , against Captain Richardson , which he perform'd to her liking , and confirm'd her in the Choice she had made of his being a fit person to carry on the Designed Plot. The general Esteem the Conspirators had of him is evident by the Trust they reposed in him ; for though they had several Others to carry on their New Plot , yet he appears to have the chief Management of it . Being now sufficiently provided with Instruments to execute their Damnable Designs , this Dangerfield was recommended to His Majesty by a Great Person , as one who was much concerned in a Plot of the Presbyterians against His Life and Government , and that from time to time he would make discovery thereof . Thus they endeavoured to insinuate into His Majesties Mind a belief of the Plot , that he might not be surpriz'd at the Discovery they intended to make . Another of the intended Actors in this Tragedy , was Thomas Courtees , once a Clerk to Sir William Bucknal , one of the Excise Farmers , then a Servant to Mr. Henry Nevil , and after to a worthy Member of Parliament ; from whose Service , he fell into a lewd course of life : But being thought a Man fit for the Design in hand , he was entertained for one of the Witnesses . This Person was very industrious in promoting a Belief of this Presbyterian Plot ; for being well acquainted with Mrs. Bradley , who keeps the House called Heaven in Old Palace-Yard ; and there being a Club of several honest Gentlemen kept at her House , he desired her to bring him into their Company , which she promised to endeavour . Discoursing with her about the late Plot , he told her , that it would shortly appear to be a Plot of the Presbyterians , and that they were privately giving out Commissions for raising an Army : Whereupon she demanded , who gave out the Commissions ; to which he replyed , it was Mr. Blood ; and added further , That if she would use her Interest with Mr. Blood , to get a Commission for him , though it were but for an Ensign , he would give her 100 l. and told her also that he should get 5000 l. by it . Mrs. Bradley told this to Mr. Blood , who fearing the Consequence , acquainted His Majesty therewith , and from Him received Encouragement to make a further Inquiry into this Matter . Mr. Blood hereupon desired the Woman to keep still her Correspendency with Courtees , and if possible to find out the Mystery of this Business . Courtees came several times afterwards to the House , and discoursed freely with her about the before-mentioned matter , and told her , that he knew seven or eight persons who were employed upon the same account as he was . But that which follows put a stop to his proceedings , and made these wicked Agents carry themselves more warily . The Jesuits thought it not sufficient to throw the Plot upon the Presbyterians ; unless they could likewise bring off the Evidence that had sworn against them , and by getting them to recant , put their Innocency out of Question . For this purpose Mr. Dugdale , one of the Kings Evidence , is attempted by one Mrs. Price , ( for whom it is said Mr. Dugdale had formerly some kindness ; ) she warily discovers her Design , and he as warily entertains it ; and after some Treaty , one Mr. Tesborough appears in the Case . They promis'd Mr. Dugdale a great Sum of Money , upon condition that he would Recant what he had Sworn , and Sign a Paper , which they had ready drawn up to this effect . Being touched with a True Remorse of Conscience , and an hearty Sorrow for the Great Evil I have done , in appearing as a witness against the Catholicks , and there speaking that which in my own Conscience I know to be far from the Truth ; I think my self bound in Duty to God , to Man , and for the safety of my own Soul , to make a true Acknowledgment , how I was drawn into thesewicked Actions ; but being well satisfied that I shall create my self many powerful . Enemies upon this account , I have retired my self to a place of Safety , where I will with my own hand discover the great Wrong that has been done the Catholicks , and hope it may gain Belief : I do likewise Protest before Almighty God , that I have no Motive to Induce me to this confession , but a True Repentance for the Mischiefs that I have done , and do hope that God Almighty will forgive me . Having done this , they told him he might immediately withdraw himself beyond the Seas into Spain , where he should be honourably entertained , during his stay there , which should be no longer than till they had brought their Designs to their desired End , and then he should be recalled , and have both Riches and Honour conferr'd upon him as a Reward for faithfully serving the Catholick Interest . Mr. Dugdale seemed willing to agree to their Proposals , ( though at the same time he acquainted several honest Gentlemen of every particular that passed ) if the Reward could be ascertained to him ; but as for the two Proposers he would not take their Security for it ; whereupon they offered the Security of a Forein Ambassador , but he told them that he thought him a Person not fit for Security , because he might suddenly be commanded home , and then he could have no remedy against him . Then they proposed several others , whose Security they said he need not question ; but still he found a plausible Excuse ; his Design being onely to gain time , that he might make a further Discovery who set them on work . His Delays created a Jealousie in them , that he never intended to answer their Desires ; wherefore least he should discover this Treaty , and render them liable to punishment , ( as it happened in Mr. Readings Case ) they were resolved to begin with him first ; and by the assistance of a great Person , a Complaint was made against Mr. Dugdale , That he offered for a Sum of Money to Recant his Evidence , and that he would have Signed such a Paper as before-mentioned ; adding withal , that it was a lamentable thing to consider how much Blood had been shed upon such Evidence . Upon this Mr. Dugdale was summoned before the King and Council , where giving a full Relation of the Affair , and having those Gentlemen ready , whom he had all along acquainted with the Intrigue to prove what he said ; and it plainly appearing , that Mrs. Price and Mr. Tesbrough had endeavoured to take off the Kings Evidence , they were both committed to safe Custody . This it was that alarm'd Courtees . Mr. Dangerfield in this time had been employed to murder the Earl of Shaftsbury , which he twice attempted , but could not meet with an opportunity , the Earl refusing to speak in private with him ; which he urged , under pretence that he had something to reveal to his Lordship of great Concern to his Lordships Person . He waited on his Lordship by the Name of Day , and went armed with a Dagger , which he received from Mrs. Cellier , to whom three or four were brought by Mr. Rigaut . To perform this Murther , he was promised 500 l. by the Lords Powis and Arundel , ( the Lord Arundel giving him then 10 Guineys ) and encouraged by the Lady Abergaveny , Lady Powis , Mrs. Cellier , and others , and his Confessor Sharp conjur'd him to stab him with all possible speed . After his first disappointment , they advised him to tell the Earl that he was in danger of being Impeached for High Treason , and that from Letters under his own hand ; and that when he should find himself in the Tower , he would have cause to repent that he had refused to hear what he had to tell him . These Instructions he followed , and told his Lordship that his Servants had Copied out his Letters , from whence would be drawn Matter to form an Impeachment : But the Earl would not be Wheadled by this to give him a private Audience , and thereby administer to him an opportunity of taking away his Life ; but askt him which of his Servants they were that had Copied out his Letters : To which Dangerfield replyed , That he knew not . Then the Earl answered , That he knew that all he said was false , for that if his Letters were made known to all the World , there would not be found Matter sufficient to endanger the least Hair of his Head , much less to form an Impeachment . Whereupon Dangerfield told him , That if that was his Lordships Opinion , he would take his leave ; and so departed , leaving his Lordship a little jealous of his Intentions . The Lady Powis would have perswaded him upon a Third Attempt , which he refusing , she struck him gently on the Hand with her Fan , calling him Cow-hearted Fellow , telling him , she would do it her self ; but Mrs. Cellier told her , that should not be , for She would perform it . In order to which , the very next day she went armed with a Dagger , to wait upon his Lordship , who received her very civilly ; but being made more wary than formerly , by Dangerfields last carriage , he strictly observ'd her , and perceiving her fumbling about her Pocket , betwixt Jest and Earnest , he clapt his hands upon hers , and there held them , pleasantly drolling with her till she was ready to depart ; but she was not gone so far as the Door , before she offer'd to return , which his Lordship observing , stept to her again , and clapping his hands upon hers , quite dasht her out of Countenance ; so that she departed without attempting further . Thus was his Lordship thrice , by Divine Providence , miraculously preserved from the bloody hands of Papists . The Plot being now ripe for Execution , and Treasonable Letters ready written , to be conveyed into the Custody of such Persons they intended to Accuse , and two or more Witnesses prepared to swear the Delivery and Receit of such Letters or Commissions against every man in their black List ; Dangerfield under the Name of Thomas , takes a Lodging in Ax-Yard in Westminster , ( pretending himself a Country-Gentleman ) where lay one Colonel Mansel , whose Chamber he soon made himself acquainted with , and therein conveyed about Nine or Ten of the aforesaid Treasonable Letters , superscribed to several honest Gentlemen and Persons of Quality , some of which were Favourers of the Dissenting Protestants : When he had so done , he informed some of the Officers belonging to the Custom-House , That in that House there was concealed great Quantities of French-Lace , and other prohibited Goods , desiring them the next Morning to bring a Warrant with them and search the House , which they promised . At Night he brought one Captain Bedford to lie with him ( as is supposed ) that he might be a Witness against the Colonel : Next Morning after the Colonel was gone forth , came the Officers to search for prohibited Goods ; Dangerfield was very officious in assisting them to search the Colonel's Chamber , and at length from behind the Bed brings forth the before-mentioned Pacquet of Letters ; upon which , casting his Eyes , and seeming surprized , he cryed out , Treason , These are all Treasonable Letters ; Whereupon the Officers carried them away to the Commissioners : But the Colonel coming in soon after , and being acquainted with all that had past in his absence , found means to retrieve them again ; and when he had so done , he made some Enquiry after Dangerfield , of whose Quality being well informed , he carried the Letters to His Majesty , with Protestations of his own Innocency , and Dangerfield's Villany . Whereupon on the 23. of October , the Council ordered Dangerfield to be taken into Custody by a Messenger , and after a full hearing of the Business before them , Oobct . 27. they Committed him to Newgate . When Colonel Mansel had thus detected Dangerfield , the above-mentioued Captain Bedford came in very generously of himself , and confessed several things he was privy to , amongst which , one was , That this Dangerfield would have perswaded him to swear that Sir Thomas Player spoke Treason , thereby to have taken away the Life of that honest Gentleman . The Letters before-mentioned gave Light enough to perceive what the Design was the Papists were then contriving ; Whereupon Sir William Waller ( who has been all along very zealous in discovering the Priests , and their wicked Plots , notwithstanding their Threats and Attempts to take away his Life ) understanding that Dangerfield used to lodge at Mrs. Celliers , went thither on Wednesday , Octob. 29. to search her House ; and that he might leave no place unsearcht , he ordered a Tub of Meal to he emptied , which being done , at the Bottom thereof was found a little Paper-book tyed with red Ribbons , wherein was a List of several Persons of Quality , and others , to the number of above 500. whom they designed to ruin by this their New Plot. They had set down his Grace the Duke of Monmouth for General of the Army to be raised ; the Lord Grey , Lord Brandon and his Son , and Sir Thomas Armstrong , for Lieutenant-Generals , Sir William Waller and Mr. Blood for Major-Generals , &c. the Duke of Buckingham , Lord Shaftsbury , Lord Essex , Lord Roberts , Lord Wharton , and Lord Hallifax , were to have been accused for the chief Counsellors and Managers of this Plot. Many other things were contained in these Papers , relating to the Management of their Design : Upon this Mrs. Cellier was committed to the Gatehouse . Their Plot being now sufficiently laid open , Dangerfield ( notwithstanding Mrs. Celliers Encouragement to be constant and firm to the Catholick Cause ) thought it time to confess the Truth , and being brought before the Right Honourable Sir Robert Clayton Lord Mayor of London , on Friday Octob. 31. 1679. he made a large Confession , which held them from Five of the Clock in the Afternoon , untill Two next Morning . Part whereof was , That he was sent for to the Tower , whither he went in disguise , where after some discourse with the Lord Powis , the Lord Arundel asked him , If he were willing to do any thing to advance his Fortune ; to which he answered he would do any thing . Then the Lord Arundel asked him if he would kill the King for a good Reward ; to which he replyed , He would kill any body but the King , or his Royal Brother . That then the aforesaid Lord asked him the same Question again ; and he answered , No. Then said the Lord Powis , No , no , my Lord Arundel does onely this to try you : But my Lord ( continued he ) what would you give him to kill the King ? 'T is worth ( said the Lord Arundel ) 2000 l. That then the Lord Powis told him , he should have 500 l. to kill the Lord Shafisbury . That Mr. Gadbury told him , the Lords in the Tower were angry with him , as also chiefly the Lord Castlemain , for that he would not kill the King , when he might easily do it , and no hurt befall him . That here , upon he asked Mr. Gadbury , How no hurt should befall him , when in his Opinion it could be no less than Death ? To which Gadbury made answer , That he knew he might do it safely , for at the Request of the Lady Powis he had Calculated his Nativity , and that it was clear from thence . That the Lord Castlemain very angrily askt him , Why he was so unwilling to do that for which he was released out of Prison ; and fearing some mischief from him , he left him , and went and told Mrs. Cellier , that the Lord Castlemain was angry ; to which she replyed , That it was his custom to fall out one hour , and be good friends the next . That his Confessor Sharp told him he must do Penance for denying to serve God , as the Scriptures taught . That he askt him , If they taught him to kill his King ? To which Sharp replyed , Yes , if he were condemn'd by them . That when he told the Lady Powis and Mrs. Cellier , of having been alone with the King in his Closet ; they both said , What an Opportunity have you lost ? And the Lady Powis added , How bravely might you have killed him , if you had been provided ! That he was sent by the Lady Powis to Mr. Webb's at Petterley in Buckinghamshire , with a Letter directed , For Mrs. Jean ; which Mrs. Jean he found to be a Priest in Womans Habit. That upon reading the Letter , Jean administred the Sacrament to him , obliging him thereby to Secrecy ; and then gave him Papers containing a rough Draught of the Plot against the Presbyterians , which he told him were to be drawn up into Particulars by the Lords in the Tower , and Mr. Nevil in the Kings-Bench . That Mr. Wood told him , The Lords in the Tower had consulted , that before Mr. Oates wat Indicted , something should be made appear of a Presbyterian Plot. That one Duddel brought him 27 Letters , written most by by Mr. Nevil , which Mr. Turner the Lord Powis his Priest , desired some Catholiques might Transcribe ; whereupon Mrs. Cellier sent for Mr. Singe who wrote there about a Week . That the Contents of these Letters were , That there Business went on well here at London , as they hoped theirs did in the Country : That Commissioners would shortly be ready ; ( mentioning in some of these Letters the Names of divers Persons of Quality ; ) and that they would now be their own Choosers in Matters of Government , and use Papists as they pleased . That these Letters were to be sent into all parts of the Kingdom where any Presbyterians liv'd , and privately to be put into their Houses , and then their Houses were to be searcht , and these Papers produced for Evidence against them , as they intended against Colonel Mansel . Saturday , Novem. 1. His Lordship waited on His Majesty and Council with Dangerfield's Confession ; and Dangerfield being again sent for to come before the Council , did further declare , That all the Lords in the Tower gave him Money , more or less , and did desire him to go to Turner the Popish Book-seller to get his Remarks on the Tryals Printed . That the Lord Powis advised Lane should be sent out of the way , lest if Mr. Oates should find him at his House , they should all be ruin'd . That he saw Sir G. Wakeman at Mr. Stamford's House , ( the Duke of Newburgh's Agent ) in whose own Room he lay , and that Sir George told him , He hid himself there for fear of the People , who had posted a threatning Paper over his Door ; and that he had received 500 l. by the Queens Order for his Transportation . That Sir George asking his Advice , how he might get away , he told him , He had best send for a Shallop from Calice to take him in about six Miles from Dover , which he did , and escaped to Newport . That Dormer was Author of Traytors transform'd into Martyrs ; and that Gadbury had writ a Ballad and several Pamphlets . That the second time he visited the Earl of Shafssbury , he intended to stab him , and then put out the Candle , and under pretence of running down to light it , have made his escape . That the two Books taken ( whereof one was found in a Meal Tub ) was writ by him , and that the Names therein were all Dictated to him by the Lady Powis . That Mrs. Cellier and he used the words , Lady Mary for the KING , and Lady Anne for the DUKE . In the Afternoon Mrs. Cellier was Examin'd , and declar'd , That Dangerfield had for some time lain at her House . That she paid 3 l. 10. s. out of the Money to be distributed to Prisoners for his Release , but denyed the paying of Twenty pounds , or Five pounds , as had been alledged . That she employed Dangerfield onely to get in some desperate Debts belonging to her Husband , and to Bail two or three persons out of Prison , and in nothing else . That she did lie at the Lady Powis ; but denied she sent a Note to Dangerfield in Newgate , till the Note was produced , and then she own'd it . That she knew nothing of killing the Earl of Shaftsbury . That she did indeed go to the said Earl upon business . That Dangerfield did draw up Articles against Captain Richardson , but not by her Order . Then Dangerfield was call'd in again , who said further , That Banister and she visted him in the Kings-Bench , and that she order'd him to get the Papers from Strode about Mr. Bedlow ; to which end , Hitton the Priest advised that Opium should be put into Strode's Drink . That Margaret Mrs. Celliers Maid brought him Opium from Mrs. Celliers Son-in-law , Plasdel ; and that Mounson told him how to use it . That Knowles and Sharp , Priests , told him if he continued firm to the Business , he would thereby merit Heaven . Mrs. Cellier confess'd , That she hid the Papers in the Meal-Tub : That she did agree with Mr. Dangerfield to use Lady Mary in stead of King , and Lady Anne in stead of Duke . And That Gadbury did Calculate Dangerfield's Nativity , but said , He would be hang'd . Then the Lady Powis was Examined , who denied all , except , That she paid Ten shillings per Week to Mrs. Cellier for Dangerfields Diet. That she saw him in the Stone-Gallery , but was not near enough to speak to him . That once and no more she discoursed him at Mrs. Celliers , and that then he told her of some Treasonable Letters hid at Westminster , and that the Secretary refused to give him a Warrant to search for them , unless he would make Affidavit of it ; and that then Mrs. Cellier advised him to make use of the Custom-House Officers to search for them . On Sunday , Nov. 2. Mr. Gadbury was examined , who acknowledged , That he had seen Mr. Dangerfield once or twice at his House with Mrs. Cellier , and that he thought he cast his Nativity under the Name of Thomas , and that looking on his Horoscope , he did say , it prognosticated a bold and adventurous Man , but does not remember that he told Mrs. Cellier he would be hang'd . That he likewise cast the Lord Powis his Nativity , and that it was a usual thing with him to cast the Nativities of such Persons of Quality , whose Time of Birth he could be assured of . But as to other things , he said , He was innocent . Nov. 1. Susan Edwards , Mrs. Cellier's Maid , deposed , That she carried Notes to Mr. Dangerfield from her Mistress , when he was in Newgate ; as also a Guinney , Twenty Shillings in Silver , and two Books of Accounts : As likewise a Message by word of mouth , importing , That Mrs. Cellier's Life lay in Mr. Dangerfield's hands . And said , That the Lady Powis had been three times at her Mistresses in five Weeks time that she lived there , and that once she had discourse with Mr. Dangerfield . Nov. 2. William Woodman deposed , That Mr. Dangerfield was two Months at the Lord Powis's House , and that Mrs. Cellier and he writ often ; and that he carried Letters from them to the Lady Powis in the Tower ; as also Letters from the Lady Powis to Nevile in the King's Bench ; to whom also he had carried Letters from Mr. Dangerfield and Mrs. Cellier . Mary Ayray deposed , That Duddel and she carried Notes taken by Mr. Willoughby , aliàs Dangerfield , at Langhorn's Trial , to Mr. Nevil in the King's Bench , and that they left Dangerfield at a Coffee-House in the mean time . That she carried a Letter from Nevil to Mrs. Cellier , and another from Mrs. Cellier to the Lady Powis . That she had seen Sing often with Mrs. Cellier . That Dangerfield writ the Speeches of the Five Jesuits , as they were dictated to him by Mrs. Cellier . That she had seen Lane ( by Mrs. Cellier's order called Johnson ) at Powis-House . Bennet Duddel a Carpenter , deposed , That he had seen Mr. Dangerfield at Powis-house . That he went with Mrs. Ayray to the King's Bench , and Mr. Dangerfield stayed in the mean time at a Coffee-House there by . That they brought Papers back with them , and that soon after Mrs. Ayray went to the Tower. That at Powis-house he has often seen Mr. Dangerfield , Mrs. Cellier , and others , writing . That Mr. Lane lay in the house , and that Mrs. Cellier was once much concerned when she thought him lost . That Dangerfield once asked him if he could make a Printing-Press . That he went to the Gate-house once or twice with Mrs. Ayray , who carried Money to the Prisoners . That by the Lady Powis's Order he made a private place in Powis-house . To all these Depositions , the Lady Powis being called in , answered particularly . To Susan Edwards , That when she came to Mrs. Cellier , she never lighted from her Coach. To Woodman , That she never receiv'd a Letter from Nevil , or sent one to him . That she had received several from Mrs. Cellier , and perhaps she might have received one from Dangerfield . That going to see the Lady Gage in the Kings-Bench , some body pointed to Nevil as he stood at the Window : And excepting once she never saw him besides that time . To Duddel , That Mrs. Ayray did bring her some Remarks upon Langhorns Tryal , but she never saw any thing from Nevil . To Mrs. Ayray , That she never brought her any Message from Nevil . Being demanded , whether Mrs. Cellier had not been with her in the Tower from Mr. Willoughby ? She answered , Yes ; but that she never saw Willoughby but twice . Hereupon Mrs. Cellier being called , and askt , Whether she had not been in the Tower with the Lady Powis ; she stiffly denied it : but being told , the Lady Powis her self had own'd it , she then confess'd she had been there . Captain Bedford was then called in , and said , That he was at several Clubs with Dangerfield . That he was at Thompsons the Printers , where was printing , The Presbyterian unmask'd . That Dangerfield paid Money to Dormer in S. John's . That Dangerfield would have got a List of the Club at the Kings-head , but the Drawer would not give it him . That at the Green Dragon he got the Names of about 60 Persons that used to meet there . That he went with him to the Sun and Ship Taverns , where he enquired if the Duke of Monmouth had not been there the Night before he went away . That Dangerfield said , Gadbury brought him acquainted with Sir Robert Peyton . That Dangerfield told him , the Lord Shafisbury , Sir William Waller , Doctor Tongue , and others , had private Meetings near Fox-hall about the Plot. The Earl of Peterborough being called in , and having an account of what was laid to his Charge , made a very plausible Speech in answer thereto ; and as to the business of Sir Robert Peyton , he said , That Mrs. Cellier told him that among others which she had brought over to be serviceable to His Majesty and the Duke , Sir Robert Peyton was one , who had declared to her , that he would gladly come in , but that he thought the Duke of that temper , that he would never forget an Injury . That then he assured Mrs. Cellier , the Duke was no such person ; and then she replyed , that Sir Robert would willingly meet him at Mr. Gadbury's . That they did meet accordingly at Mr. Gadbury's , where Sir Robert did say , that he would serve the King to all purposes ; but seemed to doubt of the Dukes being reconciled to him . That afterwards he waited on the Duke at his Lordships Lodgings , and from him received all the assurance of favour he could desire . These are the principal things that were acted before the King and Council , the Result whereof was , that the Earl of Castlemain ( first ) and ( after ) the Lady Powis was committed to the Tower , Mr. Gadbury to the Gate-house , Mr. 〈◊〉 and Mrs. Cellier to Newgate , and several others to the Custody of Messengers . About this time Sir William Waller ( searching a House near the Arch in Lincolns-Inn Fields , leading to Duke-street ) seized on several Habits , Vestments , Crucifixes , Reliques , and other Popish Trinkets , all very rich ; as allodivers Trunks and Boxes full of Books and Papers , that did belong to Father Hercourt lately executed , wherein are set down several great sums of Money paid by him in about 7 or 8 years last past , for carrying on the Catholique Cause ; as likewise many other things that confirm the truth of the Kings Evidence . Among the Relicks was found one great Piece of Antiquity , and by computation of time near 800 years old . It was a Cross of Gold , weighing about 4 Ounces , upon which on the one side was engraven these words , Defendite Gentes hanc partem Crucis Omnipotentis ; in English , Defend O ye Nations this part of the Omnipotent Cross : On the other side were engraven the Arms of Alfred King of England , who dyed in the year 901. Besides which engraving , it was empail'd with divers precious Stones of a considerable value . Within this Cross was another Cross of Ebony , to which the Gold one seem'd to serve onely for a Case ; and as if it had been a little Nest of Serpentine Idolatry , the Ebony Cross was inlaid with another Cross of a quite different Wood , which it is suppos'd , they believ'd to be a piece of our Saviour's Cross. There was also a Gold Ring with a Motto wrap'd up in white Paper , upon which was written , The Ring of the Bishop of Glascow , with several other Curiosities , which are as yet preserv'd . On Novem. 5. Mr. Courtees was taken and brought before Justice Warcup , who having taken his Examination , sent him to the Gate-house . At his Examination , he gave an account of his first acquaintance with Mr. Willoughby , ( not knowing then that he went by any other Name ) and that Willoughby told him , that the Presbyterians were conspiring against the King and Government , and were privately raising an Army , and that Mr. Blood was one that gave out Commissions for that purpose ; and perswaded him to use his endeavour to get one , and if he could do so , he would bring him to the King , whereby he should get 5000 l. And that upon this he made his application to Mrs. Bradley in order thereto , believing what Dangerfield said , and that there was really a Presbyterian Plot on foot : so that what he did , he said was upon a Loyal Design . But there is some cause to suspect what he said , if we reflect on what Mrs. Bradley deposed on Nov. 1. and what he acknowledged now ; viz. That the last time Mrs. Bradley saw him , asking him when they should get the 5000 l. He replied , that he would not meddle in it , that it troubled his Conscience , and that it would be Treachery if it were done , and it is to no purpose to meddle in it now , for there is a List found out . However it be , he is since bailed out of the Gate-house : And for a confirmation of his Guilt , is gone aside . And now almost every day new Discoveries are made , either of Priests or their Appurtenances , Reliques and feditious Papers . Dormer a Priest was seized by Dr. Oates at the Door of the Council-Chamber , on Nov. 4. as he was busie in discourse with the Lady Powis , and was sent to Newgate . On Nov. 11. Sir William Waller seized at Turner's in Holborn , several seditious and scandalous Libels , Popish Books and Pamphlets ; as also divers Beads , and Priests Habits , and some Reliques , one of which was a very fine Handkerchief , which had been dip'd in the Blood of the five Jesuits lately executed . Not long after Sir William seized on one William Russel , alias Napper , a Franciscan Fryar , and Titular Bishop of Norwich : With him were taken the Garments belonging to his Office ; as also the Form of an Oath of Abjuration , for his Proselytes , to this effect ; That they did from thenceforth renounce those damnable and heretical Doctrines , wherein they had been educated and instructed , and that they did oblige themselves under the penalty of Damnation to remainsted fast in the Faith of the Mother-Church of Rome , &c. Together with a Latin Prayer , in the Margin whereof was written in English , Whoever says this Prayer shall be free from the Plague . And several Popish Books , &c. On Friday . Nov. 21. Sir Robert Peyton , Mr. Nevil , Mr. Gadbury , Mrs. Cellier with her Maids , and others were severally Examin'd ; when it was sworn , that Sir Robert Peyton had had frequent Conferences with Mr. Dangerfield ; and the further hearing of the Matter being put off till Wednesday , Nov. 26. Sir Robert was then ordered to give Bail for his Appearance at the Kings-Bench-Bar , the first day of the next Term , to answer to such Informations as should then be brought against him by the Attorney-General . Dr. Oates during these Transactions had two of his Servants , Lane ( often mentioned in this History ) and Osborn , confederated with one Knox belonging to the Lord Treasurers Family , against him , who Indicted him for no less a Crime than Sodomy : But it being proved a malicious slander , and his Accusers perjured Villains , who were hired by the Lords in the Tower , to invalidate his Evidence , the Jury brought it in Ignoramus . And Dr. Oates thereupon bringing in an Indictment against them in the Kings-Bench , Knox and Lane ( Osborn being fled ) were tried on Tuesday , Nov. 25. When the whole Design was so particularly laid open , especially by Mr. Dangerfield , ( whose Pardon was perfected the day before ) that every one present was convinc'd of the intended Villany , and the Jury ( without the Lord Chief Justice's summing up the Evidence ) declared them guilty of the Indictment : But their Sentence is deferred till next Term. We shall here close our History with our Prayers to God , to bring to Light all the Dark Contrivances of Jesuits and wicked men ; and to their Plots , and our Divis●●●●● Dangers , put FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A67878-e1060 Ye had reason so to do . It is an unanswerable Dilemma . I concur totally with you in opinion , assuring you , that no body doth , or shall know of this business ; and to shew my care to conceal it , I received this but this Afternoon , and now I make this dispatch before I sleep . Herewith I send his Warrant , as you advise , which indeed I judge to be the better way . I like your answer extreme well , and do promise not to deceive your considence , nor make you break your word . I have sent all back . I think these Apostyles will be warrant enough for you to proceed , especially , when I expresly command you to do so . In this I am as far from condemning your judgement , as suspecting your Fidelity . York , Sept. C. R. 13. 1640. 
B06285	----	A true relation of the Popish-plot against King Charles I and the Protestant religion. 1679 Approx. 106 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). B06285 Wing T3016 ESTC R185710 52529339 ocm 52529339 179165 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B06285) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 179165) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2778:32) A true relation of the Popish-plot against King Charles I and the Protestant religion. Boswell, William, Sir, d. 1649. Laud, William, 1573-1645. Habervešl z Habernfeldu, Ondřej. 36 p. s.n., [London : 1679] Caption title. Imprint suggested by Wing. Includes letters to and from Sir William Boswell, Andreas ab Habernfeld, and the Archbishop of Canterbury. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. A true relation of the Popish-plot -- Historical remarks on the Jesuits -- A compleat history of the last plot of the Papists, upon the dissenting Protestants. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. 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In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Religious aspects -- Early works to 1800. Anti-Catholicism -- England -- Early works to 1800. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A TRUE RELATION OF THE POPISH-PLOT AGAINST King CHARLES I. AND THE Protestant Religion . IF there be any professing the Protestant Religion within His Majesties Dominions , who are yet so wilfully blinded , as not to believe the Reality of the late Conspiracies , or that it has not been a long time carrying on to extirpate the Protestant Religion , reestablish Popery , and inthral the People in all the Three Kingdoms , let them but advisedly fix their Eyes and Minds , upon the Ensuing Letters and Discoveries , and they will easily find Papistical Plots have been no new things in this Nation . To omit their attempts upon King Edward , Queen Elizabeth , and King James , these Papists make it evidently out , that the same Design , and the same Contrivances were on foot in the Reign of o●● late Sovereign Charles the First , of Blessed Memory ; a True Narrative whereof these Sheets contain , as they were found in the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Study in the Tower , May 31. 1643. The first who discover'd it , was an Actor in it , sent hither from Rome , by Cardinal Barbarini , to assist Con , the Pope's Legat , in the pursuit of it , and privy to all the particulars ; who being touch'd with remorse of Conscience , for being guilty of so detestable a Crime , reveal'd the whole Mystery to Sir William Boswell , the King's Leiger Embassador at the Hague , who gave private notice of the same to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , by whom it was declar'd to the King himself . Sir WILLIAM BOSWELL's first Letter to the Arch-Bishop , touching this Plot. May it please your Grace , THe Offers ( whereof your Grace will find a Copy ) here enclos'd toward a farther and more particular Discovery , were first made to me at the second hand , and by word of mouth by a Friend of good Quality and Worth in this place . But soon after , as soon as they could be put into order , were avowd by the principal party , and deliver'd me in writing by both together , upon promise and Oath , which I was required to give , and gave accordingly , not to reveal the same to any other Man living , but your Grace , and by your Grace's hand to his Majestie . In like manner they have tied themselves not to declare these things to any other but my self , untill they should know how His Majestie , and your Grace would dispose thereof . The Principal giving me withall to know , that he puts himself and this Secret into your Grace's power , as well because it concerns your Grace so nearly after his Majestie , as that he knows your wisdom to guide the same aright , and is also assur'd of your Grace's fidelity to His Majesties Person , to our State and to our Church . First , your Grace is earnestly pray'd to signifie His Majesties pleasure , with all speed , together with your Grace's disposition herein , and purpose to carry all with silence from all but his Majestie , until due time . Secondly , when your Grace shall think sit to shew these things to His Majestie , to do it immediately , and not trusting Letters , nor permitting any other Person to be by , or within hearing , and to intreat and counsel His Majestie as in a case of Conscience , to keep the same wholly and solely in his own bosom from the knowledge of all other Creatures living , but your Grace , until the business shall be clear'd out . Thirdly , not to enquire or demand the Names of the Parties from whom these Overtures do come , or any farther discoveries or advertisements in pursuit of them , which shall come hereafter until satisfaction shall be given to every part of them . Nor to 〈◊〉 to any Person but His Majestie , that any thing of this Nature 〈◊〉 come from me . For as I may believe these Overtures are veryfiable in the way they will be laid , and that the parties will not shrink ; so I may account , that if never so little glimpse or shadow of these Informations shall appear by His Majesties or your Grace's words or carriage unto others , the means whereby the business may be brought best unto Tryal , will be utterly disappointed . And the parties who have in Conscience toward God , Devotion to His Majestie , Affection toward your Grace , and Compassion to our Country disclos'd these things , will run a present and extream hazard of their Persons and Lives . So easily it will be conjectur'd upon the least occasion given either by His Majestie or your Grace , who is the Discoverer . These are the Points and Offers which they have prest me to represent more especially to his Grace . For my own particular , having already most humbly crav'd Pardon of any Errour or Omissions that have befallen me in the managing this business , I do beseech your Grace to let me know , First , whether , and in what order I shall proceed with the Parties . Secondly , what points of these Offers I shall first put them upon to enlarge and clear ? Thirdly , what other Points and Queries I shall propose to them , and in what manner ? Fourthly , how far further I shall suffers my self to hear and know these things . Fifthly , whether I shall not rather take the parties answers and discoveries sealed up by themselves , and having likewise put my own Seal upon them , without questioning or seeing what they contain , so to transmit them to your Grace or His Majestie . Sixthly , whether I may not insinuate upon some fair occasion , that there will be a due regard had of them and their service by His Majestie and your Grace ; when all particulars undertaken in these general Offers , and necessary for perfecting the discovery , and work intended , shall effectually be delivered to His Majestie and your Grace . Upon these Heads , and such other as His Majesty and your Grace shall think proper in the Business , I must with all humility beseech your Grace to furnish me with Instructions , and Warrant for my proceedings , under His Majesties Hand , with your Grace's attestation , as by His Majesties Goodness and Royal disposition is usual in like Cases . May it please your Grace to entertain a Cipher with me upon this Occasion ; I have sent the Counterpart of one here inclos'd . If these Overtures happily sort with His Majesties and your Grace's mind , and shall accordingly prove effectual in their Operation , I shall think my self a most happy man , to have any Oblation in so pious a Work for my most Gracious Soveraign and Master . More particularly in that your Grace under His Majesty shall be Opisex rerum & mundi melioris Origo . Which I shall incessantly beg in my Prayers at his Hands , who is the giver of all good things , and will never forsake or fail them , who do not first fail and fall from him , the God of Mercy and Peace , with which I remain ever more , Your Grace's most Dutiful and obliged Servant , WILLIAM BOSWELL . I have not dar'd to trust this business ( without a Cipher ) but by a sure band , for which reason , I have sent the Bearer my Secretary Express , but he knows nothing of the Contents thereof . Hague in Holland , Sept. 9. 1640. Stylo loci . Superscrib'd For your Grace . Endors'd by the Arch-Bishop with his own hand . Received Sept. 10 1640. Sir WILLIAM BOSWELL , About the Plot against the King. ANDREAS ab HABERNFELD ' s Letter to the Arch-Bishop , concerning the Plot revealed to him , written by him in Latin. Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord , ALL my senses are shaken together as often as I revolve the present business , neither doth my Understanding suffice , to conceive what Wind hath brought such horrid things , that they should see the Sun-shine by me : for unexpectedly this good Man became known unto me , who when he had heard me discoursing of these Scotch stirs , said , that I knew not the Nerve of the business , that those things which are commonly scattered abroad are superficial . From that hour he every day became more familiar to me , who acknowledging my dexterity herein , with a full breast poured forth the burdens of his heart into my bosom , supposing that he had discharged a burden of Conscience wherewith he was pressed . Hence he related to me the Factions of the Jesuits , with which the whole earthly World was assaulted ; and shewed , that I might behold how through their Poison , Bohemia and Germany were devoured , and both of them maimed with an irreparable wound ; that the same Plague did creep through the Realms of England and Scotland , the matter whereof , revealed in the adjacent writing , he discovered to me : Which things having heard , my Bowels were contracted together , my Loyns trembled with horrour , that a pernicious Gulf should be prepared for so many thousands of Souls : With words moving the conscience , I inflamed the mind of the Man ; he had scarce one hour concocted my admonitions , but he disclosed all the secrets , and he gave free liberty that I should treat with those whom it concerned , that they might be informed hereof . I thought no delay was to be made about the things : The same hour I went to Sir William Boswell , the King's Leiger , at the Hague , who being tied with an Oath of Secrecy to me , I communicated the business to him , I admonished him to weigh these things by the Ballance , neither to defer , but act , that those who were in danger might be speedily succoured : He , as becomes an honest Man , mindful of his Duty , and having nearer looked into the business , refused not to obey the Monitions . Moreover , he forthwith caused that an Express should be dispatched , and sent word back again what a most acceptable Oblation this had been to the King and your Grace ; for which we rejoyced from the heart , and we judged , that a safe and favourable Deity had interposed it self in this business , whereby you might be perserved . Now that the verity of the things related might be confirmed , some principal heads of the conspiracy were purposely pretermitted , that the knowledge of them might be extorted from the circumvented Society of the Conspirators . Now the things will be speedily and safely promoted into act , if they be warily proceeded in at Bruxels . By my advice , that day should be observed wherein the Packet of Letters are dispatch'd , which under the Title of , To Monsieur Strario Arch-Deacon of Cambray , tyed with one cover , are delivered to the Post-Master ; such a Packet may be secretly brought back from him , yet it will be unprofitable , because all the inclosed Letters are written Characteristically . Likewise another Packet coming weekly from Rome , which is brought under this superscription , To the most Illustrious Lord Count Rossetti , Legat for the time ; these are not to be neglected : To whom likewise Letters writ in the same Characters are included . That they may be understood , Reade is to be consulted with . The forenamed day of dispatch shall be expected : In Reade's House an accumulated congregation may be circumvented ; which succeeding , it will be your Graces part to order the business . The intestine enemy being at length detected by God's Grace , all bitterness of mind , which is caused on either side may be abolished , buried in oblivion , deleted and quieted , the enemy be invaded on both parts : Thus the King and the Kings Friend , and both Kingdoms neer to danger , shall be preserved and delivered from eminent danger . Your Grace likewise may have this injunction by you , if you desire to have the best advice given you by others , That you trust not overmuch to your Pursevants , for some of them live under the stipend of the Popish Party . How many Rocks , how many Scilla 's , how many displeased Charybdes appear before your Grace , in what a dangerous Sea , the Cock-boat of your Graces lise , next to Shipwrack , is tossed , your self may judge ; the Fore-deck of the Ship is speedily to be driven to the Harbour . All these things ( I whisper ) into your Grace's ear , for I know it bound with an Oath of Secrecy ; therefore by open name , I would by these Presents become known to your Grace , Your Graces most observant , and most officious , Andrew Habernfeld Hague Sept. 14 S. N. 1640. Superscribed by Andreas ab Habernfeld , a Noble Bohemian , Dr. of Physick to the Queen of Bohemia , Illustrissimo ac Reverendissimo Dom. Domino Gulielmo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi , Primati & Metropolitano totius Regni Angliae Dom. meo . The Arch-Bishops Indorsement with his own Hand . Received , Octob. 14. 1640. Andreas ab Habernfeld . His Letters sent by Sir William Boswell , about the discovery of the Treason . I conceive by the English Latin herein , that he must needs be an Englishman , with a concealed and changed name . And yet it may be this kind of Latin may relate to the Italian . Or else he lived some good time in England The Declaration of this Treason I have by His Majesties special Command , sent to Sir W. Boswell , that he may there see what proof can be made of any particulars . The general OVERTURE and DISCOVERY of the PLOT , sent with Sir William Boswell ' s first Letter , and written in Latin. The King's Majesty and the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury are to be secretly informed by Letters , 1. THat the King's Majesty , and the Lord Arch-Bishop are both of them in great danger of their lives . 2. That the whole Common-wealth is by this means endangered , unless the mischief be speedily prevented . 3. That these Scotch Troubles are raised , to the end , that under this pretext , the King and Arch-Bishop might be destroyed . 4. That there is a means to be preseribed , whereby both of them in this case may be preserved , and this Tumult speedily composed . 5. That although these Scotch Tumults be speedily composed , yet that the King is endangered , and that there are many ways , by which destruction is plotted to the King and Lord Arch-Bishop . 6. That a certain Society hath conspired the Death of the King , and Lord Arch-Bishop , and Convulsion of the whole Realm . 7. That the same Society , every Week deposits with the President of the Society , what Intelligence every of them hath purchased in eight days search , and then conser all into one Packet , which is weekly sent to the Director of the Business . 8. That all the Confederates in the said conspiracy may verily be named by the Poll. But because they may be made known by other means , it is thought meet to defer it till hereafter . 9. That there is a ready means , whereby the Villany may be discovered in one moment , the chief Conspirators circumvented , and the primary Members of the Conjuration apprehended in the very act . 10. That very many about the King , who are accounted most faithful and intimate , to whom likewise the more secret things are intrusted , are Traytors to the King , corrupted with a Foreign Pension , who communicate all secrets of greater or lesser moment to a Foreign Power . These and other most secret things , which shall be necessary to be known for the security of the King , may be revealed , if these things shall be acceptable to the Lord Arch Bishop . Likewise they may be assured , that whatsoever things are here proposed , are no Figments , or Fables , nor vain Dreams , but such real Verities , which may be demonstrated in every small tittle . For those who thrust themselves into this business , are such men , who mind no gain , but the very zeal of Christian Charity suffers them not to conceal these things : Yet both from His Majesty and the Lord Arch-Bishop some small exemplar of gratitude will be expected . All these premises have been communicated under good Faith , and the Sacrament of an Oath , to Mr. Leiger Embassadour of the King of Great Britain , at the Hague ; that he should not immediately trust , or communicate these things to any mortal , besides the King , and the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . Subseribed , &c. Present , &c. Hague , Com. 6. Sept. 1640. In the Style of the Place . The Arch-Bishops own Indorsement . Recieved Sept. 10. 1640. The Plot against the King. The Arch-Bishop of Canterburies Letter to the King , concerning the PLOT ; with the King's Directions in the Margin , written with his own hand . [ I beseech your Majesty read these Letters as they are Endorsed by Figures , 1 , 2 , 3 , & c. ] May it please your Majesty , AS great as the Secret is which comes herewith , yet I choose rather to send it in this silent covert way , and I hope safe , than to come thither , Ye had reason so to do , and bring it my self . First , because I am no way able to make has t enough with it . Secondly , because should I come at this time , and antedate the meeting , Sept. 24. there would be more jealousie of the business , and more enquiry after it : Especially , if I being once there , should return again before that day , as I must , if this be followed , as is most fit . The danger it seems is eminent , and laid by God knows whom ; but to be executed by them which are very near about you . ( For the great honour which I have to be in danger with you , or for you , I pass not , so your Sacred Person , and the State may be safe . ) It is an unanswerable Dilemma . Now , may it please your Majesty , This information is either true , or there is some mistake in it : If it be true , the Persons which make the Discovery will deserve thanks and reward ; if there should be any mistake in it , your Majesty can lose nothing but a little silence . The business , ( if it be ) is extream foul . The Discovery thus by God's Providence offered , seems fair . I do hereby humbly beg it upon my knees of your Majesty , that you will conceal this business from every creature , and his name that sends this to me . And I send his Letters to me , to your Majesty , that you may see his sence both of the business and the Secrecy . And such Instructions as you think fit to give him , I beseech you let them be in your own hand for his Warrant , without imparting them to any . And if your Majesty leave it to his descretion to follow it there in the best way he can , that in your own hand will be Instruction and Warrant enough for him . And if you please to return it herewith presently to me , I will send an express away with it presently . I concur totally with you in opinion , assuring you , that no body doth , or shall know of this business ; and to shew my care to conceal it , I received this but this Afternoon , and now I make this dispatch before I sleep . Herewith I send his Warrant , as you advise , which indeed I judge to be the better way . In the mean time , I have by this Express returned him this Answer , That I think he shall do well to hold on the Treaty with these men , with all care and secrecy , and drive on to the Discovery , so soon as the business is ripe for it , that he may assure himself and them , they shall not want reward , if they do the Service . That for my part he shall be sure of Secrecy , and that I am most consident , that your Majesty will not impart it to any . That he have a special eye to the eighth and ninth Proposition . I like your answer extreme well , and do promise not to deceive your confidence , nor make you break your word . Sir , for God's sake , and your own safety , Secrecy in this Business : And I beseech you , send me back this Letter , and all that comes with it , speedily and secretly , and trust not your own Pockets with them . I shall not eat , nor sleep in quiet , till I receive them . And so soon as I have them again , and your Majesties Warrant to proceed , no diligence shall be wanting in me to help on the Discovery . I have sent all back . I think these Apostyles will be warrant enough for you to proceed , especially , when I expresly command you to do so . This is the greatest business that ever was put to me . And if I have herein proposed , or done any thing amiss , I most humbly crave your Majesties pardon . But I am willing to hope I have not herein erred in judgment , and in fidelity I never will. In this I am as far from condemning your judgement , as suspecting your Fidelity . These Letters came to me on , Thursday , Sept. 10. at night , and I sent these away according to the date hereof , being extreamly wearied with writing this Letter , copying out those other which come with this , and dispatching my Letters back to him that sent these , all in my own hand . Once again secrecy for God's sake , and your own . To his most blessed protection I commend your Majesty and all your Affairs : And am , Your Majesties most humble faithful Servant , W. Cant. Lambeth , Sept. 11. 1640. The Arch-Bishop's Postscript . As I had ended these , whether with the labour or indignation , or both , I fell into an extreme faint Sweat ; I pray God keep me from a Feaver , of which three are down in my Family at Croyden . These Letters came late to me , the express being beaten back by the wind . Superscrib'd by the Arch-Bishop , For your Sacred Majesty The Arch-Bishops Indorsement with his own hand . Received from the King , Sept. 16. 1640. The King's Answer to the Plot against him , &c. York , Sept. C. R. 13. 1640. : By the King , Yours Apostyled . Sir William Boswel ' s second Letter to the Arch-Bishop . May it please your Grace , THis evening late I have received your Graces dispatch , with the enclosed from His Majesty , by my Secretary Oveart , and shall give due account with all possible speed of the same , according to His Majesties and your Graces Commands , praying heartily that my endeavours , which shall be most faithful , may also prove effectual , to His Majesties and your Grace's content , with which I do most humbly take leave , being always Hague , Sept. 24. 1640 . S. Angelo . Your Graces most dutiful and humblest Servant , William Boswell . The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement . Received , Sept. 30. 1640. Sir William Boswell his acknowledgement , that he hath received the King's Directions in my Letters . Sir William Boswell ' s third Letter to the Arch-Bishop , sent with the larger Discovery of the PLOT . May it please your Grace , UPon receipt of His Majesties Commands , with your Grace's Letters of 9 , and 18 , Sept. last , I dealt with the party to make good his Offers formerly put in mine hand , and transmitted to your Grace : This he hopes to have done , by the inclosed , so far as will be needful for His Majesties satisfaction ; yet if any more particular explanation or discovery shall be required by His Majesty or your Grace , He hath promised to add thereunto , whatsoever he can remember , and knows of truth . And for better assurance and verification of his integrity , he professeth himself ready ( if required ) to make Oath of what he hath already declared , or shall hereafter declare in the business . His name he conjures me still to conceale , though he thinks His Majesty and your Grace , by the Character he gives of himself , will easily imagin who he is , having been known so generally through Court and City , as he was for three or four years , in the quality and imployment he acknowlegeth ( by his Declaration inclosed ) himself to have held . Hereupon he doth also redouble his most humble and earnest Suit unto His Majesty and your Grace , to be most secret and circumspect in the business , that he may not be suspected to have discovered , or had a hand in the same . I shall here humbly beseech your Grace to let me know what I may further do for His Majesties service , or for your Graces particular behoof ; that I may accordingly endeavour to approve my self , As I am , Hague , Octob. 15. 1640. Your Grace's most dutiful and obliged Servant , William Boswell . The Arch-Bishop's Indorsment . Received Octob. 14. 1640. Sir William Boswell in prosecution of the great business . If any thing come to him in Cyphers , to send it to him . The large particular Discovery of the PLOT and Treason against the King , Kingdom , and Protestant Religion , and to raise the Scotish Wars , written in Latin. Most Illusirious and Revcrend Lord , WE have willingly and cordially perceived , that our offers have been acceptable both to his Royal Majesty , and likewise to your Grace . This is the only Index to us , That the blessing of God is present with you , whereby a spur is given , that we should so much the more chearfully and freely utter and detest those things whereby the hazard of both your lives , the subversion of the Realm and State both of England and Scotland , the tumbling down of his Excellent Majesty from his Throne , is intended . Now lest the discourse should be enlarged with superfluous circumstances , we will only premise some things which are meerly necessary to the business . You may first of all know , that this good man , by whom the ensuing things are detected , was born and bred in the Popish Religion , who spent many years in Ecclesiastical dignities . At length being found fit for the expedition of the present Design , by the counsel and mandate of the Lord Cardinal Barbarini , he was adjoyned to the assistance of Master Cuneus ( Con ) by whom he was found so diligent and sedulous in his Office , that hope of great promotion was given to him . Yet he , led by the instinct of the good Spirit , hath , howsoever it be , contemned sweet promises , and having known the vanities of the Pontifician Religion ( of which he had sometime been a most severe defender ) having likewise noted the malice of those who fight under the Popish banner , felt his Conscience to be burdened ; which burden that he might ease himself of , he converted his mind to the Orthodox Religion . Soon after , that he might exonerate his Conscience , he thought fit , that a desperate Treason , machinated against so many souls , was to be revealed , and that he should receive ease if he vented such things in the bosom of a friend : which done , he was seriously admonished by the said friend , that he should shew an example of his conversion and charity , and free so many innocent souls from imminent , danger To whose monitions he willingly consented , and delivered the following things to be put in writing , out of which the Articles not long since tendered to your Grace , may be clearly explicated and demonstrated . 1. First of all , that the hinge of the business may be rightly discerned , it is to be known , that all those factions with which Christendom is at this day shaken , do arise from the Jesuitical Off-spring of Cham , of which four Orders abound throughout the World. Of the first Order are Ecclesiasticks , whose Office it is to take care of things promoting Religion . Of the second Order are Politicians , whose Office it is by any means to shake , trouble , and reform the state of Kingdoms and Republicks . Of the third Order are Seculars , whose property it is to obtrude themselves into Offices with Kings and Princes , to insinuate and immix themselves in Court businesses , bargains and sales , and to be busied in civil affairs . Of the fourth Order are Intelligencers , ( or Spies ) men of inseriour condition , who submit themselves to the services of great men , Princes , Barons , Noble-men , Citizens , to deceive ( or corrupt ) the minds of their masters . 2. A Society of so many Orders , the Kingdom of England nourisheth : for scarce all Spain , France , and Italy , can yield so great a multitude of Jesuits , as London alone ; where are found more than 50 Scotish Jesuits . There the said society hath elected to it self a Seat of iniquity , and hath conspired against the King , and the most faithful to the King , especially the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , and likewise against both Kingdoms . 3. For it is more certain than certainty it self , that the forenamed society hath determined to effect an universal reformation of the Kingdom of England and Scotland . Therefore the determination of the end , necessarily infers a determination of means to the end . 4. Therefore to promote the undertaken Villany , the said society dubbed it self with the Title of , The Congregation of propagating the Faith ; which acknowlegeth the Pope of Rome the Head of the College , and Cardinal Barbarini his substitute and Executor . 5. The chief Patron of the society at London , is the Popes Legat , who takes care of the business ; into whose bosom , these dregs of Traytors weekly deposite all their Intelligences . Now the residence of this Legation was obtained at London in the name of the Roman Pontiff , by whose mediation it might be lawful for Cardinal Barbarini to work so much the more easily and safely upon the King and Kingdom . For none else could so freely circumvent the King , as he who should be palliated with the Popes Authority . 6. Master Cuneus did at that time enjoy the Office of the Popes Legat , an Universal Instrument of the conjured society , and a serious Promoter of the business , whose secrets , as likewise those of all other Intelligencers , the present good man , the Communicator of all these things , did revive and expedite whither the business required . Cuneus set upon the chief men of the Kingdom , and left nothing unattempted , by what means he might corrupt them all , and incline them to the pontifician party : he inticed many with various incitements , yea , he sought to delude the King himself with gifts of Pictures , Antiquities , Idols , and of other vanities brought from Rome , which yet would prevail nothing with the King. Having entred familiarity with the King , he is often requested at Hampton Court , likewise at London , to undertake the Cause of the Palatine , and that he would interpose his Authority , and by his intercession perswade the Legat of Colen , that the Palatine , in the next Diet to treat of peace , might be inserted into the Conditions ; which verily he promised , but performed the contrary . He writ indeed , that he had been so desired by the King concerning such things , yet he advised that they should not be consented to , left peradventure it might be said by the Spaniard , that the Pope of Rome had patronized an heretical Prince . In the mean time , Cuneus smelling from the Archbishop , most trusty to the King , that the Kings mind was wholly pendulous ( or doubt●ul , ) Resolved , That he would move every stone , and apply his forces , that he might gain him to his party : Certainly considing , that he had a means prepared . For he had a command to offer a Cardinals Cap to the Lord Archbishop in the name of the Pope of Rome , and that he should allure him also with higher promises , that he might corrupt his sincere mind . Yet a sitting occasion was never given , whereby he might insinuate himself into the Lord Archbishop . Free access was to be gained by the Earl and Countess of A — likewise Secretary W — The intercession of all which being neglected , he did flie the company or familiarity of Cuneus , worse than the plague : He was likewise perswaded by others of no mean rank , well known to him , neither yet was he moved . 7. Another also was assayed , who hindred access to the detestable wickedness , Secretary Cook , he was a most bitter hater of the Jesuits , whom he intercepted from access to the King , he entertained many ( of them ) according to their deserts , he diligently enquired into their factions ; by which means every incitement , breathing a magnetical ( attractive ) power to the Popish party , was ineffectual with him ; for nothing was so dear unto him , that might incline him to wickedness . Hereupon being made odious to the Patrons of the Conspiracy , he was endangered to be discharged from his Office ; it was laboured for three years space , and at last obtained . Yet notwithstanding there remained on the Kings part a knot hard to be untied , for the Lord Arch-Bishop , by his constancy , interposed himself as a most hard rock . When Cuneus had understood from the Lord Arch-Bishops part , that he had laboured in vain , his malice and the whole Societies waxed boyling hot : soon after ambushes began to be prepared , wherewith the Lord Arch-Bishop together with the King should be taken . Likewise a sentence is passed against the King ( for whose sake all this business is disposed ) because nothing is hoped from him which might seem to promote the Popish Religion ; but especially when he had opened his mind , that he was of this opinion , That every one might be saved in his own Religion , so as he be an honest and pious man. 8. To perpetrate the Treason undertaken , the criminal Execution at Westminster , caused by some Writings of Puritans , gave occasion of the first Fire : which thing was so much exasperated and exaggerated by the Papists to the Puritans , that if it remained unrevenged , it would be thought a blemish to their Religion ; The Flames of which Fire , the Scotch Book of Prayers increases , occasioned by it's alterations . 9. In this heat , a certain Scotish Earl , called Maxsield , if I mistake not , was expedited to the Scots by the Popish Party ; with whom two other Scotish Earls , Papists , held correspondency : He was to stir up the People to Commotion , and rub over the injury afresh , that he might enslame their minds , precipitate them to Arms , by which the hurtful disturber of the Scotish Liberty might be slain . 10. By this one labour , snares are prepared for the King ; for this purpose the present business was so ordered , That very many of the English should adhere to the Scots ; That the King should remain inseriour in Arms , who ( thereupon ) should be compelled to crave assistance from the Papists , which yet he should not obtain , unless he would descend unto conditions , by which he should permit Universal liberty of the exercise of the Popish Religion ; for so the affairs of the Papists would succeed according to their desire . To which consent , if he should shew himself more difficult , there should be a present remedy at hand . The King is to be dispatched : For an Indian Nut , stuffed with most sharp Poyson , is kept in the Society ( which Cuneus at that time shewed often to me in a boasting manner ) wherein a Poyson was prepared for the King ; after the Example of his Father . 11. In this Scottish Commotion , the Marquess of Hamilton , often dispatched to the Scots in the Name of the King , to interpose the Royal Authority , whereby the heat of minds might be mittigated , returned notwithstanding as often without fruit , and without ending the Business : His Chaplain at that time repaired to us , who communicated some things secretly with Cuneus . Being demanded of me in jest , Whether also the Jews agreed with the Samaritans ? Cuneus thereunto answered ; Would to God all Ministers were such as he : What you will may be hence conjectured . 12. Things standing thus , there arrived at London from Cardinal Richelieu , Mr. Thomas Chamberlaine , his Chaplain and Almoner , a Scot by Nation , who was to assist the College of the confederate Society , and seriously to set forward the Business , to leave nothing unattempted , whereby the first heat might be exasperated . For which service he was promised the reward of a Bishoprick ; He cohabited with the Society four Months space ; neither was it lawful for him first to depart , until things succeeding according to his wish , he might be able to return back again with good news . 13. Sir Toby Matthew , a Jesuited Priest , of the Order of Politicians , a most vigilant man of the chief heads , to whom a Bed was never so dear , that he would rest his head thereon , refreshing his Body with sleep in a Chair for an hour , or two , neither day nor night spared his Machinations ; a Man principally noxious , and himself the Plague of the King and Kingdom of England ; a most impudent man , who flies to all Banquets and Feasts , called or not called ; never quiet , always in action and perpetual motion ; thrusting himself into all Conversations of Superiours ; he urgeth Conferences familiarly , that he may fish out the minds of Men ; What ever he observeth thence , which may bring any commodity , or discommodity to the part of the Conspirators , he communicates to the Pope's Legat ; the more secret things he himself writes to the Pope , or to Cardinal Barbarini . In sum , he adjoins himself to any mans company ; no word can be spoken , that he will not lay hold on , and accommodate to his Party . In the mean time , whatever he hath fished out , he reduceth into a Catalogue , and every Summer carrieth it to the general Consistory of the Jesuits Politicks , which secretly meets together in the Province of Wales , where he is an acceptable guest . There Counsels are secretly hammered , which are most meet for the Convulsion of the Ecclesiastic , and Politic Estate of both Kingdoms . 14. Captain Read , a Scot , dwelling in Long-acre-street , near the Angel Tavern , a secular Jesuit , who for his detestable office performed ( whereby he had perverted a certain Minister of the Church , with secret incitements to the Popish Religion , with all his Family , taking his Daughter to Wife ) for a recompence , obtained a Rent , or Impost upon Butter , which the Country People are bound to render to him , procured for him by some chief men of the Society , who never want a spur , whereby he may be constantly detained in his Office. In his House the business of the whole Plot is concluded , where the Society , which hath conspired against the King , the Lord Arch-Bishop , and both Kingdoms , meet together , for the most part every day : But on the day of the Carriers ( or Posts ) dispatch , which is ordinarily Friday , they meet in greater numbers ; for then all the Intelligencers assemble , and conser in common , what things every of them hath fished out that Week ; who , that they may be without suspition , send their secrets by Sir Toby Matthew , or Read himself , to the Pope's Legat ; he transmits the compacted Packet , which he hath purchased from the Intelligencers , to Rome . With the same Read , the Letters brought from Rome are deposited , under sained Titles and Names , and by him are delivered to all to whom they appertain : For all and every of their Names are known to him . Upon the very same occasion , Letters also are brought hither under the covert of Father Philip ; ( he notwithstanding , being ignorant of things ) from whom they are distributed to the Conspirators . There is in that very House , a publick Chappel , wherein an ordinary Jesuit Consecrates , and dwells there . In the said Chappel Masses are daily celebrated by the Jesuits , and it serves for the Baptizing of the Children of the House , and of some of the Conspirators . Those who assemble in the forenamed House , come frequently in Coaches , or on Horse-back in Lay-mens Habit , and with a great Train , wherewith they are disguised , that they may not be known , yet they are Jesuits , and conjured members of the Society . 15. All the Papists of England contribute to this Assembly , lest any thing should be wanting to promote the undertaken Design . Out of whose Treasury , a Widow , owner of the Houses , wherein Secretary W. now dwelleth , dead above three Years since , bestowed forty Thousand English Pounds ; so likewise others contributed above their abilities , so as the business may be promoted unto its desired end . 16. Besides the foresaid Houses , there are Conventicles also kept in other more secret places , of which they dare not conside , even among themselves , for fear lest they should be discovered . First , every of them are called to certain Inns , ( one not knowing of the other ; ) hence they are severally led by Spies to the place where they ought to meet ; otherwise ignorant where they ought to assemble , left peradventure they should be surprised at unawares . 17. The Countess of A — a strenuous She-Champion of the Popish Religion , bends all her Nerves to the Universal Reformation ; whatsoever she hears at the King's Court , that is done secretly , or openly , in words or deeds , she presently imparts to the Pope's Legat , with whom she meets thrice a day . Sometimes in A — House , now at the Court , then at Tarthal . He searce sucks such things by the Claw . The Earl himself , called now about three years since , this year ought to go to Rome , without doubt to consult there of serious things concerning the Design . At Greenwich , at the Earls cost , a Feminine School is maintained , which otherwise is a Monastery of Nuns ; for the young Girls therein , are sent forth hither and thither , into Foreign Monasteries beyond the Seas . Mr. P — of the King's Bed-Chamber , most addicted to the Popish Religion , is a bitter enemy of the King , he reveals all his greatest Secrets to the Pope's Legat ; although he very rarely meets with him , yet his Wife meets him so much the ostner , who being informed by her Husband , conveys secrets to the Legat. In all his actions , he is nothing inseriour to Sir Toby Matthew ; it cannot be uttered , how diligently he watcheth on the business . His Sons are secretly instructed in the Popish Religion ; openly , they prosess the Reformed . The eldest is now to receive his Fathers Office , under the King which shall be . A Cardinal's Hat is provided for the other , if the Design shall succeed well . Above three Years past , the said Mr. P — was to be sent away by the King to Marocco ; but he was prohibited by the Society , lest the business should suffer delay thereby . He is a Patron of the Jesuits , for whom , for the exercise of Religion , he provides Chappels both at home and abroad . Secretary W — a most fierce Papist , is the most unfaithful to the King of all men , who not only betrays and reveals even the King 's greatest secrets , but likewise communicates Counsels , by which the Design may be best advanced . He , at least thrice every Week , converseth with the Legat in Nocturnal Conventicles , and reveals those things which he thinks fit to be known ; for which end , he hired a House near to the Legats House , whom he often resorts to , through the Garden door ; for by this vicinity , the meeting is facilitated . The said Secretary is bribed with Gifts to the Party of that conjured Society , by whom he is sustained , that he may the more seriously execute his Office. He sent his Son expresly to Rome , who was to insinuate himself into the Roman Pontif. Sir D — Sir W — Mr. M — the younger , who hath been at Rome ; my Lord S — a Cousen of the Earl of A — the Countess of N — the Durchess of B — and many others , who have sworn into this Conspiracy , are all most vigilant in the Design . Some of these are inticed with the hope of Court , others of Political Offices ; Others attend to the sixteen Cardinals Caps that are vacant , which are therefore detained idle for some years , that they may impose a vain hope on those who expect them . The President of the aforesaid Society was my Lord Gage , a Jesuit Priest , dead above three years since . He had a Palace adorned with lascivious Pictures , which counterfeited Profaneness in the House , but with them was palliated a Monastery , wherein forty Nuns were maintained , hid in so great a Palace : It is situated in Queen-street , which the Statue of a Golden Queen adorns . The secular Jesuits have bought all this Street , and have design'd it into a Quadrangle , where a Jesuitical College is built in private , with this hope , that it might be openly finished , as soon as the universal reformation was begun . The Pope's Legat useth a threefold Character or Cipher ; one of which he communicates with all Nuncioes ; another , with Cardinal Barbarini only ; with a third , he covers some greater secrets to be communicated . Whatsoever things he either receiveth from the Society , or other Spies , those he packs up together in one bundle , dedicated under this Inscription ; To Monsieur Stravio , Arch-deacon of Cambray : From whom at last they are promoted to Rome . These things being thus ordered , if every thing be laid to the Ballance , it will satisfie in special , all the Articles propounded . WHEREIN 1. THe Conspiracy against the King and Lord Arch-Bishop is detected , and the means whereby ruin is threatned to both , demonstrated . 2. The eminent dangers of both Kingdoms are rehearsed . 3. The rise and progress of that Scottish Fire is related . 4. Means whereby these Scottish Troubles may be appeased , are suggested : For after the Scots shall know by whom and to what end their minds are incensed , they will speedily look to themselves , neither will they suffer the Forces of both parts to be subdued , lest a middle party interpose , which seeks the ruin of both . 5. With what Sword the King's Throat is affaulted , even when these stirs shall be ended , Cuneus his Confession , and a visible Demonstration , sheweth . 6. The place of the Affembly in the House of Captain Read is nominated . 7. The day of the eight days dispatch by Read and the Legat is prescribed . 8. How the names of the Conspirators may be known . 9. Where this whole Congregation may be circumvented . 10. Some of the Principal unfaithful ones of the King's Party are notified by name ; many of whose names occur not , yet their habitations are known ; their names may be easily extorted from Read. If these things be warily proceeded in , the strength of the whole business will be brought to light ; so the arrow being foreseen , the danger shall be avoided ; which that it may prosperously succeed , the Omnipotent Creator grant . The Arch-Bishops Indorsement with his own hand . Received , October 14. 1640. The Narration of the great Treason , concerning which he promised to Sir William Boswell to discover , against the King and State. Historical Remarks ON THE JESUITS . WHoever shall Compare the before-recited PLOT against King Charles the First , of Glorious Memory , with that against His most Sacred Majesty now Reigning ; shall find them so like in all the Parts and Circumstances , that never were two Brothers more : the Design the same , the Contrivance the same , the Working and Machination , all moving upon the same Wheels of KING-killing , and State-destraction ; and in reference to Condition , Quality , Religion , and Motive , the Conspirators the very same . From whence it follows , that there is no such Improbability of the Late discoverd PLOT , as the Papists would have us believe . An ill Name is half a Conviction ; Quo semel est imbuta recens , & natur am expellas furcalicet , are the Jesuits Merals : Plot , Contrivance , and Cruelty are so much the Essential Attributes of Jesuitism , as if like so many Romulusses and Remusses they had suckt the Milk of Wolves rather than of Christian Mothers , that when you hear of Plot 's and Designs against Kings and Princes , you may be assur'd what sort of Cyclops were the Forgers of such Conspiracies . Neither is this bare Allegation , but Matter of Fact , there being nothing more frequently taught , nor more frequantly practis'd , than the rebellious Principles of the Jesuits and their Adherents . How abominably the Reigns of several of our Princes here in England has been pester'd with this Generation of Vipers and Blood-suckers , the Penal Statutes of the Kingdom , and the utter Expulsion of the Popish Priests and Jesuits out of the Nation , are convincing Evidences . And as to their Behaviour in other Countries , take this following Account . First then it is a Maxim most true and undoubted , That a Vacuum in Nature may be as soon allow'd , as that there is any Court of King or Prince where these Jesuits do not swarm and abound , if they can but creep in at the least Creviss . To come to particulars , we will begin with Portugal , a Kingdom altogether acknowledging the Papal Jurisdiction . In the Year 1578. the Jesuits perswaded Sebastian King of that Kingdom , to undertake that Fatal Expedition into Africa , to the end that by his ruin they night transfer the Kingdom to the Dominion of the Spaniard . The Success answer'd their Expectation , for Sebastian being cut off , together with his Son , and the greatest part of the Portugal Nobility , presently Philip King of Spain prepares to invade Portugal with two powerful Armies : But well knowing how little Right he had on his side , and how much he should be censur'd as well in Italy as in Portugal for such an Action , he began to make it a Point of Conscience , and referr'd his Scruples to be discuss'd by the Jesuits and Franciscans in the Colledge of Alcana de Henares , and of them he desires to know , Whether if it were apparent that he had a Right to the Crown of Portugal by the Death of Henry , he were not oblig'd in Conscience to submit himself to some Tribunal , that should adjudge the Kingdom to him . Secondly , Whether if the Portugals should refuse to admit him for their King before the difference were decided between the Competitors , he might not by force of Arms Invest himself in the Kingdom by his own Authority . To which the Jesuits and Franciscans made answer , That Philip was bound by no tye of Conscience to subject himself to the Will of another , but might act as he saw fitting by his own Authority . Which flattering Sentence of those irreligious Cusuists being approved by Philip , he presently began the War. In the heat of which War , the Jesuits were they that would have betray'd the chiefest of the Azores Islands to the Spaniards , which so incens'd the People , that some would have had them try'd for their lives , others would have had them and their Colledge burnt together . In France , Joane Albret Queen of Navarr , was poysoned with a pair of Perfumed Gloves , at the procurement of the Jesuits , for being the Patroness of those of the Reformed Religion . That Rebellious League of the Guizes against Henry the Third of France , was carried on and promoted by the Jesuits , both at Paris and other places : Insomuch , that when the League got strength and began to appear , the Jesuits making a wrong use of their Power of Confessing and Absolving , would Absolve none that professed themselves obedient Subjects to the King. This unfortunate Prince was not only harrass'd and tormented by this Villanous and Jesuitical League , not only driven out of his chief City , but at length at the Instigation of the Jesuits , stabb'd and murder'd by a Dominican Monk , by them procur'd . The Murder was also applauded by Pope Sixtus the Fifth , in a long Oration spoke in a full Consistory of Cardinals in these words : That a Monk ( saith he ) should kill the unfortunate King of France in the midst of his Army , was a rare , noble , and memorable Act. And a little further ; This Act , saith he , was done by the Providence of God , design'd by the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost ; a far greater Act than that of Judith , who slew Holofernes . Expressions rather becoming the Mouth of a Devil , than of a Vicar of Christ . After him Henry the Fourth was first attempted by Barrier , exhorted and confirm'd in the lawfulness of the Fact by Varada the Jesuit , and others of the same Gang. Secondly by John Castell , at the Instigation of Gueret and Guignard , both Jesuits : And Francis Verona the Jesuit , publisht an Apology in vindication and justification of the Fact : And lastly , murder'd out-right by Francis Ravaillac a great Disciple of the Jesuits . And for no worse Pranks than these , they were banished out of France by Decree of Parliament , As Corrupters of Youth , Disturbers of the public Peace , and Enemies to the King and Kingdom . Truly very honourable Characters for those that pretend to be of the Society of Jesus . The Venetians expell'd them upon this occasion : The Senate observing that the Ecclesiastics , especially the Jesuits , began to engross Lands and Houses of their Territories under the pretence of Legacies , to the great damage of the Public Income , thought it convenient to put a stop to this Jesuitical Engrossment ; and provide by Law that Ecclesiastical Persons should not possess all the Temporal Estates in their Territories to themselves , but give leave for others to share with them , it being positively against the Constitution of their Order , and the Institution of Christ their Founder . The Jesuits took this in great dudgeon , and wrote to Pope Paul the Fifth about it . The Venetians being summon'd to answer , would not relinquish their Right , Protesting withal , that they had the Supreme Jurisdiction in their own Territories , and consequently to make Laws ; and that the Pope had nothing to do with them in those Matters . Upon which Answer , the Pope thunders out his Excommunication . The Duke and Senate by public Decree condemn the Excommunication as unjust and invalid ; which done , they call the whole Body of their Clergy , and to them declare how Affairs stood . The elder sort take part with the Commonwealth , and maintain the Argument against the Pope in writing , among whom Paulus Venetus was most eminently Signal : The Jesuits not enduring the kneeness of his Reasons , hire two Ruffians , and upon the fifth of October , 1607. set them to assassinate Paulus Venetus , who thinking they had done his work , left him for dead , and fled away . This was something near Sir Edmundbury Godfreys Case . The Senate hearing this , by a new Law banish the Jesuits for ever out of their Territories , and cut them off from all hope of ever returning : And this was their Fortune in Venice . In the year 1609. the Bohemians made a Complaint to the Emperour against the Jesuits , for the same Encroachments of which the Venetians had accused them before , desiring of Casar that they might no longer be permitted to transfer and translate into their own possession such ample Patrimonies , under pretence of Donations and Legacies , as they did continually . Of which when the Emperour took little notice , they were by the Bohemian States themselves in the year 1618. utterly expelled out of that Nation for ever , with these Characters : 1. That they were lavish Wasters of the Public Peace and Tranquility of the Nation . 2. That they endeavour'd to subject all Kingdoms and Nations to the Power of the Pope . 3. That they did nothing but set the Magistrates together by the Ears . 4. That they made particular Advantage of Confessions , to the destruction of the people : with many other Crimes of the same nature . The same year they were expell'd out of Moravia for the same Reasons ; and the next year out of Hungaria for the same Causes . In Silesia also a Decree was made , That the Jesuits should not enter that Province upon pain of Death , as being the onely means to preserve peace in the Nation . As to other Villanies in Poland , a Polonian Knight , himself a Papist , in an Oration by him made in a full Assembly of the Polonian Nobility , declares , That Cracow the most Famous City of Poland , and Ornament of the Kingdom , was so plagu'd by the Jesuits , that several good men , though Catholicks , affirmed , That they would rather live in the Woods among wild Beasts , than abide in the City . One time among the rest , these Jesuits having brought their Conspiracy to perfection , brake into the most ancient Monument of Antiquity in the City , and to the great danger of the whole City , set it on Fire , as being granted to the Evangelics by Consent of the King , and States of the Kingdom . In Posnania another great City of the same Kingdom , they set Fire on the Church belonging to those of the Augustan Confession , and committed so many Insolencies without Controul , that the Nobility refus'd to meet at the Dyet shortly after to be held at Warsaw , resolving to repair further off to Lublin , for the redress of these Misdemeanours . Neither indeed was there any thing more grievously burdensom to that Kingdom than the Pride and Avarice of those Miscreants . In Muscovy , upon the Death of the Great Duke Basilowich , the Jesuits set up one Demetrius against the lawful Heir , who had made them large Promises , if he obtain'd the Dukedom . Thereupon by the help of these Jesuits , the said Demetrius gets Aid from the King of Poland , which was not onely the Occasion of a great War in Muscovy , but had like to have cost them the Alteration of their Laws , and loss of their ancient Customs and Priviledges , had they not prevented it by a desperate Attempt upon the Impostor , and put him to Death ; surrounded with Impostors and Jesuits . The Transilvanians publicly and with one Consent laid all the Cause of their Miseries and Calamities , upon the Subtilties and Contrivances of the Jesuits , for which reason by a Public Decree of the States of that Province , they were Ejected out of the limits of their Territories . Nevertheless they secretly fomented the Ruin of that Country , and were the reason that Sigismund Bathor involv'd himself in War and Trouble , and at length died an inglorious and miserable Death . By their Contrivance also Stephen Potski , Prince of Transilvania , opposing their Bloody Sect , was put out of the way , as they call it , by Poyson , in the year 1607. In Styria and Carinthia , Provinces of Germany , they never left till they had voided those Provinees of all the Inhabitants of the Reformed Religion . In Holland , they never left till they saw the Blood of William Prince of Orange , spilt by the trayterous Hand of Balthasar Gerard , a Burgundian and Disciple of their own . The same Attempts did Peter de Tour , and other Ruffians make upon the person of Maurice his Son , a brave and Martial Prince , and all at the Instigation of the Jesuits , those Insatiable Sons of BLOOD and PERDITION . A VINDICATION OF THE Dissenting Protestants , From being Authors of the REBELLION against the late KING , and Plotters of Treason against His MAJESTY now Reigning . SEeing then no Corner of Europe has been free from the Plots and Conspiracies of these Jesuitical Fiends , it would be a kind of Crime and sleepy Desertion of our own Safety , to suffer our selves to be charm'd by the Delusions of insinuating Libels and Rumors of Presbyterian Plots , to mistrust the Truth of the continu'd Jesuitical Contrivances against the Kingdom . Neither can they be thought the best Subjects of England , who are so willing to Gratifie the Popish Party , by giving Credence to such idle Surmizes which they can have so little ground to believe . The Jesuits have committed a great piece of Villany in this Nation ; they have attempted the Life of the King , and have been Plotting to subvert the Established Religion of the Kingdom , and now they would throw it upon the Presbyterians : Which is a Fourbery so plain , that common Sense and Policy may easily discover the full intent and meaning of it ! And therefore it is fairly to be hop'd , that neither Presbyterians , nor any other Protestant Dissenters will be so Unchristian-like Disloyal , as to receive any Exasperation from these Calumnies ; but rather unite against the Common Enemy , from whom they can expect no more Mercy , than the severest Champion of Episcopacy can hope for . But you will say , the Presbyterians are not accus'd of any Design to bring in Popery , but miraculously discover'd , as the Authors of a Plot to set up the Classes of their own Ecclesiastical Government . Well! if it were so , they were the arrantest Bunglers of Plotters that ever plotted Mischief in this World : For I do not find their Plot to be above a years standing ; And it was a Plot that was driven on out of pure Kindness to the Papists . For the Presbyterians understanding that the Papists , ( their Incarnate Enemies ) were under a Premunire , as being accused of Treason and Conspiracy against the KING and Kingdom ; They therefore would needs enter into a Plot , which they would so order as to be discover'd a Twelve-month after , to ease the Papists of the Load they groan'd under . So that as considering the time , it fell out most confoundedly unluckily , that the Presbyteriaus should conceal this Plot from the Papists , till so many good , honest , pious and loyal Priests of Baal , and Sons of Belial were hang'd , which would never have been done , had there been the least Inkling given of the Meal-Tub in season . But when the Names of the Persons came to be seen that were to be Actors in this Presbyterian Tragedy , then to the Laughter of the whole World , there never appear'd such a Dow-bak'd Plot out of a Meal-Tub since the Creation , to bring so many Great Men plotting against their own prosperity and enjoyments ; so many wise and politic States-men , by whom the Nation has been so long steer'd , to be Plotters and Conspirers against their own Preservation . These are Plots of such a strange Nature , that if they could be thought reall , they would occasion the unhinging of the whole Frame of Order and Government , while it were impossible for Honour , Probity , and Reputation to remain upon the Earth . Obedience and Allegiance to Government are grounded either upon Religion , or Moral Vertue ; or if these two fail , there is a necessity which obliges the ordinary fore-sight of Prudence . Against these Ambition or Revenge are the only Combatants ; but neither Ambition nor Revenge can bear so great a sway in persons that understand the Intrigues of Policy , or the more mysterious management of Prudence , as to delude them into Plots and Conspiracies where there is no prospect of a secure Change. The Presbyterians are a sort of people wary and deliberate : Neither are their Tenents , which had their rise and beginnings from men whom the Papists themselves confess to have been men of great Learning , Eloquence , and Exemplary Lives , of that Crimson Constitution , as to prompt them to lay the Foundations of their Hierarchy in Blood and Massacre ; or so deeply to wound the Reputation of the Protestant Religion , by the clandestine Treachery and secret Contrivances of Disloyalty . For as for that Design of the Huguenots under Francis the Second , King of France , of which the Prince of Conde , and the Admiral Coligni were said to be Chief ; that was no Design against the Life or Person of the King , but against the exorbitant Pride of the Guises , Duke and Cardinal , who were at the same time P apists , and were themselves contriving to take away the Life of the young King , and translate the Royal Dignity into their own Family . Neither could the Civil Wars of France be said to be the Rebellion of the Hugonets : But a War of the Queen Regents , and the two Guises own weaving , while they all strove to preserve their own Authority . And the Queen Regent her self was the first that caus'd the Prince of Conde to take Arms , as fearing the Guises would wrest the Government out of her hands , by recommending to his Protection the young King Charles the Ninth her Son , her Self , and the Kingdom . Nay they were so far from being Rebels to their King , that they joyn'd with the Catholiques for the Recovery of Haure out of the hands of Queen Elizabeth , who had been their Friend : And though the Admiral and Dandelot were not at the Siege , for fear of being taxed by the Queen of Ingratitude , yet they sent both their Forces and Friends . Some indeed justly deserved to be blamed for the violence of their Conduct in the late Wars ; but it is a Question , of which some make no doubt , whether those Violences were not occasion'd by the Papists in Masquerade , who well knew how to intermix themselves both in their Counsels and Actions ; whether they did not stand behind the Scene and prompt those Sons of Jehu ? Whether they did not pour Oyl upon those Flames ? For it appears that the Presbyterians ( if Names of distinction may be us'd among people of the same Religion ) were the first that relented , as is evident by Votes of Addresses , and their Treaty at the Isle of Wight , not broke off by them , but by One that was playing his own Game , and meditating the destruction both of his Sovereign and them too : Who having made his Exit , they then considered what ill Phaetons they had been before , and return'd the more skilful Phoebus the Reins of his Chariot again . But that you may know that 't is an old Dog-trick of the Papists to play the Devils Incarnate , and lay their most wicked Actions upon the Innocent ; I will repeat this short Story out of one of the choicest French Historians , and a Catholique to boot . The Queen Regent of France having long design'd the Destruction of the Protestants in France , and of all the chief Heads of the reformed Religion ; and among the rest of Admiral Coligni , the Life and Soul of the whole Party , projects the Execution , with the Affistance of the Duke of Anjou , the Counts of Tavanes and Raix , and the Chancellor Birague , and easily drew in the young King , whom they made believe that there was no safety so long as those persons were alive , and they young Guises were as ready as she to revenge their Fathers Death . As for the King of Navar , they had so order'd it , that he was to be marry'd at Paris at that time , and that brought the Prince of Conde to the City . But the Admiral more wary kept aloof , till the King had begun the War with Spain in the Low Countries , which the Admiral had so passionately desir'd , and of which the King and Queen Regent , had assur'd him the Management . Then he came an end , seeing the War begun , and two of his own Favourites , Noue and Genlis , at the Head of some thousands in Flanders . And these three Great Personages , the King of Navarr , the Prince of Conde , and the Admiral Coligni , brought such Trains after them , as throng'd all Paris with the Flower of all the Protestant Nobility and Gentry of France : Who being all thus within the Net , Orders were given to make a general Slaughter of all without distinction , excepting the King of Navarr , and the Prince of Conde . Hence proceeded that Horrible Massacre in the Year 1572. which lasted for seven Days together , to the destruction of above 5000 persons of all Ages and Sexes ; and among these above 600 Persons of Quality . After this Deluge of Blood , and that the Queen had sent the Head of Coligny Embalm'd as a Present to the Pope , the Queen Regent had contriv'd to lay the Load of all the committed Impiety upon the Guises , who were Captains of the Massacre , believing that the Monmor ancies would certainly seek to revenge the Admirals Death upon them : So that while those two Factions ruin'd and destroy'd one another , she might have all the Power in her own hands , and rule according to her own Will. But the Guises being aware of this Design , and having the Catholique Nobility , the Duke of Montpensier , and the Parisians on their side , caus'd the Queen to change her Note ; and thereupon she caus'd the King to write abroad , That all was done to prevent the detestable Conspiracy of the Admiral and his Confederates , againsh his Life and Royal Family . Thereupon there was a Court of Justice erected , wherein the Admiral was Condemn'd , and after they had murder'd him , Executed again in Effigies , his Goods Confisctated , and his Children degraded : And the better to colour this , two poor innocent Gentlemen that had escaped the Massacre , were apprehended for saving their Lives , Briquemaut , and Arnand de Covagnes , as his Accomplices , condemn'd to the same punishment , and executed accordingly . Thus what these did , our late Plotters would have done : We may then say to all Protestants in general , Felices Agricole sua si bona norint , Happy would they be , would they but know their own strength , Would they but make the right use of these wicked Contrivances of their Enemies , and laying aside all froward Puuctilio's of private Opinions , joyn unanimously against the common Adversary . For if it be a Maxim falsly argu'd against , that Peace and Diversity of Religions cannot be preserved in the same Nation , as the Ambassadors of the Germane Princes urg'd to Charles the Ninth of France ; much more truly may it be said , that little matters of difference between persons of the same Religion can be no impediment to their Union and Conformity . But further to clear the Dissenting Protestants , I shall here add a perfect Narration of the Management and Contrivance of the Jesuits , to render the greater part of the principal Men in this Kingdom , as well those of the Church of England , as the Dissenters , obnoxious to the Government , thereby utterly to ruin them and the Protestant Religion , which Design God of his infinite Goodness has been pleased to bring to Confusion , and the Instruments thereof through the same Divine Providence , we hope shortly to see brought to Condign Punishment . A Compleat HITSTORY OF THE LAST PLOT OF THE PAPISTS , UPON THE Dissenting Protestants . THe late PLOT of the Romish Priests and Jesuits for murdering His Majesty , subverting the Government and Protestant Religion , and introducing Popery , being proved by undeniable Evidences and Circumstances ; the cunning Jesuits thought it their best way ( since peoples Eyes were too open to be made believe there was no PLOT ) to confess there was a Plot , and to aggravate it too ; but withal to use their utmost skill to prove , That this Plot was not a Popish-Plot , as was generally believed , but a pure Design of the Presbyterians , and other Dissenters from the Protestant Church of England , to ruin the Loyal Roman Chatholiques , whilst indeed themselves were the Conspirators ; who ( whereas they gave out that the Papists intended by murdering the King , &c. to bring in Popery ) really intended by killing His Majesty , to Introduce Presbytery and a Commonwealth , and so at one Blow subvert the Government both in Church and State , and then to set up a new one of their own under the Name of Conservators of the Liberties of England : And for this purpose they had secretly given out Commissions for raising an Army , the principal Officers whereof were such Persons who seemed to have the greatest share in the Peoples Affections . This Design being agreed to by these Hellish Miscreants , all possible Diligence was used to bring it to Execution ; and for this purpose they drew up the Scheme of a Government they intended to Impeach several of the truly Loyal Nobility and Gentry , and the whole Body of Dissenting Protestants , of conspiring . This being done , they began to form Letters of Intelligence concerning this Presbyterian Plot , and also to provide themselves with Persons to Swear for the Truth of their Allegations . To this end Mrs. Cellier ( a zealous Papist , and Midwife to the Lady Powis , and other Roman Catholic Ladies ) procures the Enlargement of one Willonghby , aliàs Dangerfield , aliàs Thomas , aliàs Day , who had been a Prisoner in Newgate about six Weeks , and had been Convicted once at Salisbury Assizes , ( where he was fined Five pounds , and sentenced to stand Three several times in the Pillory , which he did twice , and then brake Prison and escaped ; ) and twice at the Old Bailey , for uttering false Guineys , ( where for the first Offence he was fined Fifty pounds , and for the second he got His Majesties Pardon . ) He was no sooner released from Newgate , but he was Arrested and thrown into the Counter , from whence by the means of Bannister and Scarlet she got him removed to the King's-Bench , where ( after some fruitless attempts to get some Papers relating to Captain Bedlow from one Strode a Prisoner there ) he was furnished with Money by the five Lords in the Tower , viz. the Lord Bellasis , the Lord Powis , the Lord Petre , the Lord Arundel , and the Lord Stafford , ( Mrs. Cellier also giving him 5 l. ) to Compound all his Debts , &c. Before Mrs. Cellier would discharge him from Newgate , she made tryal of his Wit , by ordering him to draw up Articles according as she directed , against Captain Richardson , which he perform'd to her liking , and confirm'd her in the Choice she had made of his being a fit person to carry on the Designed Plot. The general Esteem the Conspirators had of him is evident by the Trust they reposed in him ; for though they had several Others to carry on their New Plot , yet he appears to have the chief Management of it . Being now fusticiently provided with Instruments to execute their Damnable Designs , this Dangerfield was recommended to His Majesty by a Great Person , as one who was much concerned in a Plot of the Presbyterians agains● His Life and Government , and that from time to time he would make discovery thereof . Thus they endeavoured to insinuate into His Majesties Mind a belief of the Plot , that he might not be surpriz'd at the Discovery they intended to make . Another of the intended Actors in this Tragedy , was Thomas Courtees , once a Clerk to Sir William Bucknal , one of the Excise Farmers , then a Servant to Mr. Henry Nevil , and after to a worthy Member of Parliament ; from whose Service , he fell into a lewd course of life : But being thought a Man fit for the Design in hand , he was entertained for one of the Witnesses . This Person was very industrious in promoting a Belief of this Presbyterian Plot ; for being well acquainted with Mrs. Bradley , who keeps the House called Heaven in Old Palace-Yard ; and there being a Club of several honest Gentlemen kept at her House , he desired her to bring him into their Company , which she promised to endeavour . Discoursing with her about the late Plot , he told her , that it would shortly appear to be a Plot of the Presbyterians , and that they were privately giving out Commissions for raising an Army : Whereupon she demanded , who gave out the Commissions ; to which he replyed , it was Mr. Blood ; and added further , That if she would use her Interest with Mr. Blood , to get a Commission for him , though it were but for an Ensign , he would give her 100 l. and told her also that he should get 5000 l. by it . Mrs. Bradley told this to Mr. Blood , who fearing the Consequence , acquainted His Majesty therewith , and from Him received Encouragement to make a further Inquiry into this Matter . Mr. Blood hereupon desired the Woman to keep still her Correspondency with Courtees , and if possible to find out the Mystery of this Business . Courtees came several times afterwards to the House , and discoursed freely with her about the before-mentioned Matter , and told her , that he knew seven or eight persons who were employed upon the same account as he was . But that which follows put a stop to his proceedings , and made these wicked Agents carry themselves more warily . The Jesuits thought it not sufficient to throw the Plot upon the Presbyterians , unless they could likewise bring off the Evidence that had sworn against them , and by getting them to recant , put their Innocency out of Question . For this purpose Mr. Dugdale , one of the Kings Evidence , is attempted by one Mrs. Price , ( for whom it is said Mr. Dugdale had formerly some kindness ; ) she warily discovers her Design , and he as warily entertains it ; and after some Treaty , one Mr. Tesborough appears in the Case . They promis'd Mr. Dugdale a great Sum of Money , upon condition that he would Recant what he had Sworn , and Sign a Paper , which they had ready drawn up to this effect . Being touched with a True Remorse of Conscience , and an hearty Sorrow for the Great Evil I have done , in appearing as a Witness against the Catholicks , and there speaking that which in my own Conscience I know to be far from the Truth ; I think my self bound in Duty to God , to Man , and for the safety of my own Soul , to make a true Acknowledgment , how I was drawn into these wicked Actions ; but being well satisfied that I shall create my self many powerful Enemies upon this account , I have retired my self to a place of Safety , where I will with my own hand discover the great Wrong that has been done the Catholicks , and hope it may gain Belief : I do likewise Protest before Almighty God , that I have no Motive to Induce me to this Confession , but a True Repentance for the Mischiefs that I have done , and do hope that God Almighty will forgive me . Having done this , they told him he might immediately withdraw himself beyond the Seas into Spain , where he should be honourably entertained , during his stay there , which should be no longer than till they had brought their Designs to their desired End , and then he should be recalled , and have both Riches and Honour conferr'd upon him as a Reward for faithfully serving the Catholick Interest . Mr. Dugdale seemed willing to agree to their Proposals , ( though at the same time he acquainted several honest Gentlemen of every particular that passed ) if the Reward could be ascertained to him ; but as for the two Proposers he would not take their Security for it ; whereupon they offered the Security of a Forein Ambassador , but he told them that he thought him a Person not fit for Security , because he might suddenly be commanded home , and then he could have no remedy against him . Then they proposed several others , whose Security they said he need not question ; but still he found a plausible Excuse ; his Design being onely to gain time , that he might make a further Discovery who set them on work . His Delays created a Jealousie in them , that he never intended to answer their Desires ; wherefore least he should discover this Treaty , and render them liable to punishment , ( as it happened in Mr. Readings Case ) they were resolved to begin with him first ; and by the assistance of a great Person , a Complaint was made against Mr. Dugdale , That he offered for a Sum of Money to Recant his Evidence , and that he would have Signed such a Paper as before-mentioned ; adding withal , that it was a lamentable thing to consider how much Blood had been shed upon such Evidence . Upon this Mr. Dugdale was summoned before the King and Council , where giving a full Relation of the Affair , and having those Gentlemen ready , whom he had all along acquainted with the Intrigue to prove what he said ; and it plainly appearing , that Mrs. Price and Mr. Tesbrough had endeavoured to take off the Kings Evidence , they were both committed to safe Custody . This it was that alarm'd Courtees . Mr. Dangerfield in this time had been employed to murder the Earl of Shaftsbury , which he twice attempted , but could not meet with an opportunity , the Earl refusing to speak in private with him ; which he urged , under pretence that he had something to reveal to his Lordship of great Concern to his Lordships Person . He waited on his Lordship by the Name of Day , and went armed with a Dagger , which he received from Mrs. Cellier , to whom three or four were brought by Mr. Rigaut . To perform this Murther , he was promised 500 l. by the Lords Powis and Arundel , ( the Lord Arundel giving him then 10 Guineys ) and encouraged by the Lady Abergaveny , Lady Powis , Mrs. Cellier , and others , and his Confessor Sharp conjur'd him to stab him with all possible speed . After his first disappointment , they advised him to tell the Earl that he was in danger of being Impeached for High Treason , and that from Letters under his own hand ; and that when he should find himself in the Tower , he would have cause to repent that he had refused to hear what he had to tell him . These Instructions he followed , and told his Lordship that his Servants had Copied out his Letters , from whence would be drawn Matter to form an Impeachment : But the Earl would not be Wheadled by this to give him a private Audience , and thereby administer to him an opportunity of taking away his Life ; but askt him which of his Servants they were that had Copied out his Letters : To which Dangerfield replyed , That he knew not . Then the Earl answered , That he knew that all he said was false , for that if his Letters were made known to all the World , there would not be found Matter sufficient to endanger the least Hair of his Head , much less to form an Impeachment . Whereupon Dangerfield told him , That if that was his Lordships Opinion , he would take his leave ; and so departed , leaving his Lordship a little jealous of his Intentions . The Lady Powis would have perswaded him upon a Third Attempt , which he refusing , she struck him gently on the Hand with her Fan , calling him Cow-hearted Fellow , telling him , she would do it her self ; but Mrs. Cellier told her , that should not be , for She would perform it . In order to which , the very next day she went armed with a Dagger , to wait upon his Lordship , who received her very civilly ; but being made more wary than formerly , by Dangerfields last carriage , he strictly observ'd her , and perceiving her fumbling about her Pocket , betwixt Jest and Earnest , he clapt his hands upon hers , and there held them , pleasantly drolling with her till she was ready to depart ; but she was not gone so far as the Door , before she offer'd to return , which his Lordship observing , stept to her again , and clapping his hands upon hers , quite dasht her out of Countenance ; so that she departed without attempting further . Thus was his Lordship thrice , by Divine Providence , miraculously preserved from the bloody hands of Papists . The Plot being now ripe for Execution , and Treasonable Letters ready written , to be conveyed into the Custody of such Persons they intended to Accuse , and two or more Witnesses prepared to swear the Delivery and Receit of such Letters or Commissions against every man in their black List ; Dangerfield under the Name of Thomas , takes a Lodging in Ax-Yard in Westminster , ( pretending himself a Country-Gentleman ) where lay one Colonel Mansel , whose Chamber he soon made himself acquainted with , and therein conveyed about Nine or Ten of the aforesaid Treasonable Letters , superscribed to several honest Gentlemen and Persons of Quality , some of which were Favourers of the Dissenting Protestants : When he had so done , he informed some of the Officers belonging to the Custom House , That in that House there was concealed great Quantities of French Lace , and other prohibited Goods , desiring them the next Morning to bring a Warrant with them and search the House , which they promised . At Night he brought one Captain Bedford to lie with him ( as is supposed ) that he might be a Witness against the Colonel : Next Morning after the Colonel was gone forth , came the Officers to search for prohibited Goods ; Dangerfield was very officious in assisting them to search the Colonel● Chamber , and at length from behind the Bed brings forth the before-mentioned Pacquet of Letters ; upon which , casting his Eyes , and seeming surprized , he cryed out , Treason , These are all Treasonable Letters ; Whereupon the Officers carried them away to the Commissioners : But the Colonel coming in soon after , and being acquainted with all that had past in his absence , found means to retrieve them again ; and when he had so done , he made some Enquiry after Dangerfield , of whose Quality being well informed , he carried the Letters to His Majesty , with Protestations of his own Innocency , and Dangerfield's Villany . Whereupon on the 23. of October , the Council ordered Dangerfield to be taken into Custody by a Messenger , and after a full hearing of the Business before them , Oobct . 27. they Committed him to Newgate . When Colonel Mansel had thus detected Dangerfield , the above-mentioued Captain Bedford came in very generously of himself , and confessed several things he was privy to , amongst which , one was , That this ' Dangerfield would have perswaded him to swear that Sir Thomas Player spoke Treason , thereby to have taken away the Life of that honest Gentleman . The Letters before mentioned gave Light enough to perceive what the Design was the Papists were then contriving ; Whereupon Sir William Waller ( who has been all along very zealous in discovering the Priests , and their wicked Plots , notwithstanding their Threats and Attempts to take away his Life ) understanding that Dangerfield used to lodge at Mrs. Celliers , went thither on Wednesday , Octob. 29. to search her House ; and that he might leave no place unsearcht , he ordered a Tub of Meal to be emptied , which being done , at the Bottom thereof was found a little Paper-bod● tyed with red Ribbons , wherein was a List of several Persons of Quality , and others , to the number of above 500. whom they designed to ruin by this their New Plot. They had set down his Grace the Duke of Monmouth for General of the Army to be raised ; the Lord Grey , Lord Brandon and his Son , and Sir Thomas Armstrong , for Lieutenant-Generals , Sir William Waller and Mr. Blood for Major-Generals , &c. the Duke of Buckingham , Lord Shaftsbury , Lord Essex , Lord Roberts , Lord Wharton , and Lord Hallifax , were to have been accused for the chief Counsellors and Managers of this Plot. Many others things were contained in these Papers , relating to the Management of their Design : Upon this Mrs. Cellier was committed to the Gatehouse . Their Plot being now sufficiently laid open , Dangerfield ( notwithstanding Mrs. Cellier● Encouragement to be constant and firm to the Catholick Cause ) thought it time to confess the Truth , and being brought before the Right Honourable Sir Robert Clayton Lord Mayor of London , on Friday Octob. 31.1679 . he made a large Confession , which held them from Five of the Clock in the Afternoon , untill Two next Morning . Part whereof was , That he was sent for to the Tower , whither he went in disguise , where after some discourse with the Lord Powis , the Lord Arundel asked him , If he were willing to do any thing to advance his Fortune ; to which he answered he would do any thing . Then the Lord Arundel asked him if he would kill the King for a good Reward ; to which he replyed , He would kill any body but the King , or his Royal Brother . That then the aforesaid Lord asked him the same Question again ; and he answered , No. Then said the Lord Powis , No , no , my Lord Arundel does onely this to try you : But my Lord ( continued he ) what would you give him to kill the King ? 'T is worth ( said the Lord Arundel ) 2000 l. That then the Lord Powis told him , he should have 500 l. to kill the Lord Shaftsbury . That Mr. Gadbury told him , the Lords in the Tower were angry with him , as also chiefly the Lord Castlemain , for that he would not kill the King , when he might easily do it , and no hurt befall him . That here Captain Bedford was then called in , and said , That he was at several Clubs with Dangerfield . That he was at Thompsons the Printers , where was printing , The Presbyterian unmask'd . That Dangerfield paid Money to Dormer in S. John's . That Dangerfield would have got a List of the Club at the Kings-head , but the Drawer would not give it him . That at the Green Dragon he got the Names of about 60 Persons that used to meet there . Th●● he went with him to the Sun and Ship Taverns , where he enquired if the Duke of Monmouth had , 〈◊〉 been there the Night before he went away . That Dangerfield said , Gadbury brought him acquainted with ●●●bert Peyton . That Dangerfield told him , the Lord Shaftsbury , Sir William Walier , Doctor Tongue , and others , ●ad private Meetings near Fox-ball about the Plot. The Earl of Peterborough being called in , and having an account of what was laid to his Charge , made a very plausible Speech in answer thereto ; and as to the business of Sir Robert Peyton , he said , That Mrs. Cellier told him that among others which the had brought over to be serviceable to His Majesty and the Duke , Sir Robert Peyton was one , who had declared to her , that he would gladly come in , but that he thought the Duke of that temper , that he would never forget an Injury . That then he assured Mrs. Cellier , the Duke was no such person ; and then the replyed , that Sir Robert would willingly meet him at Mr. Gadbury's . That they did meet accordingly at Mr. Gadbury's , where Sir Robert did say , that he would s●rve the King to all purposes ; but seemed to doubt of the Dukes being reconciled to him . That afterwards he waited on the Duke at his Lordships Lodgings , and from him received all the assurance of favour he coul●●enre . These are the principal things that were acted before the King and Council , the Result whereof was , that the Earl of Castlemain ( first ) and ( after ) the Lady Powis was committed to the Tower , Mr. Gadbury to the Gate-house , Mr. Rigaut and Mrs. Cellier to Newgate , and several others to the Custody of Messengers . About this time Sir William Waller ( searching a House near the Arch in Lincolns-Inn Fields , leading to Duby-street ) seized on several Habits , Vestments , Crucifixes , Reliques , and other Popish ●●●●kets , all very rich ; as also divers Trunksand Boxes full of Books and Papers , that did belong to Father 〈◊〉 lately executed , wherein are set down several great sums of Money paid by him in about 70●8 years last part , for carrying on the Catholique Cause ; as likewise many other things that confirm the truth of the Kings evidence . Among the Relicks was found one great Piece of Antiquity , and by computation of time near 800 years old . It was a Cross of Gold weighing about 4 Ounces , upon which on the one side was engraven these words , Defendite Gentes ●anc partem Crucis Omnipotentis ; in English , Defend O ye Nations this part of the Omnipotent Cross : On the other side were engraven the Arms of Alfred King of England , who dyed in the year 901. Besides which engraving , it was empail'd with divers precious Stones of a considerable value . Within the Cross was another Cross of Ebony , to which the Gold one seem'd to serve onely for a Case ; and as if it had been a little Nest of Serpentine Idolatry , the Ebony Cross was inlaid with another Cross of a quite differ●●● Wood , which it is suppos'd , they believ'd to be a piece of our Saviour's Cross . There was also a Gold Ring with a Motto wrap'd up in white Paper , upon which was written , The Ring of the Bishop of Glascow , with several other Curiosities , which are as yet preserv'd . On Novem. 5. Mr. Courtees was taken and brought before Justice Warcup , who having taken his Examination sent him to the Gate-house . At his Examination , he gave an account of his first acquaintance with Mr. Willoughby , ( not knowing then that he went by any other Name ) and that Willoughby told him , that the Presbyterian were conspiring against the King and Government , and were privately raising an Army , and that Mr. Blood was one that gave out Commissions for that purpose ; and perswaded him to use his endeavour to get one , and if he could do so , he would bring him to the King , whereby he should get 5000 l. And that upon this he made his application to Mrs. Bradley in order thereto , believing what Dangerfield said , and that there was really Presbyterian Plot on foot : so that what he did , he said was upon a Loyal Design . But there is some cause to s●●pect what he said , if we reflect on what Mrs. Bradley deposed on Nov. 1. and what he acknowledged now viz. That the last time Mrs. Bradley saw him , asking him when they should get the 5000 l. He replied , that 〈◊〉 would not meddle in it , that it troubled his Conscience , and that it would be Treackery if it were done , and it 〈◊〉 to no purpose to meddle in it now , for there is a List sound out . However it be , he is since bailed out of the Gate-house : And for a confirmation of his Guilt , is gone aside . And now almost every day new Discoveries are made , either of Priests or their Appurtenances , Reliques and seditious Papers . Dormer a Priest was seized by Dr. Oates at the Door of the Council-Chamber , on Nov. 4. 〈◊〉 he was busie in discourse with the Lady Powis , and was sent to Newgate . On Nov. 11. Sir William Waller seized at Turner's in Holborn , several seditious and scandalous Libels , Popish Books and Pamphlets ; as also divers Beads , and Priests Habits , and some Reliques , one of which was a very fine Handkerchief , which had been dip'd in the Blood of the five Jesuits lately executed . Not long after Sir William seized on one William Russel , alias Napper , a Franciscan Fryar , and Titular Bishop 〈◊〉 Norwich : With him were taken the Garments belonging to his Office ; as also the Form of an Oath of Abjuration , for his Proselytes , to this effect ; That they did from thenceforth renounce those damnable and heretical Doctrines , wherein they had been educated and instructed , and that they did oblige themselves under the penalty of Damnation to remain stedfast in the Faith of the Mother-Church of Rome , &c. Together with a Latin Prayer , in the Margin where of was written in English , Who ever says this Prayer shall be free from the Plague . And several Popish Books , &c. On Friday . Nov. . 21. Sir Robert Peyton , Mr. Nevil , Mr. Gadbury , Mrs. Cellier with her Maids , and others were severally Examin'd ; when it was sworn , that Sir Robert Peyton had had frequent Conferences with Mr. Dangerfield : and the further hearing of the Matter being put off till Wednesday , Nov. 26. Sir Robert was then ordered to give Bail for his Appearance at the Kings-Bench-Bar , the first day of the next Term , to answer to such Informations as should then be brought against him by the Attorney-General . Dr. Oates during these Transactions had two of his Servants , Lane ( often mentioned in this History ) and Osborn confederated with one Knox belonging to the Lord Treasurers Family , against him , who Indicted him for no less a Crime than Sodomy : But it being proved a malicious slander , and his Accusers perjured Villains , who were hired by the Lords in the Tower , to invalidate his Evidence , the Jury brought it in Ignoramus . And Dr. Oates thereupon bringing in an Indictment against them in the Kings-Bench , Knox and Lane ( Osborn being fled ) were stied on Tuesday , Nov. 25. When the whole Design was so particularly laid open , especially by Mr. Dangerfield ( whose Pardon was persected the day before ) that every one present was convinc'd of the intended Villany , and the ●ury ( without the Lord Chief Justice's summing up the Evidence ) declared them guilty of the Indictment . But their Sentence is deferred till next Term. We shall here close our History with our Prayers to God , 〈◊〉 bring to Light all the Dark Contrivances of Jesuits and wicked men ; and to their Plots , and our Divisions and D●●●●●● put FINIS . 
A49708	----	The daily office of a Christian being the devotions of the most Reverend Father in God Dr. William Laud, late archbishop of Canterbury : wherein several catechetical paraphrases ... Laud, William, 1573-1645. 1683 Approx. 268 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 143 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49708 Wing L583 ESTC R34505 14471513 ocm 14471513 102404 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49708) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 102404) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1062:20) The daily office of a Christian being the devotions of the most Reverend Father in God Dr. William Laud, late archbishop of Canterbury : wherein several catechetical paraphrases ... Laud, William, 1573-1645. The fourth edition. [18], 257, [17] p., [1] leaf of plates : port. Printed for Matthew Gillyflower and William Hensman ..., London : 1683. Includes portrait frontispiece. Imperfect: pages stained. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Prayer-books and devotions. Prayer-books. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-04 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-04 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Daily Office OF A CHRISTIAN . BEING The DEVOTIONS Of the most Reverend Father in God Dr. WILLIAM LAUD , Late Archbishop of Canterbury . The Fourth EDITION . Wherein several Catechetical Paraphrases and other very Excellent PRAYERS selected out of the Primitive Writers , formerly publisht in Latine , are now made English ; and the whole reduced to an exact Method for the Benefit of the DEVOUT . London : Printed for Matthew Gillyflower and William Hensman , and are to be sold at their Shops in Westminster-hall . 1683. William Laud Lord ArchBishop of Canterbury his grace Privy Councilor to King Charles y e ●● THE Preface . THere needs no more to recommend this Manual to the pious Reader , than the Name of its great Author , who was both so excellent a Judge of the Matter and Language of Devotion , and so lively an Example of its use , as made him in all parts qualified and furnished to direct others . Yet most probably this H. Prelate designed them at first to serve onely for himself in his Retirements : But however , that they are exceedingly well fitted for all sorts of persons ( excepting here and there some peculiarities , which may soon be noted and past over ) any one may discern , that will but take the pains of a cursory perusal . And the World has pretty well witnessed it , having taken off three Editions ( or more ) so entirely , that 't is extreamly difficult to meet with one single Copy of either ; though none of them were printed to the Advantage of the Writer , nor well contrived for the Benefit of the devout Reader . The first that came abroad contained onely the Officium Quotidianum or Daily Office , with the addition of some few short Collects ; and wanted the richest part of this noble Treasure . The second was printed at Oxford by Dr. Bayly from the Bishop's own hand-writing ; but it might have been wisht , for the publick good , that other measures had been taken , both in regard of the Price , and the Language and Order of the Book . For the Character being large and fair , made a fine shew indeed , but perhaps hindered the speedy spreading of it , by enhancing the purchase , and making it too bulkie . And many Prayers of most general and incomparable use being altogether in Latine , were perfectly unserviceable to the Devotion of such who had learnt to pray onely in their Mother-Tongue , and were Strangers to all others . The Method no doubt was the same which he found in the Original ; but the whole being composed at several times on different Motives , the Order could not be very natural , nor very apposite for the ready finding of ordinary persons ; though the Bishops constant practice might have made it so familiar to himself , that possibly he could with ease , and without interruption , dip on what place he pleased . What other Editions of it are extant , were printed after this Copy ; but seem to be stoln out in haste for filthy Lucre's sake , most intolerably faulty , and upon very bad Paper . But none of all these being to be had , care has been taken to oblige the World with a new Impression , and at the same time to remedy all those Inconveniencies . 1. The Book therefore ( now compleat and perfect ) is brought into such a compass , as to be afforded at a very easie rate , though the Paper be good , and the Letter handsome . 2. The Latine part , which is very considerable ( especially the Paraphrases on the Lords Prayer and Creed , &c. and the Offices for the Sick ) are here faithfully rendered into English , with much plainness , and , as nigh as could be , in the Scriptures and Churches Language ; so that the meanest capacity may enjoy with good success , what the most refin'd and searching have so justly admired . That you may know the Translations , each is markt ( thus* ) with a small Asterisk at the beginning . 3. Some perhaps , on sudden thoughts , may judge it too bold an attempt to change the Order of the Book ; and indeed it would have been so , if the Author himself had publisht it as a perfect Work. But considering what was said before , that 't was intended onely for himself in private , and gathered occasionally in his reading , or meditated with regard to emerging circumstances , the Method could not be exact or accurate ; and therefore to alter it , will be no injury to the Memory of this great and learned Man , who in all likelihood would himself have done as much , if he had liv'd and resolv'd to communicate it to the World. So that the usefulness of our Vndertaking in this behalf , must certainly outweigh the presumption of it . Therefore immediately after the Daily Office , we have set the Daily Examination of Conscience , which is the proper place ; and then follow the other short Collects ( more naturally rankt lation and Method , is , as to its usefulness , become almost a new Work. We concluded it to be expedient to acquaint the good Reader with this modest Account of our Care and Pains ; and having done so , 't is pity to detain him any longer . May his honest Endeavours be successful in the practice of what we recommend to him , as our own in the Enterprize . — And yet didst thou turn and refresh me . Psal. 71. 18. O Come hither and hearken , all ye that fear God , and I will tell you what he hath done for my Soul , Psal. 66. 16. The Lords Prayer . Our Father Though offended , yet a Father . Which art in Heaven , More eminently there , but not there onely . Hallowed In me , by me , upon me . Be thy Name . The name of a Father in us , that we may become Sons of thee our Father . Thy Kingdom come . To destroy the Kingdom of Sin , by which Death & the Devil reign . Thy Will be done on Earth as it is in Heaven . By me that am but Earth , as it is by thy holy Angels . Give us this day Our Our own , lawfully begotten . Daily As the necessity of each day requires . Bread. The Spiritual Food of our Soul , and also that of our body . And forgive us our Trespasses , as , &c. Forgive us our Talents , who forgive others their Pence . And lead us not into temptation , Nor suffer us to enter into temptation , when we are led away , and ready to yield to it . But deliver us from evil . From that Author of evil that is without us , the Devil and the World ; and from the Author of evil that is within us , our own selves : from the evil of sin by thy Grace , and from the evil of punishment by thy mercy ; from all evil by thy Peace . For thine is the Kingdom , Absolute in it self . The Power , Independent on any other . The Glory , Shining round about all things , & in all things . Thine . And from thee , and by thee , and to thee , in the glory & salvation of thy Servants . Amen . OUr Father , which art in Heaven , 1. Hallowed be thy Name . 2. Thy Kingdom come . 3. Thy Will be done in Earth , as it is in Heaven . 4. Give us this day our dayly bread . 5. And forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespass against us . 6. And lead us not into temptation . 7. But deliver us from evil . For thine is the Kingdom , the Power , and the Glory , for ever and ever . Amen . The Apostle's Creed divided into Articles . 1. I Believe in God the Father Almighty , maker of Heaven and Earth . 2. And in Jesus Christ , his onely Son our Lord. 3. Who was conceived by the Holy Ghost , born of the Virgin Mary . 4. He suffered under Pontius Pilate , was crucified , dead , and buried . 5. He descended into Hell , the third day he rose again from the dead . 6. He ascended into Heaven , and sitteth on the right hand of God the Father Almighty . 7. From thence he shall come to judge the Quick and the Dead . 8. I believe in the Holy Ghost . 9. The Holy Catholick Church , The Communion of Saints . 10. The Forgiveness of Sins . 11. The Resurrection of the Body . 12. And the Life Everlasting . Amen . An Advertisement CONCERNING The Division of the Hours of PRAYER . IT appeareth , both by the Histories of the Jews , and by plain Observations out of the New Testament , that the space of the Day from the Morning to the Evening was solemnly divided into four equal parts , which they called Hours , [ to wit ] the First , the Third , the Sixth , and the Ninth . The First Hour comprehended the whole space from the Sun being risen , about six of the clock in the Morning after our account , till Nine , or thereabouts . The Third Hour began from thence , and lasted till High-noon with us . The Sixth , from thence to our three of the clock after Noon . The Ninth , from that hour , to the Vespers , or Evensong , about six in the evening , or Sun-set . And what was done in any part of these four spaces , was indifferently taken and said to be done in that Hour , whereunto every space of time was allotted . In which respect St. Mark , chap. 15. 25. saith , It was the Third Hour when they crucified Christ : and yet St. John , chap. 19. 14. saith , It was about the Sixth Hour before he was yet crucified . Nor is there any contradiction at all between these two Evangelists ; St. Mark understanding the last part of the Third Hour , which was now at the very end ; and St. John meaning that it was now near upon the beginning of the Sixth Hour , which was immediately to follow ; the ending of the Third , and the beginning of the Sixth , being both one and the same point of time . THE DAILY OFFICE OF A CHRISTIAN . The Office for every day . In the Name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost . Amen . O Lord , I am risen up , and fallen prostrate before thee : Prevent me , I beseech thee , in all my doings with thy most gracious Favour , and further me with thy continual Help ; that in all my Works begun , continued , and ended in thee , I may glorifie thy holy Name , and finally by thy mercy obtain Everlasting Life , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . ALmighty God and most merciful Father , all Merciful , Mercy it self ; I have erred wittingly , and strayed willingly , nay run from thy ways , more like an untamed Heifer , than a lost or wandring Sheep . I have followed too much , even altogether , the absurd devices and brutish desires of my own heart . I have offended against , nay been offended at thy holy , most holy Laws . I have left undone , not done at all , those things which I ought to have done . And I have done , done nothing else , but those things which I ought not to have done . And there is no health , no hope of health in me . But thou , O Lord , have mercy upon me , miserable , most miserable sinner , the greatest sinner , and most unthankful for so great Grace . Spare me , and them all , O God , which confess their faults . Restore me , and all them that be penitent , that desire to be penitent , that wish they were , would be glad if they were so , that fear they are not enough , and are sorry they are no more : For this is according to thy Promises , most pretious , most gracious , most sweet Promises , declared unto mankind in Christ Jesu our Lord. Grant therefore , O most merciful Father , for his sake who is our Redeemer , Advocate , Author and Finisher of our Faith , our Propitiation , Righteousness , and Justification ; that I and all Penitents may hereafter live a Godly , Righteous , and Sober Life , to the Glory of thy holy Name , and the Salvation of our own Souls . Amen . O Eternal God and merciful Father , pardon , I beseech thee , all the Sins , Omissions and Commissions , Thoughts , Words , and Deeds , by which I have provoked thee unto anger , from the time of my Birth to this present moment : That no one , nor all of my sins together , may ever be able to cry oftner or louder in thine Ears for Vengeance , than the Cry of my Prayers may ascend up unto thee for Mercy and for Forgiveness , and obtain that they sue for . Particularly , I humbly beseech thee , forgive unto me my Great and my Clamorous sins , such as are , &c. O Lord , against Heaven , and against Thee have I sinned , and committed foul Trangressions in thy sight ; but I beseech thee , wipe them all out of the Book of Remembrances which thou hast written , through Jesus Christ our Lord and onely Saviour . Amen . GIve unto me , O Lord , I humbly beseech thee , a wise , a sober , a patient , an understanding , a devout , a religious , a courageous Heart : Chaste and temperate Reins and Thoughts : A Soul full of Devotion to do thee service , strength against all Temptations , especially the Temptations of , &c. Through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , I give thee humble and hearty thanks ( increase my thankfulness , I beseech thee ) for all Benefits and Blessings both Spiritual and Temporal , which in the riches of thy great Mercy thou hast liberally poured down upon me , but especially Spiritual . Lord , let me not live , but to praise and magnifie Thee and thy glorious Name . Particularly I give thee most unfeigned thanks for my preservation from the time of my Birth to this present moment , for , &c. For bringing me safe to the beginning of this day , in which and all the days of my life , I beseech thee , preserve me from sin , and from danger , in Soul and in Body , that all my thoughts , words , and works may tend to the honour and glory of thy Name , the good of thy Church , the discharge of my Duty , the salvation of my Soul in the day of my appearance and account to be made before thee , through Jesus Christ , our onely Saviour and Redeemer . Amen . O Eternal God and merciful Father , I humbly beseech thee , bless thy Holy Catholick Church , wheresoever spread upon the face of the whole Earth : Good Lord , purge it from all Atheism , Heresie , Schism , Superstition , factious maintenance of Groundless Opinions ; that one Faith , one Lord , one Baptism , may in all places be uniformly professed , as thy Church is , and can be but one . And grant , good Lord , that I may be and continue a faithful , living , and a working Member under Christ the Head , in that Church the Body , all the days of my life , and at the hour of my death , through the Merits , and by the Grace of the same Jesus Christ , our Lord and onely Saviour . Amen . O Merciful God , bless this Particular Church in which I live : make it and all the Members of it sound in Faith , and holy in Life , that they may serve thee , and thou bless them , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . LOrd , bless our most gracious Soveraign , treasure up in him all thy hidden Blessings ; make him , and keep him a devoted Servant to thee , a constant Patron of the Church and Truth , that he may live long , and be full of honourable success all his days , in his Person , in his Actions , in his Queen , in his Children , in his Servants , in his People , and crown'd with Glory after life , and in that good time that shall be best both for Him and Us , make him a joyful Father of happy and successful Children . Under him bless the whole State Ecclesiastical and Civil , that Righteousness and Peace may kiss each other , and we serve and honour thee for ever . Amen . GOod Lord , bless all the places to which thou hast made me have any near Reference , the place where I was born , &c. every Soul contained in any of these . All my Friends , Kindred , Acquaintance , any unto whom thou hast made me any way beholding ; especially my nearer and my bosom-Friends , Dr. &c. all those , &c. Lord , I beseech thee , forgive me and them all our sins , and continue us thy Servants both in Life and Death . Amen . GRacious Father , bless my Servants , and make them thine . Give them Grace to serve thee first , then me with Faithfulness , Soberness , and Diligence : Make me ever willing , and in some measure able to repay unto them the time and the strength which they either have or shall spend to do me service ; even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , bless all the afflicted Members of the Body of thy Son , wheresoever , howsoever afflicted ; send them constant Patience or speedy Deliverance , as seems best to thee , and is best for them , according to their several wants and necessities whatsoever ; ( particularly , &c. ) And do unto them according to all those mercies which I would or should desire thou shouldst shew to my own Soul , if at any time thou shalt be pleased to make my Estate as theirs is at this present . And , O Lord , be merciful . Amen . BLessed Father , bless all sorts of men in their Particulars ; mine Enemies with the Forgiveness of sins : Turn their hearts that they may no longer hate thy Servant ; and if they will not be turned , deliver me not over , I beseech thee , into their power . And next after the Salvation of my Soul , I humbly beg it , deliver me not into the hands of men , to the shame or scorn of the World. Amen . * O Lord Jesus , give me to do what thou commandest , and command what thou wilt . Prepare my Soul against thy coming , [ and ] come when thou wilt . Give me , if it please thee , a most serene Patience , [ but ] at least as much as is sufficient for me , and come how thou wilt , O thou that art the Saviour of all that hope in thee . And moreover I beseech thee , O Lord Jesus , interpose thy Death , Cross , Passion , Merit , and Bloud between thy Judgment and my Soul , now and ever , and especially in the hour of my death . Which Death I earnestly beg may never be sudden , may it never come and find me unprepared : and when it comes , never let it rage so , but that I may retain Faith , Hope , and Charity , a sound Memory and Understanding even to the last gasp . And be thou my Defender O God. Grant mercy and pardon to my sins , to thy Church Peace and Concord , to me the chief of Sinners Grace in this life , and Glory in the life to come . So , even so come , O Lord Jesus , and have mercy upon me . Amen . Lord , here I am , do with me as seems best in thine own eyes ; onely give me , I humbly beseech thee , a Penitent and a patient spirit to expect thee . Amen . Lord , make my Service acceptable to thee while I live , and my Soul ready for thee when I die . Amen . Our Father , which art in Heaven , &c. The daily Examination of Conscience . * O My Soul , 1. Hast thou given God thanks for the Benefits [ which ] thou hast received ? 2. Hast thou prayed for [ the assistance of ] Gods Grace , that thou may'st know thy sins and cast them out ? 3. Hast thou call'd thy self to [ an ] account for the sins thou hast committed this present day , by thought , word , and deed , in every hour since thou hast been awake ? 4. Hast thou begg'd pardon for thy offences , and [ hast thou ] purpos'd through Gods Grace to amend [ them ] ? Blessed be the holy and undivided Trinity now and for ever , World without end . Amen . A daily Prayer . O Lord , forgive me all my sins that are past . O Lord , strengthen me against all Temptations , especially the Temptations of , &c O Lord , fill my heart with thankfulness : and I do give thee most humble and hearty thanks for the great deliverance of me from the rage and fury of the Multitude . O Lord , let the same wings of thy merciful protection be spread over me all the days of my life . O Lord , give me a faithful , a patient , a penitent , a persevering heart in thy service ; that so I may with comfort daily , nay hourly expect when my Change shall come . So Amen , Lord Jesus . Amen . For the King. O Lord , grant the King a long life , that his years may endure as many ages : Furnish him with wise and safe Counsels , and give him a heart of courage and constancy to pursue them . O prepare thy loving mercy and faithfulness for him , that they may preserve him ; so will I always sing Praises unto thy Name , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , hear the King in the day of his trouble , that thy Name , O God of Jacob , may defend him . Send him help from thy Sanctuary , and strength out of Sion . Grant him his hearts desire , and fulfil all his mind . Set his heart firm upon thee , and upon other things but as they are in and from thee ; that we his Servants under thee may see with joy that thou helpest thine Anointed , and that thou wilt hear him from thy holy Heaven , even with the wholsome strength of thy right hand . And , O Lord , close not mine eyes till I see thy favour shine out upon him , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . For the Church . O Lord , we humbly beseech thee to keep thy Church and Houshold continually in thy true Religion , that they which do lean onely upon hope of thy heavenly Grace , may evermore be defended by thy mighty power : And that I may humbly and faithfully serve thee in this thy Church , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Gracious Father , I humbly beseech thee , for thy holy Catholick Church , fill it with all Truth , in all truth with all Peace . Where it is corrupt , purge it : where it is in error , direct it : where it is superstitious , rectifie it : where any thing is amiss , reform it : where it is right , strengthen and confirm it : where it is in want , furnish it : where it is divided and rent asunder , make up the breaches of it , O thou holy One of Israel . Amen . O merciful God , since thou hast ordered me to live in these times , in which the rents of thy Church are grievous ; I humbly beseech thee to guide me , that the divisions of men may not separate me either from thee or it , that I may ever labour the preservation of Truth and Peace , that where for and by our sins the Peace of it succeeds not , thou wilt yet accept my will for the deed , that I may still pray , even while thou grantest not , because I know thou wilt grant it when thou seest it fit . In the mean time bless , I beseech thee , this Church in which I live , that in it I may honour and serve thee all the days of my life , and after this be glorified by thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , thou hast brought a Vine out of Egypt and planted it ; thou madest room for it , and when it had taken root it filled the land . O why hast thou broken down her hedge , that all which go by pluck off her Grapes ? the wild Boar out of the Wood rooteth it up , and the wild Beasts of the Field devour it . O turn thee again , thou God of Hosts , look down from Heaven , behold and visit this Vine , and the place of the Vineyard that thy right hand hath planted , and the Branch that thou madest so strong for thy self . Lord , hear me for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , except thou buildest the House , their labour is but lost that build it ; and except thou , O Lord , keep the Citie , the Watchman waketh but in vain . It is but lost labour to rise early , and take late rest , and to eat the bread of carefulness , if thou bless not the endeavours that seek the peace and the welfare of thy Church . Therefore , O Lord , build thy Church and keep it , and take care for it , that there may be no lost labour among the Builders of it . Amen . O Lord our God , the great , the mighty , and the terrible God ; O thou which keepest covenant and mercie , let not all the trouble seem little before thee that hath come upon us , upon our Priests , upon the Houses built and dedicated to thy Name , upon the Maintenance for them that serve at thy Altar , upon our Kings , State , and People , since that day of Affliction . Thou are just in all that is brought upon us : For thou hast done right , but we have done wickedly . Yet , O Lord , have mercie , and turn to us again , for Jesus and his mercies sake . Amen . For the Commonweal . O Lord , thou which bringest the counsels of the Heathen to nought , and makest the devices of the People to be of none effect , and castest out the counsels of Princes when they have offended thee ; have mercie upon this Kingdom , forgive the sins of this People ; turn thee unto them and bless them , that the World may say , Blessed are the People whose God is the Lord Jehovah , and blessed are the Folk that he hath chosen to him to be his Inheritance . Lord , hear and grant , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Lord , bless this Kingdom , that Religion and Virtue may season all sorts of men ; that there may be Peace within the Gates , and Plentie within the Palaces of it . In Peace I beseech thee to preserve it , that it corrupt not : In War so defend it , that it suffer not : In Plentie so order it , that it riot not : In Want so pacifie and moderate it , that it may patiently and peaceably seek thee , the onely full supply both of Men and States ; that so it may continue a Place and a People to do thee service to the end of time , through Jesus Christ our onely Saviour and Redeemer . Amen . O Lord , according to all thy Righteousness , I beseech thee let thine anger be turned away from this Citie and thy People ; and cause thy face to shine upon whatsoever is desolate therein , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . For the Kingdom of England . O Almightie Lord God , bless this Kingdom , and grant that Health , Chastitie , Victorie , and all Virtue may abound therein , with Thanksgiving to God the Father , and the Son , and the Holy Ghost : And may this Blessing remain upon this Kingdom , and upon all the Inhabitants thereof , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . For House and Family . * O Lord , I beseech thee , visit this Habitation , and keep away from it all the snares of our [ ghostly ] Enemie : Let thy holy Angels dwell in it , and let them preserve us in peace and health , and let thy Blessing be upon us for ever , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . For government of the Tongue . LEt the words of my mouth , and the meditations of my heart , be always acceptable in thy sight , O Lord my strength and my Redeemer . Amen . Lord , keep my tongue from evil , and my lips that they speak no guile ; that so I may eschew evil and do good , seek peace and ensue it . Amen . O Lord , give me the mouth of the righteous , that it may be exercised in wisdom , and that my tongue may be talking of judgment . Amen . Lord , I have said in thy grace , I will take heed unto my ways , that I offend not in my tongue . Give me , O give me that grace , that I may take this heed , that I may keep my mouth as it were with a bridle ; especially when the ungodly is in my sight , be it never so much pain or grief unto me . Hear me , and grant , even for Christ Jesus sake . Amen . Let the freewil-offerings of my mouth please thee , O Lord , and teach me thy Judgments . Amen . O Lord , set a watch before my mouth , and keep the door of my lips , and let not my heart be inclined to any thing that is evil . Amen . O Lord , set a watch before my mouth , and a seal of Wisdom upon my lips , that I fall not suddenly by them ; and that my tongue destroy me not . Amen . Against Temptations . O Lord , as thou art faithful , so suffer me not , I beseech thee , to be tempted above that I am able , but give an Issue with the Temptation , that I may be able to bear it . Amen . * O Almighty God , have respect unto my Prayers , and deliver my heart from the temptations of ill thoughts , that by thy mercie I may become a fit habitation for thy holy Spirit , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O God , who makest all things work together for good to those that love Thee ; inflame my heart with such an inviolable sense of thy love , as may never be shaken by the force of any Temptation , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O [ most ] merciful God , grant me constancie in thy Faith , and firmness in thy Love ; that I may retain both entirely , and may never be turned from them by any Temptations , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . For a good Journey . * O Lord , I deserve not the guidance of a Star to guide me , yet I beseech thee , grant me a good Journey , seasonable Weather , [ and ] a happie return ; that thy holy Angel being my Companion and Protector , I may arrive happily to my Journeys end , and back again to my own home , and at last to the Port of everlasting Salvation , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * Be present [ with me ] O Lord , and preserve thy Servant : be thou my Upholder when I am in slipperie places ; and [ be thou ] my Haven [ when I am ] in [ danger of ] shipwrack , that by thy guidance I may finish this Journey prosperously , and at length return in safetie to my own [ place , ] through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * Give ear , O Lord , to my Supplications , and [ so ] dispose the way of thy Servant , that amidst all the changes [ and chances ] of this life and [ this ] way , I may ever be defended by thy [ most gracious ] help , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O Lord , save me thy servant who put my trust in thee ; send me help from thy holy place , and defend me out of Sion : Be thou unto me a strong tower from the face of my Enemie : Let the Enemie have no advantage over me , nor the Son of Wickedness approach to hurt me . O make my Journey prosperous [ to me ] thou [ that art the ] God of my Health . O Lord , hear my Prayers , and let my Crying come unto thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . For Rain . O God , heavenly Father , whose gift it is that the Rain doth fall , the Earth is fruitful , Beasts increase , and Fishes do multiply , send us , we beseech thee , such moderate Rain and showers , that we may receive the Fruits of the Earth to our comfort , and to thy honor , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . For Fair Weather . O Lord God , who for the sin of Man didst once drown all the World except eight persons , and afterward of thy great mercie didst promise never to destroy it so again ; we humbly beseech thee , that though we for our iniquities have worthily deserved a Plague of Rain and Waters , yet upon our true repentance thou wilt give us such Weather , whereby we may receive the Fruits of the Earth in due season ; and learn both by thy punishment to amend our lives , and for thy Clemencie to give thee praise and glorie , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . In Fasting . O Lord , the zeal of thine house hath even eaten me up , and the rebukes of them which rebuked thee , are fallen upon me : Therefore I wept and chastned my self with fasting , and that was turned to my reproof . I put on sackcloth also , and they jested upon me : they that sate in the gate also spake against me , and the drunkards made songs upon me . But , Lord , I make my Prayer unto thee , and , I hope , in an acceptable time : O hear me in the multitude of thy mercies , which are in Jesus Christ our Saviour . Amen . In Lent. O Lord , which for our sake didst fast fortie days and fortie nights , give us grace to use such abstinence , that our flesh being subdued to the Spirit , we may ever obey thy godly motions in righteousness and true holiness , to thy honour and glorie , who livest and raignest one God with the Father and the Holy Ghost . Amen . The Fast of the four Ember-weeks . ALmightie God , the giver of all good gifts , who of thy divine Providence hast appointed divers Orders in the Church ; give thy Grace , I humbly beseech thee , to all those which are to be called to any Office and Administration in the same : and so replenish them with the truth of thy doctrine , and innocence of life , that they may faithfully serve before thee , to the glorie of thy great Name , and the benefit of thy holy Church , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Earnest Prayer . STir up , I beseech thee , O Lord , the wills of thy faithful People , that they plenteously bringing forth the fruit of good works , may of thee be plenteously rewarded , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . In time of Afflictions , Perils , and Adversities . IF I find favour in thine eyes , O Lord , thou wilt bring me again , and shew me both the Ark and the Tabernacle , and set me right in thy service , and make me joyful and glad in thee . But if thou say , ( O for Jesus his sake say it not ) I have no pleasure in thee ; behold , here I am , do with me as seemeth good in thine own eyes . Amen . O Lord , though I be afflicted on every side , let me not be in distress : Though in want of some of thy comforts , yet not of all : Though I be chastned , yet let me not be forsaken : Though I be cast down , let me not perish : And though my outward man decay and perish , yet let my inward man be renewed daily , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , whatsoever thou shalt lay upon me , I will hold my peace , and not open my mouth , because it is thy doing and my deserving . Amen . O Lord , thou hast dealt graciously with thy servant according to thy Word . For before I was troubled I went wrong , but now have I prayed that I may keep thy Law. And it is good for me that I have been in trouble , that so I may learn still to keep it better , in the mercies of Jesus Christ. Amen . I know , O Lord , that thy Judgments are right , and that thou of very faithfulness hast caused me to be troubled . O let thy merciful kindness be my comfort , according to thy Word unto thy Servant , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord Almightie , O God of Israel , the Soul that is in trouble , and the Spirit that is vexed , crieth unto thee . Hear , O Lord , and have mercie , for thou art merciful ; and have pitie upon me , because I have sinned before thee . For thou endurest for ever , but unless thou have mercie , I utterly perish . Have mercie therefore , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , remember thy promise , that the poor shall not always be forgotten ; nor the patient abiding of the meek perish for ever . Amen . Lord , I will be glad and rejoyce in thy mercie , for thou hast considered my trouble , and hast known my Soul in Adversities . Amen . Have mercie upon me , O Lord , for I am in trouble , and mine eye is consumed for very heaviness , yea , my soul and my bodie . My strength faileth me because of mine iniquities , and my bones are consumed . I am even become like a broken Vessel : For I have heard the blasphemie of the multitude , and fear is on every side . But my hope hath been and is in thee , O Lord ; thou art my God , save and deliver me , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Why art thou so full of heaviness , O my soul , and why art thou so disquieted within me ? O put thy trust in God , that I may yet give him thanks for the help of his countenance . O my God , my soul is vexed within me , therefore will I remember thee . Amen . Up Lord , why sleepest thou ? Awake , and be not absent from us for ever : Wherefore hidest thou thy face , and forgettest our miserie and trouble ? For our soul is brought low even unto the dust , our bellie cleaves unto the ground . Arise , O Lord , and help us , and deliver us for thy mercies sake . Amen . In thee , O Lord , have I put my trust , let me never be put to confusion ; deliver me in thy righteousness . Bow down thine ear to me , make haste to deliver me . Be thou my strong rock and house of defence , that thou mayest save me . Be also my guide , and lead me for thy Names sake . Amen . O God , the enemie crieth so , and the ungodly cometh on so fast , that they threaten to overbear me ; they are minded to do me some mischief , so maliciously are they set against me . My heart is disquieted within me , and the fear of death is fallen upon me : Fearfulness and trembling and an horrible dread hath overwhelmed me . And I said , O that I had wings like a Dove , that I might flie away and be at rest ; that I might make haste to escape the stormie wind and tempest . But be thou my helper , and I will magnifie thee , O Lord my strength and my Redeemer . Amen . O be thou my help in trouble , for vain is the help of man. Amen . Gracious Father , the life of man is a warfare upon earth , and the dangers which assault us are diversly pointed against us . I humbly beseech thee , be present with me in all the course and passages of my life , but especially in the services of my Calling . Suffer no malice to be able to hurt me , no cunning to circumvent me , no violence to oppress me , no falshood to betray me . That which I cannot foresee , I beseech thee prevent : That which I cannot withstand , I beseech thee master : That which I do not fear , I beseech thee unmask and frustrate ; that being delivered from all danger both of soul and bodie , I may praise thee the deliverer , and see how happie a thing it is to make the Lord of Hosts my helper in the day of fear and trouble . Especially , O Lord , bless and preserve me at this time from , &c. that I may glorifie thee for this deliverance also , and be safe in the merits and the mercies of Jesus Christ my onely Lord and Saviour . Amen . O Lord , thou hast fed me with the bread of affliction , and given me plentie of tears to drink . I am become a very strife to my neighbours , and mine enemies laugh me to scorn . But turn thee again , thou God of Hosts , shew me the light of thy countenance , and I shall be whole . Amen . Help me , O Lord my God , O save me according to thy mercie ; and then the World shall know that this is thy hand , and that thou Lord hast done it . Amen , Lord Jesus , Amen . If my delight had not been in thy Law , I should have perished in my trouble . O continue my delight . Amen . In Misery and Adversity . LOrd turn thee unto me , and have mercie upon me , for I am desolate and in miserie . The sorrows of my heart are inlarged , O bring thou me out of my troubles . Look upon mine adversitie and miserie , and forgive me all my sins , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Hear my crying , O God , give ear unto my Prayer . From the ends of the earth , whither soever thou shalt cast me , I will call upon thee when my heart is in heaviness . O set me upon the Rock that is higher than I , to be my hope and a strong tower against my oppressors . Amen . Save me , O God , for the waters are entred into my Soul. I stick fast in the deep mire where no stay is ; I am come into deep waters , and the streams run over me . They that hate me without a cause , are more than the hairs of my head ; and they which would destroy me causeless , are mightie . O let not these water-floods drown me , neither let the deep swallow me up , and let not the pit shut her mouth upon me . Hear me , O Lord , for thy loving kindness is great ; turn unto me according to the multitude of thy tender mercies . Hide not thy face from thy servant , for I am in trouble ; but draw near unto my soul , and redeem it , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . My soul melteth away for very heaviness ; comfort thou me according to thy Word . Amen . O Lord , trouble and heaviness have taken hold upon me ; patience , good Lord , that for all this my delight may be in thy Commandments . Amen . Against Reproach . O Lord , my sins have made me a rebuke to my neighbours , and to be laughed to scorn of them that are round about me . O suffer me not longer to be a by-word among the people . My confusion is daily before me , and the shame of my face hath covered me . The voice of the slanderer and blasphemer hath overtaken me . And though all this be come upon me , suffer me not , O Lord , to forget thee , or to behave my self frowardly in thy Covenant , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Destroy their tongues , O Lord , and divide them ; for I have seen crueltie and strife in the Citie . But I will call upon thee , O Lord , and thou wilt save me . Amen . O Lord , send down from heaven , and save me from the reproof of them that would swallow me . Send out thy mercie and truth , for my soul is among Lions ; I lie among the children of men that are set on fire , whose teeth are spears and arrows , and their tongue a sharp sword . O deliver me , and I shall magnifie thy Name for ever . Amen . I am become a Monster to many , but thou art my sure trust ; O be my Anchor for ever . Amen . O remember , Lord , the rebuke that thy servant hath , and how I do bear in my bosom the rebukes of many people . O remember me . Amen . Against Fraud and Deceit . O Lord , watch over thy servants ; for my familiar friends whom I trusted have laid wait for me . Be thou merciful unto me , O Lord , and deliver me from them : that even in this I may know thou favourest me , that mine Enemies are not able to triumph against me . Amen . Exalt thy self , O God , above the heavens , and thy glorie upon all the earth : For men have laid a net for my steps , they have pressed down my soul , they have digged a pit before me . Lord , I desire not that they should fall into the midst of it themselves , but I beseech thee keep me out and deliver me , for thy mercie sake . Amen . Mine enemies lay wait for my soul , and take counsel together : They pursue me out of an opinion that thou , O God , hast forsaken me . But go not far from me , O God ; my God , haste to help me . Amen . O Lord , the proud have digged pits for me ; they persecute me falsly , O be thou my help . They had almost made an end of me upon earth ; yet suffer me not , I beseech thee , to depart from thy Commandments , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Lord , keep me from the snare which malicious men have laid for me , and from the traps of wicked doers . If they will not repent , let them sall into their own nets together , but let me ever escape them . Amen . O Lord , I pour out my complaints before thee : Consider them , for I am brought very low . O deliver me from my persecutors , for they are too strong for me . Amen . In time of Fear . LOrd , make me remember that the fear of thee is clean , and that thy Judgments are true and righteous altogether . Amen . O Lord , give me that grace that I may so carrie my self , and that courage that I may so bear up my self , as that I may fear none but thee , nothing but that wherein I offend thee , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . In Poverty . O Lord , when thou makest inquisition for blood , remember and forget not the complaint of the Poor . Arise , O Lord God , and lift up thy hand , forget not the Poor . Take his cause into thy hand , for he commits himself unto thee , and thou art the helper of the friendless : O be so still , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O praise the Lord , ye that fear him ; and magnifie him , all ye of the seed of Jacob : For he hath not despised nor abhorred the low estate of the Poor ; he hath not hid his face from him , but when he called unto him he heard him . O bow down thine ear and hear him still , O thou holy One of Israel . Amen . I am poor and needy , O God , make haste unto me : Thou art my helper and my deliverer , O Lord make no long tarrying . Amen . In Imprisonment . O Lord , have mercie up-me , and bring my soul out of Prison , that I may give thanks unto thy Name , even in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , blessed is the man that hath thee for his help , and whose hope is in thee . O Lord , help me and all them to right that suffer wrong . Thou art the Lord which loosest men out of Prison , which helpest them that are fallen . O Lord , help and deliver me when , and as it shall seem best to thee , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , thine indignation lies hard upon me ; and though thou hast not ( for thy mercie is great ) vexed me with all thy storms , yet thou hast put my acquaintance far from me , and I am so fast in Prison that I cannot get forth . Lord , I call daily upon thee , hear and have mercie , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , thou which bringest the Prisoners out of captivitie , while thou lettest the Runagates continue in scarceness : Have mercie upon me , and deliver me out of the Prison and affliction in which I now am ; and give me grace , that being free , I may faithfully and freely serve thee all the days of my life , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Against Banishment . LOrd , send me not to the waters of Babylon , that I may have no cause to weep when I remember Sion : that no mans crueltie may lead me away captive , nor no mans scorn call upon me to sing in my heaviness . But that in my Countrie where I learned to serve thee , I may live to honour thee all the days of my life , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Against the Violent . O Lord , the ungodly laid wait for me to destroy me , yet make me the more thankful , and the more careful to consider thy testimonies . Amen . O Lord , they draw nigh that of malice persecute me ; therefore be thou nigh at hand to help me , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Many , O Lord , they are that trouble me and persecute me , yet do I not swerve from thy Testimonies : Yes , Lord , I do daily swerve from them . Quicken me as thou art wont . Amen . O take from me shame and rebuke , and I will keep thy Testimonies . O take away the rebuke that I am afraid of , for thy Judgments are good . O Lord , do this for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . For strength in Martyrdom . LOrd , make me remember the bones of thy Saints , how they lie scattered before the pit , even as when one heweth wood upon the earth . O Lord , mine eyes look unto thee ; in thee is my trust , O cast not out my soul. And if my bones also must be broken , O Lord I beseech thee give me courage , and abundance of patience , that no torment may make my faith fall away from thee , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . In time of Dearth . BE merciful , O Lord , and remember us , that we be not confounded in these perilous times , and that in these days of dearth we may have enough , and a free heart and hand to bestow it upon thy poor ones , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , our sins have prevailed against us , yet be thou merciful unto our transgressions . O visit the Earth , and prepare Corn for the Inhabitants thereof . Crown the year with thy goodness , and let no cloud drop other than fatness ; that the very Hills may rejoyce on every side ; that the Pastures may be covered with sheep , and the Vallies with corn , that thy People may rejoyce and sing unto thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O God heavenly Father , who by thy Son Jesus Christ hast promised to all them that seek thy Kingdom and the righteousness thereof , all things necessarie for their bodily sustenance : Behold , we beseech thee , the afflictions of thy People , and grant that the scarcitie and dearth ( which we do now most justly suffer for our sins ) may through thy goodness be mercifully turned into cheapness and plentie , for the love of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , be mercifully pleased to give and preserve to our use the kindly fruits of the Earth , so that in due time we may enjoy them , and praise thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . In time of War. O My God , though mightie Nations gather together on heaps , yet let them be broken in pieces : though they take counsel together , bring it to nought . For though they pronounce a decree , yet it shall not stand , if thou , O God , be with us . Be with us therefore , O God , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Blessed be thou , O Saviour of Israel , which didst destroy the assault of the mightie man , by the hand of thy servant David , and gavest the Host of strangers into the hand of Jonathan ; shut up this Armie in the hand of Israel , and let them be confounded with their power , and with their horse-men . Make them afraid , and consume their boldness and strength , that they may be astonished at their own destruction Cast them down by the sword of them that love thee ; that we which love thy Name may praise thee and sing unto thee . Grant this for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord of Hosts , give us strength that we may follow on upon our enemies and overtake them , and not return till we have destroyed them . O gird us with strength unto the Battel , that we may smite them that they may not be able to stand , but fall under our feet . And when thou hast thus blessed us , make us fall down at thy feet , and ever worship thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O make the Wars to cease in all the World ; break the Bow , and knap the Spear in sunder , and burn the Chariot in the fire ; that men may be still , and know that thou art God , that thou wilt be exalted among the Heathen , and in the Earth . Amen . Lord , be not far off , put us not to confusion , but go out with our Armies and prosper them , that we may not turn our backs upon our Enemies , while they that hate us spoil our persons , our honour , and our goods . O sell not us thy poor People for nought ; make us not a rebuke to our insolent neighbours , nor a scorn to them that are round about us . Our confusion , by reason of our sins , is daily before us , and the shame of our face hath covered us . But , Lord , we humbly beseech thee forgive us our sins , and deliver us , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Hast thou forsaken us , O God ? and wilt not thou , O God , go forth with our Hosts ? O help us against the Enemie , for vain is the help of man. O Lord , help us . Amen . O Almightie God , King of Kings , and Governour of all things , whose power no creature is able to resist , to whom it belongeth justly to punish sinners , and to be merciful to them that truly repent ; save and deliver us , we humbly beseech thee , from the hands of our Enemies ; abate their pride , asswage their malice , and confound their devices ; that we being armed with thy defence , may be preserved evermore from all perils , to glorifie thee who are the onely giver of all victorie , through the merits of thy onely Son our Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen . Almightie God , who art a strong tower of defence unto thy servants against the face of their Enemies ; we give thee praise and thanks for our deliverance from those great and apparent dangers wherewith we were compassed . We acknowledge it thy great goodness that we were not delivered over as a prey unto them . And we humbly beseech thee to continue such thy mercies towards us , that all the World may know that thou art our Saviour and mightie Deliverer , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , bless the King , all his Commanders under him , and all his Souldiers . Cover all their heads , his especially , in the day of Battel . Teach all their hands to war , and their fingers to fight . And bless all the Guides and Conductors of his Armies under him , with wisdom , and courage , and faithfulness , watchfulness and diligence , and whatsoever else may lead on good success . And set a happie end , we humbly beseech thee , to all these bloudie distractions , and restore Peace and preserve Religion in integritie among us , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Against Enemies . O Lord , consider mine Enemies how many they are ; and they bear a tyrannous hate against me . Lord , deliver me from them . Amen . Almightie God , I humbly beseech thee , look upon the heartie desires of thy humble servant , and stretch out the right hand of thy Majestie to be my defence against all mine Enemies , through Jesus Christ , our Lord. Amen . Be merciful unto me , O God , for mine Enemies would swallow me up ; and many they are which fight against me , O thou most highest ; they gather together and keep themselves close , they mark my steps , because they lay wait for my soul. But when I was afraid , I trusted in thee ; and when I cry , then shall mine Enemies turn back . This thou wilt make me know , when thou art with me : Be with me therefore , O Lord , and let me see deliverance . Amen . O Lord , let not them that are mine Enemies triumph over me , neither let them wink with their eyes that hate me either without a cause , or for thy cause . Amen . O Lord God , in thee have I put my trust , save me from all them that persecute me , and deliver me ; lest they devour my soul like a Lion , and tear it in pieces while there is none to help . Lift up thy self , O God , because of the indignation of mine Enemies : arise up for me in the Judgment which thou hast commanded , that my help may still be from thee , O God , who preservest them that are true of heart . Amen . Have mercie upon me , O God , consider the trouble which I suffer of them that hate me , O thou that liftest me up from the gates of death . Amen . Hear my voice , O God , in my Prayer , preserve my life from fear of the Enemie ; hide me from the conspiracie of the wicked , and from the rage of the workers of iniquitie . They have whet their tongues like a sword , and shoot out their arrows , even bitter words : Lord , deliver me from them . Amen . For Enemies . O Lord , I beseech thee forgive mine Enemies all their sins against thee ; and give me that measure of thy grace , that for their hatred I may love them , for their cursing I may bless them , for their injurie I may do them good , and for their persecution I may pray for them . Lord , I pray for them ; forgive them , for they know not what they do . Amen . * O [ thou that art the ] God of Peace and Love , grant Peace and Charitie to all [ that are ] my Enemies , and forgive them all their sins , and deliver me by thy power out of all the snares they have laid for me , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Penitentials . Psal. 6 , 32 , 38 , 51 , 102 , 130 , 143. O Lord , turn thee again now at the last , and be gracious unto thy servant . O satisfie me with thy mercie , and that soon ; so shall I rejoyce and be glad all the days of my life . And when thou hast forgiven my sins , O comfort me again after the time that thou hast plagued me , and for the years wherein I have suffered adversitie , O Jesus Christ my Saviour , and be merciful . Amen . O Lord , my flesh trembleth for fear of thee , and I am afraid of thy Judgments : yet stablish me according to thy Word , that I may live ; and let me not be disappointed of my hope , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . I have gone astray like a sheep that is lost ; O seek thy servant , that I may not forget thy Commandments , but return to thee . Amen . O Lord , our iniquities testifie against us ; for our backslidings are many , and we have sinned against thee : yet , O thou hope of Israel , thou Saviour thereof in time of trouble , shew mercie for thy Names sake ; and on me especially . For why shouldest thou be as a stranger in my soul , or as a wayfaring man that turns aside to tarrie but for a night ? O Lord , be and dwell in the midst of me , for thy Name is called upon me . Leave me not , O God of my salvation , but have mercie , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . For thy Names sake , O Lord , be merciful unto my sin , for it is great . Amen . O Lord Almightie , I acknowledge and confess I am not worthie to lift up mine eyes to Heaven , much less to present my self before thee with any confidence that thou shouldest hear my Prayers and grant my Requests , if I consider my own deserving : For my Conscience accuses me , and my sins witness against me ; and thou art a just and an upright Judge , and wilt not justifie any sinner in his transgressions . O Lord , suffer me not to be swallowed up of death and desperation , but in the multitude of thy mercies pardon me , O Lord , for thy goodness sake . For though I am a worm and no man , yet thou art my Creator , and I am the Work of thy Hands ; yea , thou art my Father , and I thy Son : Thou my Shepherd , and I one of thy stragling Flock : Thou my Redeemer , and I one of thy People whom thou hast dearly bought : Thou my God , and I thy Creature . O correct me not in thine anger , O Lord , neither punish me according to my deservings , but remember my weakness as well as my sin , and have mercie upon me for my dearest Saviour's sake Jesus Christ. Amen . Almightie and everlasting God , which hatest nothing that thou hast made , and forgivest the sins of all them that are penitent ; create and make in me a new and contrite heart , that I may worthily lament my sins , and acknowledge my wretchedness , and obtain of thee , the God of all mercie , perfect remission and forgiveness , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Almightie and everliving God , which art always more readie to hear than we to pray , and usest to give more than either we desire or deserve ; pour down upon me , most miserable sinner , the abundance of thy mercie , forgiving me those things whereof my Conscience is afraid , and giving me that which my Prayer dares not presume to ask . Grant this for Jesus Christ his sake , our Lord and onely Saviour . Amen . Grant , I beseech thee ; merciful God , to me thy sinful but humble servant , pardon and peace , that I may be cleansed from all my sins , and serve thee with a quiet mind , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Lord , I befeech thee , free me from all my offences , and by thy bountiful goodness deliver me from the bands of all those sins , which by my ignorance , frailtie , or wilfulness I have committed . Grant this , even for Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O God merciful Father , that despisest not the sighing of a contrite heart , nor the desire of such as be sorrowful ; mercifully assist my Prayers that I make before thee in all my troubles and adversities whensoever they oppress me : and graciously hear me , that those evils which the craft and subtiltie of the devil or man worketh against me be brought to nought , and by the providence of thy goodness so dispersed , that I thy poor servant being overcome by no temptation , nor hurt by any persecution , may evermore give thanks unto thee in thy holy Church , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , of thy great goodness I beseech thee give me true repentance , and forgive me all my sins , negligences and ignorances , and indue me with the grace of thy holy Spirit , that I may amend my life according to thy holy Word , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O God , whose nature and propertie is ever to have mercie and to forgive , receive my humble Petitions : And though I am tied and bound with the chain of my sins , yet let the pitifulness of thy great mercie loose me , and that for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . * Give ear , O Lord , I beseech thee , to the Prayers of thy humble servant , and spare me who confess my sins unto thee , and grant me of thy mercie both pardon and peace , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O Almightie God , who broughtest waters out of the [ hard ] rock , bring forth out of my stonie heart the tears of Contrition , and give me grace so to bewail my sins , that I may obtain forgiveness of them by thy mercie , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Almightie God , Father of our Lord Jesus Christ , Maker of all things , Judge of all men ; I acknowledge and bewail my manifold sins and wickedness , which I have from time to time most grievously committed , by thought , word , and deed , against thy divine Majestie , provoking most justly thy wrath and indignation against me . I do earnestly repent , and am heartily sorrie for these my misdoings ; the remembrance of them is grievous unto me , the burden of them is intolerable . Have mercie upon me , have mercie upon me , most merciful Father . For thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ his sake , forgive me all that is past , and grant that I may ever hereafter serve and please thee in newness of life , to the honour and glorie of thy Name , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Almightie God , and my most merciful Father , who of thy tender mercie hast promised forgiveness of sins to all them which with heartie repentance and true faith turn unto thee ; have mercie upon me , pardon and deliver me from all my sins , confirm and strengthen me in all goodness , and bring me to everlasting life , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O most holy Lord , most merciful God , let it suffice me to have been a sinner hitherto , to have despised thee , to have indulged the unclean motions of the flesh ; now at this time by thy inspiration I make a vow to return from mine iniquities . Assist me , O Lord , and grant I may fulfil it , in and through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Confessions . * O Lord , in many things I have offended and done wickedly , and [ have ] grieved thy holy Spirit . I have provoked [ to wrath ] the bowels of thy mercie , by thought , word , and deed , by night and by day , in publick and in private , deliberately and by surprize . O if thou shouldest set my sins in the sight of thy countenance ; O if thou shouldest call me to account for my sins , those sins which are unpardonable in themselves , [ those ] which I have committed against [ my own ] knowledge , [ O ] what shall I do ? whither shall I flie ? But , O Lord , rebuke me not in thy furie , nor chasten me in thine anger . Have mercie upon me , not onely because I am weak , but [ also ] because I am the work of thy hands , I beseech thee , enter not into Judgment with thy servant ; for if thou , Lord , shalt [ be extreme to ] mark what is done amiss , O Lord , who may abide it ? whosoever may , yet [ most ] certainly I shall not : For I am a sea of sin , and am not worthie [ so much as ] to look up to Heaven , by reason of the multitude of my sins which cannot be numbered , evil speakings , injuries , &c. and [ besides ] a thousand other abominable passions [ there are ] from which I have not refrain'd my self . For with what wickedness am I not defil'd ? to what sins am I not inslav'd ? I am [ altogether ] become an unprofitable servant to thee my God , and to all mankind . Now that I am fallen into such sins as these , who shall raise me up again ? O Lord , thou art my God , in thee is my trust ; be thou my Saviour according to the bowels of thy compassion , and be merciful to me according to the greatness of thy mercie , and reward me not according to my works , but turn thy self to me , and [ turn ] me to thee . Forgive me all the sins that I have committed against thee , [ and ] save me for thy mercies sake : and where sin has abounded , [ there ] let thy Grace abound much more ; so shall I praise and glorifie thee all the days of my life : For thou art the God of those that repent , and the Saviour of sinners . Glorie be to thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . SUNDAY . O Lord , by thy mercie I am risen out of my Grave , where I might have slept in death , but that thou preservedst me . Make it , I beseech thee , a Resurrection to Grace in this life , and to Glorie in the life to come , through Jesus Christ who merited both for us . Amen . This day by the Resurrection of thy Son our blessed Saviour was made Holy to us : give me that Grace that I may keep it Holy to thee , through Jesus Christ. Amen . O send out thy Light and thy Truth , that they may lead me , and bring me unto thy holy Hill , and to thy Dwelling ; that I may go unto the Altar of thee , O my God , even the God of my joy and gladness , and give thanks unto thee . Amen . Almightie and everlasting God , who governest all things both in Heaven and Earth ; mercifully hear my supplications for my self and all thy People , and grant us thy peace all the days of our life , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Almightie God , I humbly beseech thee , give me Grace to cast away the works of darknefs , and to put on the Armour of Light now in the time of this mortal life , ( in which thy Son Christ Jesus came to visit us in great humilitie ) that in the last day , when he shall come again in his glorious Majestie to judge both the quick and the dead , I with all thy faithful servants may rise up to the life immortal , through him who liveth and reigneth with thee and the Holy Ghost , now and for ever . Amen . Blessed God , which hast caused all holy Scriptures to be written for our learning , grant unto me and all Christians , that we may in such wise hear , read , mark , learn , and inwardly digest them , that by patience and comfort thereof , we may embrace and ever hold fast the blessed hope of everlasting life , which thou hast given us in our Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen . Lord , I humbly beseech thee , raise up thy power and come among us , and with great might succour us ; that whereas by our sins we are sore let and hindered , thy bountiful Grace and Mercie , through the satisfaction of thy Son our Lord , may speedily deliver us : To whom , with thee and the Holy Ghost , be all honour and glorie , World without end . Amen LOrd , let thine Angels tarrie round about me , and deliver me ; that I may taste and see how gracious thou my Lord art , and how blessed the man is that trusteth in thee ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . I will wait for thy loving kindness , O God , in the midst of thy Temple , and there will I praise thee . Amen . Lord , let me behold thee in thy Sanctuarie , and there see thy Power and Glorie . For thy loving kindness is better than life , therefore my lips shall praise thee . Thus will I magnifie thee all my life , and lift up my hands in thy Name . O , satisfie me with that Riches of Mercie which is in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O how amiable are thy Dwellings , thou Lord of Hosts ! My soul hath a desire and a longing to enter into the Courts of thee , O Lord ; my heart and my flesh rejoyceth in thee , O merciful God. Amen Lord , I humbly beseech thee to hear and accept my Prayers for my self , and for thy people which call upon thee ; and grant that we may perfectly know what things we ought to do , and also have grace and power faithfully to fulfil the same , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen Almightie and everlasting God , mercifully look upon all my infirmities ; and in all dangers and adversities , stretch out thy right hand to help and defend me , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen God , thou which knowest us to be set in the midst of so many and great dangers , that for mans frailtie we cannot always stand upright ; Grant , I most humbly beseech thee , to me the health of bodie and Soul , that all those things which I suffer for sin , I may by thy help well pass and overcome , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , the Sun is at height for this day upon me , but lift up the light of thy countenance , and I shall be whole . Make all darkness and spiritual shadows short upon me , and shorter in me , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Who can tell how oft he offendeth ? O cleanse thou me from my secret sins ; keep me also , O Lord , from presumptuous sins , lest they get the dominion over me : And keep me innocent from the great offence , I humbly beseech thee . Amen . Blessed are they that dwell in thy House , they will be alway praising thee . Blessed is the man whose strength is in thee , in whose heart are thy ways . Lord , thus bless the heart of thy servant , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . * O [ Most ] holy , adorable , and long-suffering Trinitie ! for thou art [ indeed ] long-suffering , who bearest so long with those that divide thee . O holy Trinitie , who hast long since vouchsafed me [ the honour ] to be thy Worshipper and Proclaimer unfeigned . O holy Trinitie , whom every man must one day acknowledge either by illumination or by punishment , I pray thee make and accept even those also to be thy Adorers who now blaspheme thee , that not one even of the least of these may perish . And this , though on condition that I lose some part of thy favour ; for I dare not say what the Apostle does . Grant this by and for the merits of Jesus Christ our Redeemer . Amen . ALmightie God , who through thine onely begotten Son Jesus Christ , hast overcome Death , and opened to us the gate of Everlasting Life ; I humbly beseech thee , that as by thy special Grace preventing me , thou dost put into my mind good desires , so by thy continual help I may bring the same to good effect , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . ALmightie God , who hast given thine onely Son to die for our Sins , and to rise again for our Justification ; give me Grace so to put away the leven of Malice and all Wickedness , that I may always serve thee in pureness of living and in truth , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Almightie God , who hast given thine onely Son to be unto us both a Sacrifice for sin , and an Example of godly life ; give me Grace that I may always most thankfully receive that inestimable benefit , and also daily endeavour to follow the blessed steps of his most holy life , even for the same thy Son Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . LOrd , give me that Grace , that I may hold me still by thee , and abide patiently upon thee . That I may not grieve my self at the man whose way doth prosper , nor against him that doth after evil counsels . That I may leave off from wrath , and let go displeasure , lest I fret my self , and be moved to do evil . Amen . * The Lord grant that here , in me , and for me , he may be a consuming fire : And [ O ] that my heart may be kindled with this fire , that it may be an eternal light to me , lest my soul burn in it unto everlasting punishment ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , make me like a green Olive-tree in thy House ; for I trust in thy tender mercie for ever : And I will always praise thee for that thou hast done , and hope in thy Name for ever . Amen . O Lord , I beseech thee , make me remember how much more than other men I have need to call upon thee . My charge is great , and my strength little ; O give me Grace to come often before thee , and to ask that help , which thou art readier to give than I to ask , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Have mercie upon me , O Lord : Consider the troubles which I suffer of them that hate me , O thou which didst lift me up from the gates of death . Amen . O Lord , increase in me Faith and Devotion : replenish my heart with all goodness , and by thy great mercie keep me in the same . Give me godly zeal in Prayer , true humilitie in Prosperitie , perfect patience in Adversitie , and continual joy in the Holy Ghost ; even for Jesus Christ his sake , my onely Lord and Saviour . Amen . O God , who hast taught the hearts of thy faithful People by sending to them the Light of thy holy Spirit ; grant me by the same Spirit to have a right judgment in all things , and evermore to rejoyes in his holy comfort , through the ments of Christ Jesus our Saviour , who liveth and reigneth with thee , in the unitie of the same Spirit , one God , World without end . Amen . ALmightie and everlasting God , who hast given unto thy servants Grace by the confession of true faith to acknowledge theGlorie of the eternal Trinitie , and in the power of the Divine Majestie to worship the Unitie ; I humbly beseech thee , bless me also , that I may live in the stedfastness of this Faith , and through it be evermore defended from all Ghostly and Bodily dangers , for thy mercies sake , who 〈◊〉 and reignest one God , world without end . Amen . O My God , incline thine ear and hear , open thine eyes and see . O Lord , forgive : O Lord , consider and do it , for thine own sake , O my God , and for my Saviour Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Lord , let me not be afraid , though one be made rich , or though the glorie of his house be increased : For he shall carry nothing away with him when he dieth , neither shall his pomp follow him . But ever make me afraid to offend thee . Amen . Mine eyes long sore for thy Word , saying , When wilt thou comfort me ? Lord , comfort me , for I am become like a bottle in the smoak ; yet let me not , I beseech thee , forget thy Law , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord God , which seest that I put not my trust in any thing that I do ; mercifully grant that I may be defended against all Adversitie , through Jesus Christ my Lord and onely Saviour . Amen . O Lord , which hast taught us that all our doings without Charitie are nothing worth ; send thy Holy Ghost , and pour into my heart that most excellent gift of Charitie , the very bond of Peace and all Vertues , without the which whosoever liveth , is counted dead before thee . Grant this for thy onely Son Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , fill me with Grace that I may fulfil all the service which I owe thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord God , spare , I beseech thee : who shall raise up Jacob ? for he is small . Spare him therefore , O Lord ; spare thy People , spare me . Say unto my soul , thou hast repented of the evil intended , and it shall not be . Amen . Lord , when I am asleep , let me not be made afraid ; but let my sleep be sweet , that I may be enabled to serve thee . Amen . Grant , I beseech thee , most merciful Father , that I who for my evil deeds am worthily punished , may by the comfort of thy Grace be mercifully relieved , through Jesus Christ our onely Lord and Saviour . Amen . COnsider and hear me , O Lord my God : Lighten mine eyes , that I sleep not in death . Amen . O Lord , thou hast proved and visited my heart , in the night-season thou hast tried me : O blessed Father , purge me that thou mayest find no wickedness in me ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , hear me , that seven times a day I may praise thee , and be acquainted with that great peace which they have that love thy Law. Amen . O Lord , from whom all good things do come ; grant unto me thy humble servant , that by thy holy inspiration I may think those things that are good , and by thy merciful guiding may also perform the same , through our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen . Entrance into the Church . LOrd , I will come into thy house upon the multitude of thy mercies , and in thy fear will I worship towards thy holy Temple . O bless me that I may . Amen . Hear the voice of my humble Petitions , O Lord , when I crie unto thee in this place , when I hold my hands towards the mercies sent of thy holy Temple , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . I will dwell in thy Tabernacle for ever , and my trust shall be under the covering of thy wings . O Lord , hear our desires , and give an heritage unto those that pray unto thee , and fear thy Name . Amen . O my God , I will go into thy Gates with thanksgiving , and into thy Courts with praise : I will be thankful unto thee , and speak good of thy Name : For thou , Lord , art gracious , thy mercie is everlasting , and thy truth endureth from Generation to Generation . Amen . O Lord , I love the habitation of thy House , and the place where thine Honour dwelleth . O shut not up my soul with impenitent sinners , but give me plentie of thy Grace , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . In the Holy Sacrament . * FOrgive me , [ O Lord ] whatsoever I have transgrest against thee , from [ the time of ] my infancie even to this very moment , [ whether ] against knowledge or through ignorance , at home or abroad , sleeping or waking , in thoughts , words , or deeds , [ whether occasion'd ] through the fierie darts of [ our ghostly ] Enemie , or by the unclean desires of my [ own ] heart ; have mercie upon me , and grant me pardon , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Almightie God and most merciful Father , give me , I beseech thee , that grace , that I may duely examine the inmost of my heart , and my most secret thoughts , how I stand before thee . Lord , I confess all my sins , and my unworthiness to present my self at thine Altar . But thou canst forgive sin , and give repentance ; do both , gracious Father , and then behold I am clean to come unto thee . Lord , make me a worthie Receiver of that for which I come , Christ , and remission of sin in Christ : And that for his own mercie sake and thine . Amen . O Lord , into a clean , charitable , and thankful heart , give me Grace to receive the blessed Bodie and Bloud of thy Son , my most blessed Saviour , that it may more perfectly cleanse me from all dregs of sin ; that being made clean , it may nourish me in Faith , Hope , Charitie , and Obedience , with all other fruits of spiritual life and growth in thee : that in all the future course of my life , I may shew my self such an ingrafted member into the Bodie of thy Son , that I may never be drawn to do any thing that may dishonour his Name . Grant this , O Lord , I beseech thee , even for his merit and mercie sake . Amen . O Lord God , hear my Prayers . I come to thee in a stedfast Faith ; yet for the clearness of my Faith , Lord , enlighten it ; for the strength of my Faith , Lord , increase it . And behold , I quarrel not the words of thy Son my Saviour's blessed Institution . I know his words are no gross unnatural conceit , but they are spirit and life , and supernatural . While the World disputes , I believe . He hath promised me if I come worthily , that I shall receive his most precious Bodie and Bloud , with all the benefits of his Passion . If I can receive it and retain it , ( Lord , make me able , make me worthie ) I know I can no more die eternally , than that Bodie and Bloud can die and be shed again . My Saviour is willing in this tender of them both unto me : Lord , so wash and cleanse my Soul , that I may now and at all times else come prepared by heartie Prayers and Devotion , and be made worthie by thy Grace of this infinite Blessing , the Pledge and Earnest of Eternal Life , in the merits of the same Jesus Christ , who gave his Bodie and Bloud for me . Amen . Almightie God , unto whom all hearts be open , all desires known , and from whom no secrets are hid ; cleanse the thoughts of my heart by the inspiration of thy holy Spirit , that I may perfectly love thee , and worthily magnifie thy Name , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O God the Father of Heaven , who hast delivered thy onely begotten [ Son ] to death for us . O God the Son , Redeemer of the World , who by thy precious Bloud hast cleansed us from our sins . O God the Holy Ghost the Comforter , who by thy Grace dost visit and establish the hearts of thy Saints . O [ most ] holy , high , eternal , happie , [ ever ] blessed Trinitie ; [ O ] good Father , holy Son , loving Spirit , by whose operation we receive our Being , by whose love we obtain Grace , and in contemplation of whom we hope for Glorie ; whose Majestie is unspeakable , [ whose ] Power is incomparable , [ whose ] Goodness is inestimable : [ O thou that art the Lord both of Quick and Dead , I adore thee , I call upon thee , and with the utmost affection of my heart I bless thee , now and for evermore . Amen . * O Lord Jesu , grant us while we live Mercie and Grace : guide us thy Servants by thy perpetual Light ; grant to thy Church Truth and Peace ; grant me a most wretched sinner Repentance and Forgiveness . Amen . * O Lord , I pray thee correct those that are in errour , convert the unbeliever , increase the Faith of thy Church , root out [ of it ] all Heresies , discover [ and confound ] her secret designing Enemies , and break in pieces those that are openly fierce , violent , and impenitent , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O merciful Father , let my Benefactors obtain eternal Rewards in Heaven , for the benefits [ which ] they have bestowed upon me on Earth . I pray thee also , that thou wouldest [ vouchsafe to ] bring me , together with those whom I have prayed for , or whom I am bound to pray for , and together with all the People of God , into thy Kingdom , that there we may appear in Righteousness , and be fully satisfied with [ thy ] Glorie , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , consider my Complaint , for I am brought very low . O Lord , how long wilt thou be angrie with thy servant that prayeth ? O Lord , give me Grace and Repentance , and thou canst not be angrie with my Prayer . O Lord , I am thine , save me , and deliver me not into the will of mine enemies , especially my ghostly Enemies . O Lord , I am thy servant , thy unprofitable wastful servant , yet thy servant . O Lord , set my accounts right before thee , and pardon all my mis-spendings and misreckonings . O Lord , I am thy son , thy most unkind , prodigal , run-away son , yet thy son . O Lord , though I have not retained the love and dutie of a son , yet do not thou cast off ( I humbly beg it ) the kindness and compassion of a Father . O Lord , in thy Grace I return to thee ; and though I have eaten draugh with all the unclean Swine in the World , in my hungrie absence from thee , yet now , Lord , upon my humble return to thee , give me , I beseech thee , the Bread of Life , the Bodie and Bloud of my Saviour into my soul , that I may be satisfied in thee , and never more run away from thee , even for Jesus Christ his sake , that gave himself for me . Amen . * O merciful God , who hast made all men , and hatest nothing that thou hast made , nor wouldest the death of a sinner , but rather that he should be converted and live ; have mercie upon all Jews , Turks , Infidels , and Hereticks , and take from them all ignorance , hardness of heart , and contempt of thy Word ; and so fetch them home , blessed Lord , to thy flock , that they may be saved among the remnant of the true Israelites , and be made one Fold under one Shepherd , Jesus Christ our Lord , who liveth and reigneth with thee and the holy Spirit , one God , World without end . Amen . * As I must [ one day ] appear and answer at thy dreadful Tribunal , where there shall be no respect of persons , so at this time , ere the day of Judgment overtakes me , I prostrate my self before thy holy Altar ; and being burdened by my own Conscience , I lay open my evil thoughts and ungodly deeds before thee and thy glorious Angels . I beseech thee , O Lord , regard my lowliness , and forgive me all my sins , which are more in number than the hairs of my head . For what evil have I not design'd in my heart ? but many and most abominable things have I committed in very deed : For I am guiltie , O Lord , of Envie , Gluttonie , &c. All my Senses [ and ] all my Members have I polluted . But incomparable is the multitude of thy Bowels , and unspeakable [ is ] the mercie of thy Goodness , through which thou bearest with my sins . Wherefore , O King whom we can never praise enough , O thou long-suffering Lord , magnifie the wonders of thy mercie upon me a sinner , discover [ in me ] the power of thy kindness , shew forth the goodness of thy most merciful favour , and receive me a Prodigal returning [ unto thee , ] through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord God , how I receive the Bodie and Bloud of my most blessed Saviour Jesus Christ , the price of my Redemption , is the very wonder of my soul , yet my most firm and constant belief upon the words of my Saviour . At this time they are graciously tender'd to me and my Faith : Lord , make me a worthie Receiver , and be it unto me as he hath said . Amen . Lord , I have received this Sacrament of the Bodie and Bloud of my dear Saviour . His mercie hath given it , and my faith received it into my soul. I humbly beseech thee speak mercie and peace unto my Conscience , and enrich me with all those Graces which come from that precious Bodie and Bloud , even till I be possessed of Eternal Life in Christ. Amen . * O thou that sittest on high with the Father , and art here invisibly present with us ; come and sanctifie these [ thy ] gifts [ here present ] , and those also by [ whom ] and [ those ] for whom , and the end for which they are offered up . Amen . MUNDAY . POnder my words , O Lord , consider my Meditations ; O hearken unto the voice of my calling , my King and my God : for unto thee will I make my Prayer . My voice shalt thou hear betimes , O Lord : early in the morning will I direct my Prayer unto thee , and will look up . But make me remember that thou art God , and hast no pleasure in wickedness , neither shall any evil dwell with thee . Amen . O Lord , bless me , and I will sing unto thee , and praise thy Name , and be telling of thy salvation from day to day . Amen . O Lord , let Counsel preserve me , and Understanding keep me . Deliver me from the evil way , and from the man that speaketh froward things ; and from all such as leave the ways of Righteousness , to walk in the ways of Darkness : even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , I know the way of man is not in himself : It is not in man that walketh to direct his own steps . Therefore , O Lord , I beseech thee , make me know my way , and direct my steps to thy honour and my own salvation , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . BE not wroth with me , O Lord , but spare me and have mercie upon me : for thou wilt be merciful unto thy creature . O Lord , I and my Fathers have all had the same sickness : but , because of us that are sineers , thou shalt be called merciful , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , guide me here with thy Counsel , and after that receive me into Glorie . For whom have I in Heaven but thee ? and there is none upon Earth that I desire , in comparison of thee . O Lord , preserve me in those longings after thee . Amen . O God , take from me the way of lying , and cause me to make much of thy Law , that I may chuse the way of Truth , and lay thy Judgments before me : that I may stick unto thy Testimonies , and run the way of thy Commandments , when thou hast set my heart at libertie . Amen . O God , the strength of all them that trust in thee ; mercifully accept my Prayers : and because the weakness of mans nature can do no good thing without thee , grant me the help of thy Grace , that in keeping of thy Commandments I may please thee both in will and in deed , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , thou art just , and all thy ways are mercie and truth : thou judgest truly for ever ; remember me , and look upon me : punish me not according to my sins or my ignorances , or my Fathers which have sinned before thee : deal not with me according to my sins , but as seemeth best unto thee , O Lord my strength and my salvation . Amen . Lord , I acknowledge my wickedness , and the iniquitie of my Fathers : we have sinned against thee , O Lord , be merciful . Amen . Remember not , Lord , our offences , nor the offences of our forefathers ; neither take thou vengeance of our sins : spare us , good Lord , spare thy People whom thou hast redeemed with thy most precious Bloud , and be not angrie with us for ever . Amen . Lord , I beseech thee , mercifully to hear me : And as thou hast given me an heartie desire to pray , so grant that by thy mightie aid I may be defended both in soul and in bodie , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , I beseech thee , accept the Prayers that I offer [ thee ] ; give what I ask , forgive what I fear : for thou through thy Christ art the onely hope of sinners , and through him I hope for pardon of my sins . Amen . O Lord , be gracious unto me , and give me an heart to worship thee , and to do thy Will ; and open my heart in thy Law , and send me peace : hear my Prayers , and be reconciled to me , and never forsake me in the time of trouble , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Remember me , O Lord , according to the favour that thou bearest unto thy People . O visit me with thy salvation , that I may see the felicitie of thy chosen , and rejoyce in the gladness of thy People , and give thanks with thine Inheritance . Amen . O God , the Protector of all that trust in thee , without whom nothing is strong , nothing is holy ; increase and multiplie upon me thy mercie , that thou being my Ruler and Guide , I may so pass through things temporal , that I finally lose not the things eternal . Grant this , O heavenly Father , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Grant , O Lord , that I may live in thy fear , die in thy favour , rest in thy peace , rise in thy power , raign in thy glorie , for thy onely beloved Son's sake Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . HEar , O Lord , consider my complaint , hearken unto my prayer that goeth not out of feigned lips ; and prevent me in mercie , before the Evening of my days close up upon me ; even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . * O Lord , I pray thee let not my weakness distract me , but let my speech be of that alone in which the salvation of my soul consists ; and let me never break forth to that degree both of folly and wickedness , as to wish to be a Judge of thy Omnipotence , and of thy Sacraments ; and suffer me not to exalt my weak opinion above either the divine determination of thy Infinitie , or that belief of thy Eternitie which has been revealed to me . Amen . * Lighten our darkness I beseech thee , O Lord , and by thy mercie keep off all the snares [ and dangers ] of this whole night from me , and from all thy faithful ; from our souls [ more ] especially , but [ even ] from our bodies also , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O God , which hast prepared for them that love thee , such good things as pass mans understanding ; pour into my heart such love towards thee , that I obeying thee in all things , may obtain thy promises , which exceed all that I can desire , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . ENcline thine ear unto me , O Lord , and hearken unto my words . Shew thy marvellous loving kindness , thou that art the Saviour of them that put their trust in thee . Keep me as the apple of thine eye , and hide me under the shadow of thy wings , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , I cry unto thee , let my Prayer be set forth in thy sight as Incense , and the lifting up of my hands be an Evening-Sacrifice , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . The Lord is my strength and my shield ; my heart hath trusted in him , and I am helped : therefore my heart danceth for joy , and in my song will I praise him . Amen . O Lord of all power and might , who art the author and giver of all good things ; graft in my heart the love of thy Name , increase in me true Religion , nourish me with all goodness , and of thy great mercie keep me in the same , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . LOrd , let me know my end , and the number of my days , that I may be certified how long I have to live . Behold , thou hast made my days as it were a span long , and my age is even as nothing in respect of thee ; and verily every man living is altogether vanitie . For man walketh in a vain shadow , and disquieteth himself in vain : he heapeth up riches , and cannot tell who shall gather them . And now , Lord , what is my hope ? truly my hope is even in thee . Deliver me from all mine offences , and make me not a rebuke to the foolish , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . * O Lord , I give and offer up unto thee my self and all that is mine , [ my ] actions and words , [ my ] repose and silence ; onely do thou preserve and guide me , and direct my hand & mind & tongue to things that are honest and acceptable to thee , and withdraw me from any thing from which it were better to abstain , by and for the sake of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . TUESDAY . LOrd , preserve me , that neither this day , nor any day of my life , I may walk in the counsel of the ungodly , stand in the way of sinners , or sit down in the seat of the scornful ; but that my delight may be in thy Law , O Lord , and my exercise in it day and night . Amen . * O Sun of Righteousness , Father and Original [ cause ] of all things ; when we are influenc'd from above by thee , we receive new life ; when we are cherisht by thy [ blessed ] beams , we grow up [ in Grace ] ; when we are inflamed by thy love , we are made perfect ; when we are forsaken of thee , we perish . O thrice-happie are they upon whom thou arisest with the dew of mercie ! O Lord Jesus , bless me with thy light , and scatter the clouds of my ignorance , and the [ thick ] darkness of my sins , that I may not go astray from the way of thy Commandments , but follow thee unto Light eternal , through thee thy self , my onely Saviour and Redeemer . Amen . O Lord , thou art my Assurance ; I humbly beseech thee , preserve my foot from taking , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , give me , I beseech thee , the spirit to think and do always such things as be rightful ; that I who cannot be without thee , may by thee be able to live according to thy will , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , I lift up my soul to thee ; my God , I have put my trust in thee : O let me not be confounded , neither let mine enemies triumph over me . Shew me thy ways , O God , and teach me thy paths . Lead me forth in thy truth , and learn me : for thou art the God of my salvation ; in thee is my hope all the day long . Call to remembrance , O Lord , thy tender mercies , and thy loving kindness , which hath been ever of old . O remember not the sins and offences of my youth , or my riper age ; but according to thy mercie think thou upon me , O Lord , for thy goodness , and the merits of Jesus Christ my Saviour . Amen . Almightie God , who seest that we have no power of our selves to help our selves ; keep me , I beseech thee , both outwardly in my bodie , and inwardly in my soul , that so I may be defended from all adversitie which may happen to my bodie , and from all evil thoughts which may assault and hurt my soul , through Jesus Christ my Lord and onely Saviour . Amen . HEarken unto my voice , O Lord , now I cry unto thee : have mercie upon me , and hear me . My heart hath talked of thee , Seek ye my face ; thy face , Lord , will I seek . O hide not thou thy face from me , nor cast thy servant away in displeasure . Thou hast been my succour , leave me not , neither forsake me , O God of my salvation . Amen . At evening , morning , and at noon-day will I pray , and that instantly : Lord , hear my voice . O deliver my soul in peace from the practices that are against me . Amen . Let thy merciful ears , O Lord , be open to the Prayers of me thy humble servant ; and that I may obtain my Petitions , make me to ask such things as shall please thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . LOrd , let me not be confounded , for I have called upon thee . O how plentiful is thy goodness which thou hast laid up for them that fear thee , and that thou hast prepared for them that put their trust in thee , even before the sons of men ! Lord , I trust in thee , have mercie upon me . My tears have been my meat day and night , while they daily say unto me , Where is now thy God ? But let them have no cause to say it any more , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . ALmightie God , which shewest to all men that are in errour , the light of thy truth , to the intent that they may return into the way of Righteousness ; grant , I beseech thee , unto me , and all them that are admitted into the Fellowship of Christs Religion , that we may eschew those things which are contrarie to our Profession , and follow all such things as are agreeable to the same , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O Lord my Saviour , in whose power it is to remit sins , I beseech thee say unto me , Loose thee from thy chains , come out of the bonds of thy sins ; and when thou sayest it , loose those cords of my errours wherewith I am entangled and bound : for though I am the most wicked of all men , and to be abhorred by reason of my continuance in sins , yet when thou commandest , I shall be free from them . Amen . Lord , give me grace that I may dwell under the defence of the most highest , and that I may abide under thy shadow , O thou Almightie : for thou art my hope and my strong hold ; in thee will I trust , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O God , thou which declarest thy Almightie power most chiefly by shewing mercie and pitie ; give unto me abundantly thy grace , that I running to thy promises , may be made partaker of thy heavenly treasure , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O God , thou art my hope and strength , a very present help in trouble ; confirm me , that I may not fear , though the earth be moved , and the hills carried into the midst of the sea ; though the waters thereof rage and swell , and the mountains shake at the tempest of the same . O be in the midst of my soul , and I shall never be moved . Amen . O Lord , look upon me , and be merciful unto me , as thou usest to do to those that fear thy Name . Order my steps in thy Word , and so shall no wickedness have dominion over me . Amen . Almightie God , give unto me , I beseech thee , a full increase of Faith , Hope and charitie : And that I may obtain that which thou dost promise , make me love that which thou dost command , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . LOrd , I call upon thee in the day of my trouble , in the night of my heaviness . O deliver me , and I will glorifie thee . Amen . O Lord , correct me , but with judgment , not in thine anger , lest thou bring me to nothing . And grant that thy correction may amend me , and make me thine , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * Look on me also , O Lord Jesus , that I may call to mind my own sins , and wash away my offences with tears ; grant me , I beseech thee , the tears of St. Peter : I would not have the joy of a sinner . That I may obtain this , turn thee , O Lord , and look upon me , and grant the same Cock may waken even me a most miserable sinner , that being delivered , I may sing unto thee for ever and ever . Amen . O eternal God and merciful Father , grant , I humbly beseech thee , that I may love all those things which thou commandest , and desire that which thou dost promise ; that amongst the sundrie and manifold changes of the world , my heart may surely there be fixed , where true joys are to be found , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . WEDNESDAY . O Lord , I have sinned and dealt wickedly ; nay , offended in all thine Ordinances . Let thy wrath turn from me , for I am weak ; and hear my prayers , and deliver me for thine own sake , and the merits of my Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen . Gracious Father , without thee I can do nothing but sin ; nor can I confess it to have pardon but by thee . I was conceived and born in sin : And though thou didst wash me from that in the laver of Baptism , yet I have since defiled my self again , and by many grievous actual sins , have made my self a sinner above all other men , considering the great measure of grace that thou hast given me . Lord , increase thy grace , and by it weaken first , and then cut off my resistance , that I may see , and confess , and hate , and forsake all my sins , and find mercie and salvation in the merits of my blessed Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen . O Lord , early this morning do I crie unto thee ; for in thy Word is my trust . Hear me , O Lord , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , let me hear thy loving kindness betimes in the morning , for in thee is my trust . O shew me the way that I should walk in this day , and all the days of my life ; for I lift up my soul unto thee in the mercies of Jesus Christ. Amen . DEliver me , O Lord , from all mine offences , and make me not a rebuke to the foolish . For man walketh in a vain shadow , and disquieteth himself in vain . But Lord , what is my hope ? truly my hope is even in thee : and there let it still continue acceptable in Jesus Christ our Lord and onely Saviour . Amen . O Lord , look upon me in mercie ; in the greater mercie , because the Calling and Place I am in must give a stricter account to thee . Look therefore upon me , O Lord , but not till thou hast nailed my sins to the Cross of Christ : not till thou hast bathed me in the Bloud of Christ : not till I have hid my self in the Wounds of Christ ; that so the punishment which should else overtake me , may pass over me : then look , and say unto my soul , I have forgiven thee ; and by the work of thy mercie in my soul make me feel it , through Jesus Christ our onely Lord and Saviour . Amen . * O Lord , who bringest the great Flocks to perfection , and increasest the little ones by thy Grace ; comfort me abundantly according to the exceeding greatness of thy bountie , and feed and preserve my Flock , together with my self , through Jesus Christ the chief Shepherd , and our [ onely ] Saviour . Amen . O Lord , plead thou my cause with them that strive with me , and fight against them that fight against me . Bring forth the spear , and stop the way against them that persecute me . Say unto my soul , I am thy Salvation . Even so . Amen . Give ear , O Lord , unto my Prayer , and ponder the voice of my humble desires . In the time of my trouble I will call upon thee ; for thou hearest me . Amen . Deliver my soul , O God , from lying lips , and from a deceitful tongue . Amen . Keep me , O Lord , thy poor humble servant , with thy perpetual mercie : And because the frailtie of man without thee cannot but fall , preserve me ever by thy help , and lead me to all things profitable to my salvation , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , give me such Grace , as I may seek thee while thou mayest be found , and call upon thee while thou art near ; that I may detest and forsake the wickedness of my ways , and the unrighteousness of my own imaginations ; that I may return unto thee , and thou have mercie upon me , in Jesus Christ my onely Saviour and Redeemer . Amen . Teach me thy ways , O Lord , and I will walk in thy truth . O knit my heart unto thee , that I may fear thy Name . Amen . Lord , I beseech thee , grant that thy Grace may alway prevent and follow me , and make me continually to be given to all good works , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . HAve mercie upon me , O God , after thy great goodness , and according to the multitude of thy Mercies do away mine offences . Wash me throughly from my wickedness , and cleanse me from my sin : for I acknowledge my faults , and my sin is ever before me . But let not this Evening take from me the light of the Sun of Righteousness , Jesus Christ my Saviour . Amen . * Vouchsafe , O Lord , to hear my Prayers . According to thy good pleasure , drive out the Enemie by thy might , from my thoughts and deeds . Increase my Faith , govern my mind , grant me spiritual thoughts whilst I lie waking on my bed , and conduct me to thy bliss , through Jesus Christ thy Son and our Saviour . Amen . O Lord , I beseech thee , give me grace to avoid the infections of the Devil , and with a pure heart and mind to follow thee the onely true God , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . LOrd , I offer up unto thee my Evening-Sacrifice ; thy Sacrifice , even a troubled spirit , a broken and a contrite heart , which thou wilt not despise , in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O Lord , I humbly pray thee look upon me , and cleanse my mind and my thoughts from unclean motions , and from all filthiness of the Flesh and Spirit , and from every work of the Devil , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O Lord , graciously shew forth thy unspeakable mercie , and both free me from the sins I have committed , and deliver me from the punishments I have deserved , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O God , for as much as without thee I am not able to please thee , grant that the working of thy mercie may in all things direct and rule my heart , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , give me that grace , that I may remember thee upon my Bed , and think upon thee when I am waking . Thou hast been my helper ; therefore under the shadow of thy wings I will hope to pass through the darkness of this night , in the comfort of Jesus Christ my Lord and onely Saviour . Amen . O Lord , make mine eyes prevent the night-watches , that I may be occupied in thy Words . Amen . O Lord , thou which hast made the night for man to rest in , as well as the day to labour ; grant , dear Father , that I may so take my bodily rest , that my soul may continually watch for my deliverance out of this mortal life . And that my sleep be not excessive , according to the insatiable desires of the flesh , but sufficient to relieve and maintain Nature ; to live and serve thee in all sober and godly conversation , through the aid and assistance of Jesus Christ my onely Lord and Saviour . Amen . THURSDAY . O Hold thou up my goings in thy paths , that my footsteps slip not . Amen . * Help me , my Lord Jesu , and gird thy sword about thy thigh , O thou most Mightie . Go forth , O thou most powerful of all : Kill me in my self , that I may live to thee , and let my Enemies cease to persecute me . Amen . O God , thou art my God , early will I seek thee : My soul thirsteth for thee , my flesh longeth greatly after thee , in a barren and drie land , where no water is . O satisfie this thirst with thy freshest waters of comfort , in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , have mercie upon me ; I have waited for thee : Be thou my arm in the morning , and my help in the time of trouble ; that I may exalt thy Name which dwellest on high , that I may live in the stabilitie of thy times , and that thy fear may be my treasure , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Almightie God and merciful Father , grant , I beseech thee , that as I do believe thy onely Son our Lord to have ascended into the Heavens ; so I , and all thy faithful Servants , may in heart and mind thither ascend , and with thee continually dwell . Amen . O God , the King of glorie , who hast exalted thine onely Son Jesus Christ with great triumph into thy Kingdom in Heaven ; I beseech thee leave neither thy Church , nor my poor self comfortless ; but send us thy Holy Ghost to comfort us , and exalt us unto the same place whither our Saviour Christ is gone is before , who liveth and raigneth with thee , one God , world without end . Amen . HEar my Prayer , O God , and hide not thy self from my petition . Take heed unto me and hear me , how I mourn in my Prayer and am vexed . Give me strength and comfort in thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O God , the proud are risen against me , and the Congregation of factious men have sought after my soul , and have not set thee before their eyes . But thou , Lord God , art full of compassion and mercie , long suffering , plenteous in goodness and truth . O turn thee then unto me , and have mercie upon me : shew some token upon me for good , that they which hate me may see it , and be ashamed , because thou Lord hast holpen me , and comforted me in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Assist me mercifully , O Lord , in these and all other my supplications and prayers , and dispose my ways towards the attainment of everlasting salvation , that among all the changes and chances of this mortal life , I may ever be defended by thy most gracious and readie help , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Deliver me from them whose words are softer than butter , when they have war in their heart : And from them whose word , are smoother than oyl , while they are very swords . Lord , I cast my burthen upon thee , that thou mayst sustain me , and not suffer me to fall for ever . Amen . Bless me , O Lord , when thou chastenest me , and teachest me in thy Law ; that thou mayst give me patience in time of adversitie , till the pit be digged up for the ungodly . O Lord , fail me not , neither forsake me , for I am part of thine Inheritance in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Almightie and merciful God , of thy bountiful goodness keep me from all things that may hurt me ; that I being readie both in bodie and soul , may with a free heart accomplish those things that thou wouldest have done , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O Eternal God , I humbly beseech thee , that whilst I am on Earth , as far as earthly things serve me , they may remember me that I am their owner , but by thy appointment ; and so far forth as they offend me , let them teach me to serve thee my Lord ; whom when I do not obey , they are wont to become offensive for just vengeance : that whether they serve me or not , [ yet ] I may always serve thee , in and through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Hold not thy tongue , O God of my praise ; for the mouth of the ungodly , yea , and the mouth of the deceitful is opened upon me : and they have spoken against me with false tongues ; they compassed me about also with words of hatred , and fought against me without a cause . But I give my self unto prayer . Lord , forgive them , and hear me . Amen . O God , which art the author of peace , and lover of concord , in knowledge of whom standeth our eternal life , whose service is perfect freedom ; defend me and all thy servants in all assaults of our enemies , that we surely trusting in thy defence , may not fear the power of any adversaries , through the might of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * TEach me , O my Lord Jesus , [ and ] instruct me , that I may learn from thee what I ought to teach [ others ] concerning thee . Amen . Deliver me , O Lord , from the man that is evil , and preserve me from the cruel man , which imagines mischief in his heart , and stirs up strife all the day long . The proud have laid a snare for me , and spread their net abroad with cords , and set traps in my way . Lord , keep me from treacherous hands , and preserve me , that though they purpose , yet they may not be able to overthrow my goings , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O God , from whom all holy desires , all good counsels , and all just works do proceed ; give unto me , and all thy servants , that Peace which the world cannot give , that both our hearts may be set to obey thy Commandments , and also that by thee we being defended from the fear of our enemies , may pass our time in rest and quietness , through the merits of Jesus Christ our Saviour . Amen . HAve mercie upon me , O God , have mercie upon me , for my soul trusteth in thee , and in the shadow of thy wings will I trust , till these and all other my afflictions be over-past . O send out thy mercie and truth upon me , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . * O merciful Lord , who comest not [ in ] to the proud heart , humble thou my soul. O thou who art seen by those onely that are pure in heart , give me true puritie of heart . O Lord , I am athirst [ for thee ] , give me the pledge of the Inheritance [ which is ] to come , give me at least a drop of thy heavenly showers to refresh my thirst , for I burn with Love. Neither do I beg this for my own merits , for I am most unworthie [ so much as ] to tast it , but for thy mercies , and the merits of our Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen . Almightie God , vouchsafe , I beseech thee , to direct , sanctifie and govern both my heart and bodie in the waies of thy Laws , and in the works of thy Commandments , that through thy mightie protection , both here and ever , I may be preserved by night and by day , in bodie and in soul , through our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen . O Lord , I crie unto thee , hearken unto me , O God. Thou holdest my eyes waking : I am so feeble that I cannot speak : And in the night season my soul refuseth comfort ; yet even then give me grace especially , that I may commune with mine own heart , and search out my spirits , and compose them in thee , that I may rise to serve thee . Amen . Grant , O Lord , to me that am lying down to sleep , rest both of bodie and soul. Preserve me from the dismal sleep of sin , from all the black defiling pleasures of the night . Quench the fierie Darts of the evil one which he aims craftily against me . Subdue the Rebellions of my flesh , and lay asleep in me all earthly and worldly thoughts , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . I humbly beseech thee , O Father , mercifully to look upon my infirmities ; and for the glorie of thy Names sake , turn from me and the rest of thy servants , all those evils which we most justly have deserved : And grant that in all our troubles we may put our whole trust and confidence in thy mercie , and evermore serve thee in holiness and pureness of living , to thy honour and glorie , through our onely Mediator and Advocate , Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . FRIDAY . * O Great God , Almightie God , God of infinite goodness , whom we ought to believe and apprehend to be inviolable and incorruptible : O thou Trinitie in Unitie , whom the Catholick Church adores ; I that have experienc'd thy mercie in my self , do [ most ] humbly entreat thee that thou wouldest not suffer those men to differ from me in thy Worship , with whom I have perfectly agreed in all conversation from my Childhood ; and suffer thou not either me or them to wander from thy truth and salvation which is in Christ Jesus . Amen . Lord , I will call upon thee , and early shall my prayer come before thee . Lord , do not abhor my soul , neither hide thy face from me , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Lord , make me to have a perpetual fear and love of thy holy Name ; for thou never failest to help and govern them whom thou dost bring up in thy stedfast love . Grant this even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Almightie and everlasting God , which of thy tender love towards man , hast sent our Saviour Jesus Christ to take upon him our flesh , and to suffer death upon the Cross , that all mankind should follow the example of his great humilitie ; mercifully grant that I may both follow the example of his patience , and be made partaker of his resurrection , through the same Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Almightie God , I humbly beseech thee graciously to behold thy Familie , for the which our Lord Jesus Christ was content to be betrayed , and given up into the hands of wicked men , and to suffer death upon the Cross , who liveth and reigneth with thee and the Holy Ghost , one God , world without end . Amen . Almightie and everlasting God , by whose Spirit the whole bodie of the Church is governed and sanctified ; receive these my supplications and prayers which I offer up before thee , for all estates of men in thy holy Church , that every member of the same , in his vocation , may truly and devoutly serve thee , through our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen . * 'T Is now long , O Lord , that I have been striving against Heresies , and I am almost tired . Come , my Lord Jesus , thou most mightie Warrier , thou Captain of the Armies of the Lord , who hast overcome the Devil and the World ; lay hold on the shield and buckler , and stand up to help me . Amen . Deal with me , O God , according to thy Name ; for sweet is thy mercie . O deliver me , for I am helpless and poor , and my heart is wounded within me . Lord , save my soul. Amen . Mine eyes are ever looking unto thee , O Lord ; O pluck my feet out of the net . Amen . Almightie God , who hast promised to hear the Petitions of them that ask in thy Son's Name , I beseech thee mercifully to incline thine ears to me , now that in his Name I make my prayers and supplications unto thee ; and grant that those things which I have faithfully asked according to thy will , may effectually be obtained , to the relief of my necessitie , and to the setting forth of thy glorie , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Remember not my old sins , but have mercie upon me , and that soon , for I am come to great miserie . Help me , O God of my salvat io n deliver me , and be merciful unto my sins , for thy Names sake . Amen . Not unto us , O Lord , not unto us , but unto thy Name give the praise ; and that for thy loving mercie and for thy truths sake . Amen . * O thou Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , one God , who hast declared unto us the Unitie of the Deitie , and hast revealed the undivided glorie of the onely ever-blessed Divinitie , and demonstrated the perfect eternitie of thy Trinitie ; grant me , I beseech thee , Faith and Obedience in this life , and Glorie in the life to come , by and for the sake of Jesus Christ our Redeemer . Amen . O Lord God of Hosts , how long wilt thou be angrie with thy poor servant that prayeth ? O turn me again , O God ; shew the light of thy countenance , and I shall be whole . Amen . * Glorie be to thee , glorie be to thee , O Lord ! How great is the depth of thy mercie ! how great the abundance of thy patience ! Behold how some that have been raised from a mean and obscure degree to honour and renown , under pretence of thy Name , how they abuse their honour , and use it against thee the Donor : they are unjust , and assume to themselves what they should not dare against thy most holy Mysteries : they use their utmost to thrust out men of approv'd integrity , that profligat men may with the greatest fecuritie and licentiousness put all things into confusion . Arise , O Lord , and help thy Church , and suffer not my soul to come into their counsels , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , I will crie day and night before thee , let my prayer enter into thy presence ; encline thine ear unto my calling , for my soul is full of trouble , and my life draws nigh unto the pit . O let not thine indignation lie too hard upon me , neither vex me with all thy storms ; but remember of what mould thou hast made me , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . * O Lord , let me have no idle contention about words , but let me constantly profess the Faith without delays . Preserve in me , I beseech thee , an unblemished reverence to thy Faith ; and grant me this restimonie of my Conscience , whilst I have my being , that I may alwaies retain that Profession which I made at the Sacrament of my new Birth , when I was baptized in the Name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost . That I may acknowledge thee the Father , and together with thee may adore thy Son , and may merit thy holy Spirit , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , be merciful unto me , and I will sing praises unto thy Name ; yea , I will tell of thy loving kindness early in the morning , and of thy truth in the night-season . O bless me , and fulfil all thy works of grace in me , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . * Grant me , O Lord , a watchful mind and sober thoughts , a pure heart and pleasant sleep , and free from all diabolical phancies . And raise me again , O Lord , at the hour of prayer , that I may adhere firmly to thy precepts , and keep an entire remembrance of thy Judgements . Amen . LOrd , remember thy promise unto thy servant , wherein thou hast caused me to put my trust . That thy statutes may be my songs in the house of my pilgrimage ; and that I may remember thy Name in the night-season . Amen . * Into thy hands , O Lord , I commend my soul and bodie ; for thou hast created and redeemed them , O Lord thou God of truth . And together with my self , I commend unto thee all that is mine ; for thou [ Lord ] hast graciously bestow'd them on me , according to thy good pleasure . Cause me therefore , O Lord , both to lie down and sleep in peace , for it is thou onely makest me to dwell in safetie , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O Lord and maker of all things , O God the Father and Governour of thine , O thou disposer of Life and Death , O thou preserver and benefactor of Souls ; O thou that makest all things , and changest them by the creating Word which framed them both seasonably and wisely , according to the depth of thy Wisdom and Providence ! govern thou my life in the flesh as long as shall be most expedient for me and thy Church . And in thy good time receive me , I beseech thee , as one prepared , not surprized , so as I may not flie thee at the last day , nor come with an unwilling mind like one forcibly broke off and snatcht away from this world , but that I may go readily and chearfully to that [ most ] blessed and eternal life which is in Christ Jesus our Lord , to whom be glorie for ever and ever . Amen . * O Lord my God , call me , that I may come to thee ; fix me , that I may not leave thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . SATURDAY . O Lord , I will sing of thy power , and will praise thy mercie in the morning , for thou hast been my defence and my refuge in the day of my trouble . Unto thee , O my strength , will I sing ; for thou , O God , art my defence and my merciful God. Amen . The glorious Majestie of thee , O Lord my God , be upon me : prosper thou the work of my hands upon me , O prosper thou my handie-work . Amen . O Lord , open mine eyes that I may see the wonders of thy Law. I am a stranger upon earth , O hide not thy Commandments from me : for thy Testimonies are my delight and my counsellors . Lord , continue that favour to me , that so they may ever be . Amen . O Lord our heavenly Father , Almightie and everlasting God , who hast safely brought me to the beginning of this day ; defend me in the same with thy mightie power , and grant that this day I fall into no sin , nor run into any kind of danger ; but that all my doings may be ordered by thy governance , to do always that which is righteous in thy sight , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O My soul , wait thou still upon my God , for my hope is in him : he is my strength and my salvation , he is my defence , so that I shall not fall . So Amen , Lord Jesu , Amen . O Lord God , be merciful unto every one that prepares his whole heart to seek thee , O Lord God , the God of his Fathers , though he be not according to the Purification of the Sancturie . Amen . O Lord , I walk in the midst of trouble , I beseech thee refresh me . Stretch forth thy hand upon the furie and the cunning of mine Enemies , that thy right hand may save me . O make good thy loving kindness towards me , and despise not , I beseech thee , the work of thine own hands . Amen . I deal with the thing that is lawful and right ; O give me not over unto mine Oppressors . Amen . O make me , thy poor servant , still to delight in that which is good , that the proud do me no wrong , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Almightie God , the Fountain of all Wisdom , who knowest our necessities before we ask , and our ignorance in asking ; I beseech thee to have compassion upon my infirmities ; and those things which for my unworthiness I dare not , and for my blindness I cannot ask , vouchsafe to give me , for the worthiness of thy Son Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , I will put my trust in thee always : O let thy people do it with me , and I will pour out my heart before thee , O God my hope . Amen . O that my waies were made so direct that I might keep thy Statutes ! O Lord , direct them . Amen . O Lord , teach me the way of thy Statutes , and I shall keep it unto the end : yea , I shall keep it with my whole heart . O stablish thy Word in thy servant , that I may fear thee ; and that for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , I will call upon thee in my troubles , O deliver me and hear me ; and then especially at what time any storm falls upon me , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Blessed art thou , O Lord , O teach me thy Statutes : That my whole heart may seek thee , and that I may not go wrong out of thy Commandments : That I may take greater delight in the way of thy Testimonies , than in all manner of riches . Amen . O Praise the Lord , all ye his servants , ye that by night stand in the house of the Lord. With these , O Lord , I lift up my hands to thy Sanctuarie , and will praise thy Name . O Lord , be with me this Evening in all the mercies of Jesus Christ my Saviour . Amen . * Thou knowest the infirmitie of my wretched flesh , O thou that madest me : Thou knowest the watchfulness of my invisible Enemies , O thou that seest them . [ O ] protect me under the wings of thy goodness , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , there is no hiding me from thy presence : for if I should say , the darkness shall cover me , then shall my night be turned to day . For the darkness is no darkness with thee , but the night is as clear as the day ; the darkness and the light to thee are both alike . Therefore , O God , I present my self open before thee ; O cleanse my soul , that it may rejoyce to be seen of thee in Jesus Christ. Amen . * The day being now passed over , O Lord , I give thanks unto thee , I glorifie thee that I have passed it away without scandal ; I magnifie thee with a Song , because I have passed it without falling into any snare , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Thy righteousness , O God , is very high , and great things are they which thou hast done for me . O God , who is like unto thee ! Thou hast brought me to great honour , and comforted me on every side . Therefore will I praise thee and ty righteousness , O God , and unto thee will I sing , O thou holy One of Israel . My lips will be glad when I sing unto thee , and so will my soul which thou hast delivered . My tongue also shall talk of thy righteousness all the day long : for many are confounded and brought to shame that have sought to do me evil . O Lord , continue thy blessings to me , and multiply my thankfulness to thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , thou keeper of Israel , which in the watch over thy servants dost neither slumber nor sleep ; be my keeper , and preserve me this night . O keep my soul. Amen . Lord , give me grace to make haste , and not prolong the time to keep thy Commandments . That I may call my own waies to remembrance , and turn my feet to thy Testimonies . And then at midnight will I rise and give thee thanks , because of thy righteous judgments , O Lord my strength and my Redeemer . Amen . Wo is me , that I am constrained to dwell with Mesech , and to have my habitation among the tents of Kedar : For my soul hath too long dwelt among them that are enemies unto peace : Too long , O Lord , but that it is thy good pleasure to continue my dwelling in this vale of miserie . Amen . * What art thou , O my God ? what art thou , I beseech thee , but the Lord my God ? For who is Lord besides our Lord ? or who is God besides our God ? O thou supream , most powerful , most merciful , most just , most secret , most present , most beautiful , most mightie , most incomprehensible ; most constant , and yet changing all things ; immutable , never new and never old , yet renewing all things ; ever in action , and yet ever quiet ; heaping up , yet needing nothing ; creating , upholding , filling , protecting , nourishing and perfecting all things . Thou lovest , and yet thou art not transported ; thou art jealous , yet thou art void of fear ; thou dost repent , yet thou art free from sorrow ; thou art angrie , and yet never art unquiet ; thou takest what thou findest , yet didst thou never lose any thing ; thou art never poor , and yet thou art glad of gain ; never covetous , and yet thou exactest profit at our hands . We bestow largely upon thee , that thou mayst become our debtor , yet who hath any thing but of thy gift ? Thou payest debts , when thou owest nothing : thou forgivest debts , and yet thou losest nothing . And what shall I say , O my God , my life , my joy , my holy , dear delight ? Or what can any man say , when he speaketh of thee ? And wo be to them that speak not of thee , but are silent in thy presence . Have mercie upon me , O Lord , that I may speak unto thee , and praise thy Name . Amen . Prayers added since the restoring of this Book to me , which was taken from me in a search by Mr. Prynne , May 31. 1643. and with much difficulty restored unto me , Nov. 6. 1644. * GRant , O Lord , that I may be readie to meet thee at thy second coming , lest thou shouldest find me such a one as thou desirest not [ to find me ] . O thou , who that thou mightest not find me such , hast undergone all punishments for me , even that thou mightest not inflict upon me any punishments , but mightest everlastingly reward me . Amen . * O Lord , let it be my care so to behave my self , through the help of Christ , that I may [ be able to ] receive thee my most holy Lord , that thou mayst not onely be my Guest , but mayst abide with me for ever , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O eternal God , I sue to thee for help , that of thy goodness thou wouldest vouchsafe to give me [ the ] true Wisdom and perfect Charitie ; for thou , with the Father and the Holy Ghost , hast the Glorie and the Kingdom for ever and ever . Amen . * O merciful God , who hast afforded me so many favours , adde [ to the rest ] this also , that I may retain the right Faith in all humilitie , that I may preserve perfect Charitie with all men , that I may seriously endeavour to serve thee my Lord with a pure heart and a chast bodie , even to my life's end ; that after [ all ] my labours , I may hear that most desirable voice , Well done , thou good servant , enter thou into the Joy of thy Lord , Amen . Praise and Thanksgiving . I Will magnifie thee , O Lord , for thou hast set me up , and not made my foes to triumph over me . O Lord my God , I cried unto thee , and thou hast healed me , thou hast kept my life from them that go down into the pit . Sing praises unto the Lord , O my soul , and give thanks unto him for a remembrance of his holiness . Amen . O my soul , be joyful in the Lord , and rejoyce in his Salvation . All my bones shall say , Lord , who is like unto thee , which deliverest the poor from him that is too strong for him ! yea , the poor and him that is in miserie , from him that spoileth him . Amen . I will give thanks unto thee , O Lord , according to thy righteousness , and I will praise thy Name , O Lord most high . O Lord , thou art high and terrible , a great King over all the Earth ; thou hast subdued the people under us , and the Nations under our feet : therefore will I sing praises unto thee , O God , who art greatly to be exalted . Amen . Thy Vows are upon me , O my God , I will render praise unto thee ; for thou hast delivered my soul from death , and my feet from falling , that I may yet walk before thee , O my God , in the light of the living , and bless thee . Amen . * Thanks be to thee , O God ; thanks be to thee , O true and undivided Trinitie , O Veritie , one and three , O Unitie , three and one . Thanks be to thee , O God the Father , who hast both manifested thy Son unto me , and given him to be my Teacher : O grant likewise that he may be so for ever , according to thy mercies of old time . Amen . My heart is readie , O Lord , my heart is readie , I will sing and give praise ; yea , I will praise thee among the people , and I will sing unto thee among the Nations . O let thy Mercie , which is great unto the Heavens , and thy Truth , which reacheth unto the Clouds , embrace me and preserve me to thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . I will give thanks unto thee , O Lord , with my whole heart , I will speak of all thy marvellous works : I will be glad and rejoyce in thee , yea , my songs will I make of thy Name , O thou most highest . For thou hast maintained my right and my cause , thou art set in the Throne that judgest right . Lord , continue to be my defence against the oppressor , and my refuge in due time of trouble , that I may ever rejoyce in thy Salvation Jesus Christ. Amen . My trust is in thee , O God , and my heart is joyful in thy salvation . I will sing unto thee , O Lord , because thou hast dealt so lovingly with me ; yea , I will praise thy Name , O Lord most highest . Amen . O praise the Lord with me , ye that fear him , magnifie him all ye of the Seed of Jacob. My praise shall be of thee in the great Congregation , and my vows will I perform in the sight of them that fear thee . Amen . What profit is there in my bloud , when I go down to the pit ? Shall the dust give thanks unto thee , or shall it declare thy truth ? Hear , O Lord , and have mercie upon me ; Lord , be thou my helper . Thou hast turned my heaviness into joy ; thou hast put off my sackcloth , and girded me with gladness : therefore will I sing of thy praise without ceasing . O my God , I will give thanks unto thee for ever . Amen . I will alwaies give thanks unto thee , O Lord , thy praise shall ever be in my mouth . My soul shall make her boast of thee , O my God , and the humble shall hear thereof and be glad . For I sought thee , O Lord , and thou heardest me , and didst deliver me out of all my fear , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Let my mouth be filled with praise , and with thy glorie every day . Amen . O Lord , who is like unto to thee ? For thou hast shewed me great troubles and adversities ; but thou wilt , I hope , return and quicken me , thou wilt return and take me out of this depth . Amen . I will thank thee , O Lord my God , with all my heart , and will praise thy Name for ever : For great is thy mercie towards me , and thou hast delivered my soul from the nethermost Hell. O deliver it still , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , I give thee humble and heartie thanks for the measure of knowledge which thou hast given me of thy truth ; for giving me a love to it , and thy Church ; for quieting my soul in the midst of thy Churches distractions ; for the measure of rest and repose which thou hast given me in thee , whereas no true content is found without thee . Lord , I give thee humble thanks likewise for the temporal blessings which thou hast heaped on me ; the favour of my Leige Lord and Soveraign ; the place to which thou hast raised me ; the means which thou hast given me to do good . Lord , I cannot name all thy blessings , how shall I thank thee for them ? Lord , I will thank thee for them , by honouring thee in them . O give a heart to desire all this , and grace to perform it ; that my sins may be forgiven me , and that I may be thine , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O praise the Lord , for he is gracious : O sing unto his Name , for it is lovely . I will give thanks unto thee , O Lord , with my whole heart ; I will worship towards thy holy Temple , and praise thy Name ; and that because of thy loving kindness and truth , for thou hast magnified thy Name and thy Word above all things . Lord , give me grace to obey thy Word , and to honour thy Name for ever , in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . In Prosperity . LOrd , this is the time of fear , keep thy servant from presumptuous sins , lest they get the dominion over me : That though my sins be many and great , yet I may be innocent from the great offence , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , make me worthie of the place to which thou hast raised me in thy Church , that all my endeavours may be to make Truth and Peace meet together . In this course give me understanding to discover my enemies , and wisdom to prevent them ; a heart to love my friends , and carriage that may bind them . Lord , make me love thy Church , and the place where thine honour dwelleth ; that as thou hast honoured me above many others , so I may honour thee above all , and spend whatsoever is acceptable in the poor remainder of my life to serve thee in thy Church , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , turn away mine eyes that they behold not vanitie , and quicken thou me in thy way . Amen . * O merciful Lord , when thou hast prevailed with thy self ( for [ alas ] we never live so as to be worthie to prevail with thee ) to give us seasonable weather , plentiful crops , and peaceful times that enrich us with all good things , and abundance of increase , even above our wishes ; [ O ] suffer me not to be corrupted through so great prosperitie of happie events , lest I should altogether forget thee and my self too ; but increase also my humilitie and my thankfulness , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . In time of Pestilence . DEliver me , O Lord , from all my offences , and make me not a rebuke to the foolish . Take , I humbly beseech thee , thy plague away from thy people , for we begin to be consumed by means of thy heavie hand . And for Jesus Christ his sake , lay neither me nor mine under this uncomfortable disease . Amen . O Lord , deliver me from the snare of the hunter , and from the noisome pestilence : O defend me under thy wings , and keep me safe under thy feathers , that I may not be afraid for any terrour by night , nor for the arrow that flieth by day ; for the pestilence that walketh in the darkness , nor for the sickness that destroyeth in the noon-day . Though thousands fall beside me , and ten thousands at my right hand , yet let it not come near me , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , thou art my hope , I beseech thee let no evil happen unto me , neither let any plague come nigh my dwelling ; but give thine Angels charge over me to keep me in all my waies , O Lord my strength and my Redeemer . Amen . O let the sorrowful sighing of them whom thou hast visited come before thee ; and according to the greatness both of thy power and mercie , preserve thou them that are appointed to die , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , I beseech thee favourably to hear the prayers of thy humble servant , that I and my Family , which are justly punished for our offences , may be mercifully delivered by thy goodness , from this and all other infection both of soul and bodie : that so we may live both to serve and to praise thee , to the glorie of thy great Name , through Jesus Christ our Lord and onely Saviour . Amen . O Almightie God , which in thy wrath , in the time of King David , didst slay with the plague of Pestilence threescore and ten thousand , and yet remembring thy mercie didst save the rest ; have pitie upon us miserable sinners , that now are visited with great sickness and mortalitie ; and like as thou didst then command thine Angel to cease from punishing , so it may now please thee to withdraw from us this plague and grievous sickness , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord God , who hast wounded us for our sins , and consumed us for our transgressions by thy late heavie and long-continued Visitation , and in the midst of that Judgment remembring mercie , hast redeemed us from death ; we offer up unto thee our selves , our souls and bodies ( which thou hast now delivered ) to be a living sacrifice unto thee . And here I offer up unto thee , most merciful Father , in the name of all thy people , all possible praise and thanks , and shall ever magnifie thee , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . In Old Age. O Lord , cast me not off in the time of mine Age , forsake me not now my strength begins to fail me . Amen . Forsake me not , O God , in mine old age , now I am gray-headed , until I have declared thy strength unto this Generation , and thy power to all them that are to come . Amen . O Lord , though thou hast shortned the daies of my Youth , yet cover me not with dishonour . Hide not thy self from me for ever , but remember how short my time is , and make me remember it , O Lord. Amen . O Lord , teach me to number my daies , that I may apply my heart unto wisdom . Amen . O Lord , hide not thy face from me in the time of trouble ; for my daies are consumed away like smoke , and my bones are burnt up like a fire-brand . My daies are gone like a shadow , and I am withered like grass . Thou , O Lord , hast brought down my strength in my journey , and shortened my daies . But , O my God , take me not away but in the timeliness of my age , that I may continue to serve thee , and be faithful in thy service , till thou remove me hence . Amen . For the Sick and Afflicted . O Let the sorrowful sighing of the Prisoners come before thee , and according to the greatness of thy power preserve thou them that are appointed to die , even for Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . In time of Sickness . O Lord , the sorrows of death compass me , and the snares of it are readie to overtake me . When thou wilt dissolve my Tabernacle , thou alone knowest : therefore in this my trouble I will call upon thee my Lord , and will complain unto my God. O be with me at the instant of my death , and receive me for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Into thy hands I commend my spirit , for thou hast redeemed me , O Lord God of Truth . O Lord , thy hand is heavie upon me day and night , and my moisture is become like the drought in Summer . I acknowledge my sin unto thee , O Lord , and my unrighteousness have I not hid . O Lord , be merciful unto me . Amen . O Lord , hear my prayer , and with thine ears consider my calling ; hold not thy peace at my tears . For I am a stranger with thee , and a sojourner , as all my Fathers were . O spare me a little , that I may recover my strength before I go hence and be no more seen . Amen . * O Lord , in the midst of life we are in death : from whence or of whom do we seek for succour , but of thee , O Lord , who yet art justly displeased with us for our sins ? O holy and mightie , O holy and merciful Saviour , deliver me not into the most bitter pains of eternal death . O cast me not away in the time of my sickness , forsake me not when my strength faileth me . Before thee , O Lord , is all my desire , and my groanings are not hid from thee . Thou knowest , O Lord , [ all ] the secrets of my heart ; I beseech thee shut not the ears of thy mercie to my prayers . But spare me , O Lord most holy , O God most mightie , O holy and most merciful Saviour , thou most worthie Judge eternal ; suffer me not at my last hour for any terrour of death to fall from thee . Amen , O Lord Jesus my Saviour . O Lord , the snares of death compass me round about , the pains of hell get hold upon me . I have found trouble and heaviness , but will call upon thy Name , O Lord ; O Lord deliver my soul. Deliver my soul from death , mine eyes from tears , and my feet from falling : that I may walk before thee in the land of the living . Amen . Thou , O Lord , hast chastened and corrected me , but not given me yet over unto death . Open me the gates of righteousness , that I may go into them , and give thanks unto the Lord. Amen . There is no health in my flesh by reason of thy wrath , neither is there any rest in my bones by reason of my sin . Yet , O Lord , be merciful unto me , and heal me , even for thy Names sake . Amen . O Lord , I give thee humble and heartie thanks for the great and almost miraculous bringing of me back from the bottom of my Grave . What thou hast further for me to do or to suffer , thou alone knowest : Lord , give me patience and courage , and all Christian resolution to do thee service , and grace to do it . And let me not live longer than to honour thee , through Jesus Christ. Amen . For the Sick. * O God , by whose appointment the moments of our life run out , I bessech thee receive my prayers for thy sick servants , in whose behalf I most humbly beg the assistance of thy mercie , that their health being restored to them , they may return thanks to thee in thy [ holy ] Church , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . At the Visitation of the Sick. * ARe you perswaded , 1. That no sickness or cross comes to any one by chance , or at all adventures ? 2. But that they come from God , without whose providence no bodie is afflicted with diseases ? 3. And that God being most wise , never will suffer any thing to befal us , but when it is expedient [ to be so ? ] 4. And that this sickness or cross which God has now sent upon you , is [ therefore ] expedient for you ? 5. And moreover , that God has the assection of a Father towards us ? And that a Father , whether he be indulgent to his Children , or whether he correct them , is a Father alike [ in both ] , and that he does the latter with no less kindness , nay perhaps with greater , than [ he does ] the former ? 6. That for a long time he has bestowed good things upon you ; and though now he gives you evil things , yet he would not have brought the evil upon you but onely to be the occasion of greater good , that is , that you may return to him ? 7. That 't is an effect of his [ gracious ] favour , that notwithstanding you have so often rejected him , yet he does not leave you so , but does visit you at last , and seek [ after ] you again ? Now if this be the Case , submit your own Will in this matter to the Divine Will , a Sacrifice , which is of all others next to that of Christ [ himself ] the most acceptable unto God. * Do you confess , 1. That you have not lived so well as you ought ? nay , that you lived ill , and that you have often and grievously sinned ? 2. Is there any [ particular ] sin besides or above the rest ? or are there any sins that lie heavie upon your Conscience , so that you need the benefit of a peculiar Absolution ? 3. Have you any scruple about those things which appertain to Faith or Religion ? 4. Do you call to mind the past years of your life in the bitterness of your soul ? 5. Would you wish to feel greater bitterness for them than you are now sensible of ? and would you be glad if you felt more ? and are you grieved that you feel no more ? 6. Do you desire to have your minde enlightned concerning those things which you are ignorant of , or which you have forgotten , that you may repent of them ? and does it also repent you that either you do not know them , or have forgotten them ? 7. Do you purpose , if you live , to judge [ your self ] , and [ to ] take vengeance upon your self for your offences ? 8. Do you purpose , if you live , to amend your life , and to avoid both the means and [ the ] appearances of those sins which you have lived in ? 9. Do you solemnly promise thus much ? 10. And do you desire to be freely admonisht of this [ your ] promise ? Do you believe 1. Those matters that are contained in the Articles of [ the ] Christian Faith once delivered to the Saints ? 2. [ And ] that you cannot be sav'd unless you do believe them ? 3. Do you rejoyce and give [ heartie ] thanks to God [ for ] that you were born in this Faith , [ that you ] have liv'd in it , and that now you shall die in it ? 4. Do you your self desire , and would you have us in your name humbly to beg of God that this Faith in him may not decay in you , and [ especially ] that it may not [ fail ] when you are just at the point of death ? 5. Do you desire also that the fruit this of [ your ] Faith , and chiefly of yourFaith in the death of Jesus Christ , may not be lost at your death , how much soever it may have been lost in your life-time ? 6. If your sense should fail , or if [ your ] pain or weakness should bring you to that pass that any expressions should fall from you [ that are ] contrarie to Religion or its precepts , would you have them be accounted as not spoken [ by you ] ? and do you renounce them as none of yours ? Do you forgive 1. Those that any manner of way have offended you , as [ freely as ] you your self would be forgiven ? 2. And do you desire of God that he also would forgive them ? 3. And do you forgive them the satisfaction they are bound to make you upon account of those things wherein they have offended you , [ whether ] in word or deed ? 4. Will you have thus much signified in your name to those that have offended you , that you for your part have forgiven them all their injuries ? 5. Would you be readie to forgive them if they had done you more and greater mischiefs ? 6. Would you be glad if you had more [ enemies ] to forgive , that so God might bestow on you a more plentiful remission of your own sins ? * 1. IF you your self have offended any [ others ] do you beg pardon of them [ likewise ] , [ and desire ] that they may forgive you ? 2. Whom do you chiefly remember [ that you have offended ] ? and would you have thus much made known to them in your name ? 3. Forasmuch as no forgiveness is to be hop'd for of sins against the eighth or ninth Commandment of God's Law , unless restitution be made , are you readie to restore Goods to those whom you have wronged in their Estates ? and repair the credit of those whom you have injured in their good Name ; and that without fraud or delay ? 4. And now at last , can you call to mind who these are ? The Apostles Creed paraphras'd . * OLord , I believe ( help thou my unbelief ) . [ I believe ] that thou the Father , Son and Holy Ghost art one God. I believe , That of thy unlimited goodness and power thou didst create the Heavens and the Earth . That of thy unbounded love thou hast gathered together in one , all things in Christ : Who was made Flesh , and [ was ] conceived . Was born , suffered , was crucified , Dead , buried , descended , Rose again , ascended , sitteth , Shall return , shall reward . I believe , That by the power and operation of thy holy Spirit , thou hast called thy Church out of all the world unto Holiness . That in it we are made partakers of all good things , and of forgiveness of sins . That in it we expect the Resurrection of the Flesh , and life everlasting . * LOrd , I believe , ( O supply thou my want of Faith. ) I believe The affectionate kindness of the Father . The saving power of the Almightie . The wisdom of the Creator , in the preservation , government , and consummation of the world . The great mysterie of Godliness , that for us men , and for our salvation , God was manifested in the flesh , [ even ] the Lord Jesus , the Son of the Father , the Anointed of the Spirit . That he was conceived and born to cleanse us from the filthiness of our Conception and Birth . That he suffered , what we ought [ to have suffered ] , most unspeakable torments , that we might escape them . That he was crucified , dead , and buried , that we may not be afraid to undergo the same things for his sake . That he descended to [ that ( dismal ) place ] whither we must have gone , that he might wholly excuse us from it . That he rose again , ascended , and sitteth [ in that place ] where we had no portion , that even we also might inherit it . That he shall come to judge the World , that he may take us up [ into his glorie . ] I believe [ that ] he is come , By his Conception and Birth , the Purifier of our Nature . By his Suffering on the Cross , Death , and Burial , the Redeemer of our Bodies . By his Descent , a [ triumphant ] Conqueror over Hell and Death . By his Resurrection , the first Fruits of them that sleep . By his Ascension , our Forerunner [ gone to prepare a place for us . ] By his Session [ at the right hand of God ] the Intercessor , or our Advocate . By his second coming to Judgment , the Finisher of our Faith. Thus Instead of the I behold Destroyer , Jesus [ a Saviour . ] Tormenter , A Mediator . Accuser , An Advocate . Slanderer , An Intercessor . Enslaver , A Redeemer . Sting [ of the Serpent ] Christ [ the Anointed . ] But I believe also the Quickning and Sanctifying Power of the Holy Ghost . [ A Power that works ] [ Inwardly and ] invisibly , [ openly and ] outwardly , effectually , as the Wind [ that bloweth where it listeth . ] By Reproof , by Compunction [ of the heart ] , by Doctrine , by Admonition ; as an Advocate , as the Comforter , as a Witness ; by Diffusion of Charitie , by Illumination of Knowledge . I believe also The mystical Bodie of this Holy Spirit , [ consisting of ] those that are called out of the whole world unto belief of the Truth and Holiness of life . The mutual fellowship of the members of that Bodie . The remission of sins in this present time , and the hope of a future Resurrection , and of our translation to the life eternal . * O Lord , give me Faith , not such Faith as would make the Law of none effect : But such Faith as Works by Love. Is powerful in working . Overcomes the World. [ And besides ] a most holy Faith , That I may love thee as a Father , and fear thee [ as ] the Almightie . That I may commit my soul unto thee in well-doing , as unto a faithful Creator . That Christ may be formed in me , and that I may be conformed unto his Image . That I may give [ him ] thanks for those things which he has suffered for me , [ that I may ] suffer [ together ] with him ; [ that I may ] suffer for him , whatsoever he shall see good . That for his Cross , Death , [ and ] Burial , I may revenge , crucifie , kill , burie my sins , which caused [ all ] these . That for his descent into Hell , I may descend thither whilst I live [ here ] , by frequent meditations [ upon it ] . That I may be [ made ] conformable to his Resurrection , by [ my ] rising again to newness of life . And to his Ascension , by meditating upon and seeking [ after ] those things that are above . That I may be also mindful of his Session [ at Gods right hand ] whensoever I want any gift of heavenly consolation , and as often as I am cold in my Devotions . And that I may never forget his second coming at the day of Judgment , [ O ] that I may alwaies think I hear the noise of the last Trumpet sounding , and that I may pray without ceasing till I am placed at the right hand . Amen . Preparatory Meditations for Death . O Lord , quicken and comfort my soul , for I have sinned against thee . Lord , I call to mind all the years of my life past in the bitterness of my soul for my sin . My misdeeds have prevailed against me , O be thou merciful unto my sin ; O for thy Names sake , be merciful unto my sin , for it is great . Amen . Namely and especially , O Lord , be merciful unto me , &c. Herein , O Lord , be merciful unto thy servant . O Lord , lay not these , nor the rest unto my charge . O let the depth of my sin call up the depth of thy mercies , of thy grace . Lord , let it come , that where my sin hath abounded , grace may superabound . Lord , I believe , help thou my unbelief . O Lord , though thou kill me , yet will I put my trust in thee . Though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death , yet will I fear no evil . For I hope verily to see the goodness of the Lord in the land of the living . O let this Cup pass from me ; nevertheless , if it may not pass from me , but that I must drink of it , thy will be done . Thou art the Lord , do what seemeth good in thine own eyes . For I will take it as the Cup of Salvation , and give thanks to thy Name , O Lord. O Lord , grant that all the daies of my appointed time upon earth , I may wait when my changing shall come . O that thou wouldst hide me in the grave , and keep me secret until thy wrath be past , and appoint me a time in which thou wilt remember me . Say unto my soul , O say it now , I am thy Salvation . Command my spirit , whenever thou wilt command it , to be received up to thee in peace . O bid me come unto thee : say unto me , This day shalt thou be with me in Paradise . Lord , thus , and now let thy servant depart in peace , that mine eyes may see thy Salvation . O Lord , thou blessed Trinitie , three Persons and one God , have mercie upon me . I commend my self into thy hands , as to a faithful Creator . Lord , receive thine own Creature , not made by any strange God , but by thee the onely living and true God. Despise not , O Lord , the work of thine own hands . I am created to thine own Image and likeness ; O suffer not thine own Image to be defaced , but renew it again in righteousness and true holiness . I commend my self into thy hands , as to a most gracious Redeemer : for thou hast redeemed me , O Lord God of Truth . O Lord , I am the price of thy Bloud , of thy most precious Bloud ; O suffer not so great , so unvaluable a price to perish . O Lord , thou camest down from Heaven to redeem that which was lost ; suffer not that to be lost which thou hast redeemed . I commend my self into thy hands , as to my most blessed Comforter . O Lord , I am wearie and heavie laden , and I come to thee , to be refreshed by thee . Behold , O Lord , I have been the Temple of thy holy Spirit ; I have , I confess , strangely polluted it ; yet destroy me not , but dedicate me anew , and sanctifie me to thy self yet once again . O Lord , I wear thy Name : 't is thy Name that is called upon me . For thy Names sake therefore be merciful unto me . O spare , Lord , if not me , yet thine own Name in me . And do not so remember my sin , O Lord , do not , as that in remembring it , thou forget thine own Name . I have desired to fear thy Name , to love and to honour thy Name . And I now desire to depart this life , in the Invocation and Confession of thy Name . Lord , I confess it , and call upon it : O come Lord Jesu . Amen . O Lord , I have sinned , 1. But I have not denied thee ; O never let the Enemie prevail with me to denie thee . 2. But I believe ; O Lord , increase my Faith , and let me never be confounded . 3. But I hope ; and what is my hope , but in thee alone ? receive me , O Lord , according to thy Word , and let me not be disappointed of my hope . 4. But I have prepared and directed my heart to seek thee ; and though [ I am ] not [ purified ] according to the purification of the Sanctuarie , yet O Lord Jesu , quench not the smoaking flax , nor break the bruised Reed . 5. But I bear thy correction patiently , and I hold my tongue , because thou Lord hast done it . 6. But I forgive those that have trespassed against me , and thou hast promised forgiveness to him that forgives them . 7. But I cast my self upon thee , [ O ] withdraw not thy self [ from me ] and in no wise cast me out when I come unto thee . 8. But I desire to depart confessing unto thee , and calling on thy Name . Wherefore not for my sake , O Lord , nor for any thing that belongs to me , but for thine own sake , for thy Names sake , for the glorie of thy [ great ] Name , and for thy Truths [ sake ] , for thy many great [ and ] wonderful mercies [ sake ] , for the sake of Christ the Mediator , and of the Holy Ghost the Comforter , receive me that am returned to my self , and returning unto thee . Amen . And therefore O Lord my God , I shew forth , I offer , I commemorate , Between thee and me , Christ the Priest , the Lamb , the Sacrifice . Between me and Satan , Christ a King , a Lion , a [ triumphant ] Conqueror . Between me and sin , Christ's Innocencie in his Life . Between the punishment of me and [ my ] sins , Christ's Satisfaction , Passion , [ and ] Bloud - [ shedding ] Between me and [ my ] want of Righteousness , Christ's Righteousness and unsinning Obedience . Between me and my unworthiness to be rewarded , Christ's Merits . Between me and my want of sorrow for [ my ] sins , Christ's Tears and [ bloudie ] sweat . Between me and my want of fervencie in Prayer , Christ's Intercession . Between me and my own Conscience , or the Accusation of Satan , Christ the Advocate . Between me and [ my ] Concupiscence , Christ's Love. Let it be acceptable unto thee , O Lord , for the same Christ's sake . Amen . O Lord , I have sinned , But I do not cover my sin . I do not excuse [ it ] . I willingly confess [ it ] . I reflect on it in the bitterness of my soul. I abhor my self for the sins I have committed against thee : [ O ] give me grace , that I may judge and take vengeance on my felf , that I may not depart this most miserable life without forgiveness . O Lord , I have not onely sinned , but provoked thee with many and grievous sins ; yet , I beseech thee , remember that I am but flesh , even a wind that passeth and cometh not again . * And the mercie of my [ blessed ] Saviour can avail more towards the salvation of me a sinner , than my iniquitie can do to my destruction . Amen . * O Lord Jesus , in thee there was [ found ] no cause of death , and yet didst thou suffer death for me : I have deserved death ; give me grace [ O Lord ] that I may not fear to die , and that I may be prepared for it . Amen . * O Lord Jesus , for those bitter pains which thou didst endure on the Cross for me a most miserable Creature , and especially at that hour when thy most pretious soul went forth from thy blessed body , I beseech thee have mercy on my Soul when she takes her flight , and bring her unto life eternal . Amen . Absolution . OUr Lord Jesus Christ , who hath lest power to his Church to Absolve all sinners which truly repent and believe in him , of his great mercie forgive thee thine offences . And by his Authoritie committed to me , I Absolve thee from all thy sins , In the Name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost . Amen . Consecrations , Ordinations . O Lord , I am now at thy Altar , at thy work : keep me that I lay not my hands suddenly upon any man , lest I be partaker of other mens sins ; but that I may keep my self pure , in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Lord , give me grace , that as oft as they shall come in my way , I may put them in remembrance whom I have ordained , that they stir up the gift of God that is in them by the putting on of my hands , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Grant , O Lord , I beseech thee , that the course of this world may be so peaceably ordered by thy Governance , that thy Church may joyfully serve thee in all godly quietness , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Lord , I beseech thee , let thy continual mercie cleanse and defend thy Church . And because it cannot continue in safetie without thy succour ; preserve it evermore by thy help and goodness , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Lord , I beseech thee , keep thy Houshold the Church in continual godliness ; that through thy protection it may be free from all adversities , and devoutly given to serve thee in good works , to the glorie of thy Name , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . For his Episcopal Charge . * O God the Pastor and Governor of all thy faithful people , look down in mercie upon me thy servant , whom thou hast been pleased to appoint chief Pastor of the Church of Canterbury ; grant , I most humbly beseech thee , that I may profit those whom I am set over , both by [ my ] Doctrine and [ my ] Example ; that I together with my Flock committed to my charge , may come [ at last ] to eternal life , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O my God , my most merciful Father , let thy grace work so in me , that I may be [ truly ] humble in the refusal of every great Office , and yet obedient to undertake it ; that I may be faithful in the possession , and courageous in the administration of it ; [ that I may be ] watchsul in ruling [ them ] , earnest in correcting them , servent in loving them , patient in bearing with them , prudent in governing them : That in behalf of those who are under my care , I may wrastle with God when he has a Controversie with them , and stand in the gap when he is angrie , through the faith and merits of Jesus Christ our Saviour . Amen . O Lord , as the rain cometh down from Heaven , and returns not thither , but waters the Earth , and makes it bud and bring forth , that it may give seed to the sower , and bread to him that eateth : So let thy Word be that goeth out of my mouth ; let it not return to me void , but accomplish that which thou wilt , and prosper in the thing whereto thou hast sent it , that the people committed to my charge may go out with joy , and be led forth in peace to thy freshest waters of comfort , in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Son of God , thou which takest away the sins of the world , have mercie upon me in this heavie Charge . Amen . At the laying of the first Stone of a Chappel . O Lord merciful and gracious , this thy People are preparing to build a place for thy Service : Accept , I humbly beseech thee , their present Devotion , and make them perfect both in their present and future dutie ; that while thou givest them ease to honour thee , they may with the greater alacritie go on in thy Service . And now , O Lord , I have by thy mercie and goodness , put to my hand to lay the first Stone in this Building : 't is a Corner-stone ; make it , I beseech thee , a happie Foundation , a durable Building . Let it rise up , and be made , and continue a House of Prayer and Devotion through all Ages ; that thy People may here be taught to believe in Jesus Christ the true Corner-stone , upon whom they and their souls may be built safe for ever . Grant this for the merit of the same Jesus Christ our most blessed Lord and Saviour : To whom with the Father and the Holy Spirit , be ascribed all Power , Majestie , and Dominion , this day and for ever . Amen . Vpon Admission into the Church . GOd , who of his mercie hath given you grace to give your self to his Church ; preserve and keep you in his Truth , free both from Superstition and Prophaneness . The Lord bless and keep you . The Lord make his face shine upon you , and be merciful unto you . The Lord lift up his countenance upon you , and give you peace in Conscience , and constancie in Truth . And by the power of Ministration committed to me by our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ , I re-admit you into the Fellowship of his Church , in the Name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost . Amen . For the Duke of Buckingham . GRacious Father , I humbly beseech thee bless the Duke of Buckingham with all spiritual and temporal blessings , but especially spiritual . Make and continue him faithful to his Prince , serviceable to his Countrie , devout in thy Truth and Church : a most happie Husband , and a blessed Father ; filled with the constant love and honour of his Prince ; that all thy blessings may flow upon himself and his Posteritie after him . Continue him a true-hearted friend to me thy poor servant whom thou hast honoured in his eyes : Make my heart religious and dutiful to thee , and in and under thee , true , and secret , and stout , and provident in all things which he shall be pleased to commit unto me . Even so , Lord , and make him continually to serve thee , that thou mayest bless him , through Jesus Christ our onely Lord and Saviour . Amen . O most merciful God and gracious Father , the Prince hath put himself to a great Adventure ; I humbly beseech thee , make a clear way before him : Give thine Angels charge over him , be with him thy self in mercie , power , and protection ; in every step of his Journey ; in every moment of his time ; in every Consultation and Address for action ; till thou bring him back with safetie , honour , and contentment , to do thee service in this place . Bless his most trustie and faithful servant the Lord Duke of Buckingham , that he may be diligent in service , provident in business , wise and happio in counsels : for the honour of thy Name , the good of thy Church , the preservation of the Prince , the contentment of the King , the satisfaction of the State. Preserve him , I humbly beseech thee , from all envie that attends him ; and bless him , that his eyes may see the Prince safely delivered to the King and State , and after it live long in happiness to do them and thee service , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O most gracious God and merciful Father , thou art the Lord of Hosts ; all victorie over our Enemies , all safetie against them is from thee : I humbly beseech thee go out with our Armies , and bless them . Bless my dear Lord the Duke that is gone Admiral with them , that wisdom may attend all his Counsels , and courage and success all his Enterprizes : that by his and their means thou wilt be pleased to bring safetie to this Kingdom , strength and comfort to Religion , victorie and reputation to our Countrie : And that he may return with our Navie committed to him , and with safetie , honour , and love both of Prince and People . Grant this for thy dear Sons sake , Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O merciful God , thy Judgments are often secret , always just : At this time they were temporally heavie upon the poor Duke of Buckingham , upon me , upon all that had the honour to be near him . Lord , thou hast ( I doubt not ) given him rest , and light and blessedness in thee . Give also , I beseech thee , comfort to his Ladie . Bless his Children , uphold his Friends , forget not his Servants . Lay open the bottom of all that irreligious and graceless Plot that spilt his bloud . Bless and preserve the King from danger , and from securitie in these dangerous times . And for my self , O Lord , though the sorrows of my heart are inlarged , in that thou gavest this most honourable Friend into my bosom , and hast taken him again from me ; yet blessed be thy Name , O Lord , that hast given me patience . I shall now see him no more till we meet at the Resurrection : O make that joyful to us and all thy faithful servants , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Anniversaries . O Eternal God and merciful Father , with whom do rest the souls of them that die in thy faith and favour ; have mercie upon me , and grant that my life may be a preparation to die , and my death an entrance to life with thee . As upon this day it pleased thee to take my dear Father to thy mercie , when I was yet young . O Lord , he was thy servant , thy meek , humble , faithful servant : and I assure my self he is in rest , and light , and blessedness . Lord , while I am here behind in my pilgrimage , shower down thy grace upon me . Thou hast been more than a Father to me : thou hast not suffered me to want a Father ; no , not when thou hadst taken him from me . O be pleased to be a Father still , and by thy grace to keep me within the bounds of a Sons obedience . Thou hast given me temporal blessings beyond desert or hope ; O be graciously pleased to heap spiritual blessings on me , that I may grow in faith , obedience , and thankfulness to thee ; that I may make it my joy to perform dutie to thee . And after my painful life ended , bring me , I beseech thee , to thy joys , to thy glorie , to thy self ; that I and my Parents , with all thy Saints and Servants departed this life , may meet in a blessed glorious resurrection , ever to sing praises and honour to thee , in and through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * Have regard unto thy servant , O my God , and be merciful to me according to the bowels of thy mercie . Behold , I am become a reproach to thy Name , by serving my own ambition and the sins of other men . And though the perswasion of others moved me to do this [ thing ] , yet my own Conscience cried aloud against it . I beseech thee , O Lord , by the mercies of Jesus , enter not into judgment with thy servant , but hearken to his bloud that pleads for me ; and let not this Marriage divorce my soul from thy embraces . O how much better had it been [ for me ] ( if I had been but duely mindful of this day ) rather to have suffered Martyrdom with thy first Martyr , for denying the vehement importunitie of those my friends who were either too unfaithful [ to me ] or else too ungodly . I flattered my self with hope that this sin should have been hid in darkness , but loe , the night presently vanished , and the day it self was not more apparent than I that committed it . Thus it pleased thee , O Lord , for the abundance of thy mercie , to cover my face with confusion , that I might learn to seek thy Name . O how grievous to me , still even at this day , is the remembrance of this my sin , even after [ those ] so many and so often-repeated prayers which I have poured out before thee from my sorrowful and troubled spirit ! O Lord , have mercie , hear the prayers of thy most dejected and lowly servant . Spare me , O Lord , and forgive [ me ] all those sins which brought in this , and which followed upon it : For I confess , O Lord , that yet [ once ] again , and upon the very same day of the returning year , for want of due caution still , and sufficient humiliation , I fell into another grievous sin ; I was stoned again , not for my sin , but by it . Now , O Lord , raise me up again entirely , that I may no longer lie dead in my sins ; but grant that I may live , and living may rejoyce in thee , through the merits and mercies of Jesus Christ our Saviour . Amen . O merciful God , thou hast shewed me much mercie , and done great things for me ; and as I was returning , instead of thankfulness , I wandered out of my way from thee , into a foul and a strange path . There thou madest me see both my folly and my weakness ; Lord , make me ever see them , ever sorrie for them . O Lord , for my Saviours sake forgive me the folly , and strengthen me against the weakness for ever . Lord , forgive all my sins , and this ; and make me by thy grace , thy most true , humble , and faithful servant all the days of my life , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O [ most ] merciful Father , whither shall I turn my self ? who both [ in my ] going out and coming in have sinned against thee . I a Prodigal departed like the Prodigal into a far Countrie , and riotously wasted my substance which thou gavest me . There first of all I grew sensible that all I had was consumed , and my self not worthie of [ any ] better companie than the Swine ; and yet neither that filthie life , nor the famine of thy Grace , did [ so much as ] make me think of returning to a better temper . But now at my return from this unhappie Journey , behold , O Lord , thy Judgments overtake me , a Fire catches hold of the roof under which I was ; for God saw and delayed not long , but a fire was kindled in Jacob , and there came up heavie displeasure against Israel . My wickedness ( no doubt ) it was which threatned this conflagration to the Colledge and to my self : For whilst I was busily employed about putting out the fire , I was within very little of being destroyed by it , when loe , thy mercie , O Lord , rescued me from the flames almost by miracle : For whilst a friendly hand of one that stood by thrust me away with a kind of violence , the very same instant , at that very place where I intended to take up my standing , the fire that had been [ a while ] pent in , broke out , the stairs sunk down all in flames , and if the fire had found me there , I had also perisht . O my sins , which I never can bewail enough ! O thy mercies , O Lord , which I can never sufficiently extol ! O Repentance , that never was more necessarie for me ! O thy Grace , O Lord , which I ought to implore with all Humilitie and without ceasing ! I arise , O Lord my Father , and loe , I come ; my pace indeed is but slow , and [ 'tis ] unsteadie , but yet I come , and [ I ] consess I have sinned against Heaven and before thee , and am no more worthie to be called thy Son. Let me be what thou wilt , O Lord , so I [ may ] be but thine . Wash away my sins in the bloud of thy Son , that I may be thine : And grant , I beseech thee , that as the terror then , so now the remembrance of that fire may daily burn up [ in me ] all the dregs and relicks of my sins , that I may grow more circumspect [ for the future ] that a better fire of Charity and of Devotion may inflame me with [ the ] love of thee , and [ with ] hatred of sin , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . * O [ most ] merciful Lord , glorified be thy ever - blessed Name : for behold , whilst I was attending on the King , according to my Place , unmindful of thee , and of the misfortunes that are incident to mankind , and having too much confidence in my self , by an unhappie leap in the road , I fell to the ground , mistaken ground , and broke a Tendon . I was helpt up into a Coach , and came to Hampton : The torment [ I had ] was such as the Nerves are wont to feel , and [ so great , that ] the very anguish [ of it ] had certainly cast me into a violent burning Fever , but that a vast quantity of Bloud flowed out , [ and so ] delivered me from that fear . It brought me very low , and I went lame [ for ] almost two years : I am sensible of some weakness [ by it ] still ; but immortal thanks be unto thee , O [ thou ] ever-blessed Trinity , thou hast given me the use of my legs perfectly enough , and hast establisht my goings beyond all mens expectation . Direct them now , O Lord , in the ways of thy Commandments , that [ so ] I may never halt between thee and a false Worship , nor between thee and the World ; but that I may walk uprightly , and run the way of thy Testimonies when thou hast enlarged my heart . I pray thee therefore set my heart at liberty without delay , and confirm my steps in the paths of thy righteousness , by and for the sake of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O eternal God , and my most merciful Father , as this day the fury of the enraged multitude was fierce upon me and my house , to destroy me , and to pillage it ; it pleased thee in mercy to preserve both , and bring some of them to shame and punishment . I have sinned many ways against thee , O Lord , and this was a loud call of thine , and a merciful , to bring me to repentance ; which I beseech thee give me grace to hear and obey . But what I have done to hurt or offend them , that should stir up this rage against me , I know not . Lord , in thy mercie look down upon me ; fill my heart with thankfulness for this great deliverance , and suffer me not to forget it , or the Examination which I took of my self upon it . And as for them and their like , let them not have their desire , O Lord , let not their mischievous imaginations prosper against me , nor their furie lay hold upon me , lest they be too proud , and lest I end my wearie days in miserie . Yet forgive them , O Lord , for they know not why they did it . And according to thy wonted mercie , preserve me to serve thee ; and let the same watchful Protection which now defended me , guard me through the remainder of my life . And this for thine own goodness sake , and the merits of my Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen . O eternal God and merciful Father , I humbly beseech thee look down upon me in this time of my great and grievous affliction . Lord ( if it be thy blessed will ) make mine Innocencie appear , and free both me and my Profession from all scandal thus raised on me . And howsoever , if thou be pleased to trie me to the uttermost , I humbly beseech thee , give me full patience , proportionable comfort , contentment with whatsoever thou sendest , and an heart readie to die for thy Honour , the Kings Happiness , and this Churches Preservation . And my zeal to these is all the sin ( humane frailty excepted ) which is yet known to me in this particular , for which I thus suffer . Lord , look upon me in mercie , and for the merits of Jesus Christ , pardon all my sins many and great , which have drawn down this Judgment upon me , and then in all things do with me as seems best in thine own eyes : and make me not onely patient under , but thankful for whatsoever thou dost , O Lord my strength and my Redeemer . Amen . O eternal God and merciful Father , after long imprisonment I am now at last called to answer ; I most humbly beseech thee to strengthen me through this Tryal , to preserve the patience with which thou hast hitherto to blessed me through this affliction . Suffer no coarse language , or other provocation , to make me speak or do any thing that may mis-become my person , mine age , my calling , or my present condition . And , Lord , I beseech thee , make me able to clear to the world that Innocencie which is in my heart concerning this Charge laid against me . Grant this , O Lord , for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . O merciful Lord , I have had a long and a tedious Tryal : and I give thee humble and heartie thanks for the wonderful strength that I have received from thee in the bearing up of my weakness . Lord , continue all thy mercies towards me , for the storm gathers and grows black upon me , and what it threatens is best known to thee . After a long Tryal I am called to answer in the House of Commons ; and that not to Evidence , but to one single man's report of Evidence , and that made without Oath . What this may produce in present or in future , thou knowest also . O Lord , furnish me with patience and true Christian wisdom and courage , to bear up against this drift ; and send not out thy storms to beat upon me also , but look comfortably upon me to my end , in and through the merits of Jesus Christ my Lord and onely Saviour . Amen . Prayers upon sundry Publick Occasions . MOST gracious God , we humbly beseech thee , as for this Kingdom in general , so especially for the High Court of Parliament , under our most Religious and Gracious King at this time assembled ; that thou wouldest be pleased to bless and direct all their Consultations , to the preservation of thy Glorie , the good of thy Church , the safetie , honour , and welfare of our Soveraign and his Kingdoms . Lord , look upon the humilitie and devotion with which they are come into thy Courts . And they are come into thy House in assured confidence upon the merits and mercies of Christ ( our blessed Saviour ) that thou wilt not denie them the grace and favour which they beg of thee . Therefore , O Lord , bless them with that wisdom which thou knowest necessarie to speed , and bring great designes into action ; and to make the maturitie of his Majesties and their Counsels , the happiness and the blessing of this Commonwealth . These , and all other necessaries , for them , for us , and thy whole Church , we humbly beg in the Name and Mediation of Jesus Christ our most blessed Lord and Saviour . Amen . O eternal God and our most gracious Father , thou art the Lord of Hosts , and the strength of all Nations is from thee : If thou keepest not the Citie , the Watchman waketh but in vain . And no Victorie can wait upon the justest designes , upon the wisest Counsels , upon the strongest Armies , if thou teach not their hands to war , and their fingers to fight . Thou art the steadie hope of all the ends of the Earth , and of them which go and remain in the broad Sea. Lord , at this time we need thy more special Assistance both by Land and Sea ; and sor the mercie of Christ , deny us neither . Be with our Armies , and the Armies of our Allies and Associates by Land ; be with our Navie at Sea. Be not from the one , nor from the other , in power and in great mercie , until thou hast brought them back with honour and a setled Peace . Lord , turn our Enemies sword into their own bosom : for we sought Peace and ensued it ; and while we did so , they did more than make themselves readie to battel . We are thy servants , truly and heartily sorrie for our sins . Lord , forgive them , and then we will trust upon thee , that thou wilt pour down all thy Blessings upon this and all other designes and actions of this State , undertaken for thy glorie , the honour of our most gracious King CHARLES , and the peace and welfare of this Church and Commonwealth . Grant this we humbly beseech thee , for Jesus Christ his sake , our onely Mediator and Advocate . Amen . Most gracious God , we humbly beseech thee pardon and forgive all our many , great , and grievous transgressions . We may not hope thou wilt take off thy punishments , until thou hast forgiven our sins . We may not think thou wilt forgive our sins , until our humiliation and repentance come to ask forgiveness . We have been too slow to come , and now thou hast apparell'd thy Mercie in Justice , to force us to thee . Lord , we believe , but do thou increase our Faith , our Devotion , our Repentance , and all Christian Vertues in us . At this time the Vials of thy heavie displeasure drop down upon us ; and while we smart under one Judgement , thou threatnest the rest . The Pestilence spreads in our Streets , and so as if it sought whom to devour . No strength is able to stand against it , and it threatens to make Families , nay , Cities desolate . While the Pestilence eats up thy People , we hear the sound of War , and the Sword calleth for such as it would devour . In the mean time the Heavens are black over us , and the Clouds drop leanness ; and it will be Famine to swallow what the Pestilence and the Sword shall leave alive , unless thou send more seasonable Weather to give the Fruits of the Earth in their season . Our sins have deserved all this and more , and we neither do nor can denie it . We have now hither to go , but to Mercie . We have no way to that , but by the All-sufficient merit of thy Son our blessed Saviour . Lord , for his merit and mercies sake , look down upon us thy distressed servants ; command thine Angel to stay his hand , and remember that in death we cannot praise thee , nor give thanks in the Pit. Go forth with our Armies when they go , and make us remember that all our strength and deliverance is in thee . Clear up the Heavens over us , and take not from us the great plentie with which thou hast crowned the Earth : but remember us , O thou that feedest the Ravens when they call upon thee . Lord , we need all thy mercies to come upon us , and thy mercies are altogether in Christ , in whom , and for whose sake we beg them of thee , who livest and reignest in the unitie of the Spirit , one God , world without end . Amen . O eternal God and most merciful Father , we humbly beseech thee be merciful unto us , and be near to help us in all those extremities which our sins threaten to bring upon us . Our Enemies are strengthened against us , by our multiplied Rebellions against thee . And we deserve to suffer whatever our Enemies threaten . But there is mercie with thee that thou mayest be feared . O Lord , shew us this mercie , and give us grace so to fear thee , as that we may never be brought to fear or feel them . And whensoever thou wilt correct us for our sins , let us fall into thy hands , and not into the hands of men . Grant this for Jesus Christ his sake , our onely Mediator and Redeemer . Amen . O eternal God and most gracious Father , we have deserved whatsoever thy Law hath threatned against sinners . Our contempt of thy Divine Worship is great , and we hear thy Word , but obey it not . Forgive us , O Lord , forgive us these and all other our grievous sins . Give us light in our Understanding , readiness and obedience in our Will , discretion in our Words and Actions ; true , serious , and loyal endeavours for the peace and speritie of Jerusalem , the unitie and glorie of this Church and State : that so we may love it and prosper in it , and be full of grace in this life , and filled with glorie in the life to come , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O most merciful God , we give thee praise and thanks for the wonderful ceasing of the late raging Pestilence in the chief Citie of this Kingdom , and other places . Lord , shew us yet farther mercie , and look upon all parts of this Land with tender compassion . Keep back the destroying Angel , that he enter not into places that are yet free , nor make farther waste in those which are alreadie visited . Comfort them that are sick , preserve them that are sound , receive them that die to mercie ; that living and dying they and we may continue thy faithful servants , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O most gracious God and loving Father , we have felt thy manifold mercies , no Nation more ; and we have committed sins against thee , few Nations greater . Enter not into judgment with us , O Lord , but for Christ and his mercie sake , pacifie thine anger , and save us from the malice and crueltie of our Enemies . They are our crying sins that have called them upon us . Let it be an addition to thy wonted mercie , to restrain their furie . To this end , Lord , put thy bridle into their mouths , and thy bit between their teeth . Frustrate their designes , and let them find no way in our Seas , nor any path in our Flouds : but scatter them with thy tempest , and follow them with all thy storms ; that we being delivered by thy hand , may bless and honour thy Name , devoutly serving thee all our days , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , thou gracious Governour of all the Kingdoms of the Earth : Look down , we beseech thee , in mercie upon this Realm , and upon all other Reformed Churches . Save and deliver us and them from the hands of all such as threaten our destruction . Protect the person of our gracious Soveraign , direct his Counsels , go forth with his Armies , be unto him and to us a wall of brass , and a strong tower of defence against his and our Enemies ; that so we being safe through thy mercie , may live to serve thee in thy Church , and ever give thee praise and glorie , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O eternal God , and merciful Father , all peace & strength of Kingdoms is from thee : and lineal Succession is thy great blessing both upon Princes and States ; the great means to preserve unitie , and confirm strength . We therefore give thee humble and heartie thanks , as for all thy blessings , so especially at this time for thy great mercie and loving kindness to our dread Soveraign , his Royal Queen , and this whole State , in giving her Majestie hope of her long-desired Issue , thereby filling their and our hearts with gladness . Lord , go along with thine own blessings to perfect them . Be with her in soul and in bodie , preserve her from all dangers . Keep her safe to and in the hour of Travel , that there may be strength to bring forth her Joy and our Hope . And make her a joyful Mother of many Children , to the glorie of thy great Name , the happiness of his Majestie , the securitie of this State , and the flourishing of the Church and true Religion amongst us . Grant this , even for Jesus Christ his sake , our onely Lord and Saviour . Amen . O eternal God and merciful Father , since lineal Succession is , under thee , the great securitie of Kingdoms , and the very life of Peace ; we therefore give thee most humble and heartie thanks for the great blessing which thou hast again begun to work for our gracious King CHARLES and this whole State , in giving the Queens Majestie further hopes of a desired and happie Issue . And as we give thee humble and heartie thanks for this , so we pray thee to perfect this great blessing thus begun , to preserve her from all dangers , and to be with her by special assistance in the hour of Travel . Lord , make her a happie Mother of successful Children , to the increase of thy glorie , the comfort of his Majestie , the joy of her own heart , the safetie of the State , and the preservation of the Church and true Religion among us . Grant this even for Jesus Christ his sake , our onely Saviour and Redeemer . Amen . O most merciful God and gracious Father , thou hast given us the joy of our hearts , the contentment of our souls for this life , in blessing our dear and dread Soveraign , and his vertuous Royal Queen with a hopeful Son , and us with a Prince , in thy just time and his to rule over us . We give thy glorious Name most humble and heartie thanks for this . Lord , make us so thankful , so obedient to thee for this great mercie , that thy goodness may delight to increase it to us . Increase it , good Lord , to more Children , the prop one of another against single hope . Increase it to more Sons , the great strength of his Majestie and his Throne . Increase it in the Joy of his Royal Parents , and all true-nearted Subjects . Increase it by his Christian and happie Education both in Faith and Goodness ; that this Kingdom and People may be happie in the long life and prosperitie of our most gracious Soveraign and his Royal Consort . And when fulness of days must gather time , Lord , double his Graces , and make them apparent in this his Heir and his Heirs after him , for all Generations to come , even for Jesus Christ his sake , our Lord and onely Saviour . Amen . O most gracious God and loving Father , we give thee , as we are bound , most humble and heartie thanks for thy great mercie extended to us and this whole State , in blessing the Queens Majestie with a happie deliverance in and from the great pains and perils of Child-birth . We humbly beseech thee to continue and increase this Blessing ; to give her strength , that she may happily overcome this , & all dangers else : that his most gracious Majestie may long have joy in her happie life : that she may have joy in his Majesties prosperitie ; that both of them may have comfort in the Royal Prince Charles , the new-born Princess the Lady Mary , and with them , in a hopeful , healthful , and successful Posteritie : that the whole Kingdom may have fulness of joy in them ; and that both they and we may all have joy in the true honour and service of God : that both Church and Kingdom may be blessed , and their Royal Persons filled with honour in this life , and with eternal happiness in the life to come , even for Jesus Christ his sake , our onely Lord and Saviour . Amen . O eternal God and merciful Father , we give thee all humble and heartie thanks for our most gracious Soveraign Lord King Charles , both for the gentleness of thy hand in a disease otherwise so troublesome and fearful , and for the mercifulness of thy hand in taking it off so soon , and so happily . We know and acknowledge before thee our sins , and what grievous punishments they have deserved . But , Lord we beseech thee still to remember us in mercie , and long to bless our gracious King with life , and health , and strength , and happiness ; and above all , with the fear of thy holy Name : that so he may continue under thee , and over us , a Father of the State , a Patron of the Church , a Comfort to his Royal Queen , till he see his Childrens Children , and peace upon Israel . Grant this , good Lord , even for Jesus Christ his sake . Amen . Most gracious God and loving Father , we give thee all humble and heartie thanks for thy great mercie in blessing the Queens Majestie with a happie deliverance in and from the great pains and peril of Child-birth . We humbly beseech thee to continue thy mercies towards her , that she may happily overcome this and all other dangers ; that his most gracious Majestie may long have joy in her most happie life , and both of them comfort in the Royal Prince Charles , and the rest of their Princely Issue ; particularly in the new-born Prince the Duke of York ; that they all may prove a healthful , hopeful , and a successful Posteritie ; that both Church and Kingdom may have fulness of joy in them : That their Majesties Royal Persons may be filled with honour in this life , and with eternal happiness in the life to come . And this even for Jesus Christ his sake , our onely Saviour and Redeemer . Amen . O eternal God and merciful Father , by whom alone Kings reign , thou Lord of Hosts , and giver of all Victorie ; we humbly beseech thee to guard our most gracious Soveraign Lord King Charles ; to bless him in his Person with health and safetie , in his Counsels with wisdom and prudence , and in all his Actions with honour and good success . Grant , blessed Lord , that Victorie may attend his designes , and that his Liege-people may rejoyce in thee ; but that shame may cover the face of thine and his treacherous Enemies . Give him , blessed Father , so to settle his Subjects in Peace , and the true fear of thy Divine Majestie , that he may return with joy and honour , and proceed long to govern his Kingdoms in peace and plentie , and in the happiness of true Religion and Pietie all his days . These blessings , and whatsoever else shall be necessary for him , or for our selves , we humbly beg of thee , O merciful Father , for Jesus Christ his sake , our onely Mediator and Redeemer . Amen . O eternal God and merciful Father , by whom alone Kings reign , thou Lord of Hosts and giver of all Victorie ; we humbly beseech thee both now and ever to guide and preserve our most gracious Soveraign Lord King Charles : To bless him in his Person with health and safetie , in his Counsels with wisdom and prudence , and in all his Actions with honour and good success ; especially against those his traiterous Subjects , who having cast off all Obedience to their Anointed Soveraign , do at this time in rebellious manner invade this Realm . Grant , blessed Lord , that Victory may attend his Majesties designes , that his Liege-people may rejoyce in thee ; but that shame may cover the faces of thine and his treacherous Enemies . Enable him ( blessed Father ) so to vanquish and subdue them all , that his Loyal Subjects being setled in Peace and the true fear of thy holy Name , he may return with joy and honour , and continue to govern his Kingdoms in peace and plenty , and in the happiness of true Religion and Piety all his days . These Blessings , and whatsoever else shall be necessary for him , or for our selves , we humbly beg of thee , O merciful Father , for Jesus Christ his sake , our onely Mediator and Redeemer . Amen . His Grace's Speech , according to the Original , written with his own hand , and delivered by him upon the Scaffold on Tower-hill , Jan. 10. 1644. to his Chaplain Dr. Sterne , after Lord Archbishop of York . Good People , THis is an uncomfortable time to preach ; yet I shall begin with a Text of Scripture , Heb. 12. 2. Let us run with patience that race which is set before us : Looking unto Jesus the Author and Finisher of our Faith , who for the joy that was set before him , endured the Cross , despising the shame , and is set down at the right hand of the throne of God. I have been long in my Race , and how I have looked unto Jesus the Author and Finisher of my Faith , he best knows . I am now come to the end of my Race , and here I find the Cross , a death of shame . But the shame must be despised , or no coming to the right hand of God. Jesus despised the shame for me , and God forbid that I should not despise the shame for Him. I am going apace ( as you see ) towards the Red Sea , and my feet are upon the very brink of it : An argument ( I hope ) that God is bringing me into the Land of Promise ; for that was the way through which he led his People . But before they came to it , he instituted a Passeover for them . A Lamb it was , but it must be eaten with sowre herbs , Exod. 12. 8. I shall obey , and labour to digest the sowre herbs , as well as the Lamb : And I shall remember it is the Lords Passeover . I shall not think of the herbs , nor be angry with the hands that gathered them ; but look up onely to him who instituted that , and governs these . For men can have no more power over me than what is given them from above , S. John 19.11 . I am not in love with this passage through the Red Sea , for I have the weakness and infirmity of flesh and bloud plentifully in me . And I have prayed with my Saviour , Vt transiret calix iste , that this Cup of red Wine might pass from me , S. Luke 22.42 . But if not , Gods will , not mine , be done . And I shall most willingly drink of this Cup as deep as he pleases , and enter into this Sea , yea , and pass through it in the way that he shall lead me . But I would have it remembred ( good People ) that when Gods servants were in this boisterous Sea , and Aaron among them , the Egyptians which persecuted them , and did in a manner drive them into that Sea , were drowned in the same waters , while they were in pursuit of them . I know my God , whom I serve , is as able to deliver me from this Sea of bloud , as he was to deliver the three Children from the Furnace , Dan. 3. And ( I most humbly thank my Saviour for it ) my resolution is as theirs was : They would not worship the Image which the King had set up , nor will I the Imaginations which the People are setting up . Nor will I forsake the Temple and the Truth of God , to follow the bleating of Jeroboam's Calves in Dan and in Bethel . And as for this People , they are at this day miserably misled : God of his mercie open their eyes , that they may see the right way . For at this day the blind lead the blind ; and if they go on , both will certainly into the ditch , S. Luke 6. 39. For my self , I am ( and I acknowledge it in all humility ) a most grievous sinner many ways , by thought , word , and deed : And yet I cannot doubt but that God hath mercy in store for me a poor penitent , as well as for other sinners . I have now upon this sad occasion ransacked every corner of my heart ; and yet I thank God I have not found among the many , any one sin which deserves death by any known Law of this Kingdom . And yet hereby I charge nothing upon my Judges : for if they proceed upon proof by valuable Witnesses , I or any other Innocent may be justly condemned . And I thank God , though the weight of the Sentence lie heavie upon me , I am as quiet within as ever I was in my life . And though I am not onely the first Archbishop , but the first man that ever died by an Ordinance in Parliament , yet some of my Predecessors have gone this way , though not by this means . For Elphegus was hurried away and lost his head by the Danes ; Simon Sudbury in the fury of Wat Tyler and his fellows . Before these , S. John Baptist had his head danced off by a lewd woman : And St. Cyprian Archbishop of Carthage submitted his head to a persecuting sword . Many examples great and good ; and they teach me patience . For I hope my Cause in Heaven will look of another dye , than the colour that is put upon it here . And some comfort it is to me , not onely that I go the way of these great men in their several Generations , but also that my Charge , as soul as it is made , looks like that of the Jews against S. Paul , Acts 25. 8. for he was accused for the Law and the Temple , i. e. Religion . And like that of St. Stephen , Acts 6. 14. for breaking the Ordinances which Moses gave , i. e. Law and Religion , the Holy Place and the Law , ver . 13. But you will say , Do I then compare my self with the integrity of St. Paul and St. Stephen ? No , far be that from me . I onely raise a comfort to my self , that these great Saints and Servants of God were laid at in their times as I am now . And it is memorable that St. Paul , who helped on this Accusation against St. Stephen , did after fall under the very same himself . Yea , but here 's a great clamour that I would have brought in Popery . I shall answer that more fully by and by . In the mean time you know what the Pharisees laid against Christ himself , St. John 11. 48. If we let him alone , all men will believe on him : Et venient Romani , and the Romans will come , and take away both our Place and the Nation . Here was a causeless cry against Christ , that the Romans would come . And see how just the Judgement of God was . They crucified Christ for fear lest the Romans should come ; and his death was it which brought in the Romans upon them ; God punishing them with that which they most feared . And I pray God this clamour of Venient Romani , of which I have given no cause , help not to bring them in . For the Pope never had such a Harvest in England since the Reformation , as he hath now upon the Sects and Divisions that are amongst us . In the mean time , by honour and dishonour , by good report and evil report , as a deceiver and yet true , am I passing through this world , 2 Cor. 6. 8. Some particulars also I think it not amiss to speak of . 1. And first , this I shall be bold to speak of the King our gracious Soveraign : He hath been much traduced also for bringing in of Popery . But on my Conscience ( of which I shall give God a present account ) I know him to be as free from this Charge as any man living : And I hold him to be as sound a Protestant according to the Religion by Law established , as any man in his Kingdom ; and that he will venture his life as far and as freely for it . And I think I do or should know both his affection to Religion , and his grounds for it , as fully as any man in England . 2. The second particular is concerning this great and populous City ( which God bless . ) Here hath been of late a fashion taken up to gather hands , and then go to the great Court of the Kingdom , the Parliament , and clamour for Justice ; as if that great and wise Court , before whom the Causes come which are unknown to the Many , could not or would not do Justice but at their appointment : a way which may endanger many an innocent man , and pluck his bloud upon their own heads , and perhaps upon the Cities also . And this hath been lately practised against my self : the Magistrates standing still and suffering them openly to proceed from Parish to Parish without check . God forgive the setters of this , with all my heart I beg it ; but many well-meaning people are caught by it . In St. Stephen's case , when nothing else would serve , they stirred up the people against him , Acts 6. 12. And Herod went the same way ; when he had killed St. James , yet he would not venture upon St. Peter , till he found how the other pleased the people , Acts 12. 3. But take heed of having your hands full of bloud , Esai . 1. 15. for there is a time best known to himself , when God above other sins makes Inquisition for bloud . And when that Inquisition is on foot , the Psalmist tells us , Psal. 9. 12. that God remembers ; but that 's not all , he remembers , and forgets not the complaint of the poor , i. e. whose bloud is shed by Oppression , ver . 9. Take heed of this : 'T is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God , Heb. 12. but then especially , when he is making Inquisition for bloud . And with my Prayers to avert it , I do heartily desire this City to remember the Prophecy that is expressed Jer. 26. 15. 3. The third particular is the poor Church of England . It hath flourished , and been a shelter to other neighbouring Churches , when storms have driven upon them : but alas now it is in a storm it self , and God onely knows whether or how it shall get out . And which is worse than a storm from without , it is become like an Oak cleft to shivers with wedges made out of its own body ; and at every cleft profaneness and irreligion is entering in ; While ( as * Prosper speaks ) men that introduce prophaneness are cloaked over with the name Religionis Imaginariae , of Imaginary Religion : for we have lost the Substance , and dwell too much in Opinion . And that Church , which all the Jesuits Machinations could not ruine , is fallen into danger by her own . 4. The last particular ( for I am not willing to be too long ) is my self . I was born and baptized in the bosome of the Church of E gland established by Law. In that Pr fession I have ever since lived , and in that I come now to die . What clamours and slanders I have endured for labouring to keep an Uniformity in the external Service of God , according to the Doctrine and Discipline of this Church , all men know , and I have abundantly felt . Now at last I am accused of High-Treason in Parliament , a Crime which my soul ever abhorred . This Treason was charged to consist of two parts : An endeavour to subvert the Laws of the Land ; and a like endeavour to overthrow the true Protestant Religion established by Law. Besides my Answers to the several Charges , I protested mine innocency in both Houses . It was said Prisoners Protestations at the Bar must not be taken . I must therefore come now to it upon my death , being instantly to give God an account for the truth of it . I do therefore here in the presence of God and his holy Angels , take it upon my death , that I never endeavoured the Subversion either of Law or Religion . And I desire you all to remember this Protest of mine for my innocency in this , and from all Treasons whatsoever . I have been accused likewise as an Enemy to Parliaments : No , I understand them , and the benefit that comes by them , too well to be so : But I did dislike the misgovernments of some Parliaments many ways , and I had good reason for it ; for Corruptio optimi est pessima . And that being the highest Court , over which no other hath jurisdiction , when 't is misinformed or misgoverned , the Subject is left without all remedy . But I have done . I forgive all the world , all and every of those bitter Enemies which have persecuted me ; and humbly desire to be forgiven of God first , and then of every man. And so I heartily desire you to joyn in prayer with me . O Eternal God and merciful Father , look down upon me in mercy , in the riches and fulness of all thy mercies . Look upon me , but not till thou hast nailed my sins to the Cross of Christ , not till thou hast bathed me in the bloud of Christ , not till I have hid my self in the wounds of Christ ; that so the punishment due unto my sins may pass over me . And since thou art pleased to try me to the uttermost , I most humbly beseech thee , give me now in this great instant , full patience , proportionable comfort , and a heart ready to die for thine honour , the Kings happiness , and this Churches preservation . And my zeal to these ( far from arrogancy be it spoken ) is all the sin ( humane frailty excepted , and all incidents thereto ) which is yet known to me in this particular , for which I come now to suffer : I say in this particular of Treason . But otherwise my sins are many and great ; Lord , pardon them all , and those especially ( whatever they are ) which have drawn down this present Judgment upon me . And when thou hast given me strength to bear it , do with me as seems best in thine own eyes . Amen . And that there may be a stop of this issue of bloud in this more than miserable Kingdom , O Lord , I beseech thee give grace of repentance to all Bloud-thirsty people . But if they will not repent , O Lord confound all their devices , defeat and frustrate all their designes and endeavours upon them , which are or shall be contrary to the glory of thy great Name , the truth and sincerity of Religion , the establishment of the King and his Posterity after him in their just Rights and Priviledges , the honour and conservation of Parliaments in their just power , the preservation of this poor Church in her Truth , Peace , and Patrimony , and the settlement of this distracted and distressed People under their ancient Laws , and in their native Liberties . And when thou hast done all this in meer mercy for them , O Lord , sill their hearts with thankfulness , and with religious dutiful obedience to thee and thy Commandments all their days . So , Amen , Lord Jesus , Amen . And receive my soul into thy bosom . Amen . Our Father which art in heaven , &c. The Lord Archbishop's Prayer as he kneeled by the Block . LOrd , I am coming as fast as I can . I know I must pass through the shadow of death , before I can come to see thee . But it is but Vmbra mortis , a meer shadow of death , a little darkness upon Nature : but thou by thy Merits and Passion hast broke through the jaws of death . So , Lord receive my soul , and have mercy upon me : and bless this Kingdom with peace and plenty , and with brotherly love and charity , that there may not be this effusion of Christian bloud amongst them , for Jesus Christ his sake , if it be thy will. Then he laid his head upon the Block , and after he had prayed to himself , said aloud , Lord receive my soul ; which was the signal given to the Executioner . FINIS . THE CONTENTS . * THe Division of the hours of Prayer pag. 1 The Office for every day 3 A Prayer for preventing Grace ibid. A Confession and Prayer by L.A.W. 4 A Prayer for forgiveness of sins 5 for Gifts and Graces 6 A thanksgiving 7 A Prayer for the Catholick Church 8 A Prayer for this particular Church 9 A Prayer for the King ibid. for Friends and Relations 10 for Servants ibid. for those in affliction 11 for all men , even our Enemies ibid. * for resignation of himself in the hour of death 12 * A dayly Examination of Conscience 14 A dayly Prayer 15 A Prayer for the King 16 for the Church 17 for the Church of England when robb'd of her Revenues 20 for the Commonweal 21 for the Kingdom of England 22 * for House and Family 23 for government of the Tongue ibid. against Temptations 25 * for a good Journey 26 for Rain 28 for fair Weather ibid. in time of Fasting 29 in Lent 30 for the Fast of the four Ember-weeks ibid. An earnest Prayer 31 in time of Afflictions , Perils , and Adversities 32 in Misery and Adversity 38 in Trouble and Heaviness 40 against Reproach ibid. against Fraud and Deceit 42 in time of Fear 44 in Poverty 45 in Imprisonment 46 against Banishment 47 against the violent 48 for strength in Martyrdom 49 in time of Dearth and Scarcity 50 in time of War 51 against our Enemies 56 for our Enemies 59 Penitentials 60 Confessions 68 A Prayer for Sunday , the first hour 71 second Sunday after Epiphany 72 first Sunday in Advent ibid. second Sunday in Advent ibid. the third hour 73 first Sunday after Epiphany 74 third Sunday after Epiphany 75 fourth Sunday after Epiphany ibid. the sixth hour 76 against Presumption ibid. * for salvation of desperate Sinners 77 A Collect for Easter-day , for Grace ibid. first Sunday after Easter 78 second Sunday after Easter ibid. the ninth hour 79 for himself 80 for Graces ibid Collect for Whitsunday 81 Collect for Trinity-sunday ibid. A Prayer at Evening 82 for Patience ibid. Sexages . Sunday 83 Quinquages . Sunday , for Charity ibid. The Compline , a Prayer before bed-time ibid. for Sleep 84 for Relief ibid. fourth Sunday in Lent ibid. A Prayer at bed-time , and in the night if thou wake ibid. fifth Sunday after Easter 85 for good thoughts ibid. Meditations at entrance into the Church 86 * preparatory Devotions to the Holy Sacrament 87 * Collect for purifying the heart 90 * A brief Litany in order to the blessed Sacrament ibid. * for the Church 91 * against the Enemies of the Church ibid. * for Benefactors 92 * An humble Confession , a Prayer before the Sacrament ibid. Collect for Goodfriday 94 * Ejaculations whilst standing at the Altar , or in the morning before receiving the Sacrament ibid. Immediately before the sight of the Bread 96 * Immediately after receiving both kinds ibid. A Prayer for Munday-morning 98 a Thanksgiving ibid. against evil Counsel ibid. for direction in walking ibid. the third hour , for mercy 99 for Counsel , thirst for God , for Truth , for Obedience , 1 Sund. after Trin. for Grace 100 the sixth hour , for mercy , for pardon 101 3 Sund. after Trin. for protection 102 the ninth hour , for mercy , for Remembrance ibid. 4 Sund. after Trin. 103 in the Evening , a Prayer to be heard 104 * Collect for Evening against all danger ibid. 6 Sund. after Trin. for Obedience 105 the Compline , or before bed-time , for Defence ibid. To be heard , Thanksgiving 7 Sund. after Trin. for true Religion 106 at bed-time , and at night if thou wakest ibid. at death , for submission 107 For Tuesday-morning , for Preservation 108 for Illumination ibid. 9 Sund. after Trin. for good thoughts the third hour , for Assistance 109 for Preservation , 1 Sund. in Lent 110 the sixth hour , to be heard , for deliverance , 10 Sund. after Trin. 111 the ninth hour , glory to God , in bad times 112 3 Sund. after Easter , for Illumination ibid. for Obedience 113 * in the Evening ibid. for Help , 11 Sund. after Trin 114 the Compline , for Help , for mercy ibid. 14 Sund. after Trin. for increase of Grace 115 at bed-time , & in the night if thou wakest ibid. * for Patience 116 4 Sund. after Trin. for Obedience ibid. For Wednesday-morning , for Penitence 117 to be heard 118 the third hour , for Hope ibid. for Patience , for my Flock 119 the sixth hour , for Defence , for Deliverance , 15 Sund. after Trin. 120 the ninth hour , for Penitence , for the fear of God 121 17 Sund. after Trin. for Grace 122 at Evening , for Penitence , * for Gifts ibid. 18 Sund. after Trin. for Obedience 123 The Compline , for Penitence , * for Mercy ibid. at bed-time , and at night if thou wakest 124 for moderate Sleep ibid. For Thursday-morning , for Help , for Consolation 126 for Ascension-day , Sund. after Ascension 127 the third hour , to be heard , against Enemies , for Defence 128 the sixth hour , against Flatterers , in time of Correction 129 20 Sund. after Trin. for Defence , for Obedience 130 the ninth hour , for Patience ibid. against Revilings , for Peace , for Defence 131 at Evening , against Enemies , Evening-prayer for Peace 132 the Compline , for Hope , * thirst for God 133 for Preservation 134 at bed-time , and at night if thou wakest 135 in time of great Trouble , * for Sleep ibid. a Collect for Defence ibid. For Friday-morning , * a Prayer out of St. Aug. 137 2 Sund. after Trin. for fear and love of God , Passion of our Lord , 1 Collect for the day , for the Church 138 2 Collect for the day , for all men 139 The third hour , * a Prayer out of St. Aug. ibid. for Deliverance , to be heard , out of the Liturgy 140 the sixth hour , for Pardon ibid. * for Trinity Sund. out of S. Aihanasius 141 The ninth hour , a Prayer for the Church , out of St. Chrysost. 142 At the Evening , a Prayer against Affliction 143 A Prayer out of St. Hillary ibid. The Compline , a Prayer for Mercy , * at night 144 Bed-time , and at night if thou wakest , a Prayer 145 * Another Prayer ibid. * Another out of Gregory Nazian . ibid. * Another out of St. Augustin ibid. Saturday-morning , Praise 147 A Prayer for Gods Blessing ; another for Illumination ibid. Collect for Grace , out of the Liturgy ibid. The third hour , a Prayer Ezekiah's Prayer 148 A Prayer against Enemies 149 A Prayer out of the Liturgy ibid. The sixth hour , a Prayer for direction in walking 150 A Prayer for the fear of God ibid. The ninth hour , a Prayer to be heard in trouble 151 A Prayer for direction of our ways ibid. Evening , the praise of God ibid. * A Prayer for Protection 152 The Compline , a Confession , a Thanksgiving ibid. Bed-time , and at night if thou wakest A Prayer against Procrastination 154 * Adoration and Glorification of God , out of S. Aug. 155 * A Prayer out of S. Augustin 157. * Another out of the same ibid. * Another out of the same 158 Another out of the same ibid. Praise and Thanksgiving , for deliverance from Enemies 159 After Victory in War 160 * A Thanksgiving out of St. Augustin ibid. Several out of David's Psalms 161 A Prayer in time of Prosperity 165 Another out of Salvian 166 Prayers in time of Pestilence 167 if the Family be infected 169 A Thanksgiving for deliverance from the Plague , out of the Liturgy 170 Prayers in old Age 171 for the sick and afflicted , in time of sickness 172 A Thanksgiving for deliverance from great sickness 175 A Prayer for the sick 176 * At the Visitation of the sick , Questions to be propos'd 177 * Confessions to be made * Things to be believed and done 180 * Forgiveness of Enemies 182 * Desire of forgiveness from others * The Apostles Creed paraphras'd 184 * Preparatory Meditations for Death 191 * A preparatory Confession 195 Absolution 199 Consecrations , Ordinations 200 For the Church 201 * For his Episcopal Charge 202 A Prayer out of St. Augustin ibid. At laying the first Stone of a Chappel at Hammersmith 204 Upon Admission into the Church 205 For the Duke of Buckingham 206 Upon the Spanish Journey 207 On the Expedition to the Isle of Ree On the Duke of Buckingham's Death 209 Anniversaries on the death of his Father and Mother 210 * A Prayer on the Feast of St. Stephen 213 A Prayer on March 6. 1642. 214 * Thanksgiving for deliverance from fire 215 Thanksgiving for deliverance after imminent dangers , when beset with violent and base people 219 When I was accused of High-Treason 220 When I received my Summons to Tryal 221 Upon my Summons to appear ar the House of Commons 222 For the High Court of Parliament 223 For the Navy 224 In time of Pestilence and unseasonable Weather 226 In danger of Enemies 228 Thanksgiving for ceasing the Plague 230 In danger of Enemies ibid. For safe Child-bearing of the Queen 233 Another of the same ibid. A Thanksgiving for the birth of Prince Charles 234 A Thanksgiving for the safe delivery of the Lady Mary 236 A Thanksgiving for his Majesties recovery from the Small-pox 237 A Thanksgiving for the delivery of James Duke of York 238 A Thanksgiving for the King in his Northern Expedition 240 Another for the same ibid. His Grace's Speech , according to the Original , written with his own hand , and delivered by him upon the Scaffold on Tower-hill , Jan. 10. 1644. to his Chaplain Dr. Sterne , after Lord Archbishop of York 242 FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A49708-e900 Gerson interprets otherwise , part 3. p. 1147. The Prefact . Petitions . The Doxologie . Notes for div A49708-e2050 For preventing Grace . Engl. Lit. The Confession , with a Prayer by L. A. W. For forgiveness of Sins . For Gifts . Thanks giving . For the Catholick Church . For this particular Church . For the King. For Friends and Relations . XFor Servants . For those in affliction . For all men , even our enemies . Resignation of my self . In the hour of Death . Psal. 61. 6. Psal. 20. 1. 5 Sund. after Epiph. Psal. 80.8 . Psal. 127.1 . For the Church of England , when robbed of her Revenues . Nehem. 9.32 , 33. Psal. 33. 10 , 12. Dan. 9. 16 , 17. Psal. 19. 14. Psal. 34.12 , 13. Psal. 37.31 . Psal. 39.1 , 2. Psal. 119. 108. Psal. 141.3 . Ecclus 22. 27. 1 Cor. 10. 15. English Liturgy English Liturgy . Psal. 69.9 . 1 Sund. 25 Sund. after Trin. David flying , 2 Sam. 15.25 . 2 Cor. 4. 8. vers . 16. Psal. 38.10 . Psal. 119. 65. vers . 75. Baruch 3. 1 , &c. Psal. 9. 18. Psal. 31. 8 , &c. Vers. 10. 12. 14. 15. 16. Psal. 42. 6. Psal. 44. 23. Psal. 31. 1. Psal. 55. 3. Psal. 60. 11. Psal. 80.5 . Psal. 109.25 . Psal. 119.92 . Psal. 25.15 . Psal. 61.1 . Psal. 69.1 , 15. Psal. 119.28 . In Trouble and Heaviness . Psal 44.14 . Psal. 55.9 , 16. Psal. 57. 3 , 4. Psal. 71.7 . Psal. 89.49 . Psal. 41. 9. Psal. 57.5 . Psal. 71.10 . Psal. 119.85 . Psal. 141.10 . Psal. 142. 2 , 7. Psal. 19.9 . Psal. 9.12 . Psal. 10. 13 , 16. Psal. 22.23 . Psal. 70.5 . Psal. 142.9 . Psal. 146.4 , 6. Psal. 88.6 , 7. Psal. 68. 6. Psal. 137.1 . Psal. 119. 95. Psal. 119. 150. vers . 157. Psal. 119. 22. vers . 39. Psal. 141. 8. Psal. 37. 19. Psal. 65. 3 , 9. Engl. Liturgy . Engl. Litany . Esai . 8. 9 , 10. 1 Macc. 4.30 . Psal. 18. 37. Psal. 46.9 . Psal. 44.10 . Psal. 108.11 . English Liturgy . English Liturgy . Thanksgiving . Psal. 25.18 . 3 Sund. in Lent. Psal. 56.1 . Psal. 35.19 . Psal. 7.1 . Psal. 9.13 . Psal. 64.1 . S. Mat. 5. 44. Psal. 90.13 . Psal. 119. 116 , 120. vers . 176. Jer. 14. 7 , 8 , 9. Psal. 25.10 . Coll. for Ashwednesday . 12 Sund. after Trin. 21 Sund. after Trin. 24 Sund. after Trin. Collect at the end of the Liturgy . Engl. Litany . Engl. Liturgy . Engl. Liturgy , in Communion . Engl. Liturgy . S. Aug. Serm. 7. de Tempore . The first hour , i.e. from Sun-rise to 9 in the morning . Psal. 43.3 , 4. 2 Sund. after Epiph. 1 Sund. in Advent . 2 in Advent . 4 in Advent . The third hour , or 9 in the morning . Psal. 34.7 , 8. Psal. 48. 9. Psal. 63. 3. Psal. 84. 1. 1 Sund. after Epiph. 3 after Epiph. 4 after Epiph. Sixth hour , i. e. Noon . Psal. 19. 12 , 13. Against Presumption . Psal. 84. 4. Collect for Easterday . For Grace . 1 Sund. after Easter . Against Malice . 2 Sund. after Easter . Ninth hour , i. e. 3 afternoon . Psal. 37 . 7 , 8. Paulinus Epist. 9. Princip . Psal. 52. 8. For my self . Psal. 9. 13. Aug. 14.1629 . For all Graces . Collect for Whitsunday . Collect for Trinity-sund . At Evening . Dan. 9.19 . Psal. 49.16 , 17. For Patience . Psal. 119.82 . Sexages . Sunday . Against Adversity Quinquages . Sund. For Charity . The Compline : a Prayer before bed-time . Amos 7.2 , 5. Prov. 3.24 . For Sleep . 4 Sund. in Lent. For Relief . At bed-time , and in the night if thou wake . Psal. 13. 3. Psal. 17.3 . Psal. 119. 164. 5 Sund. after Easter . For good thoughts . Psal. 9.7 Psal. 28.2 . Psal. 61. 4. Psal. 100.3 , 4. Psal. 26. 8. Preparations . Coll. for purifying the Heart . A brief Litany . 3 Coll. for Good-friday . Whilst standing at the Altar ( if it may be : ) if not , in the morning . Immediately before the sight of the Bread. Immediately after receing both kinds . In the Morning . Psal. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. Psal. 96. 2. Thanksgiving . Prov. 2. 11. Against Evil Counsel . Jer. 10. 23. For direction in walking . The third hour . 2 Esdr. 8. 45 , 31. For Mercy . Psal. 74. 24. For Counsel . Thirst for God. Psal. 119.29 . For Truth . For Obedience . 1 Sund. after Trin. For Grace . The sixth hour . Tob. 3. 2 , 3 , 6. For Mercy . Jer. 14. 20. For Pardon . Engl. Litany . 3 Sund. after Trin. For Protection . Aug. Serm. 18. Ninth hour . 2 Macc. 1. 3 , 4 , 5. For Mercy . Psal. 106.4 . Remember me . 4 Sund. after Trin. At Evening . Psal. 17. 1. To be heard . S. Hilar. l. 12. de Trin. p. 195. Coll. for Evening , against all dangers . 6 Sund. after Trin. For Obedience . The Compline . Psal. 17. 6 , 7 , 8. For Defence . Psal. 141. 2. To be heard . Psal. 28. 8. Thanksgiving . 7 Sund. after Trin. For true Religion . Bed-time , and at night if thou wakest . Psal. 39.5 . &c. At Death . Greg. Naz. Orat. 8. For submission . In the Morning . Psal. 1. 1 , 2. For Preservation . Erasmus . For Illumination . Prov. 3.26 . 9 Sund. after Trin. For good thoughts . For Grace . Third hour . Psal. 25.1 , 3 , 4 , &c. For Assistance . 2 Sund. in Lent. For Preservation . Sixth hour . Psal. 27. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. To be heard . Psal. 55. 18. Paulin. Epist. 17. pag. 181. For Deliverance . 10 Sund. after Trin. Ninth hour . Psal. 31. 19 , 21. Glory to God. Psal. 42. 3. In bad times . 3 Sund. after Easter . For Illumination . For Obedience . In the Evening . St. Ambrose Serm. 8. on Psal. 118. Psal. 91.1 . For Help . 11 Sund. after Trin. The Compline . Psal. 46. 1. For Help . Psal. 119.122 . For mercy . 14 Sund. after Trin. Increase of Grace . At bed-time , and in the night if thou wakest . Psal. 50. 15. Jer. 10.24 . St. Ambrose . For Penitence . 4 Sund. after Easter . For Obedience . In the morn . Baruch 2.12 , 14. For Penitence . Psal. 119.147 . To be heard . Psal. 143. 8. Third hour . Psal. 39. 9 , 7 , 8. For Hope . For Penitence . Gr. Naz. Orat. 6. For my Flock . Sixth hour . Psal. 35.1 , 3. For Defence . Psal. 86. 6. To be heard . Psal. 120. 2. Deliverance . 15 Sund. after Trin. Ninth hour . Esai . 55. 6 , 7. For Penitenca . Psal. 86. 11. For the fear of God. 17 Sund. after Trin. For Grace . At Evening , Psal. 51. 1. For Penitence . St. Aug. Serm. 30. For all Gifts . 18 Sund. after Trin. For Obedience . Compline . Psal. 51. 17. Penitence . For mercy . 19 Sund. after Trin. Bed-time , and at night if thou wakest . Psal. 63. 6. Psal. 119.148 . For moderate Sleep . In the morn . Psal. 17. 5. St. Aug. de Haeres . For Help . Psal. 63. 1. For Consolation . Esay . 33.2 , 5 , 6. For Ascension day . Sund. after Ascension . Third hour . Psal. 55. 2. To be heard . Psal. 86. 14. Against Enemies . English Liturgy . For Defence . Sixth hour . Psal. 55. 22. Against Flatterers . Psal. 94. 12. In time of Correction . 20 Sund. after Trin : For Defence . For Obedience . Ninth hour . For Patience . St. Aug. Psal. 109. 1. Against Revilings . Morner-prayer , Coll. for Peace . And for Defence . At Evening . St. Aug. Psal. 140. 1 , 2. Against Enemies . Collect 1. Evening-prayer . For Peace . The Complint . Psal. 57. 1. For Hope . St. Aug. Thirst for God. English Liturgy . For Preservation . Bed-time , and at night if thou wakest . Psal 77. 1 , 2. In time of great trouble . Sleep . Collect at the end of the Liturgy . Defence . In the. Morn . St. Aug. Psal. 88. 13. 2 Sund. after Trin. Fear and love of God. Passion of our Lord. First Collect for the day . For the Church . Second Coll. for the day . For all men . Third hour . St. Aug. Psal. 109. 20. Deliverance . Psal. 25. 14. English Liturgy . To be heard . Sixth hour . Psal. 79. 8. For Pardon . Psal. 115.1 . St. Athan. Trinity-sunday . Ninth hour . Psal. 80. 4. St. Chrysost. l. 3. de Sacerdotio . For the Church . At Evening . Psal. 88.1 , 2. Against Affliction . St. Hilary , l. 12. de Trinitate . Compline . Psal. 92. 1 , 2. For Mercy . At Night . Bed-time , and at night if thou wakest . Psal. 119. 49 , 54. Gr. Naz. Orat. 10. Death . S. Aug. Ser. 53. de Diversis . In the morn . Psal. 59. 16. Praise . Psal. 90.17 . Blessing . Psal. 119. 18. Illumination . Morning-prayer . Collect for Grace . For Aid . Third hour . Psal. 62. 5. Ezekiah's prayer . 2 Chron. 30. 19. Mercy for imperfection . Psal. 138. 7. Against Enemies . Psal. 119. 121. Against Enemies . vers . 122. English Liturgy . Infirmities . Sixth hour . Psal. 62.8 . Psal. 119. 5. For direction in walking . Psal. 119.33 . For the fear of God. Ninth hour . Psal. 81. 7. To be heard in trouble . Psal. 119.10 , 12. Direction of our ways . Evening . Psal. 134. 1. The Praise of God. For Protection . Compline . Psal. 139. 10. Confession . Thanksgiving . Psal. 71. 17 , 19. &c. Praise of God. Thanksgiving . Bed-time , and at night if thou wakest . Psal. 121. 4. Psal. 119.59 . Procrastinating . Psal. 120. 4. Death . Adoration and Glorification of God. St. Aug. lib. 2. Confess . cap. 4. Aug. Serm. 193. de Temp. The same , Serm. 198. The same , Serm. 202. The same , Serm. 204. For deliverance from Enemies . Psal. 30. 1. Psal. 35. 9. Psal. 7. 18. Psal. 47. 2 , 3. After victory in War. Psal. 56. 12. S. Aug. Orat. de 5. Haeres . cap. 7. Psal. 57. 7. Psal. 9.1 . Psal. 13. 5. Psal. 22.23 . Psal. 30. 9. Psal. 34.1 . Psal. 71. 8. Psal. 71.20 . Psal. 86. 12. Psal , 135. 3. Psal. 138. 1. Psal. 19. 13. Psal. 119.37 . Salvian . de Gub. Dei. l. 6. p. 222. Psal. 39. 9 , 11 Psal. 91. 3. vers . 10. Psal. 79. 12. Septuag . Sunday . If the Family be infected . English Liturgy . Engl. Liturgy . Thanks giving for deliverance from the Plague . Psal. 71. 9. ver . 16. Psal. 89. 44. Psal. 90. 12. Psal. 102. 2. ver . 3. ver . 11. ver . 23. ver . 24. Psal. 79. 12. Alias the Sick , the Afflicted . Psal. 18. 3 , 4 , 5. Psal. 31. 6. Psal. 32. 4. Psal. 39.13 . Psal. 116.2 , 3. Psal. 118.18 . Deliverance from a great Sickness , which began Aug. 24. 1629. Psal. 138. 8. Gen. 2. Eph. 4.24 . Dan. 9.19 . Neh. 1.11 . Psal. 78.40 . S. Aug. T. 3. in S. Johan . 1 Tim. 5. 22. 2 Tim. 1.6 . 5 Sunday after Trin. For the Church . 16 Sund. after Trin. 22 Sund. after Trin. S. Davids , Bath , London . St. Aug. lib. 22. cont . Faust. c. 22. de Mose . Esai . 55.10 . Hammersmith-Chappel , March 11. 1629. Numb . 6.24 . The Spanish Journey . The Isle of Re , 1627 , His death , Aug. 23. 1628. Apr. 11. 1594. the death of my Father , being Wednesday . And Nov. 24. 1600. the death of my Mother . Decemb. 26. 1605. being Thursday , and the Feast of St. Stephen . Com. of Devon , and E. M. in the year 1609. July 28. 1617. Munday . E. B. And March 6. 1641 / 2. Sept. 26. 1617. being Friday . Fire , and the peril thereof . Feb. 5. 1628. being Wednesday according to the Julian Account , I broke a Vein ; and again , March 6. being Sunday , walking in my Chamber in the Tower of London , 1641 / 2. May 11. 1640. My house at Lambeth beset with violent and base people . Decemb. 18. 1640. I was accused by the House of Commons of High-Treason . Octob. 24. 1643. I received additional Articles , and Summons to my Tryal . Nov. 1. 1644. I received Summons to appear in the House of Commons next morning . For the High Court of Parl. 1625. In a Fast for that great Plague . For the Navy , 1625. In time of Pestilence and unseasonable Weather , 1625. In danger of Enemies , 1626. Thanks giving for ceasing the Plague , 1626. In danger of Enemies , 1626. 1626. 1628. For the safe child-bearing of the Queens Majesty , 1628. For the safe child-bearing of the Queens Majestie , 1629. A Thanksgiving for the Queens safe delivery , and happy birth of Prince Charles , 1630. May 29. A Thanksgiving for the Queens safe delivery , and happy birth of the Lady Mary , Nov. 4. 1631. A Thanksgiving for his Majesties Recovery from the Small Pocks , 1632. A Thanksgiving for the Queens safe delivery , and happy birth of James D. of York . A Prayer for the Kings Majesty in his Northern Expedition , 1639. For the King in his Northern Expedition , 1640. * Lib. 2. de vitae contempt . cap. 4. 
A49717	----	A summarie of devotions compiled and used by Dr William Laud, sometime Ld Arch-bishop of Canterbvry now published according to the copy written with his own hand and reserved in the archives of St. John Baptist's Colledge Library in Oxon. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 1667 Approx. 236 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 168 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49717 Wing L600 ESTC R27458 09863718 ocm 09863718 44285 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49717) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 44285) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1362:9) A summarie of devotions compiled and used by Dr William Laud, sometime Ld Arch-bishop of Canterbvry now published according to the copy written with his own hand and reserved in the archives of St. John Baptist's Colledge Library in Oxon. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 333 [i.e. 331] p. Printed by William Hall, Oxford : 1667. Includes text in English and Latin. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Prayer-books. Devotional exercises. 2002-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2002-10 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SUMMARIE OF DEVOTIONS , Compiled and Used by Dr WILLIAM LAUD , Sometime L d Arch-Bishop of CANTERBVRY . Now Published according to the Copy written with his own hand , and reserved in the Archives of Baptist's Colledge Library in OXON . OXFORD , Printed by William Hall , Anno Dom. 1667. Imprimatur , GILBERTUS CANT . Dat. Lambethae Dec. 12. 1666. Imprimatur , IOHAN . FELL . Vicecan . Oxon. Dec. 28. 1666. Et Conversus vivificasti me . Psal : 70. 20. O Come hither and hearken all ye that fear God , and I will tell you what he hath done for my Soul. Psal. 66. 16. Pater noster Laesus est , sed Pater . Qui es in Coelis Eminenter , non Inclusive . Sanctificetur In me , per me , super me . Nomen tuum . Patris in nobis , ut simus filii Patris nostri . Adveniat Regnum tuum . Ut destruatur Regnum Peccati , per quod regnant Mors & Diabolus . Fiat voluntas tua , sicut in Caelo , & in Terra . In me , qui sum Terra , sicut a sanctis Angelis . Panem Super Caelestem & Corporeum . Nostrum Proprium , licite acquisitum . Quotidianum da nobis hodie . Pro quotidiana necessitate . Et remitte nobis debita , sicut &c. Talenta dimitte nobis Minuta remittentibus . Et ne nos inducas in tentationē : Nec sinas intrare ductos pronosque . Sed libera nos a Mal● . Ab authore mali extra nos , Diabolo & Mundo ; Intra nos , Nobisipsis : Et a malo Culpae , per Gratiam ; Poenae , per Misericordiam : Omni , per Pacē . Quia tuum est Regnum Potentia Absolutum in se , Independens ab aliis . Gloria : Circumfulgens omnia & in omnibus . Tuum . Et a Te , & per Te , & ad Te , in gloria & salute servorum tuorum AMEN . OUr Father , which art in Heaven , 1. Hallowed be thy Name . 2. Thy Kingdome come . 3. Thy Will be done in Earth , as it is in Heaven . 4. Give us this day our daily bread . 5. And forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespass against us . 6. And lead us not into temptation . 7. But deliver us from evil . For thine is the Kingdome , the Power , and the Glory , for ever and ever . Amen . Symbolum Apostolicum divisum in Articulos . 1 I Believe in God the Father Almighty , maker of Heaven and Earth . 2. And in Iesus Christ , his only Son our Lord. 3. Who was conceived by the Holy Ghost , born of the Virgin Mary . 4. He suffered under Pontius Pilate , was crucified , dead , and buried . 5. He descended into Hell , the third day he rose again from the dead . 6. He ascended into Heaven , and sitteth on the right hand of God the Father Almighty . 7. From thence he shall come to judge the Quick and the Dead . 8. I believe in the Holy Ghost . 9. The Holy Catholicke Church , The Communion of Saints . 10. The Forgiveness of Sins . 11. The Resurrection of the Body : 12. And the Life Everlasting . AMEN . Officium Quotidianum . In nomine Patris , & Filii , & Spiritus Sancti . AMEN . O Lord , I am risen up , and fallen prostrate before thee : Prevent me , I beseech thee , in all my doings with thy most gracious● Favour , and further me with thy continual Help ; that in all my Works begun , continued , and ended in thee , I may glorifie thy Holy Name , and finally by thy mercy obtain Everlasting Life , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . ALmighty God and most Merciful Father , all Merciful , Mercy it selfe ; I have erred wittingly , and strayed willingly , nay Runne from thy wayes , more like an untamed Heifer , then a lost or wandring Sheep . I have followed too much , even altogether , the absurd devices and brutish desires of my own heart . I have offended against , nay been offended at thy holy , most holy Lawes . I have left undone , not done at all , those things which I ought to have done . And I have done , done nothing else , but those things which I ought not to have done . And there is no health , no hope of health in me . But thou , O Lord , have mercy upon me , miserable , most miserable sinner , the greatest sinner , and most unthankfull for so great Grace . Spare me , and them all , O God , which confess their faults . Restore me , and all them that be penitent , that desire to be penitent , that wish they were , would be glad if they were so , that fear they are not enough , and are sorry they are no more : For this is according to thy Promises , most pretious , most gratious , most sweet Promises , declared unto mankind in Christ Iesu our Lord. Grant therefore , O most merciful Father , for his sake , who is our Redeemer , Advocate , Author and Finisher of our Faith , our Propitiation , Righteousness , and Justification ; that I and all Penitents may hereafter live a Godly , Righteous , and Sober life , to the Glory of thy Holy Name , and the Salvation of our own Souls . Amen . O Eternal God and merciful Father ; Pardon , I beseech thee , all the Sins , Omissions , and Commissions , Thoughts , Words , and Deeds , by which I have provoked thee unto anger , from the time of my Birth to this present moment : That no one , nor all of my sins together , may ever be able to cry oftner or lowder in thine ears for vengeance , then the Cry of my Prayers may ascend up unto thee for mercy and for forgiveness , and obtain that they sue for . Particularly I humbly beseech thee , forgive unto me my Great and my Clamorous sins , such as are , &c. O Lord , against Heaven , and against Thee have I sinned , and committed foule Transgressions in thy sight , but I beseech thee wipe them all out of the Book of Remembrances which thou hast written , through Iesus Christ our Lord and only Saviour . Amen . GIve unto me , O Lord , I humbly beseech thee , a wise , a sober , a patient , an understanding , a devout , a religious , a couragious Heart : Chast , and temperate reynes , and thoughts : A soul full of devotion to do thee service , strength against all temptations , especially the temptations of &c. Through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , I give thee humble and hearty thanks , ( increase my thankfulness , I beseech thee ) for all benefits and blessings both Spiritual and Temporal , which in the riches of thy great mercy thou hast liberally powred down upon me , but especially Spiritual . Lord , let me not live , but to praise and magnify Thee and thy glorious Name . Particularly I give thee most unseigned thanks for my preservation from the time of my birth to this present moment ; for &c. For bringing me safe to the beginning of this day , in which and all the days of my life , I beseech thee , preserve me from sin , and from danger , in Soul , and in Body , that all my thoughts , words , and works may tend to the honour and glory of thy Name , the good of thy Church , the discharge of my Duty , the salvation of my Soul in the day of my appearance and account to be made before thee , through Iesus Christ , our only Saviour and Redeemer . Amen . O Eternal God and merciful Father , I humbly beseech thee , Bless thy Holy Catholick Church , wheresoever spread upon the face of the whole Earth : Good Lord● , purge it from all Atheisme , Heresy , Schisme , Superstition , Factious maintenance of Groundless Opinions ; that one Faith , one Lord , one Baptisme may in all places be uniformly professed , as thy Church is , and can be but one . And grant , Good Lord , that I may be , and continue a faithful , living , and a working member under Christ the Head , in that Church the Body , all the dayes of my life , and through the hour of my death , through the Merits , and by the Grace of the same Iesus Christ , our Lord and only Saviour . Amen . O Merciful God , bless this Particular Church , in which I live : make it and all the members of it sound in Faith , and holy in Life , that they may Serve thee , and thou Bless them , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . LOrd , bless our most gratious Soveraigne , treasure up in Him all thy hidden Blessings ; make him , and keep him a devoted Servant to Thee , a constant Patron of the Church and Truth , that He may live long , and be full of honourable success all his daies , in his Person , in his Actions , in his Queen , in his Children , in his Servants , in his People , and crown'd with Glory after life , and in that good time that shall be best both for Him and Us , make him a joyful Father of happy and successful Children : Under him bless the whole State Ecclesiastical and Civil , that Righteousness and Peace may kiss each other , and we serve and honour thee for ever . Amen . GOod Lord , bless all the places to which thou hast made me have any nearer Reference , the place where I was borne , &c : Every Soul contained in any of these . All my Friends , Kindred , Acquaintance , any unto whom thou hast made me any way beholding ; especially my nearer and my bosom Friends , Dr , &c. All those &c. Lord I beseech thee , forgive me and them all our sins , and continue us thy servants both in Life and Death . Amen . GRacious Father , bless my Servants and make them thine . Give them Grace to serve thee first , then me with Faithfulness , Soberness , and Diligence : Make me ever willing , and in some measure able to repay unto them the time and the strength , which they either have or shall spend to do me Service , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , bless all the Afflicted members of the body of thy Son , wheresoever , howsoever afflicted ; Send them constant Patience or speedy Deliverance , as seems best to thee and is best for them , according to their several wants and necessities whatsoever ; ( particularly , &c. ) And do unto them according to all those mercies , which I would or should desire thou shouldst shew to my own Soul , if at any time thou shalt be pleased to make my estate as their's is at this present . And , O Lord , be merciful . Amen . BLessed Father , bless all sorts of men in their Particulars ; mine Enemies with the Forgiveness of sins : Turn their hearts that they may no longer hate thy Servant , and if they will not be turned , deliver me not over I beseech thee into their Power . And next after the Salvation of my Soul , I humbly beg it , deliver me not into the hands of men , to the shame or scorne of the World. Amen . O Domine Jesu ! Da quod jabes , & jube quod vis . Facias animam meam paratam in adventum tuum , veni quando vis . Des mihi ad minimum sufficientem , si placet pacatissimam patientiam , & veni quomodo vis , O Tu , qui Salus es omnium sperantium in Te. Et in super interpone obsecro , O Domine Jesu , Mortem , Crucem , Passionem , Meritum & Sanguinem tuum inter Iudicium tuum & Animam meam , nunc & semper , & praecipue in hora mortis meae . Quae mors ( obnixe precor ) nunquam sit subitanea , nunquam adveniat & inveniat me imparatum ; nunquam ita adveniendo saeviat , quin ut retineam Fidem , Spem , & Charitatem , memoriam & intellectum Sanum usque ad extremum halitum . Et esto mihi in Deum Protectorem . Des peccatis meis Misericordiam & Veniam , Ecclesiae tuae Pacem & Concordiam , mihi peccatorum primo Gratiam in hac vita & Gloriam in futura . Ita , ita venias , O Domine Jesu , & miserere mei . Amen . Lord , here I am , do with me as seems best in thine own eyes ; only give mee , I humbly beseech thee , a Penitent and a Patient spirit to expect thee . Amen . Lord make my Service acceptable to thee while I live , and my Soul ready for thee when I die . Amen . Our Father , which art in Heaven , &c. SUNDAY . O Lord , by thy mercy I am risen out of my Grave where I might have slept in death , but that thou preservedst me . Make it , I beseech thee , a Resurrection to Grace in this Life , and to Glory in the Life to come , through Iesus Christ , who merited both for us . Amen . This day by the Resurrection of thy Son our blessed Saviour was made Holy to us : Give me that Grace that I may keep it Holy to thee , through Iesus Christ. Amen . O send out thy Light an● thy Truth that they may lead me , and bring me unto thy holy Hill , and to thy Dwelling ; that I may goe unto the Altar of thee , O my God , even the God of my joy and gladness , and give thanks unto thee . Amen . Almighty and everlasting God , who governest all things both in Heaven and Earth ; Mercifully hear my supplications for my selfe and all thy people : & grant us thy peace all the days of our life , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Almighty God , I humbly beseech thee , give me grace to cast away the works of darkness , and to put on the Armour of light now in the time of this mortal life , ( in which thy Son Christ Iesus came to visit us in great humility ; ) that in the last day , when he shall come again in his glorious Majesty , to judge both the quick and the dead , I with all thy faithfull servants may rise up to the life immortal , through him who liveth and reigneth with thee and the Holy Ghost , now and for ever . Amen . Blessed God , which hast caused all holy Scriptures to be written for our learning ; Grant unto me and all Christians , that we may in such wise hear , read , mark , learn , and inwardly digest them , that by patience and comfort thereof , we may embrace and ever hold fast the blessed hope of everlasting Life , which thou hast given us in our Saviour Iesus Christ. Amen . Lord , I humbly beseech thee , raise up thy power and come among us , and with great might succour us : that whereas by our Sins we are sore let and hindered , thy bountiful Grace and Mercy , through the satisfaction of thy Son our Lord , may ●peedily deliver us ; To whom , with Thee and the Holy Ghost , be all honor and glory , world without end . Amen . Lord , let thine Angels tarry round about me , and deliver me : that I may tast and see how gracious thou my Lord art , and how blessed the man is that trusteth in thee ; through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . I will wait for thy loving-kindness , O God , in the midst of thy Temple , and there will I praise thee . Amen . Lord , let me behold thee in thy Sanctuary , and there see thy Power and Glory . For thy loving-kindness is better then life , therefore my lips shall praise thee . Thus will I magnifie thee all my life , and lift up my hands in thy Name . O! satisfie me with that Riches of Mercy which is in Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O how amiable are thy Dwellings , thou Lord of Hosts ? My Soul hath a desire and a longing to enter into the Courts of thee , O Lord ; my heart and my flesh rejoyceth in thee , O merciful God. Amen . Lord , I humbly beseech thee to hear and accept my prayers for my self , and for thy people which call upon thee ; and grant that we may perfectly know what things we ought to do , and also have grace and power faithfully to fulfil the same , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Almighty & everlasting God , mercifully look upon all my infirmities ; and in all dangers and adversities , stretch out thy right hand to help and defend me , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . God , thou which knowest us to be set in the midst of so many and great dangers , that for mans frailty we cannot always stand upright ; Grant , I most humbly beseech thee , to me the health of body and soul , that all those things which I suffer for sin , I may by thy help well pass and overcome , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , the sun is at height for this day upon me , but lift up the light of thy countenance , and I shall be whole . Make all darkness and spiritual shadows short upon me , and shorter in me , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Who can tell how oft he offendeth , O cleanse thou me from my Secret sins ; Keep me also , O Lord , from Presumptuous sins , least they get the Dominion over me : And keep me innocent from the Great offence , I humbly beseech thee . Amen . Blessed are they that dwell in thy house , they will be alway praising thee . Blessed is the man whose strength is in thee , in whose heart are thy ways . Lord , thus bless the heart of thy servant , ●or Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Sancta , adoranda , & longanimis Trinitas ! Longanimis enim es , quae eos a quibus scinderis , tam diu toleras . O Trinitas , cujus ego ut cultor ac minime fictus praeco essem , jam pridem dignus habitus sum : O Trinitas omnibus aliquando vel per Illuminationem vel per Poenam agnoscenda ! Oro te , ut hos quoque qui nunc contumeliis te afficiunt , adoratores accipias , ne quisquam vel ex minimis pereat ; Et hoc , etiamsi mihi propterea aliqua Gratiae jactura facienda sit . Neque enim tantum dicere audeo , quantum Apostolus . Concede autem hoc per & propter merita Jesu Christi Redemptoris nostri . Amen . ALmighty God , who through thine only begotten Son Iesus Christ , hast overcome Death , and opened to us the gate of Everlasting Life : I humbly beseech thee , that as by thy special grace preventing me , thou dost put into my mind good desires ; so by thy continuall help , I may bring the same to good effect , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . ALmighty God , who hast given thine only Son to die for our Sins , and to rise again for our Justification ; Give me grace so to put away the leaven of Malice and all Wickedness , , that I may alwaies serve thee in p●reness of living and in truth , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Almighty God , who hast given thine only Son to be unto us both a Sacrifice for sin , and an Example of godly life ; Give me grace that I may always most thankfully receive that inestimable benefit , and also daily endeavour to follow the blessed steps of his most holy life , even for the same thy Son Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . LOrd give me that grace , that I may hold me still by thee , and abide patiently upon thee . That I may not grieve my self at the man whose way doth prosper , nor against him , that doth after evil counsels . That I may leave off from wrath , and let go displeasure , least I fret my self and be moved to do evil . Amen . Tribuat hic mihi Dominus , ut in me , pro me , fiat ignis consumens : & ardeat hoc igne cor meum in lumen aeternum mihi , ne eodem ardeat anima mea in poenam perennem ; per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O Lord , make me like a green Olive-tree in thy house ; for I trust in thy tender mercy for ever : And I will alwais praise thee for that thou hast done , and hope in thy name for ever . Amen . O Lord , I beseech thee , make me remember how much more then other men I have need to call upon thee . My charge is great , and my strength little ; O give me grace to come often before thee , and to ask that help , which thou art readier to give then I to ask , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Have mercy upon mee , O Lord : Consider the troubles which I suffer of them that hate me , O thou which didst lift me up from the gates of death . Amen . O Lord , increase in me Faith & Devotion : replenish my heart with all goodness , and by thy great mercy keep me in the same . Give me godly zeal in prayer , true humility in prosperity , perfect patience in adversity , and continuall joy in the holy Ghost ; even for Iesus Christ his sake , my only Lord and Saviour . Amen . O God , who hast taught the hearts of thy faithful people by sending to them the Light of thy holy Spirit ; Grant me by the same Spirit to have a right judgment in all things , and evermore to rejoyce in his holy comfort , through the merits of Christ Iesus our Saviour , who liveth and reigneth with thee , in the unity of the same Spirit , one God world without end . Amen . Almighty & everlasting God , who hast given unto thy servants grace by the confession of true Faith to acknowledge the Glory of the Eternal Trinity , and in the power of the Divine Majesty to worship the Unity ; I humbly beseech thee , bless me also , that I may live in the stedfastness of this Faith , & through it be evermore defended from all Ghostly and Bodily dangers , for thy mercies sake who livest and reignest one God world without end . Amen . O My God , incline thine eare and hear , open thine eyes and see . O Lord forgive : O Lord consider and doe it , for thine own sake , O my God ; and for my Saviour Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Lord let me not be afraid , though one be made rich , or though the glory of his house be increased : For he shall carry nothing away with him when he dieth , neither shal his pomp follow him . But ever make me afraid to offend thee . Amen . Mine eyes long sore for thy word , saying , When wilt thou comfort me ? Lord comfort me , for I am become like a bottle in the smoak ; yet let me not , I beseech thee , forget thy Law , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord God , which seest that I put not my trust in any thing that I do ; Mercifully grant that I may be defended against all adversity , through Iesus Christ my Lord and only Saviour . Amen . O Lord , which hast taught us , that all our doings without Charity are nothing worth ; Send thy holy Ghost , and pour into my heart that most excellent gift of Charity , the very bond of Peace and all Vertues , without the which whosoever liveth is counted dead before thee : Grant this for thy only Son Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , fill me with grace that I may fulfil all the service which I owe thee , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord God , spare , I beseech thee : who shall raise up Iacob ? for he is small . Spare him therefore , O Lord ; spare thy people , spare me . Say unto my soul , thou hast repented of the evil intended , and it shall not be . Amen . Lord , when I am asleep , let me not be made afraid : but let my sleep be sweet , that I may be enabled to serve thee . Amen . Grant , I beseech thee , most Mercifull Father , that I who for my evil deeds am worthily punished , may by the comfort of thy grace be mercifully relieved , through Iesus Christ our only Lord and Saviour . Amen . COnsider & hear me , O Lord my God : Lighten mine eyes , that I sleep not in death . Amen . O Lord , thou hast proved and visited my heart , in the night season thou hast tried me : O blessed Father , purge me that thou mayst find no wickedness in me ; through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , hear me , that seven times a day I may praise thee ; and be acquainted with that great peace , which they have that love thy Law. Amen . O Lord , from whom all good things do come ; Grant unto me thy humble servant , that by thy holy inspiration I may think those things that are good , and by thy merciful guiding may also perform the same , through our Lord Iesus Christ. Amen . MUNDAY . POnder my words , O Lord , consider my meditations . O hearken unto the voice of my calling , my King and my God ; for unto thee will I make my prayer . My voice shalt thou hear betimes , O Lord : early in the morning will I direct my prayer unto thee , and will look up . But make me remember , that thou art God , and hast no pleasure in wickedness , neither shall any evil dwell with thee . Amen . O Lord , bless me and I will sing unto thee , and praise thy Name , and be telling of thy salvation from day to day . Amen . O Lord , let counsell preserve me , and understanding keep me . Deliver me from the evil way , & from the man that speaketh froward things ; and from all such as leave the ways of Righteousness to walk in the ways of Darkness : even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , I know the way of man is not in himself . It is not in man that walketh to direct his own steps . Therefore , O Lord , I beseech thee , make me know my way , and direct my steps to thy honour and my own salvation , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . BE not wroth with me , O Lord , but spare me and have mercy upon me ; for thou wilt be merciful unto thy creature . O Lord , I and my Fathers have all had the same sickness : but , because of us that are sinners , thou shalt be called merciful ; through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , guide me here with thy Counsell , and after that receive me into Glory . For whom have I in heaven but thee ? and there is none upon earth , that I desire in comparison of thee . O Lord preserve me in those longings after thee . Amen . O God , take from me the way of lying , and cause me to make much of thy Law , that I may chuse the way of Truth , and lay thy Iudgments before me : that I may stick unto thy Testimonies , and run the way of thy Commandements , when thou hast set my heart at liberty . Amen . O God , the strength of all them that trust in thee ; Mercifully accept my prayers : and because the weakness of mans nature can do no good thing without thee ; grant me the help of thy Grace , that inkeeping of thy commandements , I may please thee both in will and in deed , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , thou art just , and all thy ways are mercy and truth : thou judgest truly for ever ; remember me and look upon me : punish me not according to my sins or my ignorances , or my Fathers , which have sinned before thee : deal not with me according to my sins , but as seemeth best unto thee , O Lord my strength and my salvation . Amen . Lord , I acknowledge my wickedness , and the iniquity of my Fathers : we have sinned against thee , O Lord be merciful . Amen . Remember not Lord our offences , nor the offences of our forefathers ; neither take thou vengeance of our sins : spare us good Lord , spare thy people whom thou hast redeemed with thy most precious blood , and be not angry with us for ever . Amen . Lord , I beseech thee , mercifully to hear me : And as th●● hast given me an hearty desire to pray ; so grant that by thy mighty aid I may be defended both in soul and in body , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Domine , accipe quaeso quas offero preces , dona quod rogo , excusa quod timeo : quia tu per Christum tuum es unica spes peccatorum , & per eum spero veniam delictorum . Amen . O Lord , be gratious unto me , and give me an heart to worship thee , and to do thy Will ; and open my heart in thy Law , and send me peace : hear my prayers , and be reconciled to me , and never forsake me in the time 〈◊〉 trouble , for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Remember me , O Lord , according to the favour that thou bearest unto thy people . O visit me with thy salvation , that I may see the felicity of thy chosen , and rejoyce in the gladness of thy people , and give thanks with thine inheritance . Amen . O God the Protector of all that trust in thee , without whom nothing is strong , nothing is holy ; Encrease and multiply upon me thy mercy , that thou being my ruler , and guide , I may so pass through things temporal , that I finally lose not the things eternall . Grant this , O heavenly Father , for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Grant , O Lord , that I may live in thy feare , dye in thy favour , rest in thy peace , rise in thy power , raigne in thy glory , for thy only beloved son's sake Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . HEar , O Lord , consider my complaint , hearken unto my prayer , that goeth not out of feigned lips : and prevent me in mercy , before the Evening of my daies close up upon me ; even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Domine ! Oro te , ultra se infirmitas mea non tendat , sed loquatur hoc solum , in quo animae salus est . Neque in id stultitiae simul & impietatis unquam erumpam , ut omnipotentiae tuae & Sacramentorum arbiter esse velim . Neque permittas me erigere infirmitatis meae sensum ultra aut infinitatis tuae religiosam opinionem , aut significatam mihi aeternitatis tuae fidem . Amen . Illumina quaeso , Domine , tenebras nostras , & totius noctis hujus insidias a me & omnibus fidelibus tuis , ab animabus praecipue , sed & a corporibus nostris repelle propitius per Iesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O God , which hast prepared for them that love thee , such good things as pass mans understanding ; Pour into my heart such love towards thee , that I obeying thee in all things , may obtain thy promises , which exceed all that I can desire , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . ENcline thine ear unto me , O Lord , and hearken unto my words . Shew thy marvellous loving-kindness , thou that art the Saviour of them that put their trust in thee . Keep me as the apple of thine eye , and hide me under the shadow of thy wings , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , I cry unto thee , let my prayer be set forth in thy sight as Incense , and the lifting up of my hands be an Evening Sacrifice , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . The Lord is my Strength and my Shield , my heart hath trusted in him , and I am helped : therefore my heart danceth for joy , and in my song will I praise him . Amen . O Lord of all power and might , who art the Author and giver of all good things ; Graft in my heart the love of thy Name , increase in me true Religion , nourish me with all goodness , and of thy great mercy keep me in the same , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . LOrd , let me know my end , and then umber of my daies ; that I may be certified how long I have to live . Behold , thou hast made my daies as it were a span long , and my age is even as nothing in respect of thee : and verily every man living is altogether vanity . For man walketh in a vain shadow , and disquieteth himself in vain : he heapeth up riches , and cannot tell , who shall gather them . And now , Lord , what is my hope ? truly my hope is even in thee . Deliver me from all mine offences and make me not a rebuke to the foolish , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Domine ! Mea omnia & meipsum tibi dono offero , actionem & sermonem , quietem & silentium . Tantum me habeas & dūcas ; & manum & mentem & linguam , ad ea quae honesta sunt & tibi grata , moveas : & ab omnibus , a quibus abstinere praestat , abducas . Per & propter Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . TUESDAY . LOrd , preserve me , that neither this day , nor any day of my life I may walk in the counsel of the ungodly , stand in the way of sinners , or sit down in the seat of the scornful ; but that my delight may be in thy Law , O Lord , and my exercise in it day and night . Amen . O Sol Iustitiae , Pater & Origo omnium , tuo sydere afflari reviviscere ●est , tuo foveri lumine proficere est , tuis accendi flammis perfici est , abs● te deseri perire est . O ter felices , quibus mitis & roscidus exoreris . Bees me , O Domine Jesu , lumine tuo , & discute nebulas ignorantiae meae , & caliginem peccatorum meorum : ut non aberrans a via mandatorum tuorum , te sequar in lumen aeternum , per teipsum unicum Salvatorem & Redemptorem meum . Amen . O Lord , thou art my Assurance ; I humbly beseech thee preserve my foot from taking , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , give me , I beseech thee , the spirit to think and do alwayes such things as be rightful ; that I who cannot be without thee , may by thee be able to live according to thy will , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , I lift up my soul to thee , my God , I have put my trust in thee : O let me not be confounded , neither let mine enemies triumph over me . Shew me thy waies , O God : & teach me thy paths . Lead me forth in thy truth , and learn me : for thou art the God of my salvation ; in thee is my hope all the day long . Call to remembrance , O Lord , thy tender mercies and thy loving kindness , which hath been ever of old . O remember not the sins and offences of my youth , or my riper age : but according to thy mercy think thou upon me , O Lord , of thy goodness , and the merits of Iesus Christ my Saviour . Amen . Almighty God , who seest that we have no power of our selves to help our selves ; Keep me , I beseech thee , both outwardly in my body , and inwardly in my soul , that so I may be defended from all adversity which may happen to my body , and from all evil thoughts which my assault and hurt my soul , through Iesus Christ my Lord and only Saviour . Amen . HEarken unto my voice , O Lord , now I cry unto thee : have mercy upon me , and hear me . My heart hath talked of thee , Seek ye my face ; thy face , Lord , will I seek . O hide not thou thy face from me , nor cast thy servant away in displeasure . Thou hast been my succour , leave me not , neither forsake me , O God of my Salvation . Amen . At Evening , Morning , and at Noon day will I pray , and that instantly : Lord hear my voice . O deliver my Soul in peace from the practises that are against me . Amen . Let thy merciful ears , O Lord , be open to the prayers of me thy humble servant ; and that I may obtain my petitions , make me to ask such things as shall please thee , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . LOrd , let me not be confounded , for I have called upon thee . O how plentiful is thy goodness , which thou hast laid up for them that fear thee , and that thou hast prepared for them that put their trust in thee , even before the sons of men ! Lord , I trust in thee , have mercy upon me . My tears have been my meat day and night , while they daily say unto me , Where is now thy God ? But let them have no cause to say it any more , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . ALmighty God , which shewest to all men that are in errour , the light of thy truth , to the intent that they may return into the way of Righteousness ; Grant , I beseech thee , unto me and all them that are admitted into the Fellowship of Christs Religion , that we may eschew those things which are contrary to our profession , and follow all such things as are agreeable to the same , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Domine Salvator , qui habes in potestate peccatum solvere , dicas mihi , oro , Exi de vinculis tuis , Exide nexibus peccatorum tuorum , & dicendo solve funes errorum meorum quibus circumdatus & ligatus sum . Etsi enim nequissimus sim omnium & detestabilis usu peccatorum , te tamen jubente liber ero . Amen . LOrd , give me grace that I may dwell under the defence of the most highest , and that I may abide under thy shadow , O thou Almighty : For thou art my hope and my strong hold ; in thee will I trust , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O God , thou which declarest thy Almighty power , most chiefly by shewing mercy and pity , Give unto me abundantly thy grace , that I running to thy promises , may be made partaker of thy heavenly treasure , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O God , thou art my hope and strength , a very present help in trouble ; Confirm me , that I may not fear , though the earth be moved , and the hills carried into the midst of the sea : though the waters thereof rage and swel , and the mountains shake at the tempest of the same . O be in the midst of my soul , and I shall never be moved . Amen . O Lord , look upon me , and be merciful unto me , as thou usest to do to those that fear thy Name , Order my steps in thy word , and so shall no wickedness have dominion over me . Amen . Almighty God , give unto me , I beseech thee , a full increase of faith , hope , and charity : And that I may obtein that which thou dost promise , make me love that which thou dost command , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . LOrd , I call upon thee in the day of my trouble , in the night of my heaviness . O deliver me , and I will glorifie thee . Amen . O Lord correct me , but with judgement , not in thy anger , lest thou bring me to nothing . And grant that thy correction may amend me , and make me thine , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Respice me quoque , O Domine Jesu ! ut propria possim recognoscere peccata , & fletibus piis culpas solvere . Da quaeso lacrymas Petri : nolo laetitiam peccatoris . Utque hoc fiat , Respice tu , & des ut mihi etiam miserrimo peccatorum aliquis gallus cantet ; ut liberatus tibi cantem in secula seculorum . Amen . O Eternal God and merciful Father , grand , I humbly beseech thee , that I may love all those things which thou commandest , and desire that which thou dost promise , that among the sundry and manifold changes of the world , my heart may surely there be fixed , where true joys are to be found , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . WEDNESDAY . O Lord , I have sinned , and dealt wickedly ; nay , offended in all thine Ordinances . Let thy wrath turn from me , for I am weak ; and hear my prayers , and deliver me for thine own sake , and the merits of my Saviour Iesus Christ. Amen . Gracious Father , without thee I can do nothing but sin ; nor can I confess it to have pardon but by thee . I was conceived and born in sin : And though thou didst wash me from that in the laver of Baptisme , yet I have since defiled my self again , and by many grievous actual sins , have made my self a sinner above all other men , considering the great measure of grace that thou hast given me . Lord , increase thy grace , and by it weaken first , and then cut off my resistance , that I may see , and confess , and hate , and forsake all my sins , and find mercy and salvation in the merits of my blessed Saviour Iesus Christ. Amen . O Lord , early this morning do I cry unto thee ; for in thy word is my trust . Hear me , O Lord , for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , let me hear thy loving kindness betimes in the morning , for in thee is my trust . O shew me the way that I should walk in this day , and all the daies of my life ; for I lift up my soul unto thee in the mercies of Jesus Christ. Amen . Deliver me , O Lord , from all mine offences , and make me not a rebuke to the foolish . For man walketh in a vain shadow , and disquieteth himself in vain . But Lord , what is my hope ? truly my hope is even in thee : And there let it still continue acceptable in Iesus Christ our Lord and only Saviour . Amen . O Lord , look upon me in mercy ; In the greater mercy , because the calling and place I am in , must give a stricter account to thee . Look therefore upon me , O Lord , but not till thou hast nailed my sins to the Cross of Christ : not till thou hast bathed me in the Blood of Christ : not till I have hid my self in the Wounds of Christ , that so the punishment , which should else overtake me , may pass over me : then look , and say unto my soul , I have forgiven thee ; and by the work of thy mercy in my soul make me feel it , through Iesus Christ our only Lord and Saviour . Amen . O Domine , qui magnos greges perficis , & parvos per gratiam auges , pro amplissima benignitate tua copiose me consolare , & gregem meum mecum & pasce & conserva : per Jesum Christum summum Pastorem , et Salvatorem nostrum . Amen . O Lord , plead thou my cause with them that strive with me , and fight against them that fight against me . Bring forth the spear , and stop the way against them that persecute me . Say unto my soul , I am thy Salvation . Even so . Amen . Give ear , O Lord , unto my Prayer , and ponder the voice of my humble desires . In the time of my trouble I will call upon thee ; for thou hearest me . Amen . Deliver my soul , O God , from lying lips , and from a deceitfull tongue . Amen . Keep me , O Lord , thy poor humble servant , with thy perpetual mercy : And because the frailtie of man without thee cannot but fall , preserve me ever by thy help , and lead me to all things profitable to my salvation , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , give me such grace as I may seek thee while thou mayest be found , and call upon thee while thou art near ; that I may detest and forsake the wickedness of my wayes , and the unrighteousness of my own imaginations : that I may return unto thee , and thou have mercy upon me in Iesus Christ my only Saviour and Redeemer . Amen . Teach me thy ways , O Lord , and I will walk in thy truth . O knit my heart unto thee , that I may fear thy Name . Amen . Lord , I beseech thee , grant that thy Grace may alway prevent and follow me , and make me continually to be given to all good works , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . HAve mercy upon me , O God , after thy great● goodness , and according to the multitude of thy Mercies do away mine offences . Wash me throughly from my wickedness , and cleanse me from my sin : For I acknowledge my faults , and my sin is ever before me . But let not this Evening take from me the light of the Sun of Righteousness , Iesus Christ my Saviour . Amen . O Domine , exaudire dignare preces meas in beneplacito tuo . In●micum ab actibus meis & cogitationibus virtute tua expelle . Multiplica mihi fidem , guberna mentem , spirituales cogitationes concede ( super stratum vigilanti , ) & ad beatitudinem tuam perducito , per Jesum Christum Filium tuum , & Salvatorem nostrum . Amen . Lord , I beseech thee , give me grace to avoid the infections of the Devil , and with a pure heart and mind to follow thee the only true God , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . LOrd , I offer up unto thee my Evening Sacrifice ; thy Sacrifice , even a troubled spirit , a broken and a contrite heart , which thou wilt not despise , in Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Domine , supplex te oro , respice me , & purga mentem meam & cogitationes meas ab impuris concupiscentiis , & ab omni inquinamento carnis & spiritus , & ab omni diabolica operatione , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O Domine , ineffabilem misericordiam tuam clementer ostende , & simul exue me a peccatis quae commisi , & eripe me a poenis quas merui , per Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O God , for as much as without thee I am not able to please thee , grant that the working of thy mercy may in all things direct and rule my heart , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , give me that grace , that I may remember thee upon my Bed , and think upon thee when I am waking . Thou hast been my helper ; therefore under the shadow of thy wings I will hope to pass through the darkness of this night , in the comfort of Iesus Christ my Lord and only Saviour . Amen . O Lord , make mine eyes prevent the night watches , that I may be occupied in thy words . Amen . O Lord , thou which hast made the night for man to rest in , as well as the day to labour ; Grant , dear Father , that I may so take my bodily rest , that my soul may continually watch for my deliverance out of this mortal life . And that my sleep be not excessive , according to the insatiable desires of the flesh , but sufficient to relieve and maintain nature ; to live and serve thee in all sober and godly conversation , through the aid and assistance of Iesus Christ my only Lord and Saviour . Amen . THURSDAY . O Hold thou up my goings in thy paths , that my footsteps slip not . Amen . Subveni Domine mi Jesu , & accingere gladium tuum circa femur Potentissime . Omnium Potentissime egredere : Occide me in me , ut vivam in te , & desinant inimici persequi me . Amen . O God , thou art my God , early will I seek thee : My soul thirsteth for thee , my flesh longeth greatly after thee , in a barren and dry land , where no water is . O satisfie this thirst with thy freshest waters of comfort , in Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , have mercy upon me ; I have waited for thee : Be thou my arm in the morning , and my help in the time of trouble : that I may exalt thy Name which dwellest on high , that I may live in the stability of thy times , and that thy fear may be my treasure , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Almighty God and merciful Father , grant , I beseech thee , that as I do believe thy only Son our Lord to have ascended into the heavens ; so I , and all thy faithful Servants , may in heart and mind thither ascend , and with thee continually dwel . Amen . O God , the King of glory , who hast exalted thine only Son Iesus Christ with great triumph into thy Kingdom in heaven , I beseech thee leave neither thy Church , nor my poor self comfortless ; but send us thy Holy Ghost to comfort us , and exalt us unto the same place , whither our Saviour Christ is gone before , who liveth and raigneth with thee , one God world without end . Amen . HEar my prayer , O God , and hide not thy self from my petition . Take heed unto me and hear me , how I mourn in my prayer and am vexed . Give me strength and comfort in thee , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O God , the proud are risen against me , and the Congregation of factious men have sought after my soul , and have not set thee before their eyes . But thou Lord God art full of compassion and mercy , long suffering , plenteous in goodness and truth . O turn thee then unto me , and have mercy upon me : shew some token upon me for good , that they which hate me may see it , and be ashamed , because thou Lord hast holpen me , and comforted me in Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Assist me mercifully , O Lord , in these , and all other my supplications and prayers , and dispose my ways towards the attainment of everlasting salvation , that among all the changes and chances of this mortal life , I may ever be defended by thy most gracious and ready help , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Deliver me from them whose words are softer then butter , when they have war in their heart : And from them whose words are smoother then oyl , while they are very swords . Lord , I cast my burthen upon thee , that thou mayst sustain me , and not suffer me to fall for ever . Amen . Bless me , O Lord , when thou chastenest me , and teachest me in thy law ; that thou mayst give me patience in time of adversity , till the pit be digged up for the ungodly . O Lord , fail me not , neither forsake me , for I am part of thine Inheritance in Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Almighty and merciful God , of thy bountiful goodness keep me from all things that may hurt me ; that I being ready both in body and soul , may with a free heart accomplish those things that thou wouldest have done , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O AEterne Deus , quamdiu hic in terris sum , supplex oro , in quantum terrena mihi serviunt , doceant me esse Dominum suum , sed a te constitutum : In quantum molesta sunt , doceant me servire ●ibi Domino meo , cui dum non obtempero , illa in justam vindictam molesta esse solent : Ut sive illa mihi serviant , sive non , ego semper serviam tibi , in & per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Hold not thy tongue , O God of my praise ; for the mouth of the ungodly , yea , and the mouth of the deceitful is opened upon me : And they have spoken against me with false tongues , they compassed me about also with words of hatred , and fought against me without a cause . But I give my self unto prayer ; Lord , forgive them , and hear me . Amen . O God which art the author of peace , and lover of concord , in knowledge of whom standeth our eternal life , whose service is perfect freedome ; defend me and all thy servants in all assaults of our enemies , that we surely trusting in thy defence , may not fear the power of any adversaries , through the might of Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . DIc , ô Domine mi Jesu , doce , discā a te , quod doceam de te . Amen Deliver me , O Lord , from the man that is evil , and preserve me from the cruel man , which imagines mischief in his heart , and stirs up strife all the day long : The proud have laid a snare for me , and spread their net abroad with cords , and set traps in my way . Lord keep me from treacherous hands , and preserve me , that though they purpose , yet they may not be able to overthrow my goings , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O God , from whom all holy desires , all good counsels , and all just works do proceed : Give unto me , and all thy servants , that peace which the world cannot give , that both our hearts may be set to obey thy commandments , and also that by thee we being defended from the fear of our enemies , may pass our time in rest and quietness , through the merits of Iesus Christ our Saviour . Amen . HAve mercy upon me O God , have mercy upon me , for my soul trusteth in thee , and in the shadow of thy wings will I trust , till these and all other my afflictions be over-past . O send out thy mercy and truth upon me , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Domine misericors qui ad cor altum non accedis , humilia animam meam . O tu , qui non videris nisi a mundis cordibus , veram cordis munditiem dato mibi . Sitio , O Domine , da arrham haereditatis futurae , saltem da guttam coelestis pluviae , qua refrigerare possim sitim meam , quia amore ardeo . Nec hoc peto , Domine , propter merita mea , indignissimus enim sum qui gustem ; sed pro misericordia tua , & meritis Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi . Amen . Almighty God , vouchsafe , I beseech thee , to direct , sanctifie and govern both my heart and body in the wayes of thy Laws , and in the works of thy Commandments , that through thy mighty protection , both here and ever I may be preserved by night and by day , in body and in soul , through our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ. Amen . O Lord , I cry unto thee , hearken unto me , O God. Thou holdest my eyes waking : I am so feeble that I cannot speak : And in the night season my soul refuseth comfort ; yet even then give me grace especially , that I may commune with mine own heart , and search out my spirits , and compose them in thee , that I may rise to serve thee . Amen . Da mihi , Domine , dormitum abeunti requiem corporis & animae . Custodi me a caliginoso peccati somno , ab omni tenebrosa & nocturna mollitie . Ignita maligni tela dolose in me vibrata extinguito . Rebelliones carnis meae reprimito . Et omnem terrenam & mundanam in me cogitationem sopito , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . I humbly beseech thee , O Father , mercifully to look upon my infirmities ; and for the glory of thy Names sake , turn from me and the rest of thy servants , all those evils which we most justly have deserved : And grant that in all our troubles we may put our whole trust and confidence in thy mercy , and evermore serve thee in holiness and pureness of living , to thy honour and glory , through our only Mediator and Advocate , Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . FRIDAY . DEus magne , Deus omnipotens , Deus summae bonitatis , quem inviolabilem & incorruptibilem credi & intelligi fas est ; Trina Unitas , quam Catholica Ecclesia colit , supplex oro , expertus in meipso misericordiam tuam , ne homines , cum quibus mihi a pueritia in omni victu fuit summa consensio , in tuo cultu a me dissentire permittas : nec vel me vel illos a veritate & salute , quae est in Christo Jesu . Amen . O Lord , I will call upon thee , and early shall my prayer come before thee . Lord , do not abhorre my soul , neither hide thy face from me , for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Lord , make me to have a perpetual fear and love of thy holy Name ; for thou never failest to help and govern them whom thou dost bring up in thy stedfast love . Grant this even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Almighty and everlasting God , which of thy tender love towards man , hast sent our Saviour Iesus Christ , to take upon him our flesh , and to suffer death upon the cross , that all mankind should follow the example of his great humility : Mercifully grant that I may both follow the example of his patience , and be made partaker of his resurrection , through the same Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Almighty God , I humbly beseech thee graciously to behold thy Family , for the which our Lord Iesus Christ was content to be betrayed , and given up into the hands of wicked men , and to suffer death upon the cross , who liveth and reigneth with thee and the Holy Ghost , one God world without end . Amen . Almighty and everlasting God , by whose Spirit the whole body of the Church is governed and sanctified ; Receive these my supplications and prayers which I offer up before thee , for all estates of men in thy holy Church , that every member of the same , in his vocation , may truly and devoutly serve thee , through our Lord Iesus Christ. Amen . Diu est , O Domine , ex quo contra Haereses laboravi , & sum poene fatigatus . Veni Domine mi Jesu , praeliator fortissime , Princeps exercitus Domini , qui Diabolum vicisti & seculum : Apprehende arma & scutum , & exurge in adjutorium mihi . Amen . Deal with me , O God , according to thy Name ; for sweet is thy mercy . O deliver me , for I am helpless and poor , and my heart is wounded within me . Lord save my soul. Amen . Mine eyes are ever looking unto thee , O Lord ; O pluck my feet out of the net . Amen . Almighty God , who hast promised to hear the Petitions of them that ask in thy Son's Name , I beseech thee mercifully to incline thine ears to me , now that in his Name I make my prayers and supplications unto thee ; and grant that those things which I have faithfully asked according to thy will , may effectually be obtained , to the relief of my necessity , and to the setting forth of thy glory , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Remember not my old sins , but have mercy upon me , & that soon , for I am come to great misery . Help me , O God of my salvation ; O deliver me , and be merciful unto my sins , for thy Names sake . Amen . Not unto us , O Lord , not unto us , but unto thy Name give the praise ; and that for thy loving mercy and for thy truths sake . Amen . O tu unus Deus Pater , & Fili , & Sancte Spiritus , qui unitam Deitatem nobis declarasti , & sacrosanctae solius Divinitatis indivisam gloriam revelasti , et perfectam Trinitatis tuae sempiternitatem demonstrasti ; Da mihi obsecro fidem et obedientiam in hac vita , & gloriam in futura , per & propter Redemptorem nostrum Jesum Christum . Amen . O Lord God of hosts , how long wilt thou be angry with thy poor servant that prayeth ? O turn me again , O God ; shew the light of thy countenance , and I shall be whole . Amen . Tibi gloria , tibi gloria , Domine ! Quanta apud te clementiae abyssus ? quanta patientiae copia ? En , qui nominis tui praetextu ex ignobilibus & obscuris clari & illustres effecti sunt , honore abutuntur , & contra te , qui honorem largitus es ; auden●que non audenda in sacro sancta mysteria tua injurii . Probos quantum possunt extrudunt , ut homines perditis moribus praediti summa cum quiete & licentia conturbent omnia . O Domine , exurge adjuva Ecclesiam tuam , & ne sinas animam meam in eorum Consilium descendere , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O Lord , I will cry day and night before thee , let my prayer enter into thy presence , encline thine ear unto my calling ; for my soul is full of trouble , and my life draws nigh unto the pit . O let not thine indignation lie too hard upon me , neither vex me with all thy storms : But remember of what mould thou hast made me , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Domine , ne sit mihi inutilis pugna verborum , sed incunctan●is fidei constans professio . Conserva , oro , in me fidei incontaminatam religionem . Et , usque ad excessum spiritus mei , hanc conscientiae meae vocem dona mihi : ut , quod in regenerationis meae symbolo baptizatus in Patre & Filio & Spiritu Sancto professus sim , semper obtineam . Ut te habeam Patrem ; ut una tecum Filium tuum adorem , & Spiritum Sanctum tuum promerear , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O Lord , be merciful unto me , and I will sing praises unto thy Name ; yea , I will tell of thy loving kindness early in the morning , and of thy truth in the night-season . O bless me , and fulfill all thy works of grace in me , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Dona mihi , Domine , mentem vigilem , cogitationem sobriam , cor castum , somnum placidum , & ab omni diabolica imaginatione liberum . Et deinde excita me , Domine , hora Orationis , ut praeceptis tuis firmiter adhaeream , & memoriam retineam in violatam judiciorum tuorum . Amen . LOrd , remember thy promise unto thy servant , wherein thou hast caused me to put my trust . That thy statutes may be my songs in the house of my pilgrimage ; and that I may remember thy Name in the night season . Amen . In manus tuas , Domine , commendo animam & corpus meum : creasti enim & redemisti ea , Domine Deus veritatis . Commendo autem mecum et mea omnia ; tu enim mihi gratiose largitus es illa pro beneplacito tuo . In pace ergo me simul cubare & dormire facias , ô Domine , qui solus me habitare facis secure , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O omnium Domine & effector , O Deus tuorum Pater & Gubernator , O vitae & mortis arbiter , O Animarum Custos & Benefactor ; O qui omnia facis , & tempestive , atque ut ipse pro sapientiae tuae & administrationis altitudine nosti , artifice sermone transmutas ! me opportuno tempore tuo suscipe , tamdiu in carne vitam meam moderatus , quamdiu conducibile fuerit mihiipsi & Ecclesiae . Et suscipe quaeso ob metum tuum paratum , non turbatum , nec in extremo die terga vertentem , nec invito animo tanquam abstractum aut avulsum a mundo , sed ut prompte & alacriter ad beatam illam & aeternam vitam proficiscentem , quae est in Christo Jesu Domino nostro , cui gloria in secula seculorum . Amen . O Domine Deus meus , voca me , ut accedam ad te : firma me , ne recedam a te , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . SATURDAY . O Lord , I will sing of thy power , and will praise thy mercy in the morning , for thou hast been my defence and my refuge in the day of my trouble . Unto thee , O my strength will I sing ; for thou , O God , art my defence and my merciful God. Amen . The glorious Majesty of thee , O Lord my God , be upon me : prosper thou the work of my hands upon me , O prosper thou my handy-work . Amen . O Lord , open mine eyes that I may see the wonders of thy Law. I am a stranger upon earth , O hide not thy Commandments from me . For thy Testimonies are my delight and my counsellors . Lord continue that favour to me , that so they may ever be . Amen . O Lord , our heavenly Father , Almighty and everlasting God , who hast safely brought me to the beginning of this day ; defend me in the same with thy mighty power , and grant that this day I fall into no sin , nor run into any kind of danger : but that all my doings may be ordered by thy governance , to do alwayes that which is righteous in thy sight , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O My soul , wait thou still upon my God , for my hope is in him : he is my strength and my salvation , he is my defence so that I shall not fall . So Amen Lord Iesu , Amen . O Lord God , be mercifull unto every one that prepares his whole heart to seek thee , O Lord God , the God of his Fathers , though he be not according to the Purification of the Sanctuary . Amen . O Lord , I walk in the midst of trouble , I beseech thee refresh me . Stretch forth thy hand upon the fury and the cunning of mine enemies , that thy right hand may save me . O make good thy loving-kindness towards me , and despise not , I beseech thee , the work of thine own hands . Amen . I deal with the thing that is lawful and right ; O give me not over unto mine oppressors . Amen . O make me , thy poor servant , still to delight in that which is good , that the proud do me no wrong ; for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Almighty God , the fountain of all wisdom , who knowest our necessities before we ask , and our ignorance in asking ; I beseech thee to have compassion upon my infirmities , and those things which for my unworthiness I dare not , and for my blindness I cannot ask , vouchsafe to give me , for the worthiness of thy Son Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , I will put my trust in thee alwayes : O let thy people do it with me , and I will pour out my heart before thee , O God my hope . Amen . O that my wayes were made so direct that I might keep thy Statutes ! O Lord direct them . Amen . O Lord , teach me the way of thy Statutes , and I shall keep it unto the end : yea , I shall keep it with my whole heart . O stablish thy word in thy sevant , that I may fear thee ; and that for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , I will call upon thee in my troubles , O deliver me and hear me ; and then especially at what time any storm falls upon me , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Blessed art thou , O Lord , O teach me thy Statuts : That my whole heart may seek thee , and that I may not go wrong out of thy Commandments : That I may take greater delight in the way of thy Testimonies , then in all manner of riches . Amen . O Praise the Lord all ye his servants , ye that by night stand in the house of the Lord. With these , O Lord , I lift up my hands to thy Sanctuary , and will praise thy Name . O Lord , be with me this Evening in all the mercies of Iesus Christ my Saviour . Amen . Miserae carnis meae infirmitatem tu nosti , qui finxisti me : Invisibilium hostium meorum vigilantiam tu nosti , qui vides eos ; Protegat me ala bonitatis tuae , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O Lord , there is no hiding me from thy presence : For if I should say , the darkness shall cover me , then shall my night be turned to day . For the darkness is no darkness with thee , but the night is as clear as the day , the darkness and the light to thee are both alike . Therefore , O God , I present my self open before thee , O cleanse my soul , that it may rejoyce to be seen of thee in Iesus Christ. Amen . Die jam transacto , gra●ias tibi ago Domine , gloriam tibi tribuo , quod sine scandalo ; hymnis effero , quod liber ab insidiis diem transegerim , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Thy righteousness , O God , is very high , and great things are they which thou hast done for me . O God , who is like unto thee ? Thou hast brought me to great honour , and comforted me on every side . Therefore will I praise thee and thy righteousness , O God , and unto thee will I sing , O thou holy One of Israel . My lips will be glad when I sing unto thee , and so will my soul which thou hast delivered . My tongue also shall talk of thy righteousness all the day long : for many are confounded & brought to shame that have sought to do me evil . O Lord , continue thy blessings to me , and multiply my thankfulness to thee , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , thou keeper of Israel , which in the watch over thy servants dost neither slumber nor sleep , be my keeper , and preserve me this night . O keep my soul. Amen . Lord , give me grace to make haste , and not prolong the time to keep thy Commandments . That I may call my own ways to remembrance , and turn my feet to thy Testimonies . And then at midnight will I rise and give thee thanks , because of thy righteous judgments , O Lord my strength and my Redeemer . Amen . Wo is me , that I am constrain●d to dwell with Mesech , and to have my habitation among the tents of Kedar : For my soul hath too long dwelt among them that are enemies unto peace : Too long , O Lord , but that it is thy good pleasure to continue my dwelling in this vale of misery . Amen . Quid es , ô Deus meus ? Quid rogo nisi Dominum , Deus ? Quis enim Dominus praeter Dominum , aut quis Deus praeter Deum nostrum ? Summe , Optime , Potentissime , Misericordissime & Iustissime , Secretissime & Presentissime , Pulcherrime & Fortissime , Stabilis & Incomprehensibilis , Immutabilis , mutans omnia . Nunquam novus , nunquam vetus , innovans omnia , & in vetustatem perducens superbos , & nesciunt . Semper agens , semper quietus , colligens & non egens . Portans , & implens , & protegens , creans , & nutriens , & perficiens . Quaeris , cum nihil desit tibi . Amas , necaestuas . Zelas , & securus es . Poenitet te , & non doles . Irasceris , & tranquillus es . Opera mutas , non consilium . Recipis quod invenis , & nunquam amisisti . Nunquam inops , & gaudes lucris . Nunquam avarus , & usuras exigis . Supererogatur tibi ut debeas , & quis habet quicquam non tuum ? Reddis debita , nulli debens : Donas debita , nihil perdens . Et quid dicimus , Deus meus , vita mea , dulcedo mea sancta ? Aut quid dicit aliquis , quum de te dicit ? Et vae tacentibus de te , quoniam loquaces muti sunt : Miserere mei Deus , ut loquar de te , & glorificem nomen tuum . Amen . PROSPERA . LOrd , this is the time of fear , keep thy servant from Presumptuous sins , lest they get the dominion over me : That though my sins be many and great , yet I may be innocent from the Great offence , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , make me worthy of the place to which thou hast raised me in thy Church , that all my endeavours may be to make Truth and Peace meet together . In this course give me understanding to discover my enemies , and wisdom to prevent them : A heart to love my friends , and carriage that may bind them . Lord , make me love thy Church , and the place where thine honour dwelleth ; that as thou hast honoured me above many others , so I may honour thee above all , and spend whatsoever is acceptable in the poor remainder of my life to serve thee in thy Church , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , turn away mine eyes that they behold not vanity , and quicken thou me in thy way . Amen . O Domine misericors , quando a te ipse exoratus , ( nec enim unquam ita vivimus , ut exorare mereamur , ) pacificos nobis dies , proventus uberes , divitem bonis omnibus tranquillitatem , & abundantiam dederis super vota crescentem , ne sinas me tanta secundarum rerum prosperitate corrumpi , ne & tui penitus obliviscar & mei : sed humilitatem & gratitudinem adauge , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Familia . Domus . VIsita quaeso , Domine , habitationem meam , et omnes insidias Inimici ab ea longe repelle : Angeli tui sancti habitent in ea , & nos in pace & sanitate custodiant , & benedictio tua sit super nos semper , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Linguae fraenum . LEt the words of my mouth , and the meditations of my heart , be alwaies acceptable in thy sight , O Lord my strength and my Redeemer . Amen . Lord , keep my tongue from evil , and my lips that they speak no guile : that so I may eschew evil and do good , seek peace and ensue it . Amen . O Lord , give me the mouth of the righteous , that it may be exercised in wisdom , and that my tongue may be talking of judgment . Amen . Lord , I have said in thy grace , I will take heed unto my waies , that I offend not in my tongue . Give me , O give me that grace , that I may take this heed , that I may keep my mouth , as it were with a bridle ; especially when the ungodly is in my sight , be it never so much pain or grief unto me . Hear me , and grant , even for Christ Iesus sake . Amen . Let the freewill offerings of my mouth please thee , O Lord , and teach me thy Judgments . Amen . O Lord , set a watch before my mouth , and keep the door of my lips , and let not my heart be inclined to any thing that is evil . Amen . O Lord , set a watch before my mouth , and a seal of wisdom upon my lips , that I fall not suddenly by them ; and that my tongue destroy me not . Amen . Afflictiones . IF I find favour in thine eyes , O Lord , thou wilt bring me again , and shew me both the Ark and the Tabernacle , and set me right in thy service , and make me joyful and glad in thee . But if thou say , ( O for Iesus his sake say it not , ) I have no pleasure in thee ; behold , here I am , do with me as seemeth good in thine own eyes . Amen . O Lord , though I be afflicted on every side , let me not be in distress : Though in want of some of thy comforts , yet not of all : Though I be chastned , yet let me not be forsaken : Though I be cast down , let me not perish : And though my outward man decay and perish , yet let my inward man be renewed daily , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , whatsoever thou shalt lay upon me , I will hold my peace , and not open my mouth , because it is thy doing and my deserving . Amen . O Lord , thou hast dealt graciously with thy servant according to thy word . For before I was troubled I went wrong , but now have I prayed that I may keep thy Law. And it is good for me that I have been in trouble , that so I may learn still to keep it better , in the mercies of Iesus Christ. Amen . I know , O Lord , that thy Judgments are right , & that thou of very faithfulness hast caused me to be troubled . O let thy merciful kindness be my comfort , according to thy word unto thy servant , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord Almighty , O God of Israel , the soul that is in trouble , and the spirit that is vexed , cryeth unto thee . Hear , O Lord , and have mercy , for thou art merciful , and have pity upon me , because I have sinned before thee . For thou endurest for ever , but unless thou have mercy I utterly perish . Have mercy therefore even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , remember thy promise , that the poor shall not alwayes be forgotten ; nor the patient abiding of the meek perish for ever . Amen . Lord , I will be glad and rejoyce in thy mercy , for thou hast considered my trouble , and hast known my soul in adversities . Amen . Have mercy upon me , O Lord , for I am in trouble , and mine eye is consumed for very heaviness , yea , my soul and my body . My strength faileth me because of mine iniquitie , and my bones are consumed : I am even become like a broken Vessel : For I have heard the blasphemy of the multitude , and fear is on every side . But my hope hath been and is in thee , O Lord , thou art my God , save and deliver me for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Why art thou so full of heaviness , O my soul , and why art thou so disquieted within me ? O put thy trust in God , that I may yet give him thanks for the help of his countenance . O my God , my soul is vexed within me , therefore will I remember thee . Amen . Up Lord , why sleepest thou ? Awake , and be not absent from us for ever : wherefore hidest thou thy face , and forgetest our misery and trouble ? For our soul is brought low even unto the dust , our belly cleaves unto the ground . Arise O Lord , and help us , and deliver us for thy mercies sake . Amen . In thee , O Lord , have I put my trust , let me never be put to confusion , deliver me in thy righteousness . Bow down thine ear to me , make haste to deliver me . Be thou my strong rock and house of defence , that thou mayest save me . Be also my guide , and lead me for thy Names sake . Amen . O God , the enemy cryeth so , and the ungodly cometh on so fast , that they threaten to overbear me , they are minded to do me some mischief , so maliciously are they set against me . My heart is disquieted within me , and the fear of death is fallen upon me . Fearfulness and trembling and an horrible dread hath overwhelmed me . And I said , O that I had wings like a dove , that I might flie away and be at rest : that I might make hast to escape the stormy wind and tempest . But be thou my helper , and I will magnifie thee , O Lord my strength and my Redeemer . Amen . O be thou my help in trouble , for vain is the help of man. Amen . Gracious Father , the life of man is a warfare upon earth , and the dangers which assault us are diversly pointed against us . I humbly beseech thee be present with me in all ●●e course and passages of my life ; but especially in the services of my Calling . Suffer no malice to be able to hurt me , no cunning to circumvent me , no violence to oppress me , no falshood to betray me . That which I cannot foresee , I beseech thee prevent : That which I cannot withstand , I beseech thee master : That which I do not fear , I beseech thee unmask and frustrate ; that being delivered from all danger both of soul and body , I may praise thee the deliverer , and see how happy a thing it is to make the Lord of Hosts my helper in the day of fear and trouble . Especially , O Lord , bless and preserve me at this time from , ●c . that I may glorifie thee for this deliverance also , and be safe in the merits and the mercies of Iesus Christ my only Lord and Saviour . Amen . O Lord , thou hast fed me with the bread of affliction , and given me plenty of tears to drink . I am become a very strife to my neighbours , and mine enemies laugh me to scorn . But turn thee again , thou God of Hosts , shew me the light of thy countenance , and I shall be whole . Amen . Help me , O Lord my God , O save me according to thy mercy ; and then the world shall know that this is thy hand , and that thou Lord hast done it . Amen Lord Iesu , Amen . If my delight had not been in thy Law , I should have perished in my trouble . O continue my delight . Amen . Pestilentia . DEliver me , O Lord , from all my offences , and make me not a rebuke to the foolish . Take , I humbly beseech thee , thy plague away from thy people , for we begin to be consumed by means of thy heavy hand . And for Iesus Christ his sake lay neither me nor mine under this uncomfortable disease . Amen . O Lord , deliver me from the ●nare of the hunter , and from the noisome pestilence : O defend me under thy wings , and keep me safe under thy feathers , that I may not be afraid for any terror by night , nor for the arrow that flyeth by day ; for the pestilence that walketh in the darkness , nor for the sickness that destroyeth in the noon-day . Though thousands fall beside me , and ten thousands at my right hand , yet let it not come near me , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , thou art my hope , I beseech thee let no evil happen unto me , neither let any plague come nigh my dwelling ; but give thine Angels charge over me to keep me in all my wayes , O Lord my strength and my Redeemer . Amen . O let the sorrowful sighing of them whom thou hast visited come before thee ; and according to the greatness both of thy power and mercy preserve thou them that are appointed to die , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , I beseech thee favourably to hear the prayers of thy humble servant ; that I & my Family , which are justly punished for our offences , may be mercifully delivered by thy goodness from this and all other infection both of soul and body : that so we may live both to serve and to praise thee , to the glory of thy great Name , through Iesus Christ our Lord and only Saviour . Amen . O Almighty God , which in thy wrath in the time of King David didst slay with the plague of Pestilence threescore and ten thousand , and yet remembring thy mercy didst save the rest : Have pity upon us miserable sinners , that now are visited with great sickness and mortality ; and like as thou didst then command thine Angel to cease from punishing , so it may now please thee to withdraw from us this plague and grievous sickness , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord God , who hast wounded us for our sins , and consumed us for our transgressions by thy late heavy and long-continued Visitation , and in the midst of that Judgment remembring mercy , hast redeemed us from death : We offer up unto thee our selves , our souls and bodies ( which thou hast now delivered ) to be a living sacrifice unto thee . And here I offer up unto thee , most merciful Father , in the name of all thy people , all possible praise and thanks , and shall ever magnifie thee , through Iesus Christ our Lord Amen . Morbus . O Lord , the sorrows of death compass me , and the snares of it are ready to overtake me . When thou wilt dissolve my tabernacle , thou alone knowest : therefore in this my trouble I will call upon thee my Lord , and will complain unto my God. O be with me at the instant of my death , and receive me for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Into thy hands I commend my spirit , for thou hast redeemed me , O Lord God of Truth . O Lord , thy hand is heavy upon me day and night , and my moisture is become like the drought in Sommer . I acknowledge my sin unto thee , O Lord , and my unrighteousness have I not hid . O Lord be merciful unto me . Amen . O Lord , hear my prayer , and with thine ears consider my calling , hold not thy peace at my tears . For I am a stranger with thee and a sojourner , as all my Fathers were . O spare me a little , that I may recover my strength before I go hence and be no more seen . Amen . O Domine , media vita in morte sumus , unde aut a quo quaerimus auxilium , nisi a te Domine , qui tamen pro peccatis nostris merito infensus es nobis ? Sancte fortis , sancte misericors Salvator , amarissimis poenis mortis aeternae ne tradas me . Ne projicias me in tempore aegritudinis meae , quum deficit virtus mea ne derelinquas me . Domine , ante te omne desiderium meum , & suspiria mea a te non sunt abscondita . Nosti , Domine , nosti intima Cordis mei ; ne quaeso occludas precibus meis aures misericordiae tuae . Quin parce mihi ô Domine sanctissime , ô Omnipotens Deus , sanctus & Salvator maxime misericors , dignissime & aeterne Iudex , ne sinas me in hora mea novissima pro● quocunque terrore mortis excidere a te . Amen , O Domine Salvator Jesu . O Lord , the snares of● death compass me round about , the pains of hell get hold upon me . I have found trouble and heaviness , but will call upon thy Name , O Lord ; O Lord deliver my soul. Deliver my soul from death , mine eyes from tears , and my feet from falling : that I may walk before thee in the land of the living . Amen . Thou , O Lord , hast chastened and corrected me , but not given me yet over unto death . Open me the gates of righteousness , that I may go into them , and give thanks unto the Lord. Amen . There is no health in my flesh by reason of thy wrath , neither is there any rest in my bones by reason of my sin . Yet , O Lord , be merciful unto me and heal me , even for thy Names sake . Amen . O Lord , I give thee humble and hearty thanks for the great and almost miraculous bringing of me back from the bottom of my grave . What thou hast further for me to do or to suffer , thou alone knowest : Lord give me patience and courage , and all Christian resolution to do thee service , and grace to do it . And let me not live longer then to honour thee , through Iesus Christ. Amen . Bellum . O My God , though mighty Nations gather together on heaps , yet let them be broken in pieces : though they take counsel together , bring it to nought . For though they pronounce a decree , yet it shall not stand , if thou , O God , be with us . Be with us therefore , O God , for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Blessed be thou , O Saviour of Israel , which didst destroy the assault of the Mighty man , by the hand of thy servant David , and gavest the Host of strangers into the hand of Ionathan ; shut up this Army in the hand of Israel , and let them be confounded with their power , and with their horsemen . Make them afraid , and consume their boldness and strength , that they may be astonished at their own destruction . Cast them down by the sword of them that love thee ; that we which love thy Name may praise thee and sing unto thee . Grant this for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord of Hosts , give us strength that we may follow on upon our enemies and overtake them , and not return till we have destroyed them . O gird us with strength unto the Battail , that we may smite them that they may not be able to stand , but fall under our feet . And when thou hast thus blessed us , make us fall down at thy feet , and ever worship thee , through Iesus Christ our Lord , Amen . O make the wars to cease in all the world , break the Bow , and knap the Spear in sunder , and burn the Chariot in the fire ; that men may be still and know that thou art God , that thou wilt be exalted among the hea●hen , and in the earth . Amen . Lord , be not far off , put us not to confusion , but go out with our Armies and prosper them , that we may not turn our backs upon our Enemies , while they that hate us spoil our persons , our honour , and our goods . O sell not us thy poor people for nought ; make us not a rebuke to our insolent neighbours , nor a scorn to them that are round about us . Our confusion by reason of our sins is daily before us , and the shame of our face hath covered us . But , Lord , we humbly beseech thee forgive us our sins and deliver us , for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Hast thou forsaken us , O God ? and wilt not thou , O God , go forth with our Hosts ? O help us against the Enemy , for vain is the help of man. O Lord help us . Amen . O Almighty God , King of Kings , and Governour of all things , whose power no creature is able to resist , to whom it belongeth justly to punish sinners , and to be merciful to them that truly repent : Save and deliver us , we humbly beseech thee , from the hands of our Enemies , abate their pride , asswage their malice , and confound their devices , that we being armed with thy defence , may be preserved evermore from all perils , to glorifie thee who art the only giver of all victory , through the merits of thy only Son our Saviour , Iesus Christ. Amen . Almighty God , who art a strong tower of defence unto thy servants against the face of their Enemies : We give thee praise and thanks for our deliverance from those great and apparent dangers wherewith we were compassed . We acknowledge it thy great goodness that we were not delivered over as a prey unto them . And we humbly beseech thee to continue such thy mercies towards us , that all the world may know that thou art our Saviour and mighty Deliverer , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , bless the King , all his Commanders under him , and all his Souldiers . Cover all their heads , his especially , in the day of Battail . Teach all their hands to warre , & their fingers to fight . And bless all the Guides and Conductors of his Armies under him , with wisdom and courage , and faithfulness , watchfulness and diligence , and whatsoever else may lead on good success . And set a happy end , we humbly beseech thee , to all these Bloody distractions , and restore Peace and preserve Religion in integrity among us , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Paupertas . O Lord , when thou makest inquisition for blood , remember and forget not the complaint of the Poor . Arise , O Lord God , and lift up thy hand , forget not the Poor . Take his cause into thy hand , for he commits himself unto thee , and thou art the helper of the friendless . O be so still , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O praise the Lord ye that fear him , and magnifie him all ye of the seed of Iacob : For he hath not despised nor abhorred the low estate of the Poor , he hath not hid his face from him , but when he called unto him he heard him . O bow down thine ear and hear him still , O thou holy one of Israel . Amen . I am poor and needy , O God , make haste unto me : Thou art my helper and my deliverer , O Lord make no long tarrying . Amen . Dolor . LOrd , turn thee unto me , and have mercy upon me , for I am desolate and in misery . The sorrows of my heart are inlarged , O bring thou me out of my troubles . Look upon mine adversity and misery , and forgive me all my sins , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Hear my crying , O God , give ear unto my prayer : from the ends of the earth , whither soever thou shalt cast me , I will call upon thee when my heart is in heaviness . O set me upon the Rock that is higher then I , to be my hope and a strong tower against my oppressors . Amen . Save me , O God , for the waters are entred into my soul. I stick fast in the deep mire where no stay is , I am come into deep waters , and the streams run over me . They that hate me without a cause are more then the hairs of my head , and they which would destroy me causless are mighty . O let not these water-floods drown me , neither let the deep swallow me up , and let not the pit shut her mouth upon me . Hear me , O Lord , for thy loving-kindness is great , turn unto me according to the multitude of thy tender mercies . Hide not thy face from thy servant , for I am in trouble , but draw near unto my soul and redeem it , for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . My soul melteth away for very heaviness , comfort thou me according to thy word . Amen . O Lord , trouble and heaviness have taken hold upon me● ; patience , good Lord , that for all this my delight may be in thy Commandments . Amen . Infamia . O Lord , my sins have made me a rebuke to my neighbours , and to be laughed to scorn of them that are round about me . O suffer me not longer to be a by-word among the people . My confusion is daily before me , and the shame of my face hath covered me . The voice of the slanderer and blasphemer hath overtaken me . And though all this be come upon me , suffer me not , O Lord , to forget thee , or to behave my self frowardly in thy Covenant , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Destroy their tongues , O Lord , and divide them , for I have seen cruelty and strife in the City . But I will call upon thee , O Lord , and thou wilt save me . Amen . O Lord , send down from heaven , and save me from the reproof of them that would swallow me . Send out thy mercy and truth , for my soul is among Lions , I lie among the children of men that are set on fire , whose teeth are spears and arrows , and their tongue a sharp sword . O deliver me , and I shall magnifie thy Name for ever . Amen . I am become a Monster to many , but thou art my sure trust . O be my Anchor for ever . Amen . O remember , Lord , the rebuke that thy servant hath , and how I do bear in my bosom the rebukes of many people . O remember me . Amen . Vis. O Lord , the ungodly laid wait for me to destroy me , yet make me the more thankful , and the more careful to consider thy testimonies . Amen . O Lord , they draw nigh that of malice persecute me ; therefore be thou nigh at hand to help me , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Many , O Lord , they are that trouble me and persecute me , yet do I not swerve from thy Testimonies : yes , Lord , I do daily swerve from them . Quicken me as thou art wont . Amen . O take from me shame and rebuke , and I will keep thy Testimonies . O take away the rebuke that I am afraid of , for thy Judgments are good . O Lord do this for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Timor . LOrd , make me remember that the fear of thee is clean , and that thy Judgments are true and righteous altogether . Amen . O Lord , give me that grace that I may so carry my self , and that courage that I may so bear up my self , as that I may fear none but thee , nothing but that wherein I offend thee , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Fraudes . Dolus . O Lord , watch over thy servant ; for my familiar friends whom I trusted have laid wait for me . Be thou merciful unto me , O Lord , and deliver me from them : that even in this I may know thou favourest me , that mine Enemies are not able to triumph against me . Amen . Exalt thy self , O God , above the heavens , and thy glory upon all the earth . For men have laid a net for my steps , they have pressed down my soul , they have digged a pit before me . Lord , I desire not that they should fall into the midst of it themselves , but I beseech thee keep me out and deliver me , for thy mercy sake . Amen . Mine enemies lay wait for my soul , and take counsel together : They pursue me out of an opinion that thou , O God , hast forsaken me . But go not far from me , O God ; my God , haste to help me . Amen . O Lord , the proud have digged pits for me : They persecute me falsely , O be thou my help . They had almost made an end of me upon earth , yet suffer me not , I beseech thee , to depart from thy Commandments , for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Lord , keep me from the snare which malicious men have laid for me , and from the traps of wicked doers . If they will not repent , let them fall into their own nets together , but let me ever escape them . Amen . O Lord , I pour out my complaints before thee : Consider them , for I am brought very low . O deliver me from my persecutors , for they are too strong for me . Amen . Templi ingressus . LOrd , I will come into thy house upon the multitude of thy mercies , and in thy fear will I worship towards thy holy Temple . O bless me that I may . Amen . Hear the voice of my humble Petitions , O Lord , when I crie unto thee in this place , when I hold my hands towards the mercy-seat of thy holy Temple , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . I will dwell in thy Tabernacle for ever , and my trust shall be under the covering of thy wings . O Lord , hear our desires , and give an heritage unto those that pray unto thee , and fear thy Name . Amen . O my God , I will go into thy Gates with thanksgiving , and into thy Courts with praise : I will be thankful unto thee , and speak good of thy Name : For thou , Lord , art gracious , thy mercy is everlasting , and thy truth endureth from generation to generation . Amen . O Lord , I love the habitation of thy House , and the place where thine Honour dwelleth . O shut not up my soul with impenitent sinners , but give me plenty of thy grace , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Fames . BE merciful , O Lord , and remember us , that we be not confounded in these perillous times , and that in these daies of dearth we may have enough , and a free heart and hand to bestow it upon thy poor ones , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , our sins have prevailed against us , yet be thou merciful unto our transgressions . O visit the earth , and prepare corn for the Inhabitants thereof . Crown the year with thy goodness , and let no cloud drop other then fatness ; that the very Hills may rejoyce 〈◊〉 every side ; that the Pastures may be covered with sheep and the Vallies with corn , that thy People may rejoyce and sing unto thee , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O God heavenly Father , who by thy Son Iesus Christ hast promised to all them that seek thy Kingdom and the righteousness thereof , all things necessary for their bodily sustenance : Behold , we beseech thee , the afflictions of thy people , and grant that the scarcity and dearth ( which we do now most justly suffer for our sins ) may through thy goodness be mercifully turned into cheapness and plenty , for the love of Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , be m●●cifully pleased to give and preserve to our use the kindly fruits of the Earth , so that in due time we may enjoy them , and praise thee , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Pluvia . O God , heavenly Father , whose gift it is that the Rain doth fall , the Earth is fruitful , Beasts increase , and Fishes do multiply ; Send us , we beseech thee , such moderate rain and showres , that we may receive the fruits of the earth to our comfort , and to thy honour , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Serenitas . O Lord God , which for the sin of Man didst once drown all the world except eight persons● and afterward of thy great mercy didst promise never to destroy it so again : We humbly beseech thee , that though we● for our iniquities have worthily deserved a plague of rain and waters , yet upon our true repentance thou wilt give us such weather , whereby we may receive the fruits of the earth in due season ; and learn both by thy punishment to amend our lives , and for thy clemency to give thee praise and glory , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Poenitentiales . 6. 32. 38. 51. 102. 130. 143. O Lord , turn thee again now at the last , and be gracious unto thy servant . O satisfie me with thy mercy , and that soon , so shall I rejoyce and be glad all the dayes of my life . And when thou hast forgiven my sins , O comfort me again after the time that thou hast plagued me , and for the years wherein I have suffered adversity , O Iesus Christ my Saviour , and be merciful . Amen . O Lord , my flesh trembleth for fear of thee , and I am afraid of thy Judgments ; yet stablish me according to thy word , that I may live , and let me not be disappointed of my hope , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . I have gone astray like a sheep that is lost ; O seek thy servant , that I may not forget thy Commandments , bu● return to thee . Amen . O Lord , our iniquities testifie against us ; for our backslidings are many , and we have sinned against thee : yet , O thou hope of Israel , thou Saviour thereof in time of trouble , shew mercy fo● thy Names sake ; and on me especially . For why shouldest thou be as a stranger in my soul , or as a wayfaring man that turns aside to tarry but for a night ? O Lord be and dwell in the midst of me , for thy Name is called upon me . Leave me not O God of my salvation , but have mercy for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . For thy Names sake , O Lord. be merciful unto my sin , for it is great . Amen . O Lord Almighty , I acknowledge and confess I am not worthy to lift up mine eyes to heaven , much less to present my self before thee with any confidence that thou shouldest hear my pray●ers and grant my requests , if I consider my own deser●ing : For my Conscience accuses me , and my sins witness against me ; and thou art a just and an upright Judge , and wilt not justifie any sinner in his transgressions . O Lord , suffer me not to be swallowed up of death and desperation , but in the multitude of thy mercies pardon me , O Lord , for thy goodness sake . For though I am a worm and no man , yet thou art my Creator , and I am the work of thy hands ; yea , thou art my Father , and I thy Son : Thou my Shepheard , & I one of thy stragling Flock : Thou my Redeemer , and I one of thy People whom thou hast dearly bought : Thou my God , and I thy Creature . O correct me not in thine anger , O Lord , neither punish me according to my deservings , but remember my weakness as well as my sin , and have mercy upon me for my dearest Saviours sake Iesus Christ. Amen . Almighty & everlasting God , which hatest nothing that thou hast made , and forgivest the sins of all them that are penitent ; Create & make in me a new and contrite heart , that I may worthily lament my sins , and acknowledge my wretchedness , and obtain of thee the God of all mercie perfect remission and forgiveness , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Almighty & everliving God , which art alwaies more ready to hear then we to pray , and usest to give more then either we desire or deserve ; Pour down upon me most miserable sinner the abundance of thy mercy , forgiving me those things whereof my conscience is afraid , and giving me that which my prayer dares not presume to ask . Grant this for Iesus Christ his sake , our Lord and only Saviour . Amen . Grant , I beseech thee merciful God , to me thy sinful but humble servant pardon and peace , that I may be cleansed from all my sins , and serve thee with a quiet mind , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Lord , I beseech thee , free me from all my offences , and by thy bountiful goodness deliver me from the bands of all those sins which by my ignorance , frailty , or wilfulness I have committed . Grant this even for Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O God merciful Father , that despisest not the sighing of a contrite heart , nor the desire of such as besorrowful ; Mercifully assist my prayers that I make before thee in all my troubles and adversities whensoever they oppress me : and graciously hear me , that those evils which the craft and subtilty of the devil or man worketh against me be brought to nought , and by the providence of thy goodness so dispersed , that I thy poor servant being overcome by no temptation , nor hurt by any persecution , may evermore give thanks unto thee in thy holy Church , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , of thy great goodness I beseech thee give me true repentance , and forgive me all my sins , negligences , and ignorances , and indue me with the grace of thy holy Spirit , that I may amend my life according to thy holy word , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O God , whose nature and property is ever to have mercy and to forgive , receive my humble petitions : And though I am tied and bound with the chain of my sins , yet let the pitifulness of thy great mercy loose me , and that for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Exaudi quaeso , Domine , supplicis preces , & confitentis tibi parce peccatis , ut pariter mihi indulgentiam tribuas benignus & pacem , per Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum . Amen . Omnipotens Deus , qui aquam de petra produxisti , educ de duritia cordis mei compunctionis lachrimas ; ut peccata mea ita plangere valeam , ut remissionem eorum te miserante accipiam , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Almighty God , Father of our Lord Iesus Christ , Maker of all things , Judge of all men ; I acknowledge and bewail my manifold sins and wickedness , which I have from time to time most grievously committed , by thought , word , and deed against thy divine Majesty , provoking most justly thy wrath and indignation against me . I do earnestly repent , and am heartily sorry for these my misdoings , the remembrance of them is grievous unto me , the burden of them is intolerable . Have mercy upon me , have mercy upon me , most merciful Father . For thy Son our Lord Iesus Christ his sake , forgive me all that is past , and grant that I may ever hereafter serve and please thee in newness of life , to the honour and glory of thy Name , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Almighty God , and my most merciful Father , who of thy tender mercy hast promised forgiveness of sins to all them which with hearty repentance and true faith turn unto thee ; Have mercy upon me , pardon and deliver me from all my sins , confirm and strengthen me in all goodness , and bring me to everlasting life , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Piissime Domine , misericordissime Deus , sufficiat mihi quod hucusque peccavi , quod contempsi , quod foetoribus carnis meae satisfeci , jam nu●● te inspirante voveo me a nequitia mea conversurum . Adjuva , Domine , & des ut impleam , in & per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Gratiarum actio & Laudes . I Will magnifie thee , O Lord , for thou hast set me up , and not made my foes to triumph over me . O Lord , my God I cried unto thee , and thou hast healed me , thou hast kept my life from them that go down into the pit . Sing praises unto the Lord , O my soul , and give thanks unto him for a remembrance of his holiness . Amen . O my soul , be joyful in the Lord and rejoyce in his Sal●●●ion . All my bones shall say ; Lord , who is like unto thee , which deliverest the poor from him that is too strong for him : yea , the poor and him that is in misery from him that spoileth him . Amen . I will give thanks unto thee , O Lord , according to thy righteousness , and I will praise thy Name , O Lord most high . O Lord , thou art high and terrible , a great King over all the Earth ; thou hast subdued the people under us , and the Nations under our feet : therefore will I sing praises unto thee , O God , who art greatly to be exalted . Amen . Thy Vows are upon me , O my God , I will render praise unto thee ; for thou hast delivered my soul from death , and my feet from falling , that I may yet walk before thee , O my God , in the light of the living , and bless thee . Amen . Gratias tibi Deus ; Gratias tibi vera & una Trinitas , una & trina Veritas , trina & una Unitas . Gratias tibi Deus Pater , qui & Filium tuum ostendisti , & mihi Doctorem dedisti . O & semper des in misericordiis antiquis . Amen . My heart is ready , O Lord , my heart is ready , I will sing and give praise ; yea , I will praise thee among the People , and I will sing unto thee among the Nations . O let thy Mercy which is great unto the heavens● and thy Truth which reacheth unto the clouds , imbrace me and preserve me to thee , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . I will give thanks unto thee , O Lord , with my whole heart , I will speak of all thy marvellous works : I will be glad and rejoyce in thee , yea , my songs will I make of thy Name , O thou most highest . For thou hast maintained my right and my cause , thou art set in the Throne that judgest right . Lord , continue to be my defence against the oppressor , and my refuge in due time of trouble , that I may ever rejoyce in thy Salvation Iesus Christ. Amen . My trust is in thee , O God , and my heart is joyful in thy salvation . I will sing unto thee , O Lord , because thou hast dealt so lovingly with me ; yea , I will praise thy Name , O Lord most highest . Amen . O praise the Lord with me ye that fear him , magnifie him all ye of the seed of Iacob . My praise shall be of thee in the great Congregation , and my vows will I perform in the sight of them that fear thee . Amen . What profit is there in my blood , when I go down to the pit ? Shall the dust give thanks unto thee , or shall it declare thy truth ? Hear , O Lord , and have mercy upon me ; Lord , be thou my helper . Thou hast turned my heaviness into joy ; thou hast put off my sackcloth , and girded me with gladness : therefore will I sing of thy praise without ceasing . O my God , I will give thanks unto thee for ever . Amen . I will alwaies give thanks unto thee , O Lord , thy praise shall ever be in my mouth . My soul shall make her boast of thee , O my God , and the humble shall hear thereof and be glad . For I sought thee , O Lord , and thou heardest me , and didst deliver me out of all my fear , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Let my mouth be filled with praise , and with thy glory every day . Amen . O Lord , who is like unto thee ? For thou hast shewed me great troubles and adversities● but thou wilt , I hope , return and quicken me , thou wilt return and take me out of this depth . Amen . I will thank thee , O Lord my God , with all my heart , and will praise thy Name for ever : For great is thy mercy towards me , and thou hast delivered my soul from the nethermost Hell. O deliver it still for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , I give thee humble and hearty thanks for the measure of knowledge which thou hast given me of thy truth ; for giving me a love to it , and thy Church : for quieting my soul in the midst of thy Churches distractions ; for the measure of rest and repose which thou hast given me in thee , whereas no true content is found without thee . Lord , I give thee humble thanks likewise for the temporal blessings which thou hast heaped on me ; the favour of my Leige Lord and Soveraign : the place to which thou hast raised me : the means which thou hast given me to do good . Lord , I cannot name all thy blessings , how shall I thank thee for them ? Lord , I will thank thee for them by honouring thee in them . O give a heart to desire all this , and grace to perform it ; that my sins may be forgiven me , and that I may be thine , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O praise the Lord , for he is gracious : O sing unto his Name , for it is lovely . I will give thanks unto thee , O Lord , with my whole heart , I will worship towards thy holy Temple , and praise thy Name ; and that because of thy loving kindness and truth , for thou hast magnified thy Name and thy Word above all things . Lord , give me grace to obey thy Word , and to honour thy Name for ever , in Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Pro Inimicis . O Lord , I beseech thee , forgive mine enemies all their sins against thee ; and give me that measure of thy grace , that for their hatred . I may love them , for their cursing I may bless them , for their injury I may do them good , and for their persecution I may pray for them . Lord , I pray for them ; forgive them , for they know not what they do . Amen . Deus Pacis & Charitatis , da omnibus inimicis mihi pacem & charitatem , omniumque remissionem peccatorum , meque ab eorum insidiis potenter eripe ; per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O Lord , consider mine Enemies how many they are ; and they bear a tyrannous hate against me . Lord , deliver me from them . Amen . Almighty God , I humbly be●seech thee , look upon the hearty de●ires of thy humble servant , and stretch out the right hand of thy Majestie to be my defence against all mine Enemies , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Be merciful unto me , O God , for mine Enemies would swallow me up , and many they are which fight against me , O thou most highest ; they gather together and keep themselves close , they mark my steps , because they lay wait for my soul. But when I was afraid I trusted in thee and when I cry , then shall mine Enemies turn back . This thou wilt make me know , when thou art with me : Be with me therefore , O Lord , and let me see deliverance . Amen . O Lord , let not them that are mine Enemies triumph over me , neither let them wink with their eyes that hate me either without a cause , or for thy cause . Amen . O Lord God , in thee have I put my trust , save me from all them that persecute me , and deliver me ; lest they devour my soul like a Lyon , and tear it in pieces while there is none to help . Lift up thy self , O God , because of the indignation of mine Enemies : arise up for me in the Judgment which thou hast commanded , that my help may still be from thee , O God , who preservest them that are true of heart . Amen . Have mercy upon me , O God , consider the trouble which I suffer of them that hate me , O thou that liftest me up from the gates of death . Amen . Hear my voice , O God , in my prayer , preserve my life from fear of the Enemy ; hide me from the conspiracy of the wicked , and from the rage of the workers of iniquity . They have whet their tongues like a sword , and shoot out their arrows , even bitter words : Lord , deliver me from them . Amen . Episcopatus . DE●s omnium fidelium Pastor & Rector , me Famulum tuum , quem Pastorem Ecclesiae Cantuar. praeesse voluisti , propitius respice : Da mihi , humillime peta , verbo & exemplo quibus p●aesum proficere . Ut una cum Grege mihi credito ad vitam perveniam sempiternam , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O Deus mi , Pater clementissime , gratia tua ita in me operetur , ut sim humilis in recusando omne magn●m minist●●ium , subditus tamen in suscipiendo , ●idelis in servando , st●enuus in exequendo , i● regendo populo vigilans , in corrigendo vehemens , in amando a●dens , in sustinendo patiens , in moderando prudens : ut proiis quibus praesum Deo me interponam consulenti , opponam i●ascenti , in fiducia & meritis Jesu Christi Salvatoris nostri . Amen . O Lord , as the rain cometh down from heaven , and returns not thither , but waters the Earth , and makes it bud and bring forth , that it may give seed to the sower , and bread to him that eateth : So let thy Word be that goeth out of my mouth , let it not return to me void , but accomplish that which thou wilt , and prosper in the thing whereto thou hast sent it , that the people committed to my charge may go out with joy , and be led forth in peace to thy freshest waters of comfort , in Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Son of God , thou which takest away the sins of the world , have mercy upon me in this heavy Charge . Amen . Rex . O Lord , grant the King a long life , that his years may endure as many ages : Furnish him with wise and safe Counsels , and give him a heart of courage and constancy to pursue them . O prepare thy loving mercy and faithfulness for him , that they may preserve him ; so will I alwaies sing praises unto thy Name , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , hear the King in the day of his trouble , that thy Name , O God of Iacob , may defend him . Send him help from thy Sanctuary , and strength out of Sion . Grant him his hearts desire , & fulfill all his mind . Set his heart firm upon thee , and upon other things , but as they are in and from thee : that we his Servants under thee may see with joy that thou helpest thine Anointed , and that thou wilt hear him from thy holy Heaven , even with the wholsome strength of thy right hand . And , O Lord , close not mine eyes till I see thy favour shine ou● upon him , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Ecclesia . O Lord , we humbly beseech thee to keep thy Church and Houshold continually in thy true Religion , that they which do lean only upon hope of thy heavenly grace , may evermore be defended by thy mighty power : And that I may humbly and faithfully serve thee in this thy Church , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Gracious Father , I humbly beseech thee , for thy holy Catholick Church , fill it with all truth ; in all truth with all peace . Where it is corrupt , purge it : where it is in error , direct it : where it is superstitious , rectifie it : where any thing is amiss , reform it : where it is right , strengthen and confirm it : where it is in want , furnish it : where it is divided and rent asunder , make up the breaches of it , O thou holy one of Israel . Amen . O merciful God , since thou hast ordered me to live in these times , in which the rents of thy Church are grievous ; I humbly beseech thee to guide me , that the divisions of men may not separate me either from thee or it , that I may ever labour the preservation of truth and peace , that where for and by our sins the peace of it succeeds not , thou wilt yet accept my will for the deed , that I may still pray , even while thou grantest not , because I know thou wilt grant it when thou seest it fit . In the mean time bless , I beseech thee , this Church in which I live , that in it I may honour and serve thee all the daies of my life , and after this be glorified by thee , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord thou hast brought a Vine out of Egypt and planted it ; thou madest room for it , and when it had taken root it filled the land . O why hast thou broken down her hedge , that all which go by pluck off her grapes : the wild boar out of the wood rooteth it up , and the wild beasts of the field devour it . O turn thee again thou God of Hosts , look down from heaven , behold and visit this Vine , and the place of the Vineyard that thy right hand hath planted , and the branch that thou madest so strong for thy self . Lord , hear me for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , except thou buildest the house , their labour is but lost that build it : and except thou , O Lord , keep the City , the Watchman waketh but in vain . It is but lost labour to rise early , and take late rest , and to eat the bread of carefulness , if thou bless not the endeavours that seek the peace and the welfare of thy Church . Therefore , O Lord , build thy Church and keep it , and take care for it , that there may be no lost labour amo●g the builders of it . Amen . O Lord our God , the great , the mighty , and the terrible God ; O thou which keepest covenant and mercy , let not all the trouble seem little before thee that hath come upon us , upon our Priests , upon the Houses built and dedicated to thy Name , upon the Maintenance for them that serve at thy Altar , upon our Kings , State , and People since that day of affliction . Thou art just in all that is brought upon us : For thou hast done right , but we have done wickedly . Yet , O Lord , have mercy , and turn to us again , for Iesus and his mercy sake . Amen . Respublica . O Lord , thou which bringest the counsels of the Heathen to nought , and makest the devices of the people to be of none effect , and castest out the counsels of Princes when they have offended thee : Have mercy upon this Kingdom , forgive the sins of this People ; turn thee unto them and bless them , that the world may say , Blessed are the people whose God is the Lord Iehovah , and blessed are the folk that he hath chosen to him to be his Inheritance . Lord , hear and grant for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Lord , bless this Kingdom , that Religion and Virtue may season all sorts of men : that there may be Peace within the Gates , and Plenty within the Palaces of it . In Peace I beseech thee so preserve it , that it corrupt not : In War so defend it , that it suffer not : In Plenty so order it , that it riot not : In Want so pacifie and moderate it , that it may patiently and peaceably seek thee , the only full supply both of Men and States ; that so it may continue a Place and a People to do thee service to the end of time , through Iesus Christ our only Saviour and Redeemer . Amen . O Lord , according to all thy righteousness , I beseech thee let thine anger be turned away from this City and thy People ; and cause thy face to shine upon whatsoever is desolate therein , for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Pro Afflictis . O Let the sorrowful sighing of the Prisoners come before thee , and according to the greatness of thy power preserve thou them that are appointed to die , even for Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Regnum Angliae . BEnedic , Domine Deus omnipotens , Regnum hoc , ut sit in eo sanitas , castitas , victoria , virtus omnis , & gratiarum actio Deo Patri , & Filio , & Spiritui Sancto : et haec Benedictio maneat super hoc Regnum , & super habitantes in eo , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Iejunium . O Lord , the zeal of thine house hath even eaten me up , and the rebukes of them which rebuked thee , are fallen upon me : Therefore I wept and chastned my self with fasting , and that was turned to my reproof . I put on sackcloth also , and they jested upon me : they that sate in the gate also spake against me , and the drunkards made songs upon me . But , Lord , I make my prayer unto thee , & , I hope , in an acceptable time . O hear me in the multitude of thy mercies , which are in Iesus Christ our Saviour Amen . Quadragesima . O Lord , which for our sake didst fast fourty days & fourty nights ; Give us grace to use such abstinence , that our flesh being subdued to the spirit , we may ever obey thy godly motions , in righteousness and true holiness , to thy honour and glory , who livest and raignest one God with the Father and the Holy Ghost . Amen . Rogationes . STir up , I beseech thee O Lord , the wills of thy faithful people , that they plenteously bringing forth the fruit of good works , may of thee be plenteously rewarded , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Iejunia quatuor Temporum . ALmighty God , the giver of all good gifts , who of thy divine Providence hast appointed divers Orders in the Church ; Give thy grace , I humbly beseech thee , to all those which are to be called to any Office and Administration in the same : and so replenish them with the truth of thy doctrine , and innocence of life ; that they may faithfully serve before thee , to the glory of thy great Name , and the benefit of thy holy Church , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Consecrationes . Ordinationes . O Lord , I am now at thy Altar , at thy work ; keep me that I lay not my hands suddenly upon any man , lest I be partaker of other mens sins : but that I may keep my self pure , in Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Lord , give me grace , that as oft as they shall come in my way , I may put them in remembrance whom I have ordained , that they stir up the gift of God that is in them by the putting on of my hands , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Grant , O Lord I beseech thee , that the course of this world may be so peaceably ordered by thy Governance , that thy Church may joyfully serve thee in all godly quietness , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Lord , I beseech thee , let thy continual mercy cleanse and defend thy Church . And because it cannot continue in safety without thy succour ; preserve it evermore by thy help and goodness , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Lord , I beseech thee , keep thy Houshold the Church in continual godliness ; that through thy protection it may be free from all adversities , and devoutly given to serve thee in good works , to the glory of thy Name , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Exilium . LOrd , send me not to the waters of Babylon , that I may have no cause to weep when I remember Sion : that no mans cruelty may lead me away captive , nor no mans scorn call upon me to sing in my heaviness . But that in my Country where I learnd to serve thee , I may live to honour thee all the daies of my life , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Martyrium . LOrd , make me remember the bones of thy Saints , how they lie scattered before the pit , even as when one heweth wood upon the earth . O Lord , mine eyes look unto thee , in thee is my trust , O cast not out my soul. And if my bones also must be broken , O Lord I beseech thee give me courage and abundance of patience , that no torment may make my faith fall away from thee , for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Eucharistia . Quaecunque ab Infantia usque ad momentum hoc , sciens vel ignorans , intus vel extra , dormiens vel vigilans , verbis , factis vel cogitationibus , per jacula Inimici ignita , per desideria cordis immunda peccavi tibi , miserere mei , & dimitte mihi , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Almighty God and most merciful Father , give me I beseech thee that grace , that I may duely examine the inmost of my heart , and my most secret thoughts , how I stand before thee . Lord , I confess all my sins , and my unworthiness to present my self at thine Altar . But thou canst forgive sin and give repentance ; do both , Gracious Father , and then behold I am clean to come unto thee . Lord , make me a worthy receiver of that for which I come , Christ , and remission of sin in Christ : And that for his own mercy sake and thine . Amen . O Lord , into a clean , charitable , and thankful heart , give me grace to receive the blessed Body and Blood of thy Son , my most blessed Saviour , that it may more perfectly cleanse me from all dregs of sin ; that being made clean , it may nourish me in faith , hope , charity , and obedience , with all other fruits of spiritual life and growth in thee : that in all the future course of my life , I may shew my self such an ingrafted member into the Body of thy Son , that I may never be drawn to do any thing that may dishonour his Name . Grant this O Lord , I beseech thee , even for his merit and mercy sake . Amen . O Lord God , hear my prayers , I come to thee in a stedfast faith : yet for the clearness of my faith , Lord , enlighten it ; for the strength of my faith , Lord , encrease it . And , behold , I quarrel not the words of thy Son my Saviour's blessed Institution . I know his words are no gross unnatural conceit , but they are spirit and life , and supernatural . While the world disputes , I believe . He hath promised me if I come worthily , that I shall receive his most precious Body and Blood , with all the benefits of his Passion . If I can receive it and retain it , ( Lord , make me able , make me worthy ) I know I can no more die eternally , then that Body and Blood can die and be shed again . My Saviour is willing in this tender of them both unto me : Lord , so wash and cleanse my soul , that I may now and at all times else come prepared by hearty prayers & devotion , and be made worthy by thy grace of this infinite blessing , the Pledge and Earnest of eternal life , in the merits of the same Iesus Christ , who gave his Body and Blood for me . Amen . Almighty God , unto whom all hearts be open , all desires known , & from whom no secrets are hid : Cleanse the thoughts of my heart by the inspiration of thy holy Spirit , that I may perfectly love thee , and worthily magnifie thy Name , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Pater de coelis Deus , qui unigenitum tuum pro nobis ad mortem tradidisti . Fili Redemptor mundi Deus , qui sanguine tuo pretioso nos a peccatis abluisti . Spiritus Sancte Paraclete Deus , qui corda sanctorum tua gratia visitas & confirmas . Sacra , summa , sempiterna , beata , benedicta Trinitas ; Pater bone , Fili pie , Spiritus benigne : cujus opus vita , amor gratia , contemplatio gloria : cujus majestas ineffabilis , potestas incomparabilis , bonitas inaestimabilis : Qui vivorum Dominus es simul & mortuorum : Te adoro , te invoco , & toto cordis affectu nunc & in seculum benedico . Amen . O Domine Jesu , da vivis misericordiam & gratiam : da tuis regimen & lucem perpetuam : da Ecclesiae tuae veritatem & pacem ; da mihi miserrimo peccatorum poenitentiam & veniam . Amen . O Domine , errantes oro corrige , incredulos converte , Ecclesiae fidem auge , Haereses destrue , Hostes versutos detege , violentos & impoenitentes contere , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Misericors Pater , pro beneficiis quae mihi largiti sunt in terris Benefactores mei , praemia aeterna consequantur in coelis . Oro etiam ut cum his pro quibus oravi , aut pro quibus orare teneor , & cum omni populo Dei , introduci mihi detur in Regnum tuum , & ibi apparere in justitia , & satiari gloria , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O Lord , consider my complaint , for I am brought very low . O Lord , how long wilt thou be angry with thy servant that prayeth ? O Lord give me grace and repentance , and thou canst not be angry with my prayer . O Lord , I am thine save me , and deliver me not into the will of mine enemies , especially my ghostly enemies . O Lord , I am thy servant , thy unprofitable wastful servant , yet thy servant . O Lord , set my accounts right before thee , and pardon all my mis-spendings & mis-reckonings . O Lord , I am thy son , thy most unkind , prodigal , run-away son , yet thy son . O Lord , though I have not retained the love and duty of a son , yet do not thou cast off ( I humbly beg it ) the kindness and compassion of a Father . O Lord , in thy grace I return to thee ; And though I have eaten draugh with all the unclean swine in the world , in my hungry absence from thee , yet now , Lord , upon my humble return to thee , give me , I beseech thee , the bread of life , the Body and Blood of my Saviour into my soul , that I may be satisfied in thee , and never more run away from thee , even for Iesus Christ his sake , that gave himself for me . Amen . Misericors Deus , Creator omnium hominum , qui nihil odisti eorum quae condidisti , nec vis mortem peccatoris , sed magis ut convertatur & vivat ; Miserere omnium Iudaeorum , Turcarum , Infidelium , & Haereticorum . Aufer ab iis ignorantiam , duritiem cordis , & contemptum verbi tui : & reduc eos , misericors Domine , ad Gregem tuum , ut serventur inter reliquias veri Israelis , ut fiat unum Ovile , & unus Pastor , Jesus Christus Dominus noster , qui vivit & regnat , &c. Amen . Tanquam pro Tribunali tuo tremendo ( ubi nullus erit personarum respectus ) reum memet peragens , ita hodie antequam praeveniat me dies judicii mei coram sancto tuo Altari prostratus , coram te & stupendis Angelis tuis a propria conscientia dejectus , profero improbas & nefarias cogitationes & actiones meas . Respice , oro Domine , humilitatem meam , & remitte omnia peccata mea , quae multiplicata sunt super capillos capitis mei . Quodnam enim est malum quod non designavi in anima mea : quin & multa & nefanda opere perpetravi . Reus enim sum , ô Domine , invidiae , gulae , &c. Omnes sensus meos , omnia membra mea pollui . Sed incomparabilis est multitudo viscerum tuorum , & ineffabilis misericordia bonitatis tuae , qua peccata mea toleras . Quare , ô Rex omni admiratione major , O Domine longanimis misericordias tuas mirificato in me peccatore : potentiam benignitatis tuae manifestato , clementissimae propensionis tuae virtutem exerito : & me Prodigum revertentem suscipito , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O Lord God , how I receive the Body and Blood of my most blessed Saviour Iesus Christ , the price of my Redemption , is the very wonder of my soul , yet my most firm and constant belief upon the words of my Saviour . At this time they are graciously tenderd to me and my faith : Lord , make me a worthy receiver , and be it unto me as he hath said . Amen . Lord , I have received this Sacrament of the Body and Blood of my dear Saviour . His mercy hath given it , and my faith received it into my soul. I humbly beseech thee speak mercy and peace unto my Conscience , and enrich me with all those graces which come from that precious Body and Blood , even till I be possessed of Eternal life in Christ. Amen . O qui sursum Patri assides & hic nobiscum invisibiliter versaris , venito & sanctificato praesentia haec dona ; eos item pro quibus , & eos per quos , & ea propter quae offeruntur . Amen . Pro Duce Buckinghamiae . GRacious Father , I humbly beseech thee , bless the Duke of Buckingham with all spiritual and temporal blessings , but especially spiritual . Make and continue him faithful to his Prince , serviceable to his Country , devout in thy Truth and Church : a most happy Husband and a blessed Father ; filled with the constant love and honour of his Prince , that all thy blessings may flow upon himself and his posterity after him . Continue him a true-hearted friend to me thy poor servant whom thou hast honoured in his eyes : Make my heart religious & dutiful to thee , and in and under thee true , and secret , and stout , and provident in all things which he shall be pleased to commit unto me . Even so , Lord , and make him continually to serve thee , that thou mayest bless him , through Iesus Christ our only Lord and Saviour . Amen . O most merciful God and gracious Father , the Prince hath put himself to a great Adventure , I humbly beseech thee , make a clear way before him : Give thine Angels charge over him , be with him thy self in mercy , power , and protection : in every step of his journey : in every moment of his time : in every consultation and address for action , till thou bring him back with safety , honour , and contentment , to do thee service in this place . Bless his most trusty and faithful Servant the Lord Duke of Buckingham , that he may be diligent in service , provident in business , wise and happy in counsels : for the honour of thy Name , the good of thy Church , the preservation of the Prince , the contentment of the King , the satisfaction of the State. Preserve him , I humbly beseech thee , from all envy that attends him ; and bless him , that his eyes may see the Prince safely delivered to the King and State , and after it live long in happiness to do them and thee service , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O most gracious God and merciful Father , thou art the Lord of Hosts ; all victory over our Enemies , all safety against them is from thee : I humbly beseech thee go out with our Armies , and bless them . Bless my dear Lord the Duke that is gone Admiral with them , that wisdom may attend all his Counsels , and courage and success all his Enterprises : that by his and their means thou wilt be pleased to bring safety to this Kingdom , strength and comfort to Religion , victory and reputation to our Country . And that he may return with our Navy committed to him , and with safety , honour , and love both of Prince and People . Grant this for thy dear Sons sake Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O merciful God , thy Judgments are often secret , alwayes just : At this time they were temporally heavy upon the poor Duke of Buckingham , upon me , upon all that had the honour to be near him . Lord , thou hast ( I doubt not ) given him rest , and light and blessedness in thee . Give also , I beseech thee , comfort to his Lady . Bless his Children , uphold his Friends , forget not his Servants . Lay open the bottom of all that irreligious and graceless plot that spilt his blood . Bless and preserve the King from danger , and from security in these dangerous times . And for my self , O Lord , though the sorrows of my heart are inlarged , in that thou gavest this most honourable Friend into my bosom , and hast taken him again from me ; yet blessed be thy Name , O Lord , that hast given me patience . I shall now see him no more till we meet at the Resurrection : O make that joyful to us and all thy faithful servants , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Senectus . O Lord , cast me not off in the time of mine Age , forsake me not now my strength begins to fail me . Amen . Forsake me not , O God , in mine old age , now I am gray-headed , until I have declared thy strength unto this Generation , and thy power to all them that are to come . Amen . O Lord , though thou hast shortned the dayes of my youth , yet cover me not with dishonour . Hide not thy self from me for ever , but remember how short my time is , and make me remember it , O Lord. Amen . O Lord , teach me to number my days , that I may apply my heart unto wisdom . Amen . O Lord , hide not thy face from me in the time of trouble ; for my dayes are consumed away like smoke , and my bones are burnt up like a fire-brand . My dayes are gone like a shadow , and I am withered like grass . Thou , O Lord , hast brought down my strength in my journey , and shortned my daies . But , O my God , take me not away but in the timeliness of my age , that I may continue to serve thee , and be faithful in thy service , till thou remove me hence . Amen . Tentationes . O Lord , as thou art faithful , so suffer me not , I beseech thee , to be tempted above that I am able , but give an issue with the temptation , that I may be able to bear it . Amen . Omnipotens Deus , respice preces meas , & libera cor meum a malarum cogitationum tentationibus , ut te miserante dignum esse possim Spiritus Sancti habitaculum , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Deus , qui diligentibus te facis cuncta prodesse , da cordi meo inviolabilem charitatis tuae affectum & nulla unquam tentatione mutabilem , per Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum . Amen . Misericors Deus , da mihi in Fide tua constantiam , & in Charitate firmitatem , ut nullis tentationibus ab earum integritate possim divelli , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Carcer . O Lord , have mercy upon me , and bring my soul out of Prison , that I may give thanks unto thy Name , even in Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , blessed is the man that hath thee for his help , and whose hope is in thee . O Lord , help me and all them to right that suffer wrong . Thou art the Lord which loosest men out of Prison , which helpest them that are fallen . O Lord , help and deliver me when , and as it shall seem best to thee , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , thine indignation lies hard upon me ; and though thou hast not ( for thy mercy is great ) vexed me with all thy storms , yet thou hast put my acquaintance far from me , and I am so fast in Prison that I cannot get forth . Lord , I call daily upon thee , hear and have mercy , for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O Lord , thou which bringest the Prisoners out of captivity , while thou lettest the Runagates continue in scarceness ; Have mercy upon me , and deliver me out of the Prison and affliction in which I now am : and give me grace , that being free , I may faithfully and freely serve thee all the daies of my life , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Confessiones . O Domine , in multis deliqui , & improbe egi , & tristitia affeci spiritum tuum sanctum . Exacerbavi viscera clementiae tuae , cogitatione , sermone , opere , noctu & interdiu , palam & in occulto , consult● & in consulto . O si constituas peccata mea in conspectu meo ; O si rationem a me exigas peccatorum in se non ignoscibilium , quae scienter commisi , quid faciam ? quo fugiam ? Sed O Domine , ne in furore tuo arguas me , nec in ira tua corripias me . Miserere mei , non solum quia infirmus sum , sed quia figmentum sum tuum . Obsecro t● , ne intres in judicium cum servo tuo : si enim iniquitates observaveris Domine , Domine , quis in judicio consistet ? Non ego certe , si quis alius . Ego enim sum peccati pelagus , & non sum dignus in coelum suspicere prae multitudine peccatorum meorum , quorum non est numerus ; probra , injuriae , &c. et mille praeterea nefandae passiones sunt , a quibus non destiti . Quibus enim non corruptus sum peccatis ? Quibus non sum constrictus malis ? Inutilis factus sum tibi Deo meo , & hominibus . Quis me in talia prolapsum suscitabit ? In te , Domine , confido , qui es Deus meus : esto mihi Salvator secundum viscera compassionis tuae , & miserere mei secundum magnam misericordiā tuam , & ne retribuas mihi secundum opera mea , sed converte te ad me , me ad te . Remitte omnia quae in te peccavi : serva me propter misericordiam tuam , & ubi abundavit peccatum , superabundet grat●● tua ; & laudabo & glorificabo te per omnes dies vitae meae . Tu enim es Deus poenitentium , & Salvator peccantium . Tibi gloria per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Anniversaria . O Eternal God and merciful Father , with whom do rest the souls of them that die in thy faith and favour : Have mercy upon me , and grant that my life may be a preparation to die , and my death an entrance to life with thee . As upon this day it pleased thee to take my dear Father to thy mercy , whe● I was yet young . O Lord , he was 〈◊〉 servant , thy meek , humble , fai●hful servant : and I assure my self he is in rest , and light , and blessedness . Lord , while I am here behind in my pilgrimage , showre down thy grace upon me . Thou hast been more then a Father to me : thou hast not suffered me to want a Father ; no , not when thou hadst taken him from me . O be pleased to be a Father still , and by thy grace to keep me within the bounds of a Sons obedience . Thou hast given me temporal blessings beyond desert or hope ; O be graciously pleased to heap spiritual blessings on me , that I may grow in faith , obedience , and thankfulness to thee ; that I may make it my joy to perform duty to thee . And after my painful life ended , bring me , I beseech thee , to thy joyes , to thy glory , to thy self : that I and my Parents , with all thy Saints and Servants departed this life , may meet in a blessed glorious resurrection , ever to sing praises and honour to thee , in and through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Deus meus , respice servum tuum , & miserere mei secundum viscera misericordiae tuae . Scandalum ecce factus sum Nomini tuo , dum ambitioni meae & aliorum peccatis servio . Quin & hoc licet aliorum suasu , oblatrante tamen Conscientia perpetravi . Obsecro , Domine , per misericordias Jesu , ne intres in judicium cum servo tuo , sed exaudi sanguinem ejus pro me perorantem : nec hoc Conjugium sit animae meae Divortium a sinu tuo . O quanto satius f●isset si vel hujus diei satis memor , Martyrium cum Proto-martyre tuo potius perpessus essem , negando quod urgebant , aut non satis fidi , aut non satis pii amici mei . Pollicitus sum mihi tenebras peccato huic , sed ecce statim evolavit , nec lux magis aperta , quam ego qui feci . Ita voluisti Domine prae nimia misericordia tua implere ignominia faciem meam , ut discerem quaerere Nomen tuum . O Domine , quam gravis adhuc est memoria peccati hujus etiam hodie , etiam p●st tot & toties repetitas preces a tristi & confusa anima mea coram te profusas . O Domine miserere ; exaudi preces depressi & humiliati valde servi tui . Parce , Domine , et remitte peccata , quae peccatum hoc & induxerunt & sequuta sunt . Nam confiteor , Domine , iterum & eodem die revolventis anni , nec satis adhuc cautus , aut satis humilis factus in aliud grave peccatum incidi ; lapidatus iterum non pro , sed a peccato . Nunc plene suscita me , Domine , ne moriar ultra in peccatis meis ; sed des ut vivam , & vivens gaudeam in te , per merita & miserationes Jesu Christi Salvatoris nostri . Amen . O merciful God , thou hast shewed me much mercy , and done great things for me ; and as I was returning , instead of thankfulness , I wandred out of my way from thee , into a foul and a strange path . There thou madest me see both my folly & my weakness ; Lord , make me ever see them , ever sorry for them . O Lord , for my Saviours sake forgive me the folly , and strengthen me against the weakness for ever . Lord , forgive all my sins , and this ; and make me by thy grace , thy most true ; humble , and faithful servant all the daies of my life , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O misericors Pater , quo me vertam ? Qui & exeundo & revertendo peccavi contra te . Abii cum Prodigo p●●digus in longinquam regionem . Dissipavi substantiam meam , tuam luxuriose . Ibi primum sensi omnia consumpta , & me dignum non meliori quam porcorum consortio : Nec tamen aut vita illa immunda , aut fames gratiae , de reditu ad meliorem frugem vel cogitare fecit . Reversum jam ab itinere infausto ecce judicia tua , Domine , insequuntur me . Ignis corripit tecta sub quibus sum ; vidit enim Deus , nec multum distulit , sed ignis accensus est in Jacob , & ira ascendit in Israel . Et scelera ( non dubito ) mea conflagrationem Collegio minitabantur , & mihi . Nam dum igni extinguendo intentior sum , parum abfuit , quin ab igne extinguerer . Quam ecce misericordia tua , Domine , vix sine miraculo me flammis ●●puit . Nam dum amica manus astantis me vi quadam amovit , eodem instanti ex eodem loco , ubi pedem figere decrevi , prorupit inclusus ignis , in flammas subsidunt gradus , & ego , st ibi invenisset incendium , una periissem . O peccata mea nunquam satis deflenda ! O misericordia tua , Domine , nunquam satis praedicanda ! O poenitentia nunquam mihi magis necessaria ! O gratia tua , Domine , humillime & jugiter imploranda ! Surgo , ô Domine Pater , & ecce venio ; lento quidem & instabili gressu , sed venio , & confiteor : peccavi enim in coelum & contra te , nec dignus sum vocarifilius tuus . Sim , ô Domine , quid vis , modo tuus . Ablue peccata mea in sanguine Filii tui , ut sim tuus . Et concede obsecro , ut sicut tum terror , ita quotidie memoria ignis hujus exurat faeces omnes & reliquias peccatorum meorum : ut me cautiorē factum melior ignis charitatis & devotionis in amorem tui & in odium peccati accendat , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O Domine misericors , glorificetur beatissimum nomen tuum : Ecce enim ego , dum pro Officio Regem sequor , & tui , & humanorum casuum immemor , & mihi praefidens , infausto in via saltu in terram infidam incidi , & Tendonem fregi . Levatus in curtum , Hamptoniam perveni . Cruciatus talis fuit , qualem nervi sentire solent . Et certe in febrem ferventiorem ipse angor conjecisset , nisi ingens defluxus sanguinis me ab illo metu liberasset . Magna infirmitate laboravi , et fere per biennium claudus incessi . Infirmitatem aliquam adhuc sentio , sed , gratiae immortales tibi , O beatissima Trinitas , usum satis perfectum Crurium dedisti mihi , & confirmasti praeter omnium expectationem , gressus meos . Dirigas nunc eos , O Domine , in viis mandatorum tuorum ut nunquam vel inter te & falsum cultum , vel inter te & mundum claudicem ; sed recta pergam , & viam testimoniorum tuorum curram , quum dilatasti cor meum . Oro itaque ne differas vel dilatationem cordis , vel confirmationem pedum in semitis justificationum tuarum , per & propter Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O Eternal God , and my most merciful Father , as this day the fury of the enraged multitude was fierce upon me and my house , to destroy me and to pillage it , it pleased thee in mercy to preserve both , and bring some of them to shame and punishment . I have sinned many ways against thee , O Lord , and this was a loud call of thine and a merciful to bring me to repentance , which I beseech thee give me grace to hear and obey . But what I have done to hurt or offend them , that should stir up this rage against me , I know not . Lord , in thy mercy look down upon me ; fill my heart with thankfulness for this great deliverance , and suffer me not to forget it , or the Examination which I took of my self upon it . And as for them and their like , let them not have their desire , O Lord , let not their mischievous imaginations prosper against me , nor their fury lay hold upon me ; lest they be too proud , and lest I end my wearie days in misery . Yet forgive them , O Lord , for they know not why they did it . And according to thy wonted mercy preserve me to serve thee , and let the same watchful Protection which now defended me , guard me through the remainder of my life . And this for thine own goodness sake , and the merits of my Saviour Iesus Christ. Amen . O Eternal God and merciful Father , I humbly beseech thee look down upon me in this time of my great and grievous affliction . Lord ( if it be thy blessed will ) make mine Innocency appear , and free both me and my Profession from all scandal thus raised on me . And howsoever , if thou be pleased to trie me to the uttermost ; I humbly beseech thee , give me full patience , proportionable comfort , contentment with whatsoever thou sendest , and an heart ready to die for thy Honour , the Kings Happiness , and this Churches Preservation . And my zeal to these is all the sin ( humane frailty excepted ) which is yet known to me in this particular , for which I thus suffer . Lord , look upon me in mercy , and for the merits of Iesus Christ pardon all my sins many and great , which have drawn down this Judgment upon me , and then in all things do with me as seems best in thine own eyes : and make me not only patient under , but thankful for whatsoever thou dost , O Lord , my strength and my Redeemer . Amen . O Eternal God and merciful Father , after long imprisonment I am now at last called to answer ; I most humbly ●eseech thee to strengthen me through this Tryal , to preserve the patience with which thou hast hitherto blessed me through this affliction . Suffer no course language , or other provocation to make me speak or do any thing that may mis-become my person , mine age , my calling , or my present condition . And Lord , I beseech thee , make me able to clear to the world that Innocency which is in my heart concerning this Charge laid against me . Grant this , O Lord , for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . O merciful Lord , I have had a long and a tedious Tryal : And I give thee humble and hearty thanks for the wonderful strength that I have received from thee in the bearing up of my weakness . Lord , continue all thy mercies towards me , for the storm gathers and grows black upon me , and what it threatens is best known to thee . After a long Tryal I am called to answer in the House of Commons ; and that not to Evidence , but to one single man's report of Evidence , and that made without Oath . What this may produce in present or in future , thou knowest also . O Lord , furnish me with patience and true Christian wisdom and courage , to bear up against this drift , and send not out thy storms to beat upon me also ; but look comfortably upon me to my End , in and through the merits of Iesus Christ my Lord and only Saviour . Amen . Prayers added since the restoring of this Book to me , which was taken from me in a search by Mr. Prinne May 31. 1643 : and with much difficulty restored unto me Nov. 6. 1644. O Domine , ad Adventum tuum secundum paratus sim , ne talem me non invenias , qualem voluisti invenire , qui omnia pro me passus es , ut invenires talem , cui non supplicia inferres , sed praemia redderes sempiterna . Amen . O Domine , cum Christi adjutorio sic agere studeam , ut te tam pium Dominum , non solum hospitem recipere possim , sed etiam perpetuum habitatorem habeam , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O AEterne Deus , auxilium tuum imploro , ut veram discretionem , et perfectam charitatem praestare mihi pro tua pietate digneris , cui est gloria & imperium cum Patre & Spiritu Sancto in secula seculorum . Amen . O Domine misericors , qui tanta mihi beneficia concessisti , des insuper mihi cum omni humilitate fidem rectam tenere , charitatem integram cum omnibus hominibus conservare , mundo corde & casto corpore tibi Domino meo servire usque ad finem vitae serio laborem , ut post labores desiderabilem illam vocem audire possim ; Euge serve bone , intra in gaudium Domini tui . Amen . Meditationes praeparantes ad Mortem . O Lord , quicken and comfort my soul , for I have sinned against thee . Lord , I call to mind all the years of my life past in the bitterness of my soul for my sin . My misdeeds have prevailed against me , O be thou merciful unto my sin ; O for thy Names sake be merciful unto my sin , for it is great . Amen . Namely and especially , O Lord , be merciful unto me , &c. Herein O Lord be merciful unto thy servant . O Lord , lay not these , nor the rest unto my charge . O let the depth of my sin call up the depth of thy mercies , of thy grace . Lord , let it come , that where my sin hath abounded , grace may supe●abound . Lord , I believe , help thou my unbelief . O Lord , though thou kill me , yet will I put my trust in thee . Though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death , yet will I fear no evil . For I hope verily to see the goodness of the Lord in the land of the living . O let this Cup pass from me ; nevertheless , if it may not pass from me , but that I must drink of it , thy will be done . Thou art the Lord , do what seemeth good in thine own eyes . For I will take it as the Cup of Salvation , and give thanks to thy Name , O Lord. O Lord , grant that all the dayes of my appointed time upon earth I may wait when my Changing shall come . O that thou wouldst hide me in the grave , and keep me secret until thy wrath be past , and appoint me a time in which thou wilt remember me ! Say unto my soul , O say it now , I am thy Salvation . Command my spirit , whenever thou wilt command it , to be received up to thee in peace . O bid me come unto thee : say unto me , This day shalt thou be with me in Paradise . Lord thus , and now let thy servant depart in peace , that mine eyes may see thy Salvation . O Lord , thou blessed Trinity , three Persons and one God , have mercy upon me . I commend my self into thy hands as to a faithful Creator . Lord , receive thine own Creature , not made by any strange God , but by thee the only living and true God. Despise not , O Lord , the work of thine own hands . I am created to thine own Image and likeness ; O suffer not thine own Image to be defaced , but renew it again in righteousness and true holiness . I commend my self into thy hands , as to a most gracious Redeemer : For thou hast redeemed me , O Lord God of Truth . O Lord , I am the price of thy Blood , of thy most precious Blood ; O suffer not so great , so unvaluable a price to perish . O Lord , thou camest down from heaven to redeem that which was lost ; suffer not that to be lost which thou hast redeemed . I commend my self into thy hands , as to my most blessed Comforter . O Lord , I am weary and heavy laden , and I come to thee to be refreshed by thee . Behold , O Lord , I have been the Temple of thy holy Spirit ; I have I confess , strangely polluted it ; yet destroy me not , but dedicate me anew , and sanctifie me to thy self yet once again . O Lord , I wear thy Name : 't is thy Name that is called upon me . For thy Names sake therefore be merciful unto me . O spare , Lord , if not me , yet thine own Name in me . And do not so remember my sin , O Lord do not , as that in remembring it , thou forget thine own Name . I have desired to fear thy Name , to love and to honour thy Name . And I now desire to depart this life , in the Invocation and Confession of thy Name . Lord , I confess it and call upon it , O come Lord Iesu. Amen . Peccavi O Domine ! Sed non negavi te : O nunquam praevaleat Inimicus ut negem . Sed credo ; O Domine adauge fidem , & non confundar in aeternum . Sed spero ; et quae spes mea nisi tu solus ? suscipe me secundum eloquium tuum , & non confundar ab expectatione mea . Sed praeparavi & direxi cor meum ad te quaerendum : & etiamsi non secundum munditiem Sanctuarii , tamen linum fumigans , & quassam arundinem nec extinguas nec frangas , O Domine Jesu . Sed patienter sustineo castigationem tuam , & taceo quia tu fecisti . Sed remitto debitoribus meis , et tu pollicitus es remissionem remittenti . Sed projicio me in te ; ne te subtrahas , & venientem ad te ne ejicias foras . Sed in Nominis tui confessione & invocatione opto decedere . Quare non propter me , O Domine Jesu , aut quicquam mei , sed propter temetipsum . Propter Nomen tuum . Propter gloriam Nominis tui , & veritatem tuam . Propter misericordias tuas multas , magnas , mirificas . Propter Christum Mediatorem , & Spiritum Paracletum , suscipe reversum ad se , & revertentem ad te . Amen . Et ideo ô Domine Deus meus ! Inter te & me . Christum Sacerdotem , Agnum , Sacrificium . Inter Satanam & me . Christum Regem , Leonem , Triumphum . Inter Peccatum & me . Christi Innocentiam in vita . Inter Poenam peccatorum et me . Christi Satisfactionem , Passionem , Sanguinem . Inter defectum Iustitiae et me . Christi Iustitiam , Obedientiam absolutam . Inter defectum ad Praemium & me . Christi Meritum . Inter defectum Doloris pro peccatis , & me . Christi Lachrimas , & Sudorem . Inter defectum fervoris in Orando & me . Christi Intercessionem . Inter accusationem Satanae vel propriae Conscientiae , et me . Christum Advocatum . Inter Concupiscentiam & me , Christi Charitatem ostendo , offero , commemoro . Acceptum habe Domine , propter . Christum ipsum . Amen . Peccavi O Domine ! Sed non abscondo peccatum . Sed non excuso . Sed ultro fateor . Sed recogito in amaritudine animae . Sed meipsum propter peccata in te odi : des gratiam , ut judicem & vindicem ; ut non sine venia exeam e vita hac mihi miserrima . Amen . O Lord , I have not only sinned , but provoked thee with many and grievous sins ; yet , I beseech thee , remember that I am bnt flesh , even a wind that passeth and cometh not again . Et plus potest ad salutem misericordia Servatoris , quam ad perniciem nequitia mei peccatoris . Amen . O Domine Jesu , non habebas tu quare morereris , & mortuus es pro me : ego habeo quare , des gratiam ne dedigner mori , et paratus sim. Amen . O Domine Jesu , propter illam amaritudinem quam pro me miserrimo sustinuisti in Cruce ; maxime in illa hora , quando nobilissima anima tua egressa est de benedicto corpore tuo , deprecor te miserere animae meae in egressu suo , & perduc eam in vitam aeternam . Amen , Pro Infirmis . DEus , sub cujus nutibus vitaenostrae momēta decurrunt , suscipe quaeso preces meas pro aegrotantibus famulis tuis , pro quibus humillime misericordiae tuae auxilium imploro . Ut reddita sibi sanitate , gratiarum tibi in Ecclesia tua referant actiones , per Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum . Amen . Visitatio Infirmi . EXistimas ne ? Nullum morbum aut crucem casu evenire cuiquam , vel temere . Quin immitti a Deo , citra cujus Providentiā neminē morbo laborare ? Deum autem sapientissimum , ut nihil unquam permittat contingere , nisi quum expedit ? Expedire itaque tibi morbum hunc vel crucem , quem vel quam tibi nunc immisit Deus . Porro Deum Paterno erga nos animo esse . Patrem autem , sive indulgeat sive castiget , aeque Patrem esse : nec minore , & forsan majore hoc quam illud amore facere . Bona tibi diu dedisse , nunc mala dare ; sed nec mala haec , nisi ut majoris boni causa sint , nempe ut redeas ad illum . Gratiae esse hoc , quod toties a te repulsus , tamen nec sic deferat ; quin visitet te denuo , & requirat te . Si sic ; subdes hac in re Divinae voluntati voluntatem tuam , sacrificium omnium ( post Christi ) Deo gratissimum . Confiterisne ? Non tam bene vixisse te quam oportuit ? imo vixisse te male , saepeque & graviter peccasse ? Estne peccatum aliquod praeter vel supra caetera ? vel suntne peccata aliqua , quae gravent Conscientiam tuam , ut peculiaris Absolutionis beneficio tibi sit opus ? Estne scrupulus aliquis circa ea quae sunt Fidei , vel Religionis ? Recogitasne annos elapsos vitae tuae in amaritudine animae tuae ? Cuperesne majorem pro iis amaritudinem sentire , quam sentis ? & gauderesne si sentires ? & doletne quod majorem non sentias ? Petisne illuminari de iis quae ignoras , vel oblitus es , ut de iis poenitere possis ? & poenitetne id etiam quod vel ignoras , vel oblitus es ? Estne propositum si vixeris judicandi ●e , & vindicandi in teipsum quod deliquisti ? Estne propositum si vixeris emendandi vitam , & devitandi tum media , tum signa eorum quae hactenus peccasti ? Hoccine sancte promittis ? An petis de hoc promisso admoneri te libere ? Credisne ? Quae in Symbolo sunt Fidei Christianae semel Sanctis traditae ? Te servari non posse nisi ea credas ? Laetarisne & gratias agis Deo , quod in hac Fide natus es , vixisti , & jam morieris in ea ? Petisne ipse , & visne nos tuo nomine a Deo supplices petere , ne deficiat in te Fides haec ad ipsum , atque adeo ne in ipso mortis articulo ? Petisne etiam ut fructus Fidei hujus , & praecipue Mortis Jesu Christi , utcunque in vita tua periit , tamen ne pereat in morte ? Si te sensus defecerit , aut dolor seu debilitas eousque pertulerit , ut quaedam tibi excidant contra Religionem , seu Praecepta ejus , visne haberi pro non dictis ? & renunciasne iis tanquam non tuis ? Remittisne ? Illis , qui te quocunque modo laeserint , sicut tibi vis remitti ? Petisne a Deo ut ipse quoque illis remittat ? Remittisne illis satisfactionem ad quam tenentur ratione illorum , quibus te verbo vel facto laeserunt ? Visne hoc illis , qui in te peccarunt , tuo nomine significari ; Te illis quantum in te est noxas omnes remisisse ? Remissurusne esses si graviora & plura in te deliquissent ? Gauderesne si plures jam haberes quibus remittere possis , quo inde uberius tibi remissio peccatorum tuorum a Deo impertiri possit ? TU ipse si quos laesisti , petisne ab iis veniam , ut & tibi remittant ? Ecquos imprimis commeministi , & vis significari illis hoc tuo nomine ? Quum remissio nulla sperari potest peccatorum contra octavum vel nonum praeceptum Legis Divinae , nisi fiat restitutio . Paratusne es restituere illis rem , quibus in re familiari ; & illis famam , quibus in fama detraxisti : idque sine dolo , & dila●ione ? Recordarisne qui tandem sint ? Symbolum Apostolicum . CRedo Domine ( tu meae incredulitati subvenito ) esse te Unum Deum , Patrem , Filium , Spiritum Sanctum . Pro summa tua benignitate & potentia creasse Coelos & Terram . Pro immensa charitate omnia in Christo recapitulasse . Qui caro factus et conceptus est . Natus . Mortuus . Resurrexit . Revertetur . Passus . Sepultus . Ascendit . Retribuet . Crucifixus . Descendit . Assedit . Virtute et operatione Spiritus Sancti , ex Universo vocasse Ecclesiam ad sanctitatem . In ea nos consequi bonorum participationem , & peccatorum remissionem . In ea nos expectare carnis resurrectionem , vitam aeternam . CRedo Domine ( ôsupple defectus Fidei meae ! ) Patris benevolum affectum . Omnipotentis potentiam salutarem . Creatoris providentiam in custodia , gubernatione , consummatione mundi . Credo magnum Pietatis Mysterium , propter nos homines , pro nostra salute Deum in Carne revelatum , Filium Patris , Unctum Spiritus , Dominum Jesum . Conceptum esse , et Natum ; ad purgandam impuritatem Conceptionis & Nativitatis nostrae . Passum esse ; quae nos oportuit , ( inexplicabilia ) ne nos oporteret . Crucifixum , Mortuum , et Sepultum , ne haec pro eo timeamus subire . Descendisse ; quo nos oportuit , & ne nos omnino . Resurrexisse , Ascendisse , Consedisse ; ubi nihil nobis , et ut nos quoque . Adventurum Iudicem mundi , ut nos assumat . Credo eum esse . In Conceptione & Generatione , Naturae Purgatorem . In Passione Crucis , Mortis Sepulturae , Redemptorem Personae . In descensu , Triumphatorem Inferni & Mortis . In Resurrectione , Primitias Dormientium . In Ascensione , Praecursorem . In Sessione , Paracletum sive Advocatum . In secundo Adventu & Iudicio , Consummatorem Fidei . Sic loco Abaddon . Satanae . Diaboli . Delatoris . Captivantis . Aculei . Jesum intueor . Mediatorem . Paracletum . Intercessorem . Redemptorem . Christum . Credo autem et Spiritus vim vivificam , sanctificantem . Invisibiliter , extra , efficaciter , tanquam ventus . In Increpatione , Compunctione , Doctri●a , Commone factione , Advocatione , Consolatione , Attestatione , Diffusione Charitatis , Illuminatione Cognitionis . Credo praeterea Spiritus Sancti Corpus mysticum Vocatorum ex universo mundo , ad fidem veritatis & sanctitatem vitae . Membrorum vero Corporis reciprocam participationem . Praeterea Remissionem peccatorum in praesenti , spem vero Resurrectionis et Translationis ad vitam aeternam . DOmine , adde mihi fidem ; non fidem quae legem annihilet . Sed fidem per Charitatē operantem . Operibus efficacem . Vincentem mundum . Sanctissimam denique , ut te amem ut Patrem , verear ut Omnipotentem . Ut fideli Creatori animam in beneficentia committam . Ut in me Christus formetur ; ego vero conformer imagini ejus . Ut pro iis , quae pro me passus est , agam gratias ; ipsi compatiar : pro ipso patiar , quodcunque ipsi visum fuerit . Ut pro ejus Cruce , Morte , Sepultura ulciscar , crucifigam , interimam , sepeliam , quod istis causam praebuit , peccatum . Ut pro descensu ad Inferos , vivus frequenti meditatione descendam in Infernum . Ut conformer Resurrectioni ejus , in novitatem vitae resurgens . Ascensioni vero , quae sunt supra meditans , & quaerens . Ut et Consessus sim memor , quoties dono aliquo Coelestis Consolationis egeo ; & quoties in Invocatione frigeo . Adventus autem , & Iudicii nunquam obliviscar . Tubae resonantis sonum semper audiam , & semper orem , donec ad Dextram constitutus sim. Amen . Conscientiae Quotidianum Examen . O Anima mea ! An egisti Deo pro acceptis beneficiis gratias ? An petiisti gratiam a Deo pro cognitione & expulsione peccatorum ? An exegisti a te ipsa rationem de admissis praesenti die peccatis , cogitatione , verbo , opere , per singulas horas ex quo evigilasti ? An expetiisti veniam de delictis ? An proposuisti cum Dei gratia emendationem ? Benedicta sit sancta & individua Trinitas nunc & semper , & in secula seculorum . Amen . Itinerarium . O Domine , stellam ducem non sum meritus , tribue t●men quaeso mihi iter prosperum , tempus tranquillum , reditum felicem . Ut Angelo tuo sancto comite & custode , ad eum quo pergo locum , deinde ad domum propriam , & demum ad aeternae salutis portum , pervenire feliciter valeam , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Adesto , quaeso Domine , et me famulum tuum custodi ; esto mihi in lubrico baculus , in naufragio portus . Ut te duce , quo tendo prospere perveniam , & demum incolumis ad propria redeam , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . Exaudi Domine supplicationes meas , & viam famuli tui dispone : ut inter omnes vitae & viae hujus varietates , tuo semper protegar auxilio , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . O Domine , salvum me fac servum tuum sperantem in te . Mitte mihi auxilium de Sancto , & de Sion tuere me . Esto mihi turris fortitudinis a facie Inimici . Nihil proficiat Inimicus in me , & filius iniquitatis non opponat nocere mihi . O prosperum iter faciat mihi Deus salutarium nostrorum . Domine exaudi orationem meam , & clamor meus ad te veniat , per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum . Amen . At the laying of the first Stone of a Chappel . O Lord merciful and gracious , this thy People are preparing to build a place for thy Service : Accept I humbly beseech thee their present Devotion , and make them perfect both in their present and future duty ; that while thou givest them ease to honour thee , they may with the greater alacrity go on in thy Service . And now , O Lord , I have by thy mercy and goodness , put to my hand to lay the first stone in this Building : 't is a Corner-stone , make it , I beseech thee , a happy Foundation , a durable Building . Let it rise up , and be made , and continue a House of Prayer and Devotion through all ages ; that thy People may here be taught to believe in Iesus Christ the true Corner-stone , upon whom they and their souls may be built safe for ever . Grant this for the merit of the same Iesus Christ our most blessed Lord and Saviour . To whom with the Father and the Holy Spirit , be ascribed all Power , Majesty , and Dominion this day and for ever . Amen . Prayers upon sundry Publick Occasions . MOst gracious God , we humbly beseech thee , as for this Kingdom in general , so especially for the High Court of Parliament , under our most Religious and Gracious King at this time assembled ; that thou wouldest be pleased to bless and direct all their Consultations , to the preservation of thy Glory , the good of thy Church , the safety , honour , and welfare of our Soveraign and his Kingdomes . Lord , look upon the humility and devotion with which they are come into thy Courts . And they are come into thy House in assured confidence upon the merits and mercies of Christ ( our blessed Saviour , ) that thou wilt not deny them the grace and favour which they beg of thee . Therefore , O Lord , bless them with that wisdom which thou knowest necessary to speed , and bring great designes into action ; and to make the maturity of his Majesties and their Counsels , the happiness and the blessing of this Common-wealth . These , and all other necessaries for them , for us , and thy whole Church , we humbly beg in the Name and Mediation of Iesus Christ our most blessed Lord and Saviour . Amen . O Eternal God and our most gracious Father , thou art the Lord of Hosts , and the strength of all Nations is from thee : If thou keepest not the City , the Watchman waketh but in vain . And no Victory can wait upon the justest Designs , upon the wisest Counsels , upon the strongest Armies , if thou teach not their hands to warre , and their fingers to fight . Thou art the steady hope of all the ends of the earth , and of them which go and remain in the broad sea . Lord , at this time we need thy more special Assistance both by Land and Sea ; and ●or the mercy of Christ deny us neither . Be with our Armies , and the Armies of our Allies and Associates by Land ; be with our Navy at Sea. Be not from the one , nor from the other in power and in great mercy , until thou hast brought them back with honour and a setled Peace . Lord , turn our Enemies sword into their own bosome : For we sought Peace and ensued it ; and while we did so , they did more then make themselves ready to battel . We are thy servants , truly and heartily sorry for our sins . Lord , forgive them , and then we will trust upon thee , that thou wilt pour down all thy blessings upon this & all other designes and actions of this State , undertaken for thy glory , the honour of our most gracious King CHARLES , and the peace and welfare of this Church and Common-wealth . Grant this we humbly beseech thee , for Iesus Christ his sake our only Mediator and Advocate . Amen . Most gracious God , we humbly beseech thee pardon and forgive all our many , great and grievous transgressions . We may not hope thou wilt take off thy punishments , until thou hast forgiven our sins . We may not think thou wilt forgive our sins , until our humiliation and repentance come to ask forgiveness . We have been too slow to come , and now thou hast apparell'd thy Mercy in Justice , to force us to thee . Lord , we believe , but do thou increase our Faith , our Devotion , our Repentance , and all Christian Vertues in us . At this time the viols of thy heavy displeasure drop down upon us , and while we smart under one Judgment , thou threatnest the rest . The Pestilence spreads in our Streets , and so as if it sought whom to devour . No strength is able to stand against it , and it threatens to make Families , nay , Cities desolate . While the Pestilence eats up thy People , we hear the sound of War , and the Sword calleth for such as it would devour . In the mean time the heavens are black over us , and the clouds drop leaneness ; and it will be Famine , to swallow what the Pestilence and the Sword shall leave alive , unless thou send more seasonable weather to give the fruits of the earth in their season . Our sins have deserved all this and more , and we neither do nor can deny it . We have no whither to go but to mercy . We have no way to that , but by the Alsufficient merit of thy Son our blessed Saviour . Lord , for his merit and mercies sake look down upon us thy distressed servants : Command thine Angel to stay his hand , and remember that in death we cannot praise thee , nor give thanks in the pit . Go forth with our Armies when they go , and make us remember that all our strength and deliverance is in thee . Clear up the Heavens over us , and take not from us the great plenty with which thou hast crowned the Earth : but remember us , O thou that feedest the Ravens when they call upon thee . Lord , we need all thy mercies to come upon us , and thy mercies are altogether in Christ , in whom , and for whose sake we beg them of thee , who livest and reignest in the unity of the Spirit , one God , world without end . Amen . O Eternal God and most merciful Father , we humbly beseech thee be merciful unto us , and be near to help us in all those extremities which our sins threaten to bring upon us . Our Enemies are strengthened against us , by our multiplied Rebellions against thee . And we deserve to suffer whatever our Enemies threaten . But there is mercy with thee that thou mayest be feared . O Lord , shew us this mercy , and give us grace so to fear thee , as that we may never be brought to fear or feel them . And whensoever thou wilt correct us for our sins , let us fall into thy hands , and not into the hands of men . Grant this for Iesus Christ his sake our only Mediator and Redeemer . Amen . O Eternal God and most gracious Father , we have deserved whatsoever thy Law hath threatned against sinners . Our Contempt of thy Divine Worship is great , and we hear thy Word , but obey it not . Forgive us , O Lord , forgive us these and all other our grievous sins . Give us light in our understanding , readiness and obedience in our will , discretion in our words and actions ; true , serious , and loyal endeavours for the peace and prosperity of Ierusalem , the unity and glory of this Church and State : that so we may love it and prosper in it , and be full of grace in this life , and filled with glory in the life to come , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O most merciful God , we give thee praise and thanks for the wonderful ceasing of the late raging Pestilence in the chief City of this Kingdom and other places . Lord , shew us yet fa●ther mercy , and look upon all parts of this Land with tender compassion . Keep back the destroying Angel , that he enter not into places that are yet free , nor make farther waste in those which are already visited . Comfort them that are sick , preserve them that are sound , receive them that die to mercy , that living and dying , they and we may continue thy faithful servants , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O most gracious God and loving Father , we have felt thy manifold mercies , no Nation more : and we have committed sins against thee , few Nations greater . Enter not into judgment with us , O Lord , but for Christ and his mercy sake , pacifie thine anger , and save us from the malice and cruelty of our Enemies . They are our crying sins that have called them upon us . Let it be an addition to thy wonted mercy , to restrain their fury . To this end , Lord , p●t thy bridle into their mouths , and thy bit between their teeth . Frustrate their designes● and let them find no way in our Seas , nor any path in our Floods : but scatter them with thy tempest , & follow them with all thy storms ; that we being delivered by thy hand , may bless and honour thy Name , devoutly serving thee all our daies , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Lord , thou gracious Governour of all the Kingdoms of the Earth : Look down , we beseech thee , in mercy upon this Realm , & upon all other Reformed Churches . Save and deliver us and them from the hands of all such as threaten our destruction . Protect the person of our Gracious Soveraign , direct his Counsels , go forth with his Armies , be unto him and to us a wall of brass , and a strong tower of defence against his and our Enemies ; that so we being safe through thy mercy , may live to serve thee in thy Church , and ever give thee praise and glory , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . O Eternal God and merciful Father , all peace and strength of Kingdoms is from thee : and lineal Succession is thy great blessing both upon Princes and States ; the great means to preserve unity , and confirm strength . We therefore give thee humble and hear●y thanks , as for all thy blessings , so especially at this time for thy great mercy and loving-kindness to our dread Soveraign , his Royal Queen , and this whole State , in giving her Majesty hope of her long desired Issue , thereby filling their and our hearts with gladness . Lord , go along with thine own blessings to perfect them . Be with her in soul and in body , preserve her from all dangers . Keep her safe to and in the hour of Travel , that there may be strength to bring forth her Joy and our Hope . And make her a joyful Mother of many Children , to the glory of thy great Name , the happiness of his Majesty , the security of this State , and the flourishing of the Church and true Religion amongst us . Grant this , even for Iesus Christ his sake our only Lord and Saviour . Amen . O Eternal God and merciful Father , since lineal Succession is under thee , the great security of Kingdoms , and the very life of Peace . We therefore give thee most humble and hearty thanks for the great blessing which thou hast again begun to work for our Gracious King CHARLES and this whole State , in giving the Queens Majesty further hopes of a desired and happy Issue . And as we give thee humble and hearty thanks for this , so we pray thee to perfect this great blessing thus begun , to preserve her from all dangers , and to be with her by special assistance in the hour of Travel . Lord , make her a happy Mother of succesful Children , to the increase of thy glory , the comfort of his Majesty , the joy of her own heart , the safety of the State , and the preservation of the Church and true Religion among us . Grant this even for Iesus Christ his sake our only Saviour and Redeemer . Amen . O most merciful God & gracious Father , thou hast given us the joy of our hearts , the contentment of our souls for this life , in blessing our dear and dread Soveraign , and his vertuous Royal Queen with a hopeful Son , & us with a Prince in thy just time and his to rule over us . We give thy glorious Name most humble and hearty thanks for this . Lord , make us so thankful , so obedient to thee for this great mercy , that thy goodness may delight to encrease it to us . Encrease , it good Lord , to more Children , the prop one of another against single hope . Encrease it to more Sons , the great strength of his Majesty and his Throne . Encrease it in the Joy of his Royal Parents , and all true-hearted Subjects . Encrease it by his Christian and happy Education both in Faith and Goodness : that this Kingdom and People may be happy in the long life and prosperity of our most Gracious Soveraign and his Royal Consort . And when fulness of daies must gather time , Lord double his Graces , and make them apparent in this his Heir and his Heirs after him , for all Generations to come , even for Iesus Christ his sake our Lord and only Saviour . Amen . O most gracious God and loving Father , we give thee , as we are bound , most humble and hearty thanks for thy great mercy extended to us and this whole State , in blessing the Queens Majesty with a happy Deliverance in and from the great pains and perils of Child-birth . We humbly beseech thee to continue and encrease this Blessing : to give her strength , that she may happily overcome this , and all dangers else : that his most Gracious Majesty may long have joy in her happy life : that she may have joy in his Majesties prosperity ; that both of them may have comfort in the Royal Prince Charles , the new-born Princess the Lady Mary , and with them in a hopeful , healthful and succesful Posterity : that the whole Kingdome may have fulness of joy in them ; and that both they and we may all have joy in the true honour and service of God : that both Church and Kingdom may be blessed , and their Royal Persons filled with honour in this life , and with eternal happiness in the life to come , even for Iesus Christ his sake our only Lord and Saviour . Amen . O Eternal God and merciful Father , we give thee all humble and hearty thanks for our most Gracious Soveraign Lord King Charles ; both for the gentleness of thy hand in a disease otherwise so troublesome and fearful . And for the mercifulness of thy hand in taking it off : so soon , and so happily . We know and acknowledge before thee our sins , and what grievous punishments they have deserved . But Lord we beseech thee still to remember us in mercy , and long to bless our Gracious King with life and heal●h , and strength , and happiness ; and above all with the fear of thy holy Name : that so he may continue under thee , and over us , a Father of the State , a Patron of the Church , a Comfort to his Royal Queen , till he see his Childrens Children , and peace upon Israel . Grant this good Lord , even for Iesus Christ his sake . Amen . Most gracious God and loving Father , we give thee all humble and hearty thanks for thy great mercy in blessing the Queen's Majesty with a happy Deliverance in and from the great pains and peril of Child-birth . We humbly beseech thee to continue thy mercies towards her , that she may happily overcome this and all other dangers ; that his most Gracious Majesty may long have joy in her most happy life , & both of them comfort in the Royal Prince Charles , & the rest of their Princely Issue ; particularly in the new-born Prince the Duke of York , that they all may prove a healthful , hopeful , and a succesful Posterity ; that both Church and Kingdom may have fulness of joy in them . That their Majesties Royal Persons may be filled with honour in this life , and with eternal happiness in the life to come . And this even for Iesus Christ his sake our only Saviour and Redeemer . Amen . O Eternal God and merciful Father , by whom alone Kings reign , thou Lord of Hosts , and giver of all Victory , we humbly beseech thee to guard our most Gracious Soveraign Lord King Charles ; to bless him in his Person with health and safety , in his Counsels with wisdome and prudence , and in all his Actions with honour and good success . Grant , blessed Lord , that Victory may attend his designes , and that his liege People may rejoyce in thee ; but that shame may cover the face of thine and his treacherous Enemies . Give him , blessed Father , so to settle his Subjects in Peace , and the true fear of thy Divine Majesty , that he may return with joy and honour , and proceed long to Govern his Kingdoms in peace and plenty , and in the happiness of true Religion and Piety all his daies . These blessings , and whatsoever else shall be necessary for him , or for our selves , we humbly beg of thee , O merciful Father , for Iesus Christ his sake our only Mediator and Redeemer . Amen . O Eternal God and merciful Father , by whom alone Kings reign , thou Lord of Hosts and Giver of all Victory : We humbly beseech thee both now and ever to guide & preserve our most gracious Soveraign Lord King CHARLES . To bless him in his Person with health and safety ; in his Counsels with wisdom and prudence , and in all his Actions with honour and good success : especially against those his Traiterous Subjects , who having cast off all Obedience to their Anointed Soveraign , do at this time in Rebellious manner invade this Realm . Grant , Blessed Lord , that Victory may attend his Majesties designs , that his Liege People may rejoyce in thee ; but that shame may cover the faces of thine and his treacherous Enemies , Enable him ( blessed Father ) so to vanquish and subdue them all , that his Loyal Subjects being setled in Peace and the true fear of thy holy Name , he may return with joy and honour , & continue to Govern his Kingdomes in peace and plenty , and in the happiness of true Religion and Piety all his daies . These blessings , and whatsoever else shall be necessary for him , or for our selves , we humbly beg of thee , O merciful Father , for Iesus Christ his sake , our only Mediator and Redeemer . Amen . Quotidie . O Lord , forgive me all my sins that are past . O Lord , strengthen me against all Temptations , especially the Temptations of , &c. O Lord , fill my heart with thankfulness : and I do give thee most humble and hearty thanks for the great deliverance of me from the rage and fury of the Multitude . O Lord , let the same wings of thy merciful protection be spread over me all the daies of my life . O Lord , give me a faithful , a patient , a penitent , a persevering heart in thy service ; that so I may with comfort daily nay hourly expect when my Changing shall come . So Amen , Lord Iesu. Amen . Absolutio . OUr Lord Iesus Christ , who hath left power to his Church to Absolve all sinners , which truely repent and believe in him , of his great mercy forgive thee thine offences . And by his Authority committed to me , I Absolve thee from all thy sins , In the Name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost . Amen . Admissio in Ecclesiam . GOd , who of his mercy hath given you grace to give your self to his Church ; Preserve aud keep you in his Truth , free both from Superstition and Prophaneness . The Lord bless and keep you . The Lord make his face shine upon you , and be merciful unto you . The Lord lift up his countenance upon you , and give you peace in Conscience , and constancy in Truth . And by the power of Ministration committed to me by our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ , I Readmit you into the Fellowship of his Church , in the Name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost , Amen . His Grace's Speech , according to the Original , written with his own hand , and delivered by him upon the Scaffold on Tower-hill , Jan. 10. 1644. to his Chaplain Dr. Sterne , now Lord Arch-Bishop of York . Good People , THis is an uncomfortable time to preach ; yet I shall begin with a Text of Scripture , Heb. 12.2 . Let us run with patience that race which is set before us : Looking unto Jesus the Author and Finisher of our Faith , who for the joy that was set before him , endured the Cross , despising the shame , and is set down at the right hand of the throne of God. I have been long in my Race , and how I have looked unto Iesus the Author and Finisher of my Faith , he best knows . I am now come to the end of my Race , and here I find the Cross , a death of shame . But the shame must be despised , or no coming to the right hand of God. Iesus despised the shame for me , and God forbid that I should not despise the shame for Him. I am going apace ( as you see ) towards the Red sea , and my feet are upon the very brink of it : An argument ( I hope ) that God is bringing me into the Land of Promise ; for that was the way through which he led his people . But before they came to it , he instituted a Passeover for them . A Lamb it was , but it must be eaten with sowre herbs , Exod. 12. 8. I shall obey , and labour to digest the sowr herbs , as well as the Lamb. And I shall remember it is the Lords Passeover . I shall not think of the herbs , nor be angry with the hands that gathered them ; but look up only to him who instituted that , and governs these . For men can have no more power over me then what is given them from above , S. Iohn . 19. 11. I am not in love with this Passage through the Red-sea , for I have the weakness and infirmity of flesh and blood plentifully in me . And I have prayed with my Saviour , Ut transiret calix iste , that this cup of red wine might pass from me , S. Luke 22. 42. But if not , Gods will , not mine , be done . And I shall most willingly drink of this cup as deep as he pleases , and enter into this Sea , yea , and pass through it in the way that he shall lead me . But I would have it remembred ( Good people ) that when Gods servants were in this boisterous Sea , and Aaron among them , the Egyptians which persecuted them , and did in a manner drive them into that Sea , were drowned in the same waters , while they were in pursuit of them . I know my God , whom I serve , is as able to deliver me from this Sea of blood , as he was to deliver the three Children from the Furnace , Dan. 3. And ( I most humbly thank my Saviour for it ) my resolution is , as theirs was : They would not worship the Image which the King had set up , nor will I the Imaginations which the People are setting up . Nor will I forsake the Temple and the Truth of God to follow the bleating of Ieroboams Calves in Dan and in Bethel . And as for this People , they are at this day miserably misled : God of his mercy open their eyes , that they may see the right way . For at this day the blind lead the blind ; and if they go on , both will certainly into the ditch , S. Luke 6. 39. For my self , I am ( and I acknowledge it in all humility ) a most grievous sinner many ways , by thought , word , and deed : And yet I cannot doubt but that God hath mercy in store for me a poor penitent , as well as for other sinners . I have now upon this sad occasion ransacked every corner of my heart ; and yet I thank God I have not found among the many , any one sin , which deserves death by any known Law of this Kingdom . And yet hereby I charge nothing upon my Judges : For if they proceed upon proof by valuable witnesses , I or any other Innocent may be justly condemned . And I thank God , though the weight of the Sentence lie heavy upon me , I am as quiet within as ever I was in my life . And though I am not only the first Archbishop , but the first man that ever died by an Ordinance in Parliament , yet some of my Predecessors have gone this way , though not by this means . For Elphegus was hurried away and lost his head by the Danes ; Simon Sudbury in the Fury of Wat Tyler and his fellows . Before these S. Iohn Baptist had his head danced off by a lewd Woman : And S. Cyprian Archbishop of Carthage submitted his head to a persecuting sword . Many examples great and good ; and they teach me patience . For I hope my Cause in heaven will look of another die , then the colour that is put upon it here . And some comfort it is to me , not only that I go the way of these great men in their several Generations ; but also that my Charge , as foul as it is made , looks like that of the Jews against S. Paul , Acts 25. 8. For he was accused for the Law and the Temple , i. e. Religion . And like that of S. Stephen , Acts 6. 14. for breaking the Ordinances which Moses gave , i. e. Law and Religion , the Holy Place and the Law , ver . 13. But you will say , Do I then compare my self with the integrity of S. Paul and S. Stephen ? No , far be that from me . I only raise a comfort to my self , that these great Saints and Servants of God were laid at in their times as I am now . And it is memorable that S. Paul , who helped on this accusation against S. Stephen , did after fall under the very same himself . Yea , but here 's a great clamour that I would have brought in Popery . I shall answer that more fully by and by . In the mean time you know what the Pharisees laid against Christ himself , S. Iohn 11. 48. If we let him alone , all men will believe on him : Et venient Romani , and the Romans will come , and take away both our Place and the Nation . Here was a causeless cry against Christ , that the Romans would come . And see how just the judgment of God was . They crucified Christ for fear lest the Romans should come ; and his death was it which brought in the Romans upon them ; God punishing them with that which they most feared . And I pray God this clamour of Venient Romani , of which I have given no cause , help not to bring them in . For the Pope never had such a Harvest in England since the Reformation , as he hath now upon the Sects aud Divisions that are amongst us . In the mean time , by honour and dishonour , by good report and evil report , as a deceiver and yet true , am I passing through this world , 2 Cor. 6. 8. Some particulars also I think it not amiss to speak of . 1. And first , this I shall be bold to speak of the King our gracious Soveraign : He hath been much traduced also for bringing in of Popery . But on my Conscience ( of which I shall give God a present account ) I know him to be as free from this Charge as any man living : And I hold him to be as sound a Protestant according to the Religion by Law established , as any man in his Kingdom ; and that he will venture his life as far and as freely for it . And I think I do or should know both his affection to Religion , and his grounds for it , as fully as any man in England . 2. The second particular is concerning this great and populous City ( which God bless . ) Here hath been of late a fashion taken up to gather hands , and then go to the great Court of the Kingdom , the Parliament , and clamour for Justice ; as if that great and wise Court , before whom the Causes come which are unknown to the Many , could not or would not do Justice but at their appointment ; a way which may endanger many an innocent man , and pluck his blood upon their own heads , and perhaps upon the Cities also . And this hath been lately practised against my self : the Magistrates standing still and suffering them openly to proceed from Parish to Parish without check . God forgive the setters of this , withall my heart I beg it : but many well-meaning people are caught by it . In S. Stephens case , when nothing else would serve , they stirred up the people against him , Act. 6. 12. And Herod went the same way : when he had killed S. Iames , yet he would not venture upon S. Peter , till he found how the other pleased the people , Acts 12. 3. But take heed of having your hands full of blood , Esai . 1. 15. For there is a time best known to himself , when God above other sins makes Inquisition for blood . And when that Inquisition is on foot , the Psalmist tells us , Psal. 9. 12. that God remembers ; but that 's not all , he remembers , and forgets not the complaint of the poor , i. e. whose blood is shed by Oppression , ver . 9. Take heed of this : 'T is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God , Heb. 12. but then especially , when he is making Inquisition for blood . And with my prayers to avert it , I do heartily desire this City to remember the Prophecy that is expressed Ierem. 26. 15. 3. The third particular is the poor Church of England . It hath flourished , and been a shelter to other neighbouring Churches , when storms have driven upon them . But alas now it is in a storm it self , and God only knows whether or how it shall get out . And which is worse then a storm from without , it is become like an Oak cleft to shivers with wedges made out of its own body . And at every cleft profaneness and irreligion is entring in ; While ( as * Prosper speaks ) men that introduce profaneness are cloaked over with the name Religionis Imaginariae , of Imaginary Religion : for we have lost the Substance , and dwell too much in Opinion . And that Church , which all the Jesuits machinations could not ruine , is fallen into danger by her own . 4. The last particular ( for I I am not willing to be too long ) is my self . I was born and baptized in the bosome of the Church of England established by Law. In that Profession I have ever since lived , and in that I come now to die . What clamours and slanders I have endured for labouring to keep an Uniformity in the external Service of God , according to the Doctrine and Discipline of this Church , all men know , and I have abundantly felt . Now at last I am accused of High-treason in Parliament , a crime which my soul ever abhorred . This Treason was charged to consist of two parts , An endeavour to subvert the Laws of the Land : and a like endeavour to overthrow the true Protestant Religion established by Law. Besides my answers to the several Charges , I Protested mine innocency in both Houses . It was said , Prisoners Protestations at the Barre must not be taken . I must therefore come now to it upon my death , being instantly to give God an account for the truth of it . I do therefore here in the presence of God and his holy Angels take it upon my death , that I never endeavoured the Subversion either of Law or Religion . And I desire you all to remember this Protest of mine for my innocency in this , and from all Treasons whatsoever . I have been accused likewise as an Enemy to Parliaments : No , I understand them , and the benefit that comes by them too well to be so : But I did dislike the misgovernments of some Parliaments many wayes , and I had good reason for it ; for Corruptio optimi est pessima . And that being the highest Court , over which no other hath jurisdiction , when 't is misinformed or misgoverned , the Subject is left without all remedy . But I have done . I forgive all the world , all and every of those bitter Enemies which have persecuted me ; and humbly desire to be forgiven of God first , and then of every man. And so I heartily desire you to joyn in prayer with me . O Eternal God and merciful Father , look down upon me in mercy , in the riches and fulness of all thy mercies . Look upon me , but not till thou hast nailed my sins to the Cross of Christ , not till thou hast bathed me in the blood of Christ , not till I have hid my self in the wounds of Christ ; that so the punishment due unto my sins may pass over me . And since thou art pleased to trie me to the uttermost , I most humbly beseech thee , give me now in this great Instant , full patience , proportionable comfort , and a heart ready to die for thine honour , the Kings happiness , and this Churches preservation . And my zeal to these ( far from arrogancy be it spoken ) is all the sin ( humane frailty excepted , and all incidents thereto ) which is yet known to me in this particular , for which I come now to suffer : I say in this particular of Treason . But otherwise my sins are many and great ; Lord pardon them all , and those especially ( what ever they are ) which have drawn down this present judgment upon me . And when thou hast given me strength to bear it , do with me as seems best in thine own eyes , Amen . And that there may be a stop of this issue of blood in this more then miserable Kingdom , O Lord , I beseech thee give grace of repentance to all Blood-thirsty people . But if they will not repent , O Lord confound all their devices , defeat and frustrate all their designes and endeavours upon them , which are or shall be contrary to the glory of thy great Name , the truth and sincerity of Religion , the establishment of the King and his posterity after him in their just Rights and Priviledges , the honour and conservation of Parliaments in their just power , the preservation of this poor Church in her Truth , Peace , and Patrimony , and the settlement of this distracted and distressed People under their Ancient Laws , and in their native Liberties . And when thou hast done all this in meer mercy for them , O Lord , fill their hearts with thankfulness , and with Religious dutiful obedience to thee and thy Commandments all their dayes . So , Amen Lord Iesu , Amen . And receive my soul into thy bosom . Amen . Our Father which art in heaven , &c. The Lord Archbishop's Prayer , as he kneeled by the Block . LOrd , I am coming as fast as I can . I know I must pass through the shadow of death , before I can come to see thee . But it is but Umbra mortis , a meer shadow of death , a little darkness upon nature : but thou by thy Merits and Passion hast broke through the jaws of death . So , Lord receive my soul , and have mercy upon me : and bless this Kingdome with peace and plenty , and with brotherly love and charity , that there may not be this effusion of Christian bloud amongst them , for Iesus Christ his sake , if it be thy will. Then he layd his head upon the Block , and after he had prayed to himself , said aloud , Lord receive my Soul , which was the signal given to the Executioner . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A49717-e280 Oratio Dominica . Gerson ali●er : par . 3. pa● 1147. The Preface . Petitions . The Doxologie . Notes for div A49717-e1560 Pro Gratia Praeveniente . Liturg. Anglic. Confessio cum precatione . Per L. A. W. Pro Remissione Peccatorum . Pro Donis . Gratiarum Actio . Pro Ecclesia Catholica . Pro Ecclesia Particulari . Pro Rege . Pro Amicis & Consanguineis . Pro Servis . Pro Afflictis . S. Aug. 2. cont . Advers : Leg. & Prophet . cap. 2. Pro Omnibus , etiam Inimicis . Submissio mei . Hora Mortis . Notes for div A49717-e2310 Hora 1. i.e. Mane. Psal. 43. 3,4 . Domin . 2. post Epiph . Ad vent . Dom. 1. Domin . 2. Dom. 4. Hor. 3. sive●ona ●ona Matutina . Psal. 34. 7 , 8. Psal. 48. 9. Psal. 63. 3. Psalm . 84. 1. Domin . 1. post Epiph . Domin . 3. post Epiph. Domin . 4● post Epiph . Hora 6. i. Meridie . Psal. 19. 12 , 13. Praesumptio . Psal. 84. 4. Nazianz Orat. 13. Charitas . Domin . Pasch. Pro Grati● . Dom. 1. post Pascha . Contra Malitiam . Domin . 2. post Pascha . ●ora 9. i. e. Ter●ia Pome●●d● Psal. 37. 7 , 8. Paulinus Epist. 9. Princip . Psal. 52. 8. Pro meipso . Psalm . 9. 13. Aug. 14. 1629. Pro omni dono . Pentecoste . Domin . Trinit . Vesperi . Dan. 9. 19. Psal. 49● 16 , 17. Patientia . Psal. 119. 82. Domin . Sexagesima . Contra Adversitatem . Domin . Quinquagesima . Pro Charitate . Completorium . The Compline is before bed time . Amos 7. 2 , 5. Prov. 3. 24. Somnus . Domin . 4. Quadrag . For Relief . Bed● time . Et Nocte , si vigiles . Psal. 13.3 . Psal. 17.3 . Psal. 119. 164. Domin . 5. Post Pascha . Cogitationes . Notes for div A49717-e4430 Mane Psal. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. Psal. 96. 2. Gratiae . Prov. 2. 11. Consilium . Jerem. 10. 23. Viarum Directio . Ho●a tertia . 2 Esdr. 8. 45 , 31. Misericordia . Psal. 74. 24. Consilium Sitire Deum . Psal. 119. 29. Veritas . Obedientia . Domin . 1. post Trin. Pro Gratia . Hora 6. Tob. 3. 2,3,6 . Misericordia . Jer. 14. 20. Venia . Liturg. Angl. Domin . 3. post Trinit . Pro Defensione . Aug. Serm. 18● de Sanctis . Hora. 9. 2 Macc. 1. 3 , 4,5 . Misericordia . Ps. 106.4 . Remember me . Dom. 4. post . Trin. Vesperi . Psal. 17. 1. Exaudire . S. Hilar. L. 12. de Trin. p. 195. Praesumptio . Coll. Vesp. pro auxilio contra omnia pericula . Nox . Dom. 6. post Trin. Obedientia . The Compline . Psal. 17. 6 , 7 , 8. Defensio . Psal. 141. 2. Exaudire Psal. 28. 8. Gratiae . Dom. 7. post Trin. Religio . Bed-time Et Nocte , si vigiles . Psal. 39. 5. &c. Mors. Gregor . Nazian . Orat. 8. Submissio meiipsius . Notes for div A49717-e6200 Mane. Psa. 1.1,2 . Praeservatio . Erasmus . Illuminatio . Prov. 3. 26. Dom. 9. post Trin. Cogitationes . Gratia. Hora. 3. Psal. 25. 1,3,4 . &c. Pro omnis generis auxilio . Domin . 2. Quadrages : Pro Praeservatione . Hora 6. Psal. 27. 8,9,10 , 11. Exaudire . Psal. 55. 18. Paulin. Epist. 17. pag. 181. Deliverance . Dom. 10. post Trin Hora 9. Psal. 31. 19 , 21. Gloria Deo. Psal. 42. 3. Tempore advero . Dom. 3. post Pasc. Illuminatio . Obedientia . Vesperi . S. Ambros . Ser. 8. in Psal. 118. Venia . Psal. 91.1 Auxilium . Dom. 11. post Trinitatem . Completorium . Psal. 46.1 . Auxilin̄ . Psal. 119. 122. Misericordia . Dom. 14. post Trin. Donum omne . ●ed time Et Nocte , ●i vigiles . Psal. 50. 15. ●er . 10. 24. S. Ambr. 5. Hexā . ca. 25. Poenitentia . Dom. 4. post Pasc. Obedientia . Notes for div A49717-e7650 Mane. Baruch 2. 12,14 . Poenitentia . Psal. 119. 147. Exaudire . Psal. 143. 8. Hora. 3. Psal. 39. 9,7 , 8. Spes . Poenitentia . Gr. Naz. Orat. 6. fine . pag. 144. Pro grege Hora 6. Psal. 35. 1 , 3. Defensio . Ps. 86. 6. Exaudire . Ps. 120.2 . Deliverance . Dom. 15. post Trin. Hora 9. Esai . 55. 6,7 . Paenitentia . Psal. 86. 11. Timor Dei. Dom. 17. post Trin. Pro Gratia . Vesperi . Psal. 51. 1. Poenitentia . S. Aug. Ser. 30. de Verb. Dom. & Ser. 120. de Diversis , et Ser. 2. Donum omne . Dom. 18. post Trin. Obedientia . Compline . Ps. 51.17 . Poenitentia . Misericordia . Dom. 19. post Trin. Bed-time Et Nocte , si vigiles . Psal. 63.6 Nox . Psal. 119. 148. Somnus . Notes for div A49717-e9140 Mane. Psal. 17. 5. S. Aug. de 5. Haeres . cap. 7. Auxilium . Ps. 63.1 . Consolatio . Esay 33. 2,5,6 . Ascensioonis dies . Dom. post Ascen . Hora 3. Ps. 55. 2. Exaudire . Ps. 86.14 . Inimici . Liturg. Angl. Defensio . Hora 6. Psal. 55. 22. Blandientes . Ps. 94.12 . Correctio . Dom. 20. post Trin● Defensio . Obedientia . Hora 9. Patientia S. Aug. cont . Epist . Fundam . c. 37. Psal. 109. 1. Opprobrium . Prec . Mat. Coll. pro Pace . Et pro defensione . Vesperi . Aug. de 5. Haeres . c. 7. Psal. 140. 1 , 2. Inimici . Coll. 1. Precum Vespert . Pro Pace . Compline . Psal. 57.1 . Spes . S. Aug. Nom. Scala Paradisi . c. 4. Sitire Deum . Liturg. Angl. Praeservatio . Bed-time Et noc●e , si vigiles Ps. 77.1,2 . Tempore valde premente . Somnus . Coll. in fine Lit. Anglic. Defensio . Notes for div A49717-e10800 Mane. S. Aug. L. 1. Ret. c. 15. & de Duab. Anim. cont . Manich . c. 15. Ps. 88.13 . Dom. 2. post Trin. Timere , Amare Deum . Parasceue . Domin . ante Pasc. Coll. 1. diei . Ecclesia . Coll. 2. diei . Pro omnibus . Hora 3. S. Aug. de 5. Haeres . cap. 7. Haereses . Psal. 109. 20. Deliverance . Ps. 25.14 . Liturg. Angl. Exaudire . Hora 6. Ps. 79. 8. Venia . Psal. 115. 1. S. Athan. Lib. 1. de Vnita Deitate Trinit . pag. 444. Dom. Trinit . Hora 9. Ps. 80. 4. S. Chrysost . L. 3. de Sacerdotio . Ecclesia . Vesperi . Psal. 88. 1 , 2. Afflictiones . S. Hilar. l. 12. de Trin. fine . Fides . Compline . Psal. 92. 1 , 2. Misericordia . Nox . Bed-time Et Nocte , si vigiles . Psal. 119. 49 , 54. Gr. Naz. Orat. 10. p 176. Mors. Aug. Ser. 53. de diversis . Notes for div A49717-e12340 Mane. Ps. 59.16 . Laus Dei. Ps. 90.17 . Benedictio Psal. 119. 18 Illuminatio . Prec . Mat. Coll. pro Gratia. Auxilium . Hora. 3. Ps. 62. 5. Oratio Ezekiae , 2 Chron. 30. 19. Imperfectio . Ps. 138.7 . Inimici . Psal. 119. 121. Inimici . ver . 122. Liturg. Angl. Infirmitas . Hora 6. Ps. 62. 8. Ps. 119.5 . Viarum directio . Psal. 119. 33. Timor Dei. Hora 9. Ps. 81. 7. Exaudire . Afflictiones . Psal. 119. 10 , 12. Viarum directio . Vesperi . Ps. 134. 1. Laus Dei. Protectio . Completorium . Psal. 139. 10. Confessio . Gratiarum actio . Psal. 71. 17 , 19. &c. Laus Dei. Gratiarum actio . Bed-time Et Nocte , si vigiles . Ps. 121.4 . Psal. 119. 59. Procrastinatio . Ps. 120.4 . Mors. Adoratio & Glorificatio Dei mei . S. Aug. l. 2. Confess . c. 4. Notes for div A49717-e13890 Ps. 19.13 . Psal. 119. 37. Salvian . l. 6. de Gubernatione Dei. p. 222. Ps. 19.14 . Psal. 34. 12 , 13. Ps. 37.31 . Psal. 39. 1 , 2. Psal. 119. 108. Ps. 141.3 . Ecclus. 22. 27. David fugiens 2. Sam. 15. 25. 2 Cor. 4. 8. ver . 16. Psal. 38. 10. Psal. 119. 65. ver . 75. Baruch 3. 1 , &c. Ps. 9. 18. Psal. 31. 8 , &c. ver . 10. 12. 14. 15. 16. Ps. 42. 6. Psal. 44. 23. Ps. 31. 1. Ps. 55. 3. Psal. 60. 11. Pericula . Ps. 80. 5. Psal. 109. 25. Psal. 119. 92. Ps. 39. 9 , 11. Ps. 91. 3. ver . 10. Ps. 79.12 . Domin . Septuagesima . Si intre● Familiā . Liturg. Angl. Liturg. Angl. Gratiarum actio post Liberationem . Psal. 18. 3 , 4 , 5. Psal. 31.6 . Psal. 32.4 . Psal. 39. 13. Psal. 116. 2 , 3. Psal. 118. 18. Liberatio à morbo gravissimo , in quē incidi Aug. 14. 1629. Esai . 8. 9 , 10. 1 Macc. 4. 30. Ps. 18.37 . Ps. 46. 9. Ps. 44.10 . Psal. 108. 11. Liturg. Angl. Liturg. Angl. Gratiarum actio . Ps. 9. 12. Psal. 10 , 13 , 16. Psal. 22. 23 Ps. 70.5 . Psal. 25. 15. Psal. 61.1 . Psal. 69. 1 , 15. Psal. 119. 28. Psal. 119. 143. Tristitia . Psal. 44. 14. Psal. 55. 9 , 16. Psal. 57. 3 , 4. Ps. 71.7 . Psal. 89. 49. Psal. 119. 95. Psal. 119. 150. ver . 157. Psal. 119. 22. ver . 39. Ps. 19. 9. Ps. 41. 9. Ps. 57. 5. Psal. 71. 10. Psal. 119. 85. Psal. 141. 10. Psal. 142. 2 , 7. Psal. 9.7 . Ps. 28. 2. Ps. 61. 4. Psal. 100. 3 , 4. Ps. 26. 8. Psal. 37. 19. Psal. 65. 3 , 9. Liturg. Angl. Litan . Angl. Liturg. Angl. Liturg. Angl. Psalmi . Psal. 90. 13. Psal. 119. 116 , 120. ver . 176. Jer. 14. 7 , 8 , 9. Psal. 25. 10. Coll. in die Ciner . Dom. 12. post Trin. Dom. 21. post Trin. Dom. 24. post Trin. Coll. in fine Lit. Angl. Lit. Angl. Liturg. Angl. Liturg. Angl. in Commun . Ibidem . S. Aug. Ser. 7. de Tempore . Pro liberatione ab Inimicis . Ps. 30. 1. Ps. 35.9 . Ps. 7. 18. Psal. 47. 2 , 3. Post Victoriam in bell● . Psal. 56. 12. S. Aug. Orat. de 5. H●res . cap. 7. Psal. 57. 7. Psal. 9.1 . Ps. 13. 5. Psal. 22. 23. Ps. 30. 9. Ps. 34. 1. Ps. 71. 8. Psal. 71. 20. Psal. 86. 12. Psal. 135. 3. Psal. 138. 1. S. Mat. 5. 44. Psal. 25. 18. Dom. 3. Quadrag . Ps. 56. 1. Psal. 35. 19. Psal. 7.1 . Ps. 9. 13. Psal. 64.1 . Menev. Bathon . London . Dioecesis . S. Aug. lib. 22. contra Faust. ca. 69. de Mose . Esal . 55. 10. Ps. 61. 6. Psal. 20.1 . Dom. 5. po Epistphan . Psal. 80. 8. Psal. 127. 1. Ecclesia Angl. post Possessiones direptas . Nehem. 9. 32 , 33. Psal. 33. 10 , 12. Dan. 9. 16 , 17. Psal. 79. 12. Alias the Sick , the Afflicted . Psal. 69. 9. Dom. 1. Quadrag . Dom. 25. post Trin. 1 Tim. 5. 22. 2 Tim. 1. 6. Dom. 5. post Trin. Pro Ecclesia . Dom. 16. post Trin. Dom. 22. post Trin. Psal. 137. 1. Psal. 141. 8. Praevia . Coll. pro Mundatione Cordis . Litan . brevis . Coll. 3 in die Parasc . Dum Altari adsto , si fieri possit . Si non , tum mane , &c Immediate ante perceptionem Panis . Immediate po●t receptionem utriusque speci●● . The Spanish Journey . The Isle of Re , 1627. His death Aug. 23. 1628. Ps. 71.9 . ver . 16. Psal. 89. 44. Psal. 90. 12. Psal. 102. 2. ver . 3. ver . 11. ver . 23. ver . 24. 1. Cor. 10. 15. Psal. 142. 9. Psal. 146. 4 , 6. Psal. 88. 6 , 7. Ps. 68. 6. Apr. 11. 1594. ●ors Pa●ris . Dies erat Mercurii . Et Nov. 24. 1600. Mors Matris . Decemb. 26. 1605. Dies erat Iovis , & Festum S. Stephani . ●om . Devon . & E.M. An. 1609. Iulii 28. 1617. Die Lun● E. B. Et Martii 6. 1641 / ● . Sept. 26. 1617. Die Veneris . Ignis & periculum inde . Febr. 5. 1628. die Martis Computo Iuliano Tendonē fregi , & iter . Mar. 6. die Soli● inter ambulandum in cubiculo in Turri London . Anno 1641 / 2. Maii 11. 1640. My house at Lambeth beset with violent and hase people . Decemb. 18. 1640. I was accused by the House of Commons of High-Treason . Octob. 24. 1643. I received Additional Articles and Summōs to my Trial. Nov. 1. 1644. I received Summōs to appear in the House of Commōs next morning . August . Ser. 193. de Temp. Ibidem Ser. 198. Ibidem Ser. 202. Ibidem Ser. 204. Psal. 138 8. Gen. 2. Eph. 4. 24. Dan. 9. 19. Neh. 1.11 . Psal. 78. 40. S. August . T. 3. in S. Iohan. Hammersmith Chappel March 11. 1629. For the H. Court of Parliament , 1625. Tempore Iejunii ob Pestem gravissimam . For the Navy , 1625. In time of Pestilence & unseasonable Weather , 1625. In danger of Enemies . 1626. Gratiarum actio pro Pestilentia extincta . 1626. In danger of Enemies . 1626. 1626. 1628. For the s●fe child-bearing of the Queens Majesty , 1628. For the safe child●bearing of the Q●eens Majesty . 1629. 1631. A Thanksgiving for the Queens safe Delivery , and happy Birth of Prince Charles 1630. May 29. A Thanksgiving for the Queens safe Delivery , and happy Birth of the Lady Mary , Nov. 4. 1631. A Thanksgiving for his Majesties Recovery from the Small Pocks 1632. A Thanksgiving for the Queens safe Delivery , and happy Birth of Iames Duke of York . A Prayer for the King's Majesty in his Northern Expedition , 1639. For the King in his Northern Expedition , 1640. Numb . 6. 24. * Lib. 2. de vitae contempt . cap. 4. 
A88789	----	Seven sermons preached upon severall occasions by the Right Reverend and learned Father in God, William Laud, late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, &c. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 1651 Approx. 438 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 175 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A88789 Wing L598 Thomason E1283_1 ESTC R202684 99862887 99862887 115067 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88789) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 115067) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 173:E1283[1]) Seven sermons preached upon severall occasions by the Right Reverend and learned Father in God, William Laud, late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, &c. Laud, William, 1573-1645. [6], 339, [1] p. Printed for R. Lowndes, at the White Lion in S. Pauls Church-yard, London : MDCLI. [1651] Annotation on Thomason copy: "June 19". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2007-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2008-07 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion SEVEN SERMONS PREACHED Upon severall occasions BY The Right Reverend and Learned Father in God , WILLIAM LAVD , Late Arch-Bishop of CANTERBURY , &c. LONDON , Printed for R. Lowndes , at the White Lion in S. Pauls Church-yard . MDCLI . The severall Texts of Scripture on which the learned Author grounded the inlargement of his Meditations . SERM. I. PSAL. 122. 6 , 7. 6. Pray for the Peace of Jerusalem ; let them prosper that love thee . 7. Peace be within thy walls , and prosperity within thy Palaces . p. 1. SERM. II. PSAL. 21. 6 , 7. For thou hast set him as Blessings for ever : thou hast made him glad with the joy of thy countenance . Because the King trusteth in the Lord : and in the mercy of the most High he shall not miscarry . p. 47 SERM. III. PSAL. 122. 3 , 4 , 5. Jerusalem is builded as a Citie that is at unitie in it selfe , ( or , compacted together . ) For thither the Tribes goe up , even the Tribes of the Lord , to the Testimony of Israel , to give thanks unto the Name of the Lord. For there are the Seats ( or the Thrones ) of Judgement ; even the Thrones of the house of David . 95 SERM. IV. PSAL. 75. 2 , 3. When I shall receive the Congregation , ( or , when I shall take a convenient time ) I will judge according unto right . The earth is dissolved , ( or , melted ) and all the Inhabitants thereof ; I beare up the pillars of it . p. 145. SERM. V. PSAL. 74. 22. Arise , O God , ( plead , or ) maintaine thine owne Cause : Remember how the foolish man ( reprocheth , or ) blasphemeth thee daily . p. 191. SERM. VI. EPHES. 4. 3. Endeavouring to keep the Vnity of the Spirit , in the bond of peace . 241. SERM. VII . PSAL. 72. 1. Give the King thy Judgements , O God , And thy Righteousnesse unto the Kings Son. p. 287. SERM. I. Preached before His Majesty , on Tuesday the 19. of June , at Wansted , Anno 1621. PSAL. 122. 6 , 7. 6. Pray for the peace of Jerusalem ; let them prosper that love thee . 7. Peace be within thy walls , and prosperity within thy Palaces . THe Arke of the Lord was brought out of the house of Obed-edom the Gittite , with musick and great joy , into Jerusalem , and there placed , 2 Reg. 6. The learned are of opinion , that David composed this Psalm , and delivered it to be sung at this solemnity . Before this , the Arke was in Gibeah , a high place in the City Baalah of Judah , 2 Reg. 6. otherwise called Kiriathjearim , Josh . 15. 9. But now the presence of it made the City of David , Domicilium religionis , the house of Religion , as well as Regni , of the Kingdome . It is Domus Dei , the house of Religion , Gods house , ver . 1. and the last of this Psalme . And it is the house of the Kingdome too : for there is the seat of Judgement , and there is the house of David , ver . 5. And it is fit , very fit it should be so ; The Court , and the great Temple of Gods service together ; That God , and the King may be neighbours : That as God is alwayes neere to preserve the King , so the King might be neere to serve God : and God and the King cannot meet in Ierusalem without a solemnity . Now this Psalme was not fitted by David for the people onely , when the Arke was brought to , and placed in , Jerusalem : but also for their comming at their solemne feasts to Ierusalem , to which they were bound thrice a yeere by the Law , Exod. 23. For then ( some thinke ) they sung this Psalme , either in their journey as they came up ; or else on the steps as they ascended to the Temple : So the comming to the Temple was alwayes with joy ; And they were glad when the solemnity came . At this joy the Psalme begins : I was glad when they said unto me , We will goe into the House of the Lord. Glad they were , but no vanity in the mirth . For as they went up with joy , ver . 1. so did they with prayer here at the 7. And the prayer is for the peace of Jerusalem . Why , but in Davids time the Temple was not built ; and how then this Psalme composed by him for this solemnity ? Yes , well enough : for though the Temple was not then built , yet the Tabernacle was then up , 2. Reg. 6. according to which patterne the Temple was to be built . So all the service was there : and therefore the solemnity too . Beside , the eye of the Prophet was cleare , and saw things farther off , than the present . For first it is evident , Qui non videbat , praevidebat : David that saw not the Temple built , foresaw it was to bee built by his Sonne , 2. Reg. 7. And so fitted the Psalme both to a present Tabernacle , and a future Temple . And it is not improbable , but that he saw farther ; or if he did not , the Spirit of God did ; and so fitted his pen , that the same Psalme might serve the Jewes at their returne from Babylon , to reedifie the ruines of both City and Temple : For then the people assembled as one man to Jerusalem , and kept their wonted ceremonies , Esra . 3. Nay , I make no question but that he saw farther yet . For what should hinder the Prophet , but that hee might looke quite thorow the Temple , which was but the figure , or shadow , and so see Christ , his Church , and Kingdome at the end of it ? So the Psalme goes on for both Jew , and Christian ; Temple , and Church ; that ye , as well as they , might pray for the peace of Jerusalem , and that they may prosper that love it . The words containe two things ; an Exhortation both to Princes and People , to pray for the peace of Jerusalem ; and the Prophets owne prayer for it , Let them prosper that love thee : Peace be within thy walls , and prosperity within thy Palaces . In the Exhortation to both Princes and People , that they pray for the Peace of Jerusalem , I shall observe three particulars . The Body , for which he would have us carefull ; that is , Jerusalem . The Action by which we should expresse our love to it , Our care of it ; that is , Prayer . And the Blessing which our Prayers should intreat for it ; and that is , Peace . First then , here is the Body , for which , and all the members of it , he would have them pray , and that is , Jerusalem . Now Jerusalem was at this time ( as I told you ) made Domus religionis & regni , Gods House , and the Kings . And so it stands not here for the City and the State only , ( as many of the Antient name the City onely ) nor for the Temple and the Church onely : but joyntly for both . For both : Therefore when you sit downe to consult , you must not forget the Church ; And when we kneele downe to pray , we must not forget the State : both are but one Jerusalem . There are some in all ages , ( too many in this ) which are content to be for the State , because the livelihood both of them and theirs depends upon it : but it is no matter for the Church , they can live without that . And there are some , which are all , at least in their out-cry , for the Church : as if Templum Domini , the Church , the Church , might swallow up Kingdomes , & State-affairs . But there is no Religion in the one ; And neither that , nor Civill Wisdome in the other . Both then were commended to the Jewes , and both are to us ; And both under one name , Jerusalem . One name , and good reason for it . First , because the chiefe house of the Common-wealth , the Kings house ; and the chief house of Gods service , the Temple ; were both in one Jerusalem . And secondly , because they are as neere in nature , as in place : For both Common-wealth , and Church are collective bodies , made up of many into one ; And both so neer allyed , that the one , the Church , can never subsist but in the other , the Common-wealth ; Nay so neere , that the same men , which in a temporall respect make the Common-wealth , doe in a spirituall make the Church : so one name of the mother City serves both , that are joyned up into one . Now though in nature the Common-wealth goe first ; first men , before religious and faithfull men ; and the Church can have no being but in the Common-wealth : Yet in grace the Church goes first ; religious and godly men , better than men ; and the Common-wealth can have no blessed and happy being , but by the Church . For true Religion ever blesses a State : provided that they which professe it , doe not in their lives dishonour both God , and it . And it blesses the State , ( among other ) two waies . One by putting a restraint upon the audaciousnesse of evill . And this the wise men among the Heathen saw : For Seneca tells us , that this placing of an armed Revenger , God , over the head of impious men , ( which is an acknowledgement of Religion ) is a great restraint , because against him , Nemo sibi satis potens videtur , no man can thinke himselfe able enough , either to shun , or resist . The other way by which it blesses the State , is by procuring Gods blessings upon it . So it is , Psal . 68. 32. Sing unto God , O ye kingdomes of the earth ; there is exercise of Religion : And then it follows , ver . 35. God will give strength and power unto his people ; there is the blessing . And it is plaine in my Text : for heere prayer is to obtaine blessing for Jerusalem , for the State. But it is expresly said to be propter domum Domini , for the House of Gods sake , ver . 9. Now I would all States would remember this ; that they have a restraint from evill by , and a blessing for , Religion : It would make me hope , that yet at last , Religion should be honoured for it selfe , and not for pretences . Secondly , we are come from Jerusalem , the Body , as it comprehends both State and Church , to that which the Prophet would have us doe for it . That is , Prayer . Pray for Jerusalem . Pray for it . Why , but is that all ? Can a State be managed , or a Church governed , only by Prayer ? No : the Prophet meanes not so . You must seeke , and endeavour the good of both , as well as pray for the good of both . And this is in my Text too : For the word in the Septuagint is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aske and inquire after the good of Jerusalem ; labour it . And yet , it is often read in Scripture for Orate , pray for it . Both then . And the Fathers beare witnesse to both , in this place . For S. Hierome , Angust . Hilar. and Prosp. are for the proper sense of the word , Quaerite , seeke it , follow it . Saint Basil , Theod. and most of the latter Divines , are for the borrowed sense , Orate , pray for it . And surely God would have the great Ministers of State , and the provident Governours of the Church , doe both ; seek , enquire , consult , doe all good to both : And yet when they have done all , hee would have them pray too . And there is good reason for this ; for nothing more needfull for Jerusalem , for State and Church , than Prayer . For the State nceessary . For God is President of all Councels of State ; and shall he not be so much as called to Counsell , and desired to sit ? And for the Church necessary too . For the Son of God , Christ Jesus , is Head of the Church ; and can the Body doe any thing well , if the Head direct it not ? And yet of the two , the Church hath most need to be prayed for : And that both because the consultations of the Church have more immediate reference to God ; And because the Enmity of the world is more set against the Church , for God. And while Christ tels Saint Peter that the gates of hell shall not prevaile against the Church , Math. 16. He insinuates withall , that those open gates , gape not wider for any thing , than for it : therefore prayer for the Church very necessary . And certainely , so much danger over it , and so little prayer for it , agree not . Now Rogate , pray for Jerusalem reacheth every man in particular ; and all men when they are assembled together : For what can a Senate consult upon orderly , or determine providently , if God be not called into the Assembly ? If there be not Deus stat , God standeth in the congregation of Princes ? Psal . 82. And such a superiour cannot be called into the Assembly mannerly , but by Prayer . Nay , solemne State-Assemblies , ( because if they erre , they erre not lightly ) have greatest need of Prayer , both in , and for them . Hence is that antient Christian custom , that Parliaments assemble not for the State ; Councels meet not for the Church ; but they begin both the first dayes worke , and every dayes worke with Prayer . And the Heathen which knew not the true God , knew that this duty was owing to the true God , to pray unto him most solemnly , in their greatest consultations ; and therefore Caesar being to enter the Senat , sacrificed first : And Appian speakes of that Act , as of a thing of custome . And it cannot be thought they did sacrifice without prayer : Since Litare which is to appease by Sacrifice , is to please by prayer too . But I leave them . My Text is more antient , and more full than their practice : For heere vers . 5. the Tribes are no sooner gone up to the seats of Judgement , to the house of David , but they are followed close by my Text , that they pray for Jerusalem : So prayer the first worke , and consultation after . And doubtlesse the Spirit of God sees Prayer wonderfull necessary for Jerusalem , that he makes that , as it were , the doore of entrance , both into the Seates of Judgement among men , and the places of divine worship , and Adoration of God. We have done with the Action , Prayer . Thirdly then , here is the Blessing which we are to beg and desire at Gods hands for Jerusalem , for both the State , and the Church : and that ( if you will beleeve the Prophet ) is Peace . Peace is one of the greatest temporall blessings , which a State , or a Church can receive : For where God himselfe describes the excellency of government , he describes it by Peace , Esa . 37. The worke of Justice shall be Peace ; And my people shall dwell in the Tabernacles of peace . I will not load you with a long discourse of Peace , and the benefits it brings . It hath the same fate , that some other of Gods blessings have , It is better knowne by want , than use ; and thought most worth the having , by them that have it not . Looke therefore not upon your selves in peace , but upon a State in blood , upon a Church in persecution ; Aske them which are divided by the sword , which are rosting at the flame , conceive your case theirs , That is the touch-stone which deceives not , Then tell me whether it bee not good counsell , Rogare pacem , to pray for the Peace of both . And I doe ill to call it barely Peace ; Our Prophet calls it the blessing of Peace , Psalm . 29. And doubtlesse it is to teach the world , that all earthly benefits are , as it were , unblessed , till Peace be upon them : for till then , no injoying of any . Now Rogate pacem , pray for the peace of Jerusalem , seemes but a plaine and a naked Exhortation for Peace . I must finde more in it then so , and yet offer my Text no violence , nor bee busie with any thing above me , or out of my profession . Observe then ; When David made this Exhortation to pray for Peace , it was Tempus Pacis , A time of Peace ; For he composed the Psalme when hee carried the Arke to Jerusalem , and before that , hee had smote the Philistims twice , and made all at peace , 2 Sam. 5. A time of Peace ? Why then a man should thinke there is least need to pray for it . Yea but the Prophet thinkes not so . He was pleas'd the State and Church under him should injoy Gods benefits longer ; And therefore calles for , not Peace , which they had , but continuance of Peace , which they could not tell how long they might hold ; To give thankes to God for the peace he had given , ver . 4. and to pray for the continuance of it , ver . 6. And certainly it is one great degree of unworthinesse of a blessing , to grow weary of it . Why , but there is a time for Warre , as well as for Peace , is there not ? Yes , there is , Eccles . 3. And this time is in God to fit , I make Peace , and create evill , Esa . 45. And in the King to denounce and proclame . But it is not Dies Belli , the day of warre it selfe that can make voyd this duty Rogandi pacem , of praying for Peace : For since the eye of nature could see , that the end of all just warre , is , but that men may live in a more just and safe Peace , This Rogate pacem , pray for Peace , must bee in the heart , even when the sword is in the hand . I will not meddle with the State : but there are many times , in which God will punish and afflict his Church , And may wee then Rogare pacem , pray Peace for it ? Yes , wee may , nay , wee must , even then pray for Peace , when his will is not to give it . For first , so much of his will as is revealed , is here expressed to pray for Peace ; And that is a sufficient warrant to us , even against that of his will which is not revealed , so long till he reveale it : For the will of God bindes us no longer , nor no farther to Action , than it is revealed ; The secret things belong to the Lord our God , but the things revealed , belong to us , and our children , that we may doe them , Deut. 29. And againe , Saint Augustine disputes it at large , that a man may , etiam voluntate bona , with a will that is good , will that which God will not . And whatsoever hee may will voluntate bona , with a good will , that he may pray for ; so he submit to his will , and rest when his will appears . Besides , who knowes ( so long as the secret of his will is to himselfe ) whether it be any more than Rogate pacem , pray for Peace , and have it ? For many times that which God will not give without prayer , he will give with it . And then the cause of Non pax , is non rogant ; no peace , because not prayed for : And in that case , the State and Church have not more misery , in that there is not Peace , than they have sin , in that they might have had Peace for asking , and would not pray for it . Now this rule varies not , We are never to neglect that which God hath revealed ( which here in our case is to pray for Peace ) upon any presumption of that which remaines secret . Therefore the objection of the Puritan against our Church Letany , in which we pray to be delivered from Famine , and from Battell ; And against the prayer which followes it , that we may bee hurt by no persecution ; as if it were an unlawfull prayer , because it is somtimes Gods will to punish and afflict his Church ; is as ignorant as themselves : For in the old Testament , here is Davids call upon us , Rogare pacem , to pray for Peace ; And in the new there is Saint Pauls charge , to pray that we may leade a quiet and peaceable life , 1 Tim. 2. And hath the Church of England such ill lucke , that it cannot doe as David and Saint Paul bids it , but it must anger the Puritan ? Againe , while you follow the Prophets exhortation , and pray for Peace , every kind of false worldly peace will not serve the turne . For as Christ was at Pacem do vobis , sed meam ; Peace , but it is My peace that I give unto you , S. John 14. So David , the type of Christ , would have you pray for Peace , but His peace for Jerusalem . And in this relation , the words are generall ; Rogate , pray for the peace of Ierusalem , of the whole State , of the whole Church : It must not be broken in any corner of Ierusalem , if it may be preserved . A sedition , or a schisme in a corner , in a Conventicle , ( which is the place where they are usually hatched ) will fier all if it be suffered . For the State , none doubts this , and it is as true for the Church . But where peace is truly laboured for , and not had , there the Apostles limitation , Rom. 12. will helpe all ; Have peace with all men ( saith the Apostle ) but it followes , si possibile , if it be possible ; and Quantum in vobis , as much as lies in you . When we therefore pray for peace with all men , and cannot get it ; Heathenisme , and Turcisme , and Judaisme , and Heresie , and Superstition , and Schisme , will not repent , and come in ; we are quit by si possibile , if we doe what is possible for their conversion . And againe , when any of these that have changed the truth of God into a lye , would have us come over and make peace with them , we are quit , though we doe it not , by quantum in nobis , as much as lies in us . For God hath not left it in our power , to be at peace against his truth : And therefore here is never a rogate , no Counsell to pray for that . Indeed peace against truth is not Pax Jerusalem , a peace fit for the Church . The Church of Rome challengeth us for breach of this peace in our separation from them : But we say , and justly , the breach was theirs , by their separation not onely from disputable , but from evident truth . Nor are we fallers out of the Church , but they fallers off from verity . Let them returne to primitive truth , and our quarrell is ended . In the meane time it is possibile , & in nobis , both possible , and in us , to pray , that God would in his time , fill the Church with truth first , and then with peace . Now rogate pacem , pray for peace , is a very full circumstance in the Text ; I cannot leave it yet : For when I consider that he that calls so earnestly for peace , is David , it fills me with wonder . For David was a sword-man with a witnesse . One of the greatest warriers that ever was , 2 Sam. 7. and most victorious . Nay , though God had anoynted him before to the Kingdome ; yet the meanes which first made him known to Saul , and afterwards famous in Israel , was first his conquest of Goliah , 1. Reg. 17. and then his sword against the Philistims . Therefore if David be come in upon rogate pacem , pray for Peace ; it cannot be accounted onely the Gowne-mans , or the weak mans prayer ; but it is the wise , and the stout mans too : for David was both . And certainly it is not cowardize to pray for peace , nor courage to call for troubles . That is the spirit of David , that can sing before the Arke of God , rogate pacem pray for peace . But if the Philistims will disturbe Gods peace , and his , then , and not before , he will dye them in their owne blood . And Rogate pacem , pray for peace , looks yet another way upon Davids person . For at the first , David was King onely over the Tribe of Judah , where he reigned seven yeeres , and six moneths , 2 Sam. 5. The other eleven Tribes followed Ishbosheth the sonne of Saul , 2 Sam. 2. But he did not compose this Psalme , till the carrying of the Arke to Jerusalem , at which time he was King over all , both Israel , and Judah . So Rogate pacem , pray for peace , was not Davids counsell onely , when his Territories were lesse , Judah and Hebron ; but after the great accesse of the eleven Tribes too ; when he was strong ; when God had divided his enemies before him , even as water is divided asunder : as himselfe praiseth God and confesseth , 2 Sam. 5. And therefore either Davids example is not worth the following , or else , a King in honour , and a King in plenty , and a King that hath added Jerusalem to Hebron , eleven Tribes to one , may make it his high honour Rogare pacem Jerusalem , to pray to God , and perswade with men , for the peace of Christendome . And David had good reason to bee at Rogate pacem , pray for peace : For though hee scarce tooke any warre in hand , but with Gods approbation , and against Gods enemies ; yet we finde , 1 Chron. 22. that his Battels and his Blood were the cause , why God would not suffer him to build his Temple . He might sing before the Ark ; he might serve him in the Tabernacle ; but no Temple would he have built by hands in blood . Solomons hands , Hands of peace must doe that . What is the reason ? What ? Why it may be it is , because when the blood and spirits of a man are heated , be the Warre never so just , yet ( to say no more ) aliquid humani intervenit , some heated passion strikes where , and as , it should not ; And ( as Saint James hath it ) The wrath of man doth not accomplish the righteousnesse of God : And the Historian tells us they are not a few that are guilty to themselves , parum innocenter exactae militiae . Againe , I cannot bee so unthankfull to God and my Text , but that I must fit one circumstance more to Rogate pacem , pray for peace . And it is , Pray for it this day : Why this day ? Why ? Why David brought up the Arke with this Psalme , and would have built the Temple ; But Gods answer ) to him was , No ; But behold , a sonne is borne unto thee , which shall be a man of peace ▪ for I will give him rest from all his enemies round about , therefore his name is Salomon , and I will send peace and quietnesse upon Israel in his dayes , 1 Chron. 22. And had not David then great reason to call upon his people , even all of all sorts to pray for that Peace , which God would give by Salomon ? And surely we have a Jerusalem , a State , and a Church to pray for , as well as they ; And this day was our Salomon , the very Peace of our Jerusalem borne ; And though hee were not borne among us , yet hee was borne to us , and for the good and well-fare of both State and Church : And can yee doe other than Rogare pacem , pray for peace , in the day , nay Nativity , the very birth-day of both Peace , and the Peace-maker ? Certainly so unnaturall to your Prince , so unthankfull to God you cannot be . I will leade you the way to pray for Him , his Honour , and his Peace ; That this day may returne often , and crowne many and happy , and blessed yeeres upon him . I had now done with Rogate pacem , pray for peace , but that Jerusalem is come againe in my way . But it is a strange Jerusalem . Not the old one , which is literall in my Text , for which David would have prayers ; nor that which succeeded it , Jerusalem of Iew and Gentile converted , for which we must pray : But a Ierusalem of gold and precious stones , ( as is described , Apoc. 21. ) which shall be bnilt for them againe upon earth in greater gloy than ever it was . And this Jerusalem upon earth , is that which is called the Heavenly Jerusalem , Heb. 12. 22. And the new Jerusalem , Apoc. 21. 2 , 10. So it is not now sufficient that the Jewes shall be ( in Gods good time ) converted to the faith of Christ , as the Apostle delivers it ▪ Rom. 11. But these converted Jewes must meet out of all Nations : the ten Tribes , as well as the rest , and become a distinct , and a most flourisbing Nation againe in Jerusalem . And all the Kings of the Gentiles shall doe homage to their King. Good God , what a fine people have we here ? Men in the Moone . I will not trouble you with any long discourse , wherein this errour with , or parts from the Chiliasts ; nor is it worth any settled confutation ; Onely I cannot desire you Rogare pacem , to pray for any peace to this Jerusalem . It was an old error of the Jewes , ( which denyed Christ come ) that when their Messias did come , they should have a most glorious temporall Kingdome , and who but they ? I cannot say the Author of this vanitie denies Christ come , God forbid ; But this I must say , that many places of the old Testament , which concerne the Resurrection from the dead , and which looke upon Christ in his first or second comming , are impiously applyed to this returne of the Jewes , which ( saith he ) is to them as a Resurrection from the dead . And this exquisite Arithmetician , beside the first comming of Christ in the flesh , and his second to Judgement , ( which are all the personall commings of Christ that ever the Scripture revealed , or the Church knew ) hath found out a Third , betweene One and Two , namely , his comming to this conversion of the Jewes . But see a little : I will not be long a passing . Shall Ierusalem be built againe after this eversion by the Romans ? The Prophet Esay saith no , Esa . 25. But this ( saith our Author ) is not meant of Ierusalem , but of her enemies . Yes , it is meant of Ierusalem , as well as other Cities ; as appeares , ver . 6 , 7. and is confirmed by Saint Hierome , and some Moderne Divines . And suppose the place were doubtfull , whether meant of Ierusalem or not , yet that other is unavoydable , Ier. 19. 11. I will breake this City and this people , as one breakes a potters vessell , that cannot be made whole againe . Well : But this new-built Ierusalem must be the Heavenly , and the new . Yea , but it is against the received judgement of the Church , that these places should be understood of any Church upon earth onely , whether Iew , or Gentile , or both . And apparent it is , that there are some circumstances in Apoc. 21. which cannot possibly be applyed to any Church on earth onely ; Which made S. Ambrose professe , that this Exposition is against Scripture . And suppose they may be meant of a Militant Church onely ; 〈◊〉 what should lead us to see this conversion of the Iewes there , I see not . For the Ten Tribes comming in to the rest , the good man should doe well to tell us first ; Where those ten Tribes have been ever since before the Baylonish Captivity , or poynt out the Story that sayes they remained a distinct people . No : they degenerated , and lived mixed with other Nations that captived them , till not onely their Tribes were confounded , but their name also utterly lost , for almost two thousand yeares since ; And yet now forsooth we shall see them abroad againe . It is strange we should not know our friends all this while . For within these seventy foure yeeres , they shall have quite rooted out both the Pope and the Turke , our two great Enemies ; And shall begin to make both of them stagger within lesse than these thirty yeeres . I cannot tell here whether it be Balaam that prophesieth , or the Beast he rod on . As for the Kings of the Gentiles , that they shall serve this King of Ierusalem , you neede not beleeve that till you see it . If Christ be King there , I make no question , but the Kings of the Gentiles will easily submit to him : But if it be any other , they have reason to hold their own . And it seems it is not well resolved yet , who shall be King ; For pag. 56. and 102. The Author tells us , Christ shall be King there , And pag. 163. he unthrones Christ againe , and assures us One shall be King , whom the Iewes shall set up among themselves . I will follow this vanity no further ; Onely doe you not think the Papists will triumph , that such monstrous opinions are hatched among us ? Sure they will ; yet they have little reason here : For two of their learned Iesuites are of opinion , ( they are Salmer : and Lori : ) that the Apostles did not sin , when lead with the errour of the Iewes , they thought Christs Kindome should be temporall , Act. 1. 6. which is the ground of all this vanity . And Tullius Crispoldus , one of theirs , left notes behind him ( which are yet in Manuscript in the Library at Millan ) which agree in all things almost with this present folly . So whatsoever is amisse in this Iewish dreame , the Primogenitus , the first borne of it , after the Iew , is theirs . Onely herein their care out-goes ours ; They keepe the Frensie locked up , and we publish it in Print . I will leave these men to out-dreame the Jewes , And hasten to , and thorow the second generall part of the Text , which is the Prophets owne prayer for Jerusalem : In which the circumstances are sixe . First then , whether you reade the Text with Saint Hierome , and the Geneva Translation , ( Let them prosper that love thee ) and so make it a Prayer , Or with Ar. Mon. Tremel . and the last Translation , ( They shall prosper that love thee , ) and so make it a Reason , full of promise , to induce us to pray for it ; It is not much materiall . It seemes both may stand , and I will not make my Text narrower than it is . Take the words then first as a Motive . Pray for the peace of Jerusalem : for there is great reason you should doe so . For They shall prosper that pray for it . So the Argument is drawne from prosperity ; & prosperity is a reason that is very potent with men in all things else : why then should it not be prevailing in this , to make men pray both for the State , and for the Church ? But shall men prosper that do so indeed ? Yes : you have no probable cause to distrust it ; The words are , They shall prosper . And if you take them for an earthly promise , you have a Kings word for it ; If for a spirituall , you have a Prophets word for it . Would you have any man testifie that hath had experience ? You have Davids word for it : And he had often triall in himselfe , that God made him prosper for his prayers sake , and his love to that State and Church . And since you cannot distrust a King , a Prophet , a man of experience ; be sure to pray for the peace of Jerusalem , if it be but that your selves may prosper . Take the words next as a Prayer ; Pray for the Peace of Jerusalem : For there is great example to move you to doe so . For the Kingly Prophet goes before you ; he askes no more of you , than he doth himselfe . He would have you pray for Jerusalem , and so doth he : Let them prosper that love it . The Prophet is not of their humour , that care not what burthens they bind upon other mens shoulders , so themselves may escape the load . No , he prayes too ; And no marvell : For ( as Saint Leo observes ) Prayer is one , and the first , of the three things , which doe most properly belong to all religious actions . He prayes then , and in his prayer this is remarkable , Prius orat pro orantibus pro Jerusalem , He prayes for them that pray for Ierusalem , before he prayes for Ierusalem it selfe . First , Let them prosper that love Ierusalem , ver . 6. And then , Peace be within the walls of it , v. 7. And there is a great deale of spirituall wisdome in this too : For while his prayer strengthens them that pray for Ierusalem , both his , and their prayers meet , and goe stronger to God , than if any ( be it David ) prayed for it alone . And therefore Ignatius tells his people at Smyrna , that their prayers reached as far as Antioch , ( who no doubt prayed for it selfe too ) and these joyned prayers obtained peace for that Church . Secondly , as David prayes , as well as he would have others pray : so prayes he also for the selfe same thing , for which he exhorts others to pray ; That is , for peace . Peace be within thee . And it is an argument that his exhortation came heartily from him , because he falls to it so close himselfe . And it is an excellent thing full of honour to God and themselves , when Rex & Propheta , the King , and the Prophet , goe first in prayer for the States and the Churches peace . Now he prayes not for the peace of it alone , but for that which followes peace , the prosperity of it too . He well knew , that God hath pleasure in the prosperity of his servants . Nor doth he so pray for the temporall peace of the State , as that he forgets the spirituall peace of the Church . Nor doth he so pray for the externall peace of either , but that he preferres the inward , and soul-peace of both . Not peace without vertue : for that is but a painted peace ; and therefore Saint Hil. will have them together . Peace and Vertue Connexa sibi sunt , must be knit together in Jerusalem : For Vertue is the strength and preservative of Peace ; And wheresoever Vertue is not , there Peace will bee the first that will abuse it selfe . Not Peace without Faith : For that is but a profane Peace ; and therefore Saint Hierom tells us , it is Dominus Christus , our Lord Christ , that is the true Peace of both State and Church . As if he so long before had foreseen and prayed for ( in these words , Peace be within thee ) the comming of the Messiah . And foresee it ( no question ) he did . And I will not deny , but that he prayed for it : since neither Ierusalems peace could , nor our peace can , be firme without him . But then if you aske me why so many States , and Churches , are divided for , and about Christ , and so not at peace ; the cause I must tell you , is the sinne of men : They divide and tear Christ first , and then what wonder if they be divided about him ? Thirdly , here is his prayer for peace and prosperity for Jerusalem , for the State , for the Church : but whereabouts would he have these excellent blessings seated ? Where ? Why every where , but especially in Muris & Palatiis , about the Wall and the Palace . And they are excellently fitted . He would have them spread all over Jerusalem ; But Loca Dominii , the places of their exaltation , are these in my Text , the Wall , and the Palace : For Peace that keeps at the wall , and so works inward , to calme the City ; But the child of peace , Prosperity , that is borne after in the Palace , and comes outward , to inrich to the very Wall. The strength of a City is in the Walles . In Walles that are fenced and fortified with Turrets , ( as Euthymius renders it : ) therefore if a tempest of warre beate upon the walles of it , possesse the strength of it , there cannot be peace . Therefore the Prayer is fit : Sit pax in muris , peace be within the walles . And Davids prayer is as full as fit : For the Church hath the same walls , that the State hath . It is in my Text. For it is in Muris Jerusalem , in the walles of Jerusalem , and the Temple stood within it . And by reason of the knot which God himselfe hath knit between the bodies , ( which is , that the same men , which in respect of one Allegiance make the Common-wealth , doe in respect of one Faith , make the Church ) the walles of the State cannot be broken , but the Church suffers with it ; nor the walles and fences of the Church trampled upon , but the State must be corrupted by it : therfore the Prayer is full ; that Peace may sit upon the Walls , that Prosperity may fill all that is within them . Now neither the Walles of the State , nor the Walles of the Church , can keepe or defend themselves , or that which they compasse ; There must be Men , and they must keepe both the Wall , and the Palace , and the Peace : Viri-Muri , Men-Walles . And among these , all are not bound to equall care in preserving the Peace . But as the greatest strength of the dead Walles is in Turribus , in the Towers and Bulwarks ; so the greatest care in the living Walls lyes in Turribus , in the Towers too ; upon those that are eminent in State and Church . Now S. Hierome tells us plainly , that for the State , the Noble , & the wise , & the Valiant men , they are the Towers . And for the Church , Saint Paul tells us , the Apostles were the Pillars , Gal. 2. And Saint Chrysost . that the Priests are Muri Ecclesiae , the Walls of the Church . Here therefore the Prayer must goe home ; Davids did ; Peace be in these walls too : For if these shall shake upon their foundations ; If these knock one against another ; there can be no firme Peace in either Body . A wall-palsie is ever dangerous . Fourthly , when there is Peace in Muris & Palatiis , in the Wall and the Palace , stayes either the Prayer for it , or the benefit of it , there ? No sure ; The benefit stayes not : For the Peace of the Wall and the Palace , is very diffusive ; All Ierusalem is the better for it presently . Not the meanest in the body of the State , not the lowest in the Body of the Church , but they are the better , or may be , for this Peace . And it is implyed in the Text : For in Palatiis , in the Palaces , names indeed the Kings house , but under that greater , comprehends the lesse . And S. Hierome expresseth it so , and reades in Domibus , prosperity in the Houses : For the houses of Subjects cannot be empty of Peace , when the Palace of the King is full . This for the Benefit ; and Peace is no niggard of it selfe . Then the rule is ; Where the benefit goes on and multiplies , there must not be a stop in the prayer ; that must goe on too , as Davids did ; Peace be within the walls . Fiftly , The forme of this prayer , Sit pax in muris , Peace be within the walls , and Prosperity within the Palaces , tells us , that Jerusalem had both these . And no doubt can be made , but that Jerusalem , that State , that Church , had both . And to this day as little doubt there is of civill States , muros habent & Palatia , they have both Walles and Palaces . But for the Church , sacrilege ( in many places ) makes all the haste it can , to frustrate this prayer , that there may be nor Palaces , nor Walles , for Peace , or Plenty , to be in . Doubtlesse , this ceremoniall Church will rise in Judgment against the pillage of Christendome : For the children of that Church left not their Mother without Walles for defence , not without Palaces for honour . Ye see it is plaine in my Text. But many Children of the substantiall Church , have shewed themselves base and unnaturall . Palaces ? no , Cottages are good enough ; As if it were a part of Religion , that Christ and his Priests must have lesse honour in the substance , than they had in the ceremony . And yet when I consider better , I begin to thinke it is fit the Priests house should be meane , where the Church , which is Gods House , is let lye so basely : For he that hewed Timber afore out of the thicke Trees , was known to bring it to an excellent worke ; but now they have beaten downe all the carved worke thereof with Axes and Hammers , Psal . 74. So that now I doubt we must vary the Prayer , from Sit pax , to Sint muri , not presume to pray , there may be peace and plenty within the Walls , but that the very walls themselves may stand . But yet I will doe the People right too . For as many of them are guilty of inexcusable sinne , both by cunning and by violent sacrilege : so are too many of us Priests guilty of other as great sinnes as sacrilege can bee ; for which , no doubt , we and our possessions lye open to the waste . It must needs be so . For the hand of sacrilege it selfe , though borne a Theefe , could never touch Palatia Ecclesiae , the Palaces of the Church , as long as God kept the wall of it : But while our sins make God out of Peace with the Walles ; while he is at Diruam , I will breake the wall thereof , Esay . 5. it is in vaine to shift off by humane policies : for the Palaces cannot stand . Sixthly , I may not omit , that while the Prophet prayes here , for the State and the Church , and them that pray for both ; yet his expression is not , Pro orantibus , but Pro diligentibus ; not for them that pray for it , but for them that love it : Let them prosper that love it , and wish it good . So the prayer ( as Euthym observes ) did not comprehend the Jewes onely , but as many of other nations too , as were Diligentes , lovers of Jerusalem . And indeede these two , to love , and to pray for the State , and the Church , make one in my Text : For no man can pray heartily for them , but hee that loves them ▪ And no man that truly loves them , can abstaine from praying for them , and the peace of them . This is certaine , neither love , nor prayer , can stand with practising against either ; nor with spoile and rapine upon either . Nor is Diligentibus te , that love thee , an idle or an empty specification in the prayer of the King : For as Jerusalem had , so hath every State , and every Church , some false members , whose hearts are nearer the enemy , than Jerusalem . Therefore sit Pax , sed diligentibus , let there be peace , but to them that love thee . But if any man have a false heart to Jerusalem , let him have no portion in the prosperitie of it . Thus you see , the Prophets care is for Jerusalem . For this State and Church he would have you pray . In this prayer he would have you beg for Peace . That which he would have others doe , he doth himselfe , He prayes both for Ierusalem , and for them that pray for it . That which he also prayes for , is peace and prosperity . This peace he would have in the Walls , and this prosperity in the Palaces . From thence he knowes it will diffuse it selfe to meaner houses . Yet it seems by the way , that that ceremoniall Church had both Walls and Palaces . And last of all , that this Peace , this Prosperity , might be the reward onely Diligentium , of such as love both State and Church . And now there is a little behind . For my Text is an Exhortation , and preacheth it selfe . Rogate Pacem , pray for the Peace of Ierusalem . Pray for it ? Why , it seemes strange to me that any age should be weary of Peace , or need an exhortation to pray for it , either in Church or Common-wealth . Yet the age in which David lived , was such . For though the instant time of the composure of this Psame , was a time of Peace ; yet it was but a time picked out , in an age that loved not Peace . David tells us so himselfe a little before my Text , Psal . 120. My soule hath long dwelt among them that are enemies unto Peace : I labour for Peace , but when I speake unto them thereof , thy make them ready to battel . So there he speakes for peace ; And in my text he exhorts to pray for Peace ; And after that , himselfe prayes for peace : And all this is little enough among them that love not peace . Howbeit take this with you : They beare not the best mindes , ( Cases of necessity , and honourable safety , alwayes excepted ) that desire the waters , either of the Church , or the Common-wealth , should runne troubled , that they may have the better fishing . And the Historian sets his brand upon them ; Who are they whom peace cannot please ? Who ? Why ? Quibus pessima est , & immodica cupiditas , They whose desires are worse than naught , in their Object , and void of all moderation in their pursute . This I am sure of , since David at the placing of the Arke , exhorts all sorts of men Rogare pacem , to pray for the peace of Ierusalem , he did not intend to leave out the Priest , whom it concernes most to preach peace to the people ; neither the High-Priest , nor the rest , but they should be most forward in this duty . This for the Priesthood then . And Christ himselfe , when he sent out the Seventy to preach , gave them in charge , to begin at every house in which they entred , with Peace . Peace be to this house , S. Luk. 10. And he that preacheth not peace , or labours not for it , must confesse one of these two ; Namely , that he thinkes David was deceived , while he calls to pray for peace ; Or that himselfe is disobedient to his call . Calvin is of opinion , that he which will order his prayers right , must begin , not with himselfe , but at Dominus Ecclesiae corpus conservet , That the Lord would preserve the Body of his Church . It is just with the Prophet , Peace for Ierusalem . For if any man be so addicted to his private , that he neglect the common State , he is voyd of the sense of piety , and wisheth Peace and happinesse to himselfe in vaine . For whoever he be , he must live in the Body of the Common-wealth , and in the Body of the Church ; and if their joynts be out , and in trouble , how can he hope to live in Peace ? This is just as much as if the exterior parts of the body should think they might live healthfull , though the stomack be full of sick and swoln humours . To conclude then : God hath blessed this State and Church with many & happy yeers of Peace and plenty . To have had peace without plenty had been but a secure possession of misery . To have had plenty ( if it were possible ) without peace , had been a most uncertaine possession of that , which men call happinesse , without enjoying it . To have had both these , without truth in Religion , and the Churches peace , had been to want the true use of both . Now to be weary of peace , especially peace in Truth , is to slight God that hath given us the blessing . And to abuse peace and plenty to Luxurie , and other sins , is to contemn the blessing it selfe . And there is neither of these , but will call apace for vengeance . My exhortation therefore shall keepe even with S. Pauls , 1 Tim. 2. That prayers and supplications be made , especially for Kings , and for all that are in authority , that under them we may live a quiet , and a peaceable life , in all godlinesse and honesty . Here S. Paul would have you pray for the King ; And in my Text the King would have you pray for the State , and the Church : His peace cannot be without theirs ; And your peace cannot be without his . Thus haveing made my Text my Circle , I am gone round it , and come backe to it ; and must therefore end in the poynt where I began : Pray for the peace of Ierusalem ; Let them prosper that love it : Peace be within the walls of it , and prosperity within the Palaces : That the Peace of God which passeth our understanding here , may not leave us , till it possesse us of eternall Peace . And this , Christ for his infinite Merit and Mercy sake grant unto us . To whom with the Father , and the holy Spirit , be ascribed all Might , Majesty , and Dominion , this day , & for evermore . Amen . SERM. II. Preached at White-hall , on the 24. of March , 1621. being the day of the beginning of His Majesties most gracious Reigne . PSAL. 21. 6 , 7. For thou hast set him as Blessings for ever : thou hast made him glad with the joy of thy countenance . Because the King trusteth in the Lord : and in the mercy of the most High he shall not miscarry . MY Text begins , where every good man should end ; that is , in Blessing . Not an Esau , but he cryes , when the Blessing is gone , Gen. 27. This Psalm is a Thanksgiving for David , for the King. In Thanksgiving , two Blessings ; One , in which God blesseth us ; and for that we give thanks : The other , by which we blesse God ; For he that praiseth him , and gives him thanks , is said to blesse him , Exod 18. Now we can no sooner meet blessing in the Text , but we presently find two Authors of it , God and the King : For there is God Blessing the King ; and the King Blessing the people . And a King is every way in the Text : For David the King set the Psalme for the People ; and the People , they sing the Psalme rejoycing for the King ; And all this is , that the King may rejoyce in thy strength , O Lord , v. 1. And when this Psalme is sung in Harmonie , between the King and the People , then there is Blessing . This Psalme was sung in Ierusalem ; But the Musicke of it is as good in the Church of Christ , as in their Temple . Nor did the spirit of Prophecie in David , so fit this Psalme to him , as that it should Honour none but himselfe : No ; For in this the learned agree , That the letter of the Psalme reads David ; that the Spirit of the Psalme , eyes Christ ; that the Analogie in the Psalme is for every good King that makes David his example , and Christ his God. The Psalme in Generall is a Thankesgiving for the happy estate of the King. In particular , it is thought a fit Psalme to be recited when the King hath recovered health ; or when a gracious King begins his Reigne : Because these times are Times of Blessing from the King ; And these are , or ought to be , times of Thankesgiving from the people . My Text then is in part for the day : For I hoped well it would have been Tempus restaurationis , a time of perfect restoring for the Kings health ; and thankes were due for that : And it is Dies creationis , the Anniversary day of his Crowne ; and thankes is due for that . And there is great reason , if you will receive the Blessing , that you give the Thankes . The Text it self is a reason of that which is found v. 5. There it is said , that God hath laid great dignitie and honour upon the King. And here is the Meanes by which , and the Reason why , he hath laid it there . So three parts will divide the Text , and give us order in proceeding . The first is the Meanes , by which God layes honour upon the King. Not honour onely , which they all have as Kings : but that great honour in his salvation , which attends good and gracious Kings . And the Meanes are two-fold in the Text : Dando & Laetificando , By Giving , and by Joying . By giving the King as a Blessing to the people ; Thou hast given him , or set him as Blessings for ever . And by Joying the King for blessing the people : Thou hast made him glad with the joy of thy Countenance . The second is the Reason both of the Honour and of the Meanes of laying it upon the King : And that is , Quia sperat ; Because the King puts his trust in the Lord. The third is the Successe , which his Honour shall have by his Hope , That in the mercy of the most High he shall not be moved , he shall not miscarrie . I begin at the first : The Meanes by which God adds Honour even to the Majesty of Princes . And because that doubles in the Text , I will take the first in order , which is , Dando ; Thou laist great Honour upon the King , by giving or setting him , as Blessings for ever . In which Meanes of laying Honour , the circumstances are three . And the first of the three tels us what a King is ; and that 's worth the knowing : And marke the Holy Ghost , how he begins . He describes not a King by any of his Humane infirmities , such as all men have ; And no meane ones are registred of David , the particular King spoken of : No , that had been the way to dishonour the King ; which is no part of Gods intention . But hee begins at that which crownes the Crowne it selfe . He is Benedictio , a Blessing , and no lesse , to the people . And therefore in all things , and by all men , is to be spoken of , and used as a Blessing . Now it is one thing for a King to bee blessed in himselfe , and another thing to be given or set Vp , as a Publike Blessing to other men . David was both , and he speakes of both . A King then is a Blessing to , or in himselfe ( as the Septuagint and Tremellius give the words , Dedisti illi benedictiones , Thou hast given blessings to him ) when by Gods grace he is Particeps sanctificationis , Partaker of Gods hallowing Spirit . For no man , King or Subject , can be blessed in his soule without Religion and Holinesse . And if these be counterfeits , such also is his Blessednesse . But a King is given as a Blessing to others , when in the riches of Gods grace upon him , he is made Divinae Bonitatis fons medius , A mediate fountaine of Gods goodnesse and bounty streaming to the people ; When he turnes the graces which God hath given him , to the benefit of them which are committed to him . For marke the Heavens , and the Earth will learne . God did not place the Sunne in the heavens only for heighth , but that it might have power to Blesse the inferiour world , with Beames , and Light , and Warmth , and Motion . David was thus , and thus was Christ , and such is every King in his proportion , that sets up these for his example . It is not easie to match David ; but a better example than Christ cannot be found ; And therefore when Clem. Alex. had described a King indeed , One that is Beatus & Benedicens , a blessed and a blessing King ; Or , if you will , as it is here in the Abstract , Ipsa benedictio , Blessing it selfe ; He is at Cujusmodi est Dominus , Such as is Christ . There , the perfect example of Blessing . Now while the King is said to be a Blessing , let me put you in minde that there is a double Benediction ; Descendens una , altera Ascendens , One descending , and another ascending . That which Descends , is the Blessing of Benefit ; That is the Kings Blessing . He above , and this drops from him . In this , like God , whose immediate Vicegerent he is : For Gods Blessings also are said to come downe and descend , S. Iacob . 1. The Blessing which Ascends , is that of Praise , and Thankes , and faire interpretation of Princes Actions ; and this is the peoples Blessing . And they are both in Scripture together , 3 Reg. 8. For there , ver . 55. Solomons Blessing comes down upon the people ; and ver . 66. the peoples blessing goes up back againe to Solomon . Betweene these two is the happy commerce that a Prince hath with his people ; when they strive to out-blesse one another . When the King labours the peoples good ; that is his blessing descending upon them : and the people labour his honour ; that is their blessing reaching up to him . And in this sense also as well as the former , a King is said , Poni in benedictionem , to be set up as a Blessing , that is , for one whom the people ought to blesse . For Gods ordinance , Honour the King , 1 S. Pet. 2. doth as much , if not more , require the people to blesse , that is , to honour the King , than it doth the King to blesse , that is , to doe good to his people . And there is no good division between a King and his People , but this one ; That in parting of this great good of a gracious government , the Kings part be the Honour , the Peoples part may be the Benefit , and both meet again in the Blessing . And it is so in my Text ; For Ar. Mont. renders the Originall by Pones eum , There the King blesses the people ; and the Septuagint and Tremel . by Posuisti ei , There God promises that he will , or rather saith he already hath ; and ties the People that they doe blesse the King. And you may observe too , that while a King keeps to the two great examples of the Text , David and Christ , He is not onely a Blessing , but he comes as hee writes , Plurall ; And so it is in the Text , Benedictiones ; not one , but many Blessings . And indeed the Blessings which descend from a King upon a people , seldome come single and alone : and this , Kings keep theirhonour , that they Blesse by number . Esau could not beleeve that his father Isaac ( who was far lesse than a King to Blesse ) had but one blessing in his store , Gen. 27. But be the Blessings never so many , never so great ; Be the Assistants which a King hath , never so deserving ; ( And David had his Worthies you know , 1 Chon . 11. 10. ) yet none of them may share with him in his honour of Blessing the people , nor none ought to steale away the hearts of his people upon any popular pretences whatsoever . For these wheeles , of what compasse soever they be , move all in his strength , and therefore ought to move to the conservation of his Honour . And this is in the Text too : for David , no question , had a wise and provident Councill , Nobles of great worth ; and these wanted not their deserved Honours : ( God forbid they should : ) And yet when it came to blessing the people , that great meanes of specialtie of Honour to a King , there David stands alone without a sharer . Dedisti , yea but whom ? not eos , but Eum ; not them , but Him , as Blessings to the people . The vision which Ezechiel saw , c. 1. seemes to me an expression of this : It was a vision of Wheeles ; the Wheeles were many ; the motion uniforme ; one wheele within another , the lesse within the greater ; yet in the apparition , these under-wheeles have no name , but onely the great compassing wheele , Rota ecce una , One wheele appeared . And in this case , every man is bound to be in the service , but the best may not look to share in the Honour . And seldome meane they well to Princes , that against the phrase of the Holy Ghost in this place , Dedisti Eum , thou hast given Him as Blessings , will needes be thought Blessers of the People : For such men doe but fish , and baite in troubled waters to their owne advantage . Yet these men speaking oftentimes with more freedome , than either Truth or Temper , so long as they finde fault with the present government , never want ( saith Hooker ) Attentive and favourable hearers . Never . For my part I will keepe to the words of my Text : and if there be a Blessing ( as who sees not but there is ? ) under God , I will goe to Dedisti Eum , Him whom God hath given . If you thinke I have stayed too long in this circumstance , I hope you will pardon me ; You should be as loth as I , to go from amidst the Blessings : but I must proceed . Secondly then , a King , a Blessing ; yea , but how long continues he so ? My Text answers , It is for Ever . For Ever : And so Christ and David are both in the Letter . Christ a Blessing for ever ; and that simply , for of his Kingdome no end , S. Luc. 1. 33. David a Blessing for ever : but that not in himselfe , but as Christ was to descend from him , as he was Radix lesse , Esai . 11. from whence did spring Christ the Blessing for ever . And Christian Kings in their generations , a Blessing for ever too : but that limited ; as they professe Christ , and as they imitate David . Now David is observ'd to have Blessed the people under him three wayes ; and to these three generals , all the Blessings of a King are reducible . These three are , The true worship of the true God , that is the first ; The second is , Preservation from forraine Enemies ; And the third is ▪ Life and vigor of Iustice and Iudgement among the people . The closer a King keeps to these three , the larger his Blessings : but if he fall short in any of these , so much doeth he lessen his Blessings upon the people . For if he maintaine not true Religion among them ; then his Blessings are not for Ever , but end in the Peace and Plenty of this life . If he preserve them not from forraine violence ; then his Blessings reach not so far as to the Ever of this life , but are hewen downe by the sword of the Enemie . If he doe keepe out forraine force , yet if Iustice and Iudgement , be not in life and in bloud at home , his best Blessings wil be abused , even by them which are trusted with dispensing them , and that for Ever . Now this In perpetuum , for ever , was absolute in Christ : but in David and other Kings , be they never so eminent in their times , it is but respectively for ever ; That is , not for the Ever of eternitie ; no nor for the Ever of time ; But onely for the Ever of perpetuity of their own Reigne , in their allotted time . And this is a large for ever . For you can have no longer Blessings from the best King , than God gives him time to blesse in : for he is constant in Blessing , that gives it not over but with life , and this was Iosias honour . 4 Reg. 23. And yet I may not forget , that some times this for ever extends the blessings of Kings beyond their life , Namely , when they blesse their people with a Blessing successor ; for the Septuagint read it here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that implies Succession : So it is a Present , and an after blessing . A blessing in himselfe , and a blessing in his seede . In his person , and in his posterity a Blessing . And the Text fitted David home . In himselfe , all his life : and in Solomon after his life , a blessing for ever . And in this the Text applies it selfe , and so will doe , I hope , for ever : and I will ever pray , that the King may be a Blessing long , and his Solomon after him , to his people , even in seculum seculi , age after age in an Ever of succession , and so proceed . Thirdly then , the King is a Blessing to his people , and that for ever ; but who makes him so ? yea , now we are come to the great Father of blessings God himselfe : for if you marke , the Text begins at Tu dedisti , or Tu posuisti ; Thou Lord hast given him , thou hast set him for blessings . And God as in other , so in this particular , very gracious : for no people can merit this at Gods hand , that their King should be a Blessing to them , and continue so . No , you see Tu dedisti , thou hast given him , makes him Donum , a meere gift , no purchase . Againe , no King can promise and performe this out of his owne strength , that he will be a Blessing to his people , and that for ever . No , you see Tu posuisti , thou hast set him , keeps him at his disposing , leaves him not to his owne . And indeed in this , a Kings felicitie is borne as Christs was , by an overshadowing power ; And you cannot , no not with a curious eye , search all the Reasons how he is set for Blessings : because God in disposing it , hath hid Lumen intra umbram , and thickned the veile that is drawne over it . There is much , I confesse , in the King , to compasse the Affections of his People ; and there is much in the People , not to distast the heart of their King for trifles , not to urge him with indignities : But when all is done , and the blessing stands between the King and the People , ready to descend from the One , to the other ; yet you must goe to Tu dabis , Thou Lord shalt give it . For if he give it not , it will not be had : There will be a rub where it is not looked for , and a stop in the Blessing . For is there conquest over enemies , or rest from them ? why that is Tua gratia , Gods favour . So S. Basil . Is a King , or a State , famous for the ordering of it ? why there is auxilium â te , All helpe from God. So Theodor. And God sells neither his help , nor his favovr : It is all at Tu dedisti , his gift , his free gift , where ere it is . There is great Errour in the world , I pray God it be not as Common as Great : And it is , to thinke that this blessing can be brought about by Policie onely . Policie is necessary ; and I deny nothing but the Only . And they which maintaine that , leave no roome for Tu dabis , Thou shalt give the blessing : But will carrie the world before them whether God will or no. Whereas there is more in Tu dabis , in Gods gift , than in all the Policies of the world . And it must needes be so ; For all Policie is but a piece of Gods gift , a branch of Gods wisedome : Therefore not so great as the whole . And no Policie can Promise it selfe successe ; there it must needs wait and stay , for Tu dabis : Therefore not so great as that upon which it attends . And when miserable events dog the wisest projects , then Achitophel himselfe will confesse this ; though perhaps not till he goe home to hang himselfe , 2 Reg. 17. With this Politick errour , went another of Destinie . The former leaves Gods Altar , and the sacrifice is to their owne uet , Hab. 1. This other hampers God in the uet , and makes both his blessings upon Kings , and his blessings from Kings to the People , to be all fatall . And this was too common among the Heathen . So Flav. Vopiscus . Fato Remp. regi satis constat , It is evident enough that Kingdomes are governed by Fate . And then , where is Tu dedisti ? Thou hast given him , if he and his Blessings must be whether God will or not ? But these blind men had Blessings , and knew not whence they came , unlesse perhaps they understood Providence by Fate : ( And Minut. Fael . is not much against it . ) And if they did , then Providence , and Tu dabis , are all one ; For God never gives a blessing to a King and his people , but he gives it , and orders it by Providence . Yet here the wisest of the Heathen are unexcusable , in that they enjoyed the gift , and would not serve the giver , Rom. 1. Look right therefore upon The Author of Blessings ; And where it is , Tu dedisti , Thou hast given him as Blessings ( as it is with us ) there know , it is worth Thankes both from Prince and People : And where it is , Tu dabis , Thou shalt give ( and my Text is read both wayes ) there know , it is worth the asking , both for Prince and people ; that God will give their King unto them as blessings for ever . And as it is , Tu dedisti , Thou hast given ; So that is not all , but , Tu dedisti priùs , Thou hast given first . God is first in the worke , where ever a gracious King is a blessing to his people . For that which is simply a gift in the Text , is a prevention , ver . 3. And , Praevenis eum , prevents the King with blessings first , that he after may blesse the people : So that in this common blessing God is the prime mover , aswell as in grace given to particular men . And it it true of both , which S. Augustine delivers but of one , Avertat Deus hanc amentiam , God turne away this phrensie from us , that in his own gifts ( And here it is , Tu dedisti ) we should place our selves first , and set him after . No ; where ever comes , Tu dedisti , Thou hast given ; God is evermore first in the worke to begin it , yea , and last in the worke to perfect it , or else no blessing . And therefore marke the Text , and ye shall finde , that wheresoever there is Tu dedisti , Thou hast given , there is still , Posuisti , and disposuisti , Thou hast set him , and disposed him to be so . And these two perfect the gift : For , Tu pones , that sets and settles the King to be Blessings ; And there is his Constancie ; Not a Blessing to day , and none to morrow . And , Dispones eum , ( for so Tremellius will have it ) that disposes and orders the King in his blessings ; And there is his wisdome , to sit and steare his Passengers ; That he may make all things suite with the oppertunities , and fit the varieties of the people : For they , doe the Governour never so worthily , will not thinke themselves Blessed , if they be not fitted . And a Commonwealth , when the humors of the people feele a spring , and are swelling , ( as it was once said of that of Rome ) suffers almost all those various motions , Quae patitur in homine une mortalitas , which motalitie it selfe suffers in a particular man. And it should not be passed over neither , for whose mouthes David fits this passage . And first there is no question , but that David speakes it for himselfe : And there is the King acknowledging Tu dedisti , Gods gift in making him all the Blessings that he is to his people . Next I finde , Pij loquuntur ; they are the faithfull that speake it : Not a religious and a good subject , but he is at Tu dabis , that God would blesse his King , and make him a Blessing for ever . And therefore when God gives , and the King blesses , and the people take no notice of it , it is grosse ingratitude : when they have a blessing and know it not , it is a dangerous slumber ; when they may have a blessing and will not , it is sullen pet , and shewes they have no minde to be thankefull , either to God or the King for Blessing them . Against this : say , The blessings are not perfect . Well , suppose that , what then ? Are not the best actions of the best men mixed ? Shall we refuse degrees of happinesse , because they are not Heaven ? No sure : for Angels dwell not in bodies of men . And in the very Text it is not simply , Thou hast given blessings ; But the words are , Dedisti Eum : thou hast given Him as Blessings . Therefore the blessings here spoken of , come not immediately from God to the people , that they should be thought every way perfect : But they are strain'd Per eum , through him , through the Man , and therefore must relish a little of the Strainer , Him and his Mortality . And there cannot be a greater wrong done unto Princes , in the mid'st of their care for the people , than for men to think they are not Blessed by them , upon supposall that some things may be imperfect : For the secret lets , and difficulties in publike proceedings , and in the managing of great State affaires , are both innumerable , and inevitable ; and this every discreet man should consider . And now I am come to the second meanes of Gods laying Honour upon the King. The first , ye see , was by giving him as blessings : And this second is Laetificando , by making him glad with the joy of his countenance . The Text goes on cheerfully , ( and so I hope you doe in hearing it ) from Blessing to Joy ; and here againe the circumstances are three . And first , God layes Honour upon the King , Laetificando , by joying him , while he blesses the people . And the joy which God gives cannot but be great ; and therefore the Septuagint expresses it by two words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Thou shalt Joy him with Joy , that is , thou shalt make him exceeding glad : and its requisite a King should have joy , great joy , for he cannot sit at the stearne , without a great deale of Care ; And therefore it is fit he should be rewarded with a great deale of joy . Now if a King will not faile of this joy , he must goe to the right Owner of it , God himselfe , that both hath and gives abundantly . If he seeke it in Himselfe , if in the very People which he blesses , it will not ever there be found . For when a King Blesses his people , if the blessing be as discreetly taken , as it is graciously meant ; then there is joy , great joy , of all hands : But when a people , hath surfetted long upon Peace and Plenty , it is hard to please them with blessing it selfe ; and every little thing is a burden to them , that in long time have felt the waight of none : And in such times , Malecontents are stirring ; And there want not in all States , those that are Docti in perturbanda Reipub. pace , very learned in disturbing the Peace of the Common-wealth : And the factious aime of such men , is either to hinder and divert the blessings which are readie , and upon the point of descending from the King upon the People ; or else in misinterpreting , or extenuating Blessings already come downe . And these ( let the world doat on them while they will ) are the hinderers of mutuall joy between the Prince and the People . Therefore , if the King will looke to the presevation of his owne joy , he must seeke it where these cannot hinder it , at Tu laetificasti , Thou Lord hast joy'd him . And the word in my Text is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies a joy that is inward , and referred to the mind . And Tu laetificasti , is ever at this joy ; Let the Intentions be right and honourable , and joy will follow them . It was Davids case : I will forbeare to tell you how scornfully , how unworthily , he was used by the basest of the people : but God kept close to him , Tu laetificasti , and made him joyfull . Secondly , where you find Tu laetificasti , God joying David , there the joy is not like Lightning , a flash and gone , but a true and permanent joy : True in regard of the Author of it , God ; for here is another Tu dedisti , God gave this also ; and true in regard of the Object of it upon which it settles , which is God too ; God , and the light of his countenance . And how can it be other than true joy , that hath God at both ends of it , as this hath ? For it begins at God the Author ; and it continues , and ends , in God the Object . God , but not simply so expressed in the Text , but God and his countenance , expressing after the manner of men : For a man is joyed at the countenance he loves ; And yet not simply so neither , not this Countenance onely , but the joy of his Countenance . And a man would not see sadnesse in the face he loves ; Joy there rejoyceth him . But no Countenance like to Gods , an eye upon the Beauty of his Countenance fill's with joy . Now Vultus Dei , Gods Countenance here , signifies Gods presence ; So Bellarm. It is true ; yet not his presence onely , but his Favour and his Love too ; So Theodor. It is true , yet not empty Love onely , but succour and protection too ; So Euthym. It is true , yet it is not these alone , but all these and more . And this consider'd , it is no great matter how you reade my Text ; A , or Cum , or Juxta , or Apud vultum ; For the King needs all , and God gives all : For when he is once come to Tu laetificasti , this joy begins at à vultu , from his Countenance ; It goes on cum vultu , in company with his Countenance ; It enlarges it selfe Iuxta vultum , when it comes neere his Countenance ; And at the last it shall be made perfect apud vultum , when it comes to his Countenance , to vision . And as Davids cares were great , so God would answer them with degrees of joy : For had God any more Faces than one ( as Ar. Mont. renders the Original Cum faciebus ejus ) he would hide none of them from David . If any were more comfortable than other , he shall see that . And indeed though the Countenance of God be but one and the same , yet it doth not looke joy upon all men : But his Aspects to the creature are Planetary ( as it were ) and various . And David is happy , that in the midst of all these various turnes of Gods Countenance , A , and Cum , and Iuxta , and Apud , we find not ( nor I hope never shall ) that disasterous Aspect of opposition , which is contra , against ; for then all joy were gone : For if it should be Rex contra vultum Dei , then it were all sinne ; and if it should be Vultus Dei contra Regem , ( both which God forbid ) then it were all punishment ; In neither Joy , in neither Blessing . It is far better in my Text , if we take care to hold it there , Cum vultu , with , or in the favour of his Countenance . Thirdly , this joy begins at the King ; Laetificasti eum , thou hast made him glad . He must have the greatest care , and therefore the joy must be first or chiefest in him : and if you will take a view of my Text , you will find Him excellently seated for the purpose ; for I find Eum , that is David , that is the King , standing betweene Laetificasti and Gaudium , as if God would have the Kings place knowne , by joy on the right hand , and joy on the left ; here God places the King ; this is his ordinance to season his cares : therefore if any attempt to displace him , to plunge him into griefe , to make him struggle with difficulties , it is a kind of Deposing him . The care of Government should be eased , not discomfited : else doubtlesse God would never have placed David betweene Laetificasti and gaudium , Joy and Joy. And it is fit for the people , especially the greater , in their families , to look to this , that David may keep Inter laetificasti & gaudium , the place where God hath set him : for when all is done , and the braine weary of thinking , this will be found true ; They cannot hold their places in gaudio , in joy , if David sit not sure in his : and it is an excellent observation made by Cassiodore , ( a Senator he was , and Secretary of State to Theodoricus , and after a most strict and devoted Christian ) He makes all sad that endeavours not the Kings joy : Et omnes affligit , qui Regi aliquid necessarium subtrahit ; And he afflicts all men , that withholds necessaries from the King. And certainly it is the glory of a State , to keep David upright where God sets him : and that you see is , Inter laetificasti & gaudiū , between Joy and Joy , where God ever keep Him , and His. And now I am come to the second generall of the Text , the Reason both of the Thing , and the Meanes ; of the Honour , and the Manner of Gods laying it upon Kings : And the Reason is , Quia sperat , because the King puts his trust in the Lord. In which , may it please you to observe three circumstances . The first of these is the Vertue it selfe , which God first gave the Prophet , and for which he after gave him a blessing to the People , and joy in himselfe . The Vertue , is Hope ; that Hope , in the Lord. Now Hope followes the nature of Faith : and such as the Faith is , such is the Hope . Both must be in Domino , in the Lord , or neither can be true . And it is in a sort , with the denyall of Hope in any Creature , That the Hope which is founded upon God alone ( I say alone as the prime Author ) may be firme , and not divided . Nulli hominum fidens , trusting upon no man , is Theodoret. Not in Armies , nor in riches , nor in any strength of man , is Euthymius . Not in sword , nor speare , nor shield , but in the name of the Lord of Hosts , is David himselfe , 1 Reg. 17. And David could not lay better hold any where : For since before , all lies upon God , Tu dedisti , and , Tu laetificasti , Thou hast given , and , Thou hast made glad ; where could any man fasten better ? And indeed the words are a reciprocall proofe , either to other : For because God gives , David hopes ; and because David hopes , God gives more abundantly , Honour , Blessing , and Joy. It is in the Text , Quia sperat , even because he trusts . Secondly , Is Trust then , and relying upon God , a matter of such consequence , that it alone stands as a cause of these ? Yes , Hope & Trust rightly laid upon God , have ever been in his children , loco meriti , in stead of merit . And what ever may be thought of this Hope , it is a Kings vertue in this place . And Thomas proves it , That Hope is necessary for all men , but especially for Princes . And the more trust in God , Honoratior Princeps , the more honour hath the King , as Apollinarius observes it . And therefore Hope is not here a naked expectation of somewhat to come ; but it is Hope , and the ground of Hope , Faith , as some later Divines thinke not amisse . And Faith embraces the Veritie of God , as well as the Promises made upon it : And this was right : For so God promised , and so David beleev'd , he would perform , 2 Reg. 7. 29. And since we have found Faith and Hope in this action of Trusting God ( as our English well expresses it ) let us never seeke to shut out Charitie ; And if Faith , Hope , and Charity bee together , as they love to goe , then you may understand the Text , Quia Sperat , because he Hopes , de toto cultu , of the entire worship of God. For ( as S. Isidor observes ) in all inward worship , which is the heart of Religion , are these three , Faith , Hope , and Charity . And in the most usuall phrase of Scripture , ( though not ever ) scarce one of these is named , but all are understood to be present ; and if so , then , because he trusts , is as much as Quia colit , because he worships . So at last we are come to the cause indeed , why God set David for such a Blessing to his people ; why he filled him with such joy of his countenance ; and all was , Quia cultor , because he was such a religious worshiper . It is in the Text then , that a Kings Religion is a great cause of his happinesse . The greatest Politicians that are , have confessed thus farre , that some Religion is necessary , to make a King a Blessing to his People , and a Common-wealth happy : But the matter is not great with them , whether it be a true , or a false Religion , so it be one . But they are here in a miserable errour ; for since they suppose a Religion necessary ( as they must ) my Text will turne all the rest upon them ; that true Religion is most apt , and most able , to Blesse and Honour both King and People . For first , Truth is stronger than falsehood , and will so prove it selfe , wheresoever it is not prevented or abused : and therfore it is more able . Next , true Religion breeds ever true Faith , and true Hope in God ; which no false Religion can : therefore it is more apt . Then , true Hope and Faith have here the promise of God , for the Kings joy , and the Peoples Blessings , even Quia sperat , because he trusts , whereas the rest have only his permission : Therefore it is both , both more apt , and more able , to blesse King and Commonwealth , than any false Religion , or superstition , is , or can be . It was but a scoffe of Lucian , to describe Christians , simple and easie to be abused ; or if any in his time were such , the weakenesse of the men must not be charged upon their Religion : for Christ himselfe the founder of Religion , though he did un-sting the Serpent in all his charge to his Apostles , yet he left his vertue uncheck'd , nay he commanded that ; Be innocent , but yet as wise as Serpents , Mat. 10. 16. And this Wisedome and Prudence is the most absolute vertue for a Common-wealth . So that till Christians forsake Christs rule , Lucians scoffe takes no hold of them . Thirdly , Since Quia sperat , the Faith and Religion of a King , is that which brings God to give him as a Blessing ; It must not be forgotten , that Trust in God , is inter fundamenta Regum , amidst the very foundations of Kings . And spes is quasi pes , Hope ( saith Isidore ) is the foote , and the resting place . Now no building can stand , if the foundation be digg'd from under it . The Buildings are the Blessings of a State ; A prime foundation of them , is the Kings trust in God : Take away the truth of this Hope , Faith , and Religion , and I cannot promise the Blessings to stand ; for then there is never another Quia , or cause in the Text , to move God to give . But if the cause stand ( as Theodor. and Euthym. here make it ) all is well . And here it were sacrilege for me , and no lesse , to passe by his Majesty , without thankes both to God and Him. To Him , for , Quia sperat , because he trusteth ; for no Prince hath ever kept more firme to Religion . And it is sperans in the present in my Text ; hee continueth it , and will continue it . And to God for , Quia dedit , because in mercy hee hath given Him this Blessing so to Trust , and by this trust in him , to be this , and many other Blessings to us . And so I come to the last part of my Text , which is the happy Successe which David shall have for trusting in the Lord. It is a Reward , and Rewards come last . And it is , That in this trust , he shall not slide , he shall not miscary . And here ( to make all parts even ) are three circumstances too . The first of these , is the Successe or Reward it selfe ; and it is a great one : Non commovebitur , He shall not be moved ; or at least not removed , not miscarry . And this is a great Successe , To have to doe with the greatest moveables in the world , the people , and not miscarry . So that trust in the Lord , makes a King in the midst of a mighty people , Petram in mari turbido , A Rocke in a working Sea : Ebbe , and slow , and swell , yet insolent waves dash themselves in pieces of all sides the Rock ; and the King is at Non commovebitur , He shall not be moved . Secondly , This great Successe doth not attend on Kings , for either their wisdome , or their power , or any thing else that is simply theirs : No , we must fall back to spes in Domino , their trust in the Lord : yea and this trust too , is not simply upon the Lord , but upon his Mercy . And indeed to speak properly , Man hath no ground of his Hope but Mercy , no stay upon the slippery , but Mercy : For if he looke upon God , and consider him in justice ; If he looke upon himselfe , and weigh his soule by merit , it is impossible for a man to Hope , or in Hope not to miscarry . And therefore the Prophet here , though he promise non cōmovebitur , that the King shall not miscarry ; yet he dares promise it no where else than In misericordia , in Mercy . Thirdly , I will not omit the Expression , whose Mercy it is that gives successe to Princes ; and that is Altissimi , the mercie of the most high , which is one of Gods usuall Names in Scripture . Now Sperat , & non commovebitur ; The Kings Hope and his Successe , doe both meete in the Highest mercy . It is true , Hope stands below , and out of sight : For Hope that is seene is no hope , Rom. 8. yet as low as it stands it contemplates God qua Altissimus , as he is at highest . And this shewes the strength of this vertue of Hope : For as Hope considered in nature is in men that are warme and spirited , so is it also considered as a vertue . And therefore give it but due footing , which is upon Mercy , and in the strength of that , it will clime to God , were it possible he should be Higher than he is . The footing of Hope is low , therefore it seekes Mercie ; and the Kings Hope keepes the foote of the hill : Rex humili corde sperat ; ( So S. August . ) And the best hope begins lowest ; not at merit , but at mercy . But then marke how it soars : For the same hope that bears the soule of man company upon earth , mounts till it comes ad Altissimum , to the most High in heaven . Now in this Mercy-seate it is observable , three Grandies are met together ; Blessing , Joy , and Hope , and yet there is no strife for precedencie : For Blessing goes first ; Joy comes after , for no man so joyfull as hee that is Blessed ; and then Hope , to supply the defects of both , because nor Blessings nor Joy , can be perfect in this life . And they have chosen to themselves an excellent and safe place in the Mercy of the most High. An excellent place , and all receive vertue from it . For , that David is able to be a Blessing to the people ; that he can joy in the Blessing ; that his Hope can support him through the cares in ordering the blessing , ere he can come to the joy ; all is frō Mercy . And a safe place it is : For there are in all times , and in all States , Conatus impiorum , endeavours of wicked men , and the labour of these is , to turne Blessing it selfe into a curse ; To overcloud joy with sorrow at least , if not Desolation ; To crush Hope , or rather , Decollare , to behead it . No place safe from these attempts , but that which is high , and out of reach ; And no place so high , as Sinus Altissimi , the bosome of the Highest , which is , his Mercy . The reason then why David shall not miscarry ; nay , not so much as Nature , shake , ( as Ar. Mont. renders it , ) why the scepter in his hand shall not be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a shaken reed , S. Matth. 11. ( And that is the word here in the Septuagint , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is the Mercy of the Highest . And when his feet are got upon this , he shall not slide . And Apollinaris cals the feet of the King , while they rest upon Gods Mercy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bold and confident feet , that dare venture , and can stand firme any where ; And so no question they can , that are upheld by Mercy . And now to reach downe some of the Mercies of the Highest upon our selves : For when I reade David , at Rex sperat , The King trusts in the Lord ; and heare him speaking in the third person , as of another King , me thinkes the prophecie is worth the bringing home to our most gracious Soveraigne . For , his constancie in Religion is knowen to the world ; And the freedome of his life , argues his trust in the Lord ; And the assurance of his Hope shall not vanish . For , let him keep to the mercy of the Highest , and there he shall not miscarry . And give me leave to speake a little out of my Spes in Domino , my trust in the Lord ; me thinkes I see , Non commovebitur , He shall not miscarry , three wayes doubling upon him . First , for his Private ; I have two great inducements among many in another Kingdome , to thinke that he is so firme in the mercies of God , that he cannot miscary . The one is as old as Novemb. 5. 1605. The powder was ready then , but the Fire could not kindle : The other is as young as January last , the 9. The water was too ready then , and he fell into it . Neither of these Elements have any mercy , but the mercy of the Highest was His Acquittance from both . In the first , he learned , that when desperate men have sacramented themselves to destroy , God can prevent and deliver , Act. 24. In the second he learned , that a Horse is but a vaine thing to save a man ; but God can take up , take out , and deliver . And in the very Psalmes for that day , Morning prayer , thus I reade , Psal . 46. God is our help and strength , a very present help in trouble . And I know not what better use he can make of this , than that which followes in the next verse ; I will not feare , ( nor distrust God ) though the earth be moved . Next , me thinks , I have a Non commovebitur , he shall not miscarry , for , or in his publike affaires . Prophet I am none , but my Heart is full , that the mercy of the Highest , which hath preserved Him in great sicknesses , and from great dangers , hath more work for him yet to doe : the peace of Christendome is yet to settle . Will God honour this Island in him , and by his wisdome , to order the Peace , and settle the distracted State of Christendome , and edge the sword upon the common enemie of Christ ? Why should there not be trust in God , that in the mercy of the Highest he shall not miscarry ? Thirdly , For that which is greater than both these to him , the eternall safety of his soule , here is a Non cōmovebitur ; he shall not miscarry for this neither : For so some reade , and some expound the word of my Text , Thou shalt give him everlasting felicity . Therefore let him be strong , and of a good courage , for in the mercy of the most High there is no miscarrying . Thus you have seene the Kings Blessing , the Kings Joy , the Kings Hope , and the Kings Assurance . In the first you have seen , that the King is a Blessing to his people ; that a gracious King ( such as God hath given us ) is a blessing for ever : That he is so , Quia tu dedisti , because God hath given , and set him to be so . From Blessing to Joy ; And there you have seene , that the joy which followes a blessed Government , is a great joy , a true and a permanent joy , a joy that is either first , or chiefest in the King. Now Blessing and Joy , are both grounded upon Hope ; this Hope in the Lord ; this Hope includes Faith , and Religion , and so this Hope stands amidst the foundations of Kings . The Successe assured unto him , is , Non commovebitur , he shall not miscarry , not so long as he rests on Mercy ; that Mercy of the Highest . Non commovebitur , drive wind and tide , he shall not miscarry . Shall not ? what ? is it absolute then for David , or for any King ? No , I say not so neither . There is a double condition in the Text , if David will not miscarry ; the one is ex parte Davidis , on Davids side , and that is at Sperat , a religious heart to God , that cannot but trust in him . The other is ex parte Dei , on Gods side , and that is at Misericordia , a mercifull providence over the King , which knowes not how to forsake , till it be forsaken , if it doe then . Let us call in the Prophet for witnesse , Psal . 94. When I said , My foot hath slipped , thy mercie , O Lord , held me up . Now the foot of a man slips from the condition , from the trust , ( as Cassian observes ) Mobilitate Arbitrii , by the changings of the will , which is too free to sinne , and breach of trust ; the Holder up in the slip is Mercie , therefore it is safest relying upon the condition which is on Gods side , that is Mercy , for that holds firme , when men break . And mark my Text , Hope goes before , and Non commovebitur , he shall not miscarry , followes after : but yet it followes not , till the Mercy of the Highest be come in betweene . And indeed to speak properly , all those things which the Scripture attributes to the Faith and Hope of man , are due onely Misericordiae Altissimi , to the Mercy of the Highest , which both gives and rewards them . And yet for all this , the Hope of the Beleever , and the Mercy of God in whom he trusts , are happily joyned in my Text : because the Hope of Faith can obtaine nothing without the Mercie of the Highest ; And that Mercie and Goodnesse will not profit any man , that doth not beleeve and trust in it . And Hope and Mercie are not better fitted to secure David , than Mercie and the Highest are , to make him apprehensive of his assurance : For Goodnesse & Mercie are invalid without Power ; now that is supplyed by Altissimus , the Highest . And power is full of terrour when it stands apart from goodnesse ; and that is supplyed by mercy : when both meet , the Hope of man is full . So David cannot but see all firme on Gods side ; and sure he is not to miscarry , if he look to performance of his owne . And though it be safest relying upon God , yet it is never safe to disjoyne them whom God hath put together . And therefore as he is mercifull , so Man must be faithfull , He must trust . And now to end at home , David is gone long since to his Hope , the Mercy of the Highest : But a King , a gracious King , is living over us in Peace , and Happinesse , as our eyes see this day . I know He remembers why God set Him over this great and numerous people ; that is , in benedictione , even to blesse them : And that he hath been a Blessing unto them , Malice it selfe cannot deny . And I make no question , but he will go on with the Text , and be Blessings to them for ever . For ever , through his whole time ; and for ever in his generous Posterity . Tu dedisti , Gods gift is through all this ; and I will ever pray , that it may never faile . He hath given this people all His time , the Blessing of Peace ; And the sweet Peace of the people , is Praeconium Regnantium , the Glory of Kings . And Gods gift is in this too : For though it be the King that Blesses , yet it is God that gives Blessing to Blessing it selfe . And suppose Peace end in Warre , Tu dedisti , Gods gift reaches thither too ; For the Battell is the Lords , 1 Reg. 17. The Battell , yes , and the Victory . For ( sayth S. Basil . ) Dextera victrix , Whosoever be the Enemy , the right hand that conquers him is the Lords . Now for his Blessing , it is fit he should receive Joy : But if he will have that true and permanent , ( and no other is worth the having ) he must looke it in vultu Dei , in Gods countenance . If he looke it any where else , especially where the joy of his countenance shines not , there will be but false representations of joy that is not . This day , the Anniversary of his Crowne , is to all his loving Subjects , Dies Gaudii , and Dies Spei , A day of Joy , and a day of Hope . A day of joy : For what can be greater , than to see a Just , and a gracious King multiplying his yeares ? And , a day of Hope : And what can be fitter , than to put him in minde even this day , that a Kings strength is at sperat in Domino , His trust in the Lord , the preserver of men , Job 7. That as God upon this day did settle His Hope , and His Right to this Kingdome upon Him ; So upon this day , ( which in this yeers revolution proves His day too , Dies Domini , the Lords day as well as His ) hee would continue the setling of his Hope on him , by whom all the Kings of the Earth beare rule , Prov. 8. I say , Settle upon Him , and his Mercy , that is the last . The very feet of Kings stand High ; and in high places slips are dangerous . Nothing so fit , so able to stand by them , as Misericordia Altissimi , the Mercy of the Highest . In the goodnesse and the power of this Mercy he hath stood a King now almost five and fifty yeares ; nay a King He was , before he could stand . Through many dangers the Mercy of the Highest hath brought Him safe . Let Him not goe from under it , and it followes my Text , verse 8. His right hand shall finde out all that hate Him : And for himselfe , Non commovebitur , He shall not be moved , not miscarry . And so we offer up our Evening sacrifice unto God , for Him , and for our selves , that God will ever give , and he may ever be , a Blessing to is People : That His yeeres may multiply , and yet not outlive His joy : That this day may come about often , and yet never returne , but In Gaudio vultus Dei , in the joy of Gods countenance upon the King ; and , In Gaudio vultus Regis , in the Ioy of the Kings countenance upon the People : That the mercy of the most High may give Him hope in the Lord and strengthen it ; That His Hope may rest upon the Mercy that gave it : That in all His businesses , as great as His place , His Successe may be , Non comm●veri , not to miscarry : That He may goe on a straight course from Blessing others in this life , to be Blessed Himselfe in Heaven ; And that all of us may enjoy Temporall Blessings under Him , and Eternall with Him for evermore . And this CHRIST JESUS for his infinite merit and mercy sake grant unto us : To whom , with the Father , and the holy Spirit , three persons and one God , be ascribed all might , Majesty , and Dominion , this day , and for ever . AMEN . SERM. III. Preached on Monday , the 6. of Feb. 1625. at Westminster , at the opening of the PARLIAMENT . PSAL. 122. ver . 3 , 4 , 5. Jerusalem is builded as a Citie that is at unity in it selfe , ( or compacted together . ) For thither the Tribes goe up , even the Tribes of the Lord , to the Testimony of Israel , to give thanks unto the Name of the Lord. For there are the Seats ( or the Thrones ) of Judgement ; even the Thrones of the house of David . SOme are of opinion this Psalme was made by David , and delivered to the Church to be sung , when the Ark of God was carryed up to Jerusalem ; when Jerusalem was setled by David , to be the speciall seate both of Religion and the Kingdome . The people were bound thrice a yeere , at Easter , Pentecost , and the Feast of Tabernacles , to come up and worship at Jerusalem , Deu. 16. And some think this Psalme was prophetically made to sing by the way ; to sing whē they went up by the steps to the Temple . And 't was fit : for they came up with joy ; And joy is apt to set men a singing ; And at joy the Psalme begins . I was glad when they said unto me , We will goe into the house of the Lord. But whatsoever the use of this Psalme was in any speciall Service , certaine it is , that Jerusalem stands here in the letter for the City , and in type and figure for the State , and the Church of Christ . My Text looks upon both ; and upon the duty which the Jewes did then , and which we now doe owe to both . The Temple the Type of the Church , that 's for God's service . No Temple but for that . The City the Type of the State , that 's for the peoples peace . No happy State but in that . Both the Temple and the State , God's house and the Kings , both are built upon Pillars . And it is not long since I told you out of Psal . 75. that there are many times of exigence , in which if God doe not beare up the Pillars , no strength which the Pillars have in and of themselves can support the weight that lies upon them ; Be they Pillars of the Temple , or Pillars of the State. Therefore here to ease the Pillars God hath built up Buttresses ( if men doe not pull them downe ) to stay the maine walls of both buildings . The Buttresse and support of the Temple is Religion . God will not blesse the house , if men doe not honour and serve him in it . The Buttresse and stay of the Kingdome is Justice . God will not blesse the State , if Kings and Magistrates doe not execute judgement ; If the widdow and the fatherlesse have cause to cry out against the Thrones of Justice . So the Church and the Common-wealth , Gods house , the Temple , and the Kings house , the house of David , are met in my Text. And they would ever meet , and in love no question , did not some distempered spirits breath soure upon them . For the Church cannot dwell but in the State. Ye never read that she fled out of the State into the wildernesse , but when some Dragon persecuted her , Revel . 12. And the Common-wealth cannot flourish without the Church . For where the Church is not to teach true Religion , States are enforced , out of necessity of some , to imbrace a false ; And a false is not a help to make a Kingdome flourish . But when they dwell together , when the Church , the House of Grace , is a welcome inmate to the State , which is a wise fabricke of Nature ; then in the Temple there 's meeting : The people goe up to blesse , and praise the Name of the Lord. And then in the State ther 's meeting , To settle the Thrones of Judgement , to make firme the house of David . And then , and never but then , Jerusalem , that is , both State and Church , is a City as that is at unity in it selfe . My Text is nothing but a most deserved praise of Jerusalem . And not of the particular materiall Jerusalem alone , but of any State , of any Church , that is as Jerusalem then was , and that doth as Jerusalem then did . This praise of Jerusalem both formall in it selfe , and exemplary to us , is set downe in three things . And they sever the Text into three parts . For , first here 's the unity of Jerusalem ; 't is builded as a City at unity in it selfe . Secondly , the Religion of it ; For thither the Tribes go up , even the Tribes of the Lord , to the Testimony of Israel , to give thanks unto the name of the Lord. Thirdly , the Government of it both spirituall and temporall ; For there are the Seats of Judgement , even the Seats of the house of David . The first commendation of Jerusalem is from the unity and concord that is in it . 'T is like a City that is compacted together ; That 's for the buildings ; no desolation in the midst of it , saith S. Basil . 'T is like a City at unity in it selfe , That 's for the Inhabitants . For the beauty and artificiall joyning of the houses is expressed but as a type of this unity ; When men men dwell as neere in affection as their houses stand in place . 'T is a great ornament of a City , that the buildings be faire ; that they stand not scattering , as if they were afraid each of other . But wheresoever 't is so , the City is beholding to unity for it . Let the Citizens breake their unity once , they 'l spend so much in quarrels that they cannot build the City . No other times but when the Inhabitants are at peace can build ; Nor no other time can keep them from waste . But what ? Hath God care of houses ? out of question not , but for the Inhabitants that dwell therein . He that taketh the simple out of the dust , and lifts the poore out of the mire , Psalm . 113. loves not man for his house , nor no City for the buildings . Jerusalem will not let mee wander for an instance : For here so long as the Inhabitants served God , and were at unity , what City like Jerusalem ? The City of the great King , S. Mat. 5. The glory of the whole earth , Thren . 2. But when they fell from God to Idols , from unity to heart-burnings among themselves , what then became of Jerusalem ? what ? why just that which our Saviour foretold , S. Mat. 24. That one stone should not be left upon another that should not be thrown downe , not one , neither of Temple nor City . And so it came to passe before Adrian left it . If any man threfore will have his house stand , he hath no way but this ; to labour that Jerusalem , the City , may serve God in unitie . Now Jerusalem is by way of singular eminence called here a City compacted together . And David himselfe might best call it so : For before Davids time Salem and Sion were two Cities ; The Jewes dwelt in Salem , but the Fort of Sion was yet held by the Jebusites , 1 Chron. 11. Two Cities , the upper , and the lower ; Two people , the Jewes , and the Jebusites ; Two most different Religions , the worship of God , and Idols , till Davids time : But then a City most compacted together ; The Buildings , and the Cities joyne ; Beniamin and Iuda dwell there together ; Nothing then but unitie . We are yet within the walls of the City , that 's too narrow ; We must enlarge the Type to the State , and to the Church . Saint Hilary puts me in minde , that my Text reades not Jerusalem is a City , as if that were all it meant to speake of ; but Sicut civitas , as a City ; just as you see that , so the State , so the Church . The City the Modell if you will , but the Building these . And for the State first ; That 's sicut Civitas , as the City , just so . Walls , and Towers , and Forts are things of second consideration ; ordo politicus , the wise ordering of the people in concord and unity is simply the strongest wall of a State : But breake unity once , and farewell strength . And therefore disjoynted factions in a State when they worke upon division , are publica irae divinae incendia , the publike kindlings of Gods anger , and they burne downe all before them . And God seldome suffers these to fire a State ; till himselfe be heated first with the sinnes of the State. But then he will divide them in Jacob , and scatter them in Israel , Gen. 49. Nay scatter Jacob and Israel it selfe for them . And my Text hath it not simply , like a City at unity , but at unity together , or in it selfe . And this the better to resist forraine malice . It were happy if all States , Christian especially , were at unity in themselves , and with their neighbours . And the Church prayes that the course of this world may be so peaceably ordered . But when the Ambition of neigbouring States will admit nor safe , nor honourable peace , then there 's most need Jerusalem should be at peace and unity in it selfe . Need ? yes , need with a witnesse : For all division if it be voluntary , 't is an opening ; if it be violent , 't is a breach ; Both make way for forraine force . Thus it was with Jerusalem of old when shee lost her unity . For faction within the walls was a helpe to Titus , and his siege without . And long after , when the Christians had won it from the Saracens , their owne divisions among themselves , to their losse and shame let in Saladin the Soldan of Egypt . And this hath beene often fatall upon our Jerusalem : For scarce ever did a great enemie enter this Kingdome , but when it was not sicut Civitas , like a City at unity in it selfe . Not at unity opened the doore to the enemie still : For Toustain's division and inrode made way for the Norman . And there were more divisions than one to helpe in the Dane . And Gourthigernus first , and Mordredus after brought in the Saxon. And I. Caesar himselfe , the mirror of men for military Discipline , he which for ought I have read , and remember , scarce ever turn'd his back to any enemie else , fled from the antient Inhabitants of this Kingdome , Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis . till Avaroius , called by Caesar Mandubratius , out of hatred , and in faction against Cassibellanus brought him backe again , and made him entrance . So it seemes Tacitus his observation was too true upon us , That nothing gave the Romans , powerfull enemies though they were , more advantage against the antient Britans than this , Quod factionibus & studiis trahebantur , that they were broken into factions , and would not so much as take counsell and advise together . And they smarted for it . But I pray what 's the difference for men not to meete in counsell , and to fall in peeces when they meete ? If the first were our Forefathers errour , God of his mercy grant this second be not ours . Now there is Coagmentatio duplex , a double buckling and knitting of the State together . And if either faile , the unity is broken . The one is of the Members of the State with their Head , especially the most honourable which are neerest . The other is of the Members one with ather . And this is grounded upon that of the Apostle , 1 Cor. 12. where we find some necessity of every member ; not a like necessity of any : but honour and respect done to all . And why so ? why ? why the Apostle tells you ver . 25. It is that there may be no division in the body ; that still it may be at unity in it selfe . And it is very observable , that in all that large discourse of S. Paul , concerning the unity of the Body and the Members , he conceives at full , how Corruption can unnaturalize Nature it selfe . Therefore he supposes the Eye may quarell with the Hand , ver . 21. and 't is a dangerous quarrell that , when the Eye and the Hand , Direction and Execution are at ods in any State. Well he can conceive that ; But he doth not so much as suppose , that any members would be at odds with the Head : No , God forbid . The Head can compose other members , and settle their peace in the Body ; but if any quarrell the Head , all unity is gone . And yet the Apostle cannot suppose so much unnaturalnesse that any member should quarrell the Head ; not the Tongue , as unruly as it is : yet he is very direct , that there is an office , which the Head owes the Body , and all the members to the very meanest , for the preservation of this unity . For the head cannot say to the very feet , as low as they are , I have no need of you , ver . 21. And for the Church , that 's as the City too , just so . Doctrine and Discipline are the walls and the towers of it . But be the one never so true , and be the other never so perfect , they come short of preservation , if that body be not at unity in it selfe . The Church , take it Catholike , cannot stand well , if it be not compacted together into a holy unity in Faith and Charity . It was miserable , when S. Basil laboured the cure of it : For distracted it was then , as S. G● . Nazianzen witnesseth , into 600. divers opinions and errours : And 't is miserable at this day , the Lord in his time shew it mercy . And as the whole Church is in regard of the affaires of Christendome , so is each particular Church in the Nation and Kingdome in which it Sojournes . If it be not at unity in it selfe , it doth but invite malice , which is ready to doe hurt without any invitation ; and it ever lies with an open side to the Devill , and all his Batteries . So both State and Church then happy , and never till then , when they are both at unity in themselves and one with another . The Vulgar reads it , Jerusalem is a City , cujus participatio in id ipsum , whose participation is upon the same thing ; And that reading is warranted by the 70. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whose participation , or communion is in , and of the same . So this reading followes the effect , the other the cause . For unity in it selfe is the cause of all participation . For unity is in charity ; and charity communicates all good things . 'T is bountifull , 1 Cor. 13. and if any suffer , it suffers with it ; participation still . Now in Heaven , and the Church triumphant , there will be full participation , because there is perfect union : But on earth , whether it be in the State , or the Church militant , looke how much there wants of perfect unitie , and so much there will ever want of joyfull participation . Well ; both State and Church owe much to unity ; and therefore very little to them that break the peace of either . Father forgive them , they know not what they doe . But if unity be so necessary , how may it be preserved in both ? How ? I will tell you how . Would you keep the State in unity ? In any case take heed of breaking the peace of the Church . The peace of the State depends much upon it . For divide Christ in the minds of men , or divide the minds of men about their hope of Salvation in Christ , and tell me what unity there will be . This so farre as the Church is an ingredient into the unity of the State. But what other things are concurring to the unity of it , the State it selfe knowes better than I can teach . And would you keep the Church in peace , that it may helpe on the unitie of the State ? If I mistake not , that can never be done but by Christian patience ; And that I find in the letter of my Text. For it is not here simply said , Jerusalem is as a City , no , but built as a City . Built , and upon a Hill , Esay . 2. Many a cold and a bitter storme it must endure , God knowes . And if Christ had not been a Rocke in the foundation , I make no question it had been downe long ere this . Built then ; but upwards in the Building from this foundation , marke all along the walls of it ; Lapis Lapidem portat & portatur : there is such unity in the Building , that every stone beares another , and is borne by another . And the Apostle calls for the same duty in the spirituall Building , Gal. 6. Beare ye one anothers burthen . So no patience , no bearing ; and no bearing , no unity . The Building cracks presently . And continue it cannot long , if the great Master-Builders take not care of the Morter . If it be laid with untempered , or distempered morter , all will be naught , Ezech. 13. This Psalme was used for many yeeres together in the Church , at Evensong upon New yeeres day , the day of the Circumcision . Why the Church appointed it for that day , is not my question now : This I am sure of , this Psalme calls upon us for the peace of Jerusalem , ver . 6 , And that peace can neither be had nor held long unlesse there be a Circumcision , and a paring off round about of heated and unruly affections in the handling of differences . And there must be a Circumcision , and a paring off of foolish , and unlearned Questions , yea and of many Modal too , such as are fitter to engender strife than godlinesse , 2 Tim. 2. or no peace . This is the way and no other that I know , to see Jerusalem flourish as a City at unity within it selfe , both for State and Church . The second praise of Jerusalem is from the Religion of it . For thither the Tribes goe up , even the Tribes of the Lord , to the Testimonie of Israel , to give thanks to the name of the Lord. Jerusalem is very right now ; At unity , and Religious . Oh that It had knowne the day of its visitation , and continued so , Luk. 19. For at this time the Tribes went up to the Temple . It begins well : for to the Temple , to the Church , to the consecrated place of Gods service , is one of the best journies men of all sorts can make . And you may give a shrewd guesse at the devotion of the time , by the frequenting of the Church . And this their publike comming to worship at the Temple was Gods expresse commandement , Exod. 23. Therefore assembling and meeting at publike service in the Church is no humane Institution , but from God himselfe . Nor is this Ceremony Jewish or Ambulatory , to cease with the Law , and that Temple ; but omnino perpetuum , altogether permanent in the Church of Christ , Christians must to the Church and place of service too . Why , but what are they to doe when they come there ? What ? why Jerusalem was right here too . They did give thanks to the name of the Lord , and there . 'T is no good signe when men are to seeke what they should doe when they come to Church . Yet if any man be ignorant , my Text will informe him ; men are there now to doe as they did then , to give thanks to the name of the Lord. The 70. and the Vulgar have it , To confesse to the name of the Lord. It comes all to one . For be the word Thanke or Confesse , it stands here expressive of the whole Liturgie , of all the publike externall Service of God : All which if it be not accompanyed with the inward service of the heart , is worth nothing . So they went to the Temple , as we must goe to the Church , to confesse , to pray , to worship , to praise , to give thanks to God , which even under the Law was preferred before Sacrifice it selfe , Psal . 50. Nor may the wisdome of the world think , that to pray , and to give thanks to God , are void actions : For what ever worldlings think , the Church doth great service to the State while it prayes . And it is no hard thing to prove this out of those Politicians themselves , which have given the world just cause to think they wrapped up God in their pocket , when they went to counsel . For their great Master confesseth , that not a few , but many things happen to States ex fato urgente , out of such a pressing destiny , that they cannot be prevented , though the remedies be obvious and at hand . And is it so ? Why then , where is the wisdome of the Wise , 1 Cor. 1. Is it not confounded ? out of question ' t is . For ye see the remedy is acknowledged to be at hand , and yet not found . This purblind wisdome cannot see it . But to come home to him . This Fatum urgens what ere it be , if there be a remedy and at hand , it may be prevented . 'T is true it cannot , by worldly wisdome onely . For nisi Dousinus , except the Lord keepe the City , all other watchfulnesse is in vaine , Psal . 127. But then allow God that which is fit for him , due to him , The highest roome at the Councell-Table , hee 'l quickly divert this Fatum urgens , this pressing necessity . The time was when Ruine was travelling so fast toward Nineve , that it came within 40. dayes of the City , Ion. 3. And it was fatum urgens , it came on apace . Did any wiseman of that State discover that danger ? secure a remedy ? Not a man. The Prophet preached the danger , and Devotion , as blind as 't is thought , stumbled upon the Remedy , Prayer and Repentance , things with which worldly wisdome hath little to doe . And therefore to pray and give thankes are no empty Actions for the State. Well then , To pray , To praise , To worship , To give thanks ; here 's a great deale of service mentioned to God , and yet sure no more than needs . But in the antient Church of the Iewes , was there no Reading , no Preaching of the Law to informe people ? Yes , out of question : They heard Moses , & the Prophets in their Synagogues every Sabbath day , Acts 13. yea , and in the Temple too , if S. Basil be right . But marke then . The Originall Copy of the Law , The word of God written in Tables of Stone , was in the Temple at Ierusalem ; And there the Priests , which were to judge according to the Law , Deut. 17. This Law they might and did expound , but they might not crosse with it . No preaching in their severall Synagogues , and Parishes ( that I may so terme them , ) but was according to the Law , conteined in the Arke , at the Temple , the Mother Church . And 't was fit . For if every man may preach as he list , though he pretend the Law and the Gospell too , Ierusalem will be quickly out of unity in it selfe . And if they leave comming to the Arke and the Testimony , the world will soone have as many differences in Religion , as there be yong , ignorant , and bold Priests in Parishes . Now there was a double Testimony and Convention between God and the people . The Law was the witnesse and covenant on Gods part with the people ; And that the people should come , and tender their homage and obedience to God and the Law ; that was the Testimony , and the Covenant of the people with God , Deut. 16. God he promised to be present at the Arke , Exod. 25. and he performed it . Num. 7. And so God is alwayes ready at his end of the Covenant . All the feare is , we fall short , and come not as we should , either to heare Gods Testimony to us , or to give Testimony to the world by our obedience . And herein , as in all things else , Christ be mecifull , that brought mercie into the Covenant . And you may observe too , that this comming to the Temple to pray and to worship is called here by the Prophet an Ascent or going up , Ascenderunt ; and an Ascent it is . It was fitted in the Letter : For the Temple at Ierusalem was built upon mount Moriah ; no going up to it but by an Ascent . And 't is fit in regard of the Materiall Church now : For how low soever the situation of any of them be , yet 't is motus sursum , upward still and towards heaven to frequent the Church . And 't is fit in regard of the whole Militant Church . That 's an Ascent too , to come out of Paganisme , Heresie , or Schisme into the Church at unity in it selfe . He that fell among Theeves , and was almost killed by the way , was not going up to Ierusalem , but downe to Iericho . S. Luk. 10. from the Temple I warrant you . And as S. Augustine speakes , si non descendisset , in latrones non incidisset , if he had not been sinking and going downewards , from God , and from his Church , he had not fallen into the hands of Theeves . But 't is most fit in regard of the Church triumphant in Heaven : For thither is no going but by Ascending . Ascending still out of the dreggs of this sinfull life . And he is miserably out of this way that sinks farther , and farther into sinne , and dreames he is in the way to Heaven . Nor can any man say , faine I would to Heaven , but I want staires to ascend and get up : For this Psalme is Psalmus Graduum , a whole Ladder of steps from the Church here , to the Church in Heaven . And ' its not unfit neither to expresse what paines they then were content to take to serve God. For from their remotest habitations ( and many were very farre off ) every Male came up thrice a yeere to the Temple to worship ; And they might not appeare before the Lord empty , Exod. 23. No paines then too much , no charge too great to serve GOD : And notwithstanding both paines and charge properabant ascendere , they made haste to come up . Now , the Church is at our doores , and we care not for going into it ; And we come up empty handed , else it were not possible so many Churches should lye so ruinous as they doe . Will you give me leave to tell you the reason of this ? 'T is in my Text ; When this devotion was on foote , Jerusalem was at unity in it selfe : For so goes the Text. Jerusalem at unitie , and then ascenderunt , then they ascend by multitudes , and their devotion with them . And this falls in upon the Persons that went up to serve the Lord. And they were the Tribes . Not all the Tribes , Families , and Kindreds of the earth ; No : For the many by Idolatry had made themselves strangers to the true God of Israel . But Tribus Domini , the Tribes of the Lord , they went up , all of them . The 12. Tribes from the Patriarks the seed of Jacob , were then Gods peculiar servants . They were made so in the Covenant . The Testimony of it was the Law. So this honour to be the Tribes of the Lord , God's people , was reserved in the band of Religion . If they had not beleeved , and served God , they had not beene his . They might have beene Tribes , if you will , without serving in the Temple ; but not Domini , not of the Lord , but by that service . And they might have beene in some kinde of unity ; but not in Domino , not in the Lord , but by that union . And they might have beene builded as a City ; but not ad Dominum , to the Lord's honour , and their owne salvation , but by that faith . And which was the honour of Jerusalem then in all David's time , and Solomon's too , All the Tribes went up ; All , not a Recusant Tribe , or Person among them . Now I may not omit the place whither they were to ascend . It was Jerusalem . There the Temple . In that the Arke . In that the Law. And the Law sayes not simply , that they shal assemble and meet to serve the Lord , but precisely , that they shall doe it in the same place which the Lord shall chuse , Deut. 16. And the Lord chose Sion , the Temple at Ierusalem to be his place , 2 Chron. 7. Would you have a reason why God tied them so strictly to one place ? 'T is not hard to give it . That people were wonderfully prone to Idolatry ; therefore saith S. Basil , God tyed them to one place of worship , lest wandring here and there in strange places , they might fall into the service of strange Gods. And marke it , God would then have but one Temple erected , one Altar , in one City , that the people might not fall assunder into different superstitions , and leave true Religion least followed . And the Jewes seeing the command , never halted in this duety so long as Jerusalem was at unity in it selfe . But when that brake , all misery began . For no sooner had Jeroboam made a Rent in this unity , and torne away ten Tribes from the house of David , but by and by Samaria is as good as Jerusalem ; and the Calves in Dan and Bethel , as good as that God that brought them out of the Land of Egypt , 3 Reg. 12. So dangerous a thing it is , when unity and God's command are broke together . The Jesuit Lorinus tells us , There are better causes to perswade us now to go on pilgrimage ad Limina Petri , and the Jubilees at Rome , than the Tribes had here to goe to Jerusalem . What ? better causes ? The Jewes had Gods expresse commandement to goe to Jerusalem , and the forme of worship that was there . And what better warrant can any man , or any people have , than Gods command ? Let him or any other shew me such a command , That all the whole Church of Christ , all the Tribes which now serve the Lord must come in person , or consent and doe it at Rome , wee will never stay for Lorinus his better reasons . Wee will take Gods command for a good one , and obey it . But they must not thinke to choak us with the wool that growes upon Pasce oves , S. Iohn 21. which as the Fathers have diversly spunne out ; so no one of them comes home to the cloathing of Rome , with such a large Robe of State as she challengeth . And this in the meane time will be found true ; That while they seeke to tye all Christians to Rome , by a divine precept , their Ambition of Soveraignty is one and a maine cause , that Ierusalem , even the whole Church of Christ , is not at unity in it selfe this day . Now beside the honour and service done to God , the people had many other benefits by comming up , and meeting at Ierusalem . Many , but one more especially . And that comes into the third commendation of Ierusalem ; the Government both Spirituall and Temporall . For there also are the seates of Iudgement , even the seates of the house of David . So they might serve themselves at the seates of Justice , while they went to the Temple to serve God. In the Ascending 't was illuc , thither . And here at the sitting 't is illic , there . One and the same City honoured with God , his Church , and the King. And it must needs be so . For these three , God , the King , and the Church , that is God , his Spouse , and his Lieutenant upon earth are so neere allyed , God and the Church in love , God and the King in power , The King and the Church in mutual dependance upon God , and subordination to him ; That no man can serve any one of them truly , but he serves all three . And surely 't was in a blessed figure , that Gods house and the Kings stood together at Ierusalem . The Temple ( if I mistake not ) upon the East , and the Palace of Solomon upon the South side of the same Mountaine : to shew that their servants and service must goe together too ; that no man might thinke himselfe the farther from God by serving the King , nor the farther from the King by serving God. The Kings power is Gods ordinance , and the Kings command must be Gods glory : and the honour of the Subject is obedience to both . And therefore in the Law the same command that lay upon the people to come up illuc , thither , to Ierusalem ; the very same lay upon them to obey the Judges , and the house of David , illic , when they came there . To obey the Sanhedrim and the Judges , Deut. 17. and both them and the King , after the house of David was settled , as in this place . For then there was seated ( as divers of the Fathers and later divines observe ) both Authorities ; both of the Priests , and of the King and his judges . So the first lesson which the people doe or should learne by going up to the Temple , is obedience to both spirituall and temporall Authority , but especially to the house of David . Well then , illic , there were the Seates or Thrones of judgement . Of all things that are necessary for a State none runs so generally through it , as justice and judgement . Every part and member of a Kingdome needs it . And 't is not possible Ierusalem should be long at unity in it selfe , if justice and judgement doe not uphold it . And 't is in vaine for any man , whether he be in authority , or under it , to talke of Religion , and Gods service , to frequent the Temple , if he doe not , in the course of his life , exercise and obey justice and judgement . And this lesson Religion ever teacheth . For it was the very end of Christs comming to redeeme us , That we might serve him in holinesse and in righteousnesse , S. Luk. 1. In holinesse toward God , that 's first : and then in righteousnesse and Justice towards men , that 's next . And they stand so , that the one is made the proofe of the other , Righteousnesse of Holinesse . For he that doth but talke of Holinesse , and doth unjustly therewhile , is but an Hypocrite . This for Justice the preservative of unity . Now for the Seates of it . They which are appointed to administer Justice and Judgemet to the people , have Thrones , or Chayres , or Se●tes , ( call them what you will , the thing is the same ) out of which they give sentence upon Persons or Causes brought before them . And they are signes of authority and power which the Iudges have . And 't is not for nothing , that they are called Seates . For Judgement was ever given in publike , sitting . And there 's good reason for it . For the soule and minde of man is not so settled when the Body is in motion . For the Body moved moves the humours ; and the Humours moved move the affections ; and Affections moved are not the fittest to doe Justice and Judgement . No ; Reason in a calme unmoved is fittest for that . Now the Seates stand here both for the Seates themselves ; And so Sederunt Sedes is Active for Passive , The Seates sate , for , The Seates are placed ; or for the Judges that sit in them ; or sederunt , id est , permanserunt , for the perpetuity and fixing of the Seates of Justice . The Seates must be in some reverence for the persons that sit in them . The persons must have their Honour for the Office they perform in them . And the Seates must be fixed and permanent , that the people which are fallen into Controversie , may know the illic , and the ubi whither to come and finde Justice . The words in my Text are plurall , Seates of Iudgement . And 't is observable . For the exorbitances of men that quarrell others are such and so many , that one Seat of Judgement onely was scarce ever sufficient for any State. Seats they must be , and they seldome want worke . In the prime times of the Church , Christians could not hold from going to Law one with another , and that under unbeleevers , 1 Cor. 6. To meet with this frailty of man , God in this Common-wealth which himselfe ordered , appointed not one , but many * Seates of judgement . And therefore even the inferiour Seates , howsoever as they are setled by the King and the State , severally to fit the nature of the people in severall Kingdomes , are of positive and Humane Institution ; yet as they are Seates of Judgement , they have their foundation upon Divine Institution too , since there is no power but of God , Rom. 13. By these Seats of Justice and Judgement the Learned in all ages understand Iudiciary power and administration both Ecclesiasticall and Civill ; And they are right . For the Sanhedrim of the Jewes their greatest Seat of Judgement under the King ( after they had that governement ) was a mixed Court of Priests and Judges , Deut. 17. though other Kindomes since , and upon reason enough have separated and distinguished the Seates of Ecclesiasticall and Civill Judicature . Since this division of the Seats of Judgement , there was a time when the Ecclesiasticall tooke too much upon them . Too much indeede , and lay heavy not onely upon ordinary Civill Courts , but even upon the House of David , and Throne of the King himselfe . But God ever from the dayes of Lucifer gave pride a fall ; and pride of all sinnes least beseemes the Church . May we not thinke that for that she fell ? But I pray remember 't was Fastus Romanus , 't was Roman Pride , that then infected this Church with many others . The time is now come in this Kingdome , that the Civill Courts are as much too strong for the Ecclesiasticall , and may overlay them as hard , if they will be so unchristian as to revenge . But we hope they which sit in them will remember , or at the least , that the House of David will not forget , That when God himselfe ( and he best knowes what he doth for the unity of Jerusalem ) erected Seates of judgement , Hee was so farre from Ecclesiasticall Anarchie , that he set the High-Priest very high in the Sanhedrim . And Ecclesiasticall and Church Causes must have their triall and ending as well as others . I know there are some that think the Church is not yet farre enough beside the Cushin : that their Seates are too easie yet , and too high too . A Paritie they would have , No Bishop , No Governour , but a Parochiall Consistory , and that should be Lay enough too . Well , first , this paritie was never left to the Church by Christ . He left Apostles , and Disciples under them . No Paritie . It was never in use with the Church since Christ : No Church ever , any where , ( till this last age ) without a Bishop . If it were in use , it might perhaps governe some pettie City ; But make it common once , and it can never keepe unitie in the Church of Christ . And for their Seats being too high , God knowes they are brought low , even to contempt . They were high in Jerusalem . For all Divines agree that this in prime reference is spoken of Ecclesiasticall Censures , and Seates . And the word is Thrones ; no lesse . So the originall , So the Septuagint , and so many of the later Divines , forgetting their owne invention of the Presbytery . And one thing more I 'le be bold to speake out of a like duty to the Church of England and the House of David . They , whoever they be , that would overthrow Sedes Ecclesiae , the Seates of Ecclesiasticall Government , will not spare ( if ever they get power ) to have a pluck at the Throne of David . And there is not a man that is for Paritie , all Fellows in the Church , but he is not for Monarchie in the State. And certainly either he is but Halfe headed to his owne Principles , or he can be but Halfe-hearted to the House of David . And so we are come to the last , the great Circumstance of the Text , the House of David : the Guide , and the ground too , under God , of that unity which blesses Ierusalem . The house , that is , not the house onely , but the Government . All Regall and Judiciary power was seated by God himselfe in David and his Posterity , 2 Sam. 7. That He , as King over his people , might take care , both that Ierusalem might be at unity in it selfe ; and that the Tribes of the Lord might goe thither to give thanks to the Name of the Lord : that all the servants of God among that people might know , that God had committed them to the trust of David ; that they might not promise themselves succour from God , otherwise than as they lived in obedience to David ; that they might not think to alter the government , or the succession , but rest dutifully where God had placed them . And therefore when Ieroboam rent ten Tribes from the house of David , almost nothing but distraction and misery fell upon that people ever after , as appeares in the story . This to the letter strictly . Now to the sense at large , as both Church and State have subordination to the house of David . For Ierusalem that 's at unity under David . And the Tribes they goe up to the Testimony under David . And the Seats of Judgement , they have their severall ministrations , but all with reference , all in obedience to the house of David . Now in a State the King , obtinet locum fundamenti , is alwayes fundamentall . All inferiour powers of Nobles , Iudges , and Magistrates rest on him . And yet the holy Ghost doth not say in my Text , that the seats of Iudgement are upon the foundation of David , but upon the House of David . And the reason is plaine : because there is one and the same foundation of the King and his people , that is , God and Christ . But when the house of the King is built upon God , as David's was , then 't is to the people , & domus , & fundamentum , both an house and a foundation of all their houses . And that you may see the truth of this , looke into the Story of all States , and you shall never finde a thunderclap upon the house of David to make it shake , but the houses of all the Subjects in the Kingdome shooke with it . And this is an evident Argument , that the house of David is a Foundation , when such a mighty building as a State , is shaken with it . And therefore there 's no man that loves his owne house , but hee must love the Kings , and labour , and studie to keepe it from shaking . And if you marke the Text , here 's Sedes super sedem , one Throne , or Seate , upon another . And all well-ordered States are built so by Sub and Super , by Government and Obedience . The intermediate Magistrates have their subordinations either to other , and all to David . But the House of David that 's both , Sub & Super ; under the rest in the foundation ; for so the Septuagint , and the Fathers reade it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon the house of David : so the house of David under , as Foundation ; but over the rest in the administration and the government : For they which are upon him , must not be above him . A primacie , or superintendencie , or what you will above the house of David in his owne Kingdome , is a dangerous , and an ill construction of Super Domum David . The house of David a Foundation then ; and my Text warrants both it and mee . I have no will to except against any forme of government , assumed by any State : Yet this my Text bids me say for the honour of Monarchicall Government , The Seats of judgement in it are permanent ; And I doe not remember that ever I read Seates of Judgemens so fixed , as under Regall power . I doe not by this deny , but that there may be the City in peace , and administration of justice in other formes of government , somtimes asmuch , somtimes more ; But there are Judicia , not Sedes , Iudgement , not Seates of it . And Iustice there may be ; but it continues not halfe so steddy . The Factions of an Aristocraty how often have they divided the City into civill wars , and made that City which was at unity in it selfe , wade in her owne bloud ? And for a Democratie , or popular Government , Fluctus populi fluctus maris , The waves and Gulfes of both are alike . None but God can rule the raging of the Sea , and the madnesse of the people , Psal . 65. And no safety or settlednesse , till there be a returne in domum David , to a Monarchie , and a King againe . I 'le goe no whither but to my Text and Jerusalem for instance . That people had a Sanhedrim over them , a wonderfull wise and great Senate ; the chiefe of the Priests , and the most expert in their Lawes of the other Tribes . If any greater difficulty arose , God raised up Iudges and Deliverers to fight their Battailes . This people were well , a man would thinke , for point of Government , very well . And yet Calvin observes , and 't is true , though they had then Iustice and Iudgement among them , yet they were but suspensa Iudicia , & variè mutata , Iustice with suspence and often changes . And which is more , that people restles and unquiet even with the Ordinances of God himselfe till they had a King. 1 Sam. 8. So after the disobedience of Saul , ( which can cast even Kings out of Gods favour ) that State was setled upon the House of David . The King then a Foundation , and a settled one too , as Mortality hath any . The whole frame of the Common-wealth , understood here by the Seats of Iudgement rests upon the strength of his house . Upon his house ? therefore it must be built and settled ; else 't is not domus , not a house : When 't is built , it must be furnished , and plentifully too ; else 't is not fit to be domus Davidis , the Kings house . If any disaster hath been , it must be repayed ; else Domus lacera a house upon props , can be no foundation of Iustice to friends at home , or upon enemies abroad . And there can hardly be a greater misery to a Kingdome , than to have the House of David weake . Well then ; would you have the house of David as Davids was now at Jerusalem , A built , A furnished , A strong , an honourable House ? I know you would . You are a Noble & a most Loyall People . Why then I will not take upon me to teach , but onely to remember you of the way . The way is ; — Am I out ? No sure . The way is , to set David once upon his owne feet ; to make him see the strength of the house which God hath given him ; to fill him with joy and contentment in his peoples love ; to adde of your oyle to make him a cheerefull countenance , now that God hath anointed him with the oyle of gladnesse over you ; that in a free Estate he may have leisure from Home-Cares , every way to intend the good and welfare of his people ; and to blesse God for them , and them in God. And for David , God hath blessed him with many royall Vertues . And above the rest with the knowledge that his House is a foundation . A foundation of his people , and of all the justice that must preserve them in unity , and in happinesse . But t is Domus ejus , His House still , even while t is your foundation . And never feare him , for God is with him . He will not depart from Gods service ; nor from the honourable care of his people ; nor from wise managing of his treasure : He will never undermine his owne house , nor give his people just cause to be jealous of a shaking foundation . And here in the presence of God and his blessed Angels , as well as of you , which are but dust and ashes , I discharge the true thoughts of my heart , and flatter not . And now my Dread Soveraigne , upon you it lyes to make good the thoughts of your most devoted Servant . Thus you have seene as short a Mapp , as I could draw of Ierusalem . She was famous for her unity , and blessed too , when it was within her selfe . Shee was famous for her Religion , and devout too , when all the Tribes went up to the Arke of the Testimony , to give thanks to the name of the Lord. She was famous for Justice , and successfull too , both at home , and against forreigne enemies , when the Seates of Judgement Ecclesiasticall and Civill were all , as their severall natures beare , founded upon the House of David . This Ierusalem of ours is now at unitie in it selfe . And I see here Capita Tribuum , the Heads and Leaders of the Tribes , and People of the Lord , come up , and present in his Temple . I would to God they were all here , that with one heart , and one mouth , we might all pray unto God for all his blessings to come down , and dwell in the House of David ; and to rest upon this great and honourable Councell ready to sit . You are come up to begin at the Temple of the Lord. The Arke was wholly Ceremoniall ; that 's not here . But the Testimonie of Israel , the Law , yea and a better Law than that , the Law of Grace and of Christ , that 's here . Here it is , and open ready to teach the feare of the Lord , which is the beginning of all wisdome , Psal . 111. In this Law you can read nothing but service to God , and obedience to the House of David . And so you find them joyned 1 S. Pet. 2. Feare God , and honour the King. And 't is a strange Fallacie in Religion for any man to dishonour the King , and to make that a proofe that he feares God. To the Temple and the Testimony you are come up . When God would give Moses more speciall direction , he declared himselfe from the Mercy-seat which was on the Arke , Exod. 25. The Mercy-seat was wholly Ceremoniall , as the Arke was on which it stood ; that is , the Seate Ceremonie , but the Mercy Substance . And though the Seat be gone with Moses , yet I hope God hath not left , will never leave , to appeare in Mercy to the House of David , and this wise Councell . If he appeare in mercy , I fear nothing . If he appeare otherwise there will be cause to feare all things . And the way to have God appeare in mercy , is for both King and People , not onely to come to the Temple , that 's but the outside of Religion , but also to obey the Law , & the Testimonie . Judgement went out from God lately , and it was fierce . How many thousands strong men , which might have been a wall about Jerusalem , hath the Pestilence swept away ? But his mercy soone overtook his Judgement : For when did the eye of man behold so strange and sodaine abatement of so great Mortality ? A great argument , that he will now appeare in Mercie . And I cannot tell which hath got the better in the vie , Your Honour or Your Religion , that you have made suchhast to bring the Tribes to the Temple , to give thanks to the name of the Lord for this . The first Lesson of this dayes Evening prayer is Exod. 18. There 's the Story of Iethro's counsell to Moses , for assistance of inferiour Officers . This was not the beginning of that great and parliamentary Councell , which after continued successefull in the State of the Iewes . For that was set after by GOD himselfe , Numb . 11. yet I make no great doubt , but that the ease , which Moses found by that Councell , made him apt to see what more he needed ; and so farre at least occasioned the settling of the Sanhedrim . I take the omen of the day , and the Service of the Church to blesse it . That our David may be as happy in this , and all other Sessions of Parliament , as their Moses was in his Councell of the Elders . That the King and his people may now , and at all like times , meete in love , consult in wisedome , manage their Counsell with temper , entertaine no private businesse to make the publike suffer ; And when their consultation is ended , part in the same love that should ever bring King and People together . And let us pray , That our Ierusalem , both Church and State , which did never but flourish when it was at unitie it selfe , may now and ever continue in that Vnity , and so bee ever successefull both at home and abroad . That in this unity the Tribes of the Lord , even all the Families and Kindreds of his people may come up to the Church , to pray , and prayse , and give thankes unto him . That no Tribe or Person for any pretences ( for they are no better ) may absent themselves from the Church and Testimony of the Lord. That the Seates of Iudgement Ecclesiasticall and Civill af all sorts , may not only be set , but set firmely , to administer the justice of God , and the King , unto his people . That all men may reverence and obey the House of David , who it selfe upon God , is the foundation of all these blessings . That God would mutually blesse David , and this People . That so the People may have cause to give thankes to God for David ; And that David may have cause to take joy in the love and loyalty of his people ; and blesse God for both . Till from this Jerusalem , and this Temple , and these Thrones , Hee and wee all may ascend into that glorious State which is in Heaven . And this Christ for his infinite mercy sake grant unto us : To whom &c. SERM. IV. Preached before His Majesty , on Sunday , the 19. of June , 1625. at White-hall . Appointed to be preached at the opening of the Parliament . PSAL. 75. 2 , 3. When I shall receive the Congregation , ( or , when I shall take a convenient time ) I will judge according unto right . The earth is dissolved , ( or , melted ) and all the inhabitants thereof ; I beare up the pillars of it . THis Psalme is accounted a kind of Dialogue between God and the Prophet : For David sometime speakes in his owne person , and sometimes in Gods. Some think the time , when hee sung this Psalme , was , when he was now ready to be crowned King over Israel , as well as Juda. The occasion of this his solemne devotion was , not onely the care which he had of the world in generall , the earth ; but much more , and much neerer the care which he took of the Kingdome of Israel , now committed by God unto his Government . That Kingdome was then filled with civil combustions ; and the Church ( as it uses to be in a troubled State ) was out of order too . The Learned , both the Fathers and the later Divines , differ much about my Text. For some will reade it Time ; and some , The Congregation . And the best is , there 's warrantable authority for both . Againe , some will have it , that this speech ( I will judge according unto right ) is Davids promise to God , of his just administration of the Kingdome ; and some , that it is Gods promise to David , of his Grace and Assistance , to inable him so to governe . If it be Gods speech , they are not all agreed , neither whether it be meant of his temporary execution of judgement in this life ; or of his great and finall judgement . Nor doe they all agree , whether by the Earth , be meant the whole world , and the Church spread over it ; or the Kingdome of the Jewes , and the Church , as then conteined in it . But the matter is not great . For the Scripture is not only true , but full in all these senses ; and all of them come in close upon the letter of the Text. And therefore for ought I know , it is the safest way , which shuts out nothing that the Text includes . And my Text will easily take in all , if you consider the words , as Davids speech ; yet so , as that one way David be understood to speak in his owne person ; and another way in Gods. And this is no newes . For usually in the Psalmes , one and the same speech is meant of David , and Christ ; and one and the same action applyed to God and the King. And the reason of this is plaine : For the King is Gods immediate Lieutenant upon earth ; and therefore one and the same action is Gods by ordinance , and the Kings by execution . And the power which resides in the King , is not any assuming to himselfe , nor any gift from the people , but Gods power , as well in , as over him . So God and the King stand very neere together . And it is an infinite blessing both upon the King , and the people , when the Kings heart keeps as neere unto God , as Gods power is to the King. For then 't is but reading of my Text , and you both see and enjoy the blessing presently . For then the Congregation that comes up , the great Congregation ; great in number , great in place , and great in power . It shall not lose it's labour : For , I will receive it , saith God ; and I , saith the King. The Congregation , whether it be to serve God , or the State , or both , comes up at an appointed time ; and , I will make a convenient time for it , saith God ; and , I will take a convenient time for it , saith the King. When I have received it , and in this time , I will judge in it , and by it , according unto right , saith God ; and I , saith the King. If Iustice and Iudgement be not executed , the Earth will dissolve , the Kingdomes will melt away , all things will sinke and fall ; but I will beare up the pillars of it , saith God ; and I , saith the King. If the Earth dissolve , the Militant Church which dwells upon it shakes presently ; It must needs beare part with the State in which it is ; but I will beare up the pillars of that too , saith God ; and I , saith the King. So blessed a thing it is , where God and the King keepe neere , and worke together . The Text hath Two parts . The one is the state of the Earth , of the Kingdomes , and the Inhabitors thereof ; and they , when the Prophet wrote this , were in weake estate , melted , and dissolved . The other is , the Remedy , which God and the King will take to settle it . And concerning this Remedie , heere are Three things expressed . First , the Execution of Justice , I will judge according unto right . Secondly , the Establishment , or settling of the Pillars , I bear up the Pillars of it . Thirdly , the time for both these , and that is a convenient Time , even when Hee shall receive the Congregation . I begin at the State in which David , when he came to the Crowne , found the Earth , the world in generall ; the Kingdome of Juda in particular ; and the Church of God. And surely my Text gives me no hope , but Liquefactaa est , weakenesse , dissolution , and melting in them all . For the world first , that so farre as the Assyrian Monarchie prevailed , in those dayes of David , melted betweene riot and cruelty . And the rest of the world which was not under them , was broken and disolved into petty Dynasties and Governments ; which did nothing almost but prey one upon another . And for the kingdome of Juda , ( the speciall aime of my Text ) that melted first in the great disobedience of Saul , and after that in civill dissentions betweene David , and Ishbosheth the sonne of Saul , for divers yeares together . And as for the Church , that had no publicke roome then given it , but in Judea ; and there it could not stand fast when the Earth melted under it . And we finde toward the end of Saul , 85. Priests were put to the sword at once , & unjustly all . And the Church cannot choose but melt when her Priests are slaine : for the speediest melting that is , is to melt in bloud . Now this melting , whether it be in State or Church , is no smal thing . For the Scripture when it would expresse a great Calamity upon men or Kingdomes , uses the word melting , or dissolving . And that shewes that their honour and strength drops away and decayes , till they become as nothing , or quite another thing . In trouble , the heart of David melted like wax . Psal . 22 , When their enemies prevailed , The heart of the people melted like water , Ios . 7. In the time of vengeance , the ungodly of the Earth shall melt and consume away like a snaile , Psal . 58. And that 's melting indeed : Put but a little salt upon a snaile , and he will drop out of his house presently . Melting then is a great Calamity upon a Kingdome . And 't is not Juda onely , but all Kingdomes of the Earth are subject to melting . The many changes of the world have Preach'd this over and over ; That whatsoever hath Earth to the foundation , is subject to dissolution . And the Sermon is still made upon this Text , Terra liquefacta est , The Earth is dissolved . Now usually before melting there goes a Heate : And so it was , Hos . 8. A fire first , and then the melting of Israel . There neither is , nor can be any Kingdome , but it hath many Heates . These are most felt by them , that are at the working of the State. But these are all quite above me , save to pray for their temper : and I will not further meddle with them . Heates then there are , but all Heates are not by and by a Furnace ; nor are all Furnaces able to melt and dissolve States . No God forbid . Not all , but yet some there are , that can melt any Kingdome , especially two . The one of these Heates is Sinne , great and multiplied sinne . For ( saith S. Augustine ) delinquere est de liquido fluere , To sinne , is to melt , and drop away from all steddinesse in vertue , from all foundation of Justice . And here a State melts inward , there 's little seen yet . The other is Gods punishment for these sinnes . For that makes empty cities , and a desolate Land. And there a State melts outwardly , and in view . And by this we have found what , and who it is that melts great and glorious Kingdomes . In the Text there 's no more than liquefacta est , the earth is disolved ; not a word by whom , or for what . But it is expressed ver . 7. that it is by God. And it is too well knowne , that it is for sinne , and for great sinne too . For as there goes sin , before God heates ; so there goe great and multiplied sins , before God makes his fire so hot , as to melt , or dissolve a Kingdome . The sinnes of the Amorite not yet full , therefore not yet cast into the melting pot . But so soone as their sinnes were full , their State melted . The fruit of it from above , and the root of it from beneath , all destroyed . And this was not the Amorites case onely ; for all Stories are full of it , That when States have melted into wanton , and lustfull sinnes , they have not long after dissolved into desolation . For ( as S. Hierom observes ) that course God holds with impious , and impenitent Kingdomes , as well as men , absque discretione personaruus , without any difference of persons or places . Well ; when 't is Terra liquefacta , when a Kingdome dissolves and melts , what then ? What ? why then no man is in safety , till it settle againe ; not a man. For the Text goes on : The earth is dissolved , and all that dwell therein . All men then to seeke what to doe ; the wisest to seeke , and the strongest to seeke , All. And it must needs be so . For so long as a State is Terra , like solide ground , men know where to set their footing ; and it is not every Earth quake , that swallowes the place . But when it is once Terra liquefacta , molten and dissolved , there is no footing , no foundation then . I sticke fast in the myre , where no ground is , Psal . 69. and myre is but terra liquefacta , molten and dissolved earth . All foule then , and no foundation . And when a Kingdome melts indeed , that is , both wayes , In sinne , and under punishment , there 's great reason the inhabitants should melt with it into feare , into danger , into ruine . For God never puts his fire to the melting of a State , but for sin , and sinne , that is never committed by the dead State , but by the living . For when a fruitfull land is made barren , it is for the wickednesse of them that dwell therein . And therefore there is great reason , when the earth dissolves , that the inhabitants should all sweat , and melt too . When David came to the Crown 't was thus . How is it now ? Why , if you take the earth at large , for the Kingdomes about you , out of question there hath been liquefactio ; a melting in the earth , and many Kingdomes have sweat blood . But if you take the earth , for the State at home , then 't is high time to magnifie God : First , for the Renowned , Religious , and peaceable Reigne of our late dread Soveraigne of blessed Memory , who for so many yeeers together , kept this Kingdome in peace , and from melting : And secondly , that now in the change of Princes , ( which is not the least occasion for a State to melt ) we live to see a miracle , Change without Alteration . Another King ; but the same life-expression of all the Royall and Religious Vertues of his Father ; and no sinewes shrinking , or dissolving in the State. If you aske me the cause of this happinesse , I can direct you to no other but God , and God in mercy . For as for the Kingdome , that is made of the same Earth with others , and is consequently subject to the same dissolution . And as for us that dwell therein , I doubt our sins have beene as clamorous upon God to heate his fire , and make it fall on melting , as the sinnes of them that inhabit other Countreys . And though I doubt not but God hath the sure mercies of David in store for the King , and will never faile him , yet if Habitatores in eâ , they that dwell in this good and happy soile , will burden it and themselves with sinne , great sinne , multiplied sinne , unrepented sinne ; it will not be in the power , or wisdome , or courage , or piety of a King , to keepe the State from melting : For David was all these , and yet liquefacta est terra , the Earth was as good as dissolved for all that . And therefore that this Kingdome is not a melting too , I can give no firme reason , but God and his Mercy . For he is content to give longer day for repentance , and repentance is able to doe all things with God. And the time calls apace for repentance : The Heavens they melt into unseasonable weather ; and the Earth melts and dissolves her Inhabitants into infectious humours ; and there 's no way to stay these meltings , but by melting our selves , in , and by true repentance . Would you then have a setled and a flourishing State ? Would you have no melting , no dissolution in the Church ? I know you would , it is the honourable and religious designe of you all : Why , but if you would indeed , The King must trust , and indeere his people : The people must honour , obey , and support their King : Both King , and Peeres , and People must religiously serve and honour God. Shut out all Superstition on Gods Name , the farther the better ; but let in no prophanenesse therewhile . If this be not done , take what care you can . God is above all humane wisdome , and in some degree or other there will be Liquefactio terrae , a melting , or a waste , both in Church and State. And this falls in upon the second generall part of the Text ; which is The Remedy , as it was then with the Jewes , the Prevention , as it is now with us ; which God and the King will use to keep the State and the Church from melting . This Remedy ( and the Prevention is just the same ) is expressed first in the execution of Justice . And this God promises for the King ; and the King promises under God. I will judge according unto right , saith God ; and I , saith the King. Now Iustice and Iudgement , is the greatest binder up of a State ; The great bounder of Peace and Warre . And it is not possible to find dissolving sinews in a Kingdome , that is governed by Iustice . For if the King flourish , the Kingdome cannot melt : And the Kings Throne , that is established by Iustice . Nay farther ; Nothing but Iustice can establish the Throne , and make it firme indeed . But when God blesses the King with a heart full of Iustice , when God strengthens the King in the Execution of Iustice , when the King followes God as close as he can , with Ego judicabo , I my selfe will looke to the administration of Iustice , with which God hath trusted me ; there can be no melting about the Throne of the King , none in the State , none in the Church . But then this Iustice , which preserves the King , and blesses the people , must be habituall . To doe Iustice casually , though the thing done be just , yet the doing of it is not Iustice . The State may melt for all that , because the Remedy is but casuall . Again , since the whole State hath interest in the Justice of the King , his Iustice must be spreading over all persons , and in all causes . And so 't is plurall in the Text , I will judge , Iustitias , for every mans cause , so far as it is just . Why , but then must the King doe all this himselfe ? No , God forbid that burthen should lye all upon him ; Moses was not able alone for that . It was , and it is heavie . What then ? why then Jethro's counsell must be followed . There must be inferiour Iudges and Magistrates deputed by the King for this : Men of courage , fearing God , and hating Covetousnesse . These must quit Moses from the inferiour trouble , that he may be active , and able for the great affaires of State. For if they be suffered to melt and drop downeward , there can be no standing dry or safe under them . And hence it followes , that , Ego judicabo , I will judge according unto right , is not onely the Kings engagement , betweene God , and the People ; but it is the engagement of every Iudge , Magistrate , and Officer , betweene God , the King , and the State. The Kings power , that 's from God. The Iudges , and the subordinate Magistrates power , that 's from the King. Both are for the good of the people , That they may lead a peaceable life in all godlynesse , and honesty . All Judges , and Courts of Iustice , even this great Congregation , this great Councell , now ready to sit , receive influence and power from the King , and are dispensers of his justice , as well as their owne , both in the Lawes they make , and in the Lawes they execute : in the Causes which they heare , and in the Sentences which they give . The King , Gods High Steward , and they Stewards under him . And so long as Iustice and Iudgement sits upon all the Benches of a Kingdome , either it s not possible for Fluxes and Meltings to begin in the State ; or if they doe begin , their Drip will be cured presenly . Now while the King keepes close to Ego judicabo , I will judge that which comes to me according unto right ; if inferiour Iudges ( which God forbid ) judge other than right , they sinne against three at once , and against God in all . For first , they sinne against the people , by doing them wrong in stead of Iustice . Secondly , they sinne against their owne conscience , not onely by calling , but by sentencing Good Evill , and Evill Good. Thirdly , they sinne against the King , the fountaine of Iustice under God , in slandering of his Iustice to the people , with the administration whereof they are trusted under him . And once againe for inferiour Governours of all sorts . The King is the Sunne . Hee drawes up some vapours , some support , some supply from us . T' is true : he must doe so . For , if the Sunne draw up no vapours , it can powre downe no raine , and the Earth may be too hard , as well as too soft and too melting . Now this Raine which descends , and is first caused by the Sunne , is prepared in the Clouds before it falleth on the Earth . And all Great men that are raised higher than the rest ; especially Iudges & Magistrates of all sorts , they are the Clouds . They receive the more immediate influence from the King ; and if they be Gods Clouds , and retaine what he gave them , they drop fatnesse upon the people . But , if they be clouds without water , they transmit no influence . If they be light clouds in the wind , then no certaine influence . If they be clouds driven 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by a whirlewind , then it is passionate , and violent influence . And the Clouds , I hope , are not , I am sure , should not be thus , betweene the King , and his People . There is then Ego judicabo , I will judge according unto right , both for the King , and all subordinate Magistrates under him . But here 's Ego judicabo , and I will judge according to right , for God too . For many of the * Fathers will have this to be Gods speech , or Davids in the person of God. And then whatsoever men do with Iustice and Iudgement , God comes two wayes in upon the judgements of men to review them . For first , God comes in , when the Earth is melting by violence , and injustice . And then Gods Ego judicabo , I will judge , is either in Mercy to repaire the breaches , to stay the melting of the State ; or else in Iudgement to punish the debasers of Iustice . And this God sometimes doth in this life . But if he doe it not here , yet he never sailes to doe it at the last , and finall Iudgement ; to which divers of the * Fathers referre this passage of my Text. Secondly , God comes in when the Seats of Iustice , supreme and inferiour , all are entire . And then Gods Ego judicabo , I will judge , is alwayes to confirme , and countenance the proceedings of Iustice , and to blesse the instruments . And my Text hath it full . For it is not here said , I will judge the cause onely , or the men only whose cause it is , or the Iudges onely that sentence the cause ; but Ego justitias , I will judge the very Iudgements themselves , how right , or otherwise thy passe . And then this must needs be to confirme & honour them , if they be just ; or to condemne and dissolve them , if they be unjust , rather than they shal melt , or dissolve the State ; or somtimes to send a melting into that State in which Iustice is perverted , Now , howsoever men somtimes breake from their duty in judging according to right , yet there can be no question of Gods proceedings . He will be sure to judge all things , and all men , according to right , who ever doe not . Shall not the Iudge of all the world doe right ? Yes , no question . And therefore even Kings themselves , and all mighty men of the Earth , and Iudges of all sorts have need to looke to their wayes . For God is over them with Ego judicabo , I will one day call for an accompt . I will judge all the Executions of Iustice , with which I have trusted them . And this is the first Prevention of the melting of a Kingdome ; the first Remedy when it begins to melt : The maintenance and Execution of justice . The Second followes ; and it is the establishing of the Pillars of the Earth . I beare up the Pillars of it . I , saith God , and I , saith the King. Where first , it is not amisse to consider , what these great Pillars of the earth are . The Earth it selfe , that hath but one Pillar , and that is the poize and aequilibre of the Center . And that is borne up by the Word and Ordinance of God. Thou commandedst , and it stood fast ; And ( saith S. Ambrose ) it needs no other thing to stay it . The kingdomes of the Earth , they have more Pillars than one . This one , which is Gods ordinance for Government , they have ; but they have divers Administratours of this ordinance . And these Pillars are Kings , and Peeres , and Judges , and Magistrates . Not one of these under the nature of a Pillar : not one ; but yet with a great deale of difference . For though there be many Pillars , yet there is but Vnus Rex , one King ; one great and Center-pillar ; and all the rest in a kingdome doe but beare up under , and about him . The Church , that is not without Pillars neither . No , God forbid . And it resembles in this the kingdomes among which it sojournes . The great Master-pillar , Christ , he is the Foundation of all the rest ; and other foundation can no man lay of the Church . Next to Christ , the Apostles & the Disciples are Pillars too , and so called , Gal. 2. After these their Successours , Bishops , & Priests , the Fathers of the Church in their several ages , they came to be Pillars , and so shall successively continue to the end of the world . And so soone as Emperours and Kings were converted to the Faith , they presently came into the nature of Pillars to the Church too . If any man doubt this truth , I le call in the Pope himselfe to witnesse it . There are two great Props , or Pillars of the Church , ( saith Leo ) the Kings authority , and the Priests ; both these : and the Pope was content then to put the Kings first . And Kings ( saith Saint Augustine ) are indeed great Pillars of the Church , especially if they use their power , ad cultum Dei dilatandum , to enlarge ( and support ) the true religious worship of God. You have seene what these Pillars are : Will you consider next what they have to doe both in Church and Common-wealth ? The office of a Pillar is knowne well enough what it is . 'T is sustinere , to prop , and beare up the Earth . Quantum est columnarum nihil sustinentium , sed in ornamentum tantum . I know in luxurient buildings many Pillars stand onely for ornament , but beare no weight . It is not so with Pillars that are crown'd . Honour and ornament they have , and they deserve it , but they are loaded too . Kingdoms and States , the greatest , the strongest in the world , are as mouldring earth , as men . Juda at this time was Terra liquefacta , like a dissolving Body . They cannot stand sine Columnis , without their pillars to beare them . And therefore the King hath ever been accounted , and truly , columna stare faciens terram , the maine pillar , and stay of the State. And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the King is the pillar , the foundation of the people . So S. Gregory ; for he bears subjectorum suorum onera , not onely his subjects , but their burdens too . The office then of the Pillars is to beare ; but when is there use of them ? When ? why continually , they can be spared at no time : if they leave bearing , the State melts presently . We reade it foure times repeated in Scripture , but upon two great occasions onely , Idolatry , and Abominable lust , that there was no King in Israel , Judg. 17. and 19. no King. And still there followed a melting and a dissolving of the State. Every man did what seem'd good in his owne eyes ; and the punishment was great . At this time David was King of Juda , and Ishbosheth would be King of Israel : Joab was for the one , and Abner with the other . The Pillars here , in stead of bearing , fell a justling : What followed ? Why you see , Liquefacta est terra , that kingdome melted . The Pillars then can never be spared from their worke , continuall use of them ; but yet at one time more need than another . And the time of the greatest necessity of these Pillars is , when there is any Liquefaction , or weakening of the Earth . And that is in the Text , the Earth dissolving ; and then by and by recourse to the Pillars . To the Pillars ; and therefore they which weaken the government ; nay , which doe but offer to impaire the honour and reputation of the Governours , are dangerous and unworthie members of any Common-wealth . For to murmure , and make the people beleeve , there are I know not what cracks and flawes in the Pillars ; to disesteeme their strength ; to undervalue their bearing ; is to trouble the Earth , and Inhabitants of it ; To make the people feare a melting , where there 's none . And what office that is , you all know . Continuall use there is then of the Pillars . But what then ? Can the Pillars beare up the earth in a melting time , by their owne strength ? No sure , that they cannot ; not at any time : and therefore least at a melting time . But what then ? Why then here 's Ego and Ego , I beare up the Pillars that are about me , saith David ; and I , saith God , beare up both these and David too . And indeed all Pillars are too weake , if they be left to themselves . There must be one to beare them , or else they can never beare the Earth . One , and it can be none under God : Ego confirmavi , 't is I that in all times have borne up the Pillars of it . And it is per me , by me , saith God , Prov. 8. that Kings reigne : And per me , by me , is not onely by Gods ordination , once set , and then no more , but by his preservation , and his supportation too . And ( as S. Augustine observes ) Quid essent ipsae columnae ? What could the Pillars themselves doe , if they were not borne up by God ? But when it once comes to Ego confirmavi , I beare up the Pillars , there 's nothing then to be feared . Now these of which we speake , are not stony or insensible , but living and understanding Pillars : understanding , therefore they feele Onus terrae , the burden of the Earth which lyes upon them , when the dull earth feeles not it selfe ; therefore as they feele , so are they able to compare their strength , and the burden , and the difference of the burden at severall times ; therefore while they compare they are sensible of the difference betweene supporting of earth , and Terrae liquefactae , dissolved or dissolving the earth : For this latter is heavier a great deale ; therefore in the difference they can tell where they are likeliest to shrinke under the burden , if God come not in to beare them up . And in all these cases , and many more , the Pillars of the earth must goe to God , as fast as the Inhabitants of the earth come to them . They must pray for themselves . And the Church , and the people must pray for them too . And the cloze of the prayers must still bee , that God would beare up the Pillars , that they may be able to beare up the earth . And for the honour of Kings and their great assistants ; marke it , God doth not say here , I beare up the Earth , and the Inhabitants of it , though he doth that too , and they cannot subsist without him ; but as if he had quite put them over to the King , and the great Governours under him , he saith , I bear up the pillars ; and then , I look and will require of them , that they beare up the State , and the people . Let me speake a little boldly , ( saith Gr. Naz. ) Shew your selves gods to your Subjects ; gods , and no lesse : Gods ; why then you must doe Gods worke . And Gods work ever since the Creation , is to preserve , and beare up the world . Therefore as God beares up you , so you must beare up the Earth , and the people . God reteins his own power over you ; but he hath given you his owne power over them , Rom. 13. His own power , and that is to beare up the people at home ; and in all just quarrels to force enemies abroad . And in all this 't is Gods power still , but yet he will exercise it by the Pillars . Therefore in the first great leading of his people , himselfe went before them in the forme of a pillar , Exod. 13. And when he smote the armie of Egypt , he looked out of the pillar while he strook it , Exod. 14. And because this was an extraordinary pillar , and therefore can be no principle for ordinary conclusions , Hee makes Moses , which was the ordinary pillar , not beare onely , but strike too . He must stretch out his hand upon the Sea , Exod. 14. Now this great worke of God in supporting the pillars , Kings and mighty Potentates of the Earth , is so manifest , that no reason can be brought to deny it . First , in that the wisest , and mightiest Kings that ever were , have been in their severall times most religious . Secondly , in that even those kings , and great men under them , which have not accounted God their strength , have yet thought it necessary to beare the world in hand , that they did relye upon God to beare them up . And this is a full proofe , that this principle is naturally printed in the heart of man , that God is Basis Columnarum , the foundation of the pillars . Thirdly , in that very many times , weaker Governours both for wisdome and courage , doe prosper , and performe greater workes , than some , which in themselves had farre greater abilities , and a more provident counsell about them . A famous instance of this , is Pope Julius 2. To ascribe this to Fortune onely , worldly wisdome it selfe would condemne for folly . To give it to Destinie , is to bind up God in chaines unworthy for men : For worldly wisdome knows this , that God in his workes ad extra , must be most free , or no God. To worldly wisdome it selfe , it cannot be ascribed : For she hath openly disclaimed many of their Actions , which have prospered best . Therefore of necessitie it must be ascribed to Gods blessing and protecting them . And certainly there 's no true reason can be given of it , but this . First , Ego confirmo , I establish and beare up the Pillars . For so long the world cannot shake them . And secondly , Ego apto , I make fit the Pillars , ( as Tremel . reades it ) for so long they beare , even above their strength . And out of doubt , there is very much in the fitting of the Pillars . 'T is not the great massinesse of a Pillar , but the cleane , and true working of him , that makes him beare ; the fitting of him in time , and to his place . And here , as for many other , so especially for two things , we have great cause to blesse and magnifie God. First , that since he would remove our Royall Pillar , which had stood now under the weight of this Government full 22. yeeres , yet he would not doe it , till he had prepared another , and brought him to full strength , to beare up this Kingdome , to Gods great honour , and his owne . Secondly , that by Gods great blessing , and his Royall Fathers prudent education , he is , and was from the first houre , confirmata Columna , an established , and a setled Pillar . And I make no question , but aptata Columna too , A Pillar every way fitted to the State he beares ; fitted to the difficulties of the time ; fitted to the State , and fitted to the Church . Now the Church , no question , for the externall support of it , hath need , great need of Temporall Pillars too . At this time a great Pillar of this Church is falne ; and doubtlesse a great part of the edifice had falne with it , if God had not made supply of another , and a very able Pillar . I finde Gen. 28. that there was an Anoynted Pillar ; that it was anoynted by Jacob. The place was Bethel , the house of God. In it the Ladder of heaven , by which the Angels goe and come . But out of doubt this Pillar is here . This Pillar not yet anoynted by the hand of the Priest ; but anointed already to the inheritance , and by the blessing of Jacob. The place where Jacob left him behind is the Church of God , and he left him a Pillar , for so he rested on him , and well he might . Old Jacob is gone by the Angels way to heaven , but he left the Pillar here behind at Bethel , for the house of God. And all the blessings of Heaven and Earth be upon him all the dayes of his life . The Church in all times of her dissensions , when schisme and faction have made great Rents in her buildings , hath still had recourse to her Pillars , to her Civil & her Ecclesiasticall Pillars ; and she goes right . For her Pillars must support her , or she cannot be borne up . This very time is a time of Church division . What follows upon it ? what ? why the Church is become Terra liquefacta , there 's melting almost in every part of it Christendome through , melting in all places , but not at the same Fire . For in one place Truth melts away from the doctrine of the Church . In another devotion and good life melt away from the practice of the Church . In a third all externall meanes , and necessary supply melts away from the maintenance of the Church . And , but that I know Hell gates cannot prevail against it , it melts so fast sometimes , that I should think it is , as the world takes it for , a house of Butter against the Sun. Well , what 's the cause that there should be such melting in the Church ? what ? why surely there are many causes , would I complaine to you of them . But there are two in the very letter of my Text , and them I cannot bank . But I speak of the Church in generall , and still hope the best of our owne . The One is , that the Ecclesiasticall Pillars , which are the Churches most immediate bearers , are in many places of Christendome but hollow Pillars . And there 's no trusting of hollow Pillars with such a weight as the Church is . And therefore here where God in mercy will stay the melting , 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I will make the pillars solid . I will not leave the Church any longer upon hollow , hypocriticall , and deceitfull Pillars . The other is , that the Church oft-times relyes too much upon her Pillars , upon the wisdome , and the power of them . And so farre , that sometimes Ego confirmavi , God that beares up the pillars is quite forgotten . And then whensoever she and her Pillars leave to rest upon God , they fall on melting Presently , and no wonder . But whatsoever the Churches Error be , this I am sure will concerne the State , and you . It is not possible in any Christian Common-wealth , that the Church should melt , and the State stand firme . For there can be no firmnesse without Law ; and no Lawes can be binding if there be no conscience to obey them ; penalty alone could never , can never doe it . And no schoole can teach conscience but the Church of Christ . For wherever you find the Church melt and dissolve , there you shall see conscience decay . Therefore be Pillars to the Church , and you shall be Pillars , strong Pillars to the State , and to your selves . The Third and last Circumstance of the Text is , The Time , that is chosen for both these , both for the execution of Justice , and establishing the Pillars ; And that is a set , and a convenient time , even when he shall receive the Congregation . For that time I 'le take , saith God , and I , saith the King. The first instant of this time set or taken is Opportunity . 'T is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Text. And opportunity is the best moment in all the extension of time , lose it , and lose all . The right use of it is one of the things that differences wisdome from folly . Now a man would thinke that for these things in the Text , all times were times of opportunity . For can any time be unfit to doe justice , to judge according to right , to beare up the pillars of State and Church ? no sure , there cannot . And yet , even for these , here 's both God and the King for opportunity . For here David promises both for God and himselfe , that he will take a convenient time . But then there is a great deale of difference betweene God and the King in taking of it . For when the King comes to beare up the State , 't is simply cùm accepero tempus , when I shall take a convenient time . For no regall power hath any command over time . It can neither force on , nor draw backe , nor make stay of opportunity . He must take it when God offers it , or not have it . And if it be let slip , he cannot promise it shall returne to his hand againe . Nor can this great Court make an Act of Parliament , to stay or reduce it . But when God comes to doe justice and to beare up the Pillars themselves ; then cùm accepero tempus , is not simply the taking of a convenient time , but the making of it too . And it stands not for eligere but statuere , not for a choice of time , as if God must wait upon it ; but for appointing of time , and making it fit to serve both God and the King. For ( saith S. Augustine ) Deus non accipit ( propriè , ) sed gubernat tempora , God doth not attend opportunities of time , as if he could not worke without them , but he governes and disposes of time , and occasion , and makes them ready for us to take them . Otherwise obsequia temporum ( as Arnob. calls them ) the pliantnes of time , will not attend , nor be commanded by us . So that here God's taking of the time is nothing but God's fitting of the time to us , and us to it . And when he is said to take it , it is for us , not for himselfe . Now though God be at this taking of the time , yet it is not in men to give it him . No ability of man or any creature can doe that . And therefore where the speech is of God , it is absolute , and simply Quum Ego , when I shall take it . Not I and you , not I from you ; But out of his owne wisedome he findes it , and out of his owne goodnesse he takes it , and by his owne power he uses it , to beare up the pillars of the Earth . And therefore here in the Text is never a Quum tu das , when thou givest me opportunity , but when I take and order time by my selfe . And yet let me tell you , that where mans strength can doe nothing to give God an opportunity to preserve the Earth , and the kingdomes of it from melting , there his weakensse can . For as weakenesse is the thing that needs , so the time of melting is the opportunity of establishing the pillars of the earth . And so God in mercy is often pleased to make it . 'T was so Psal . 9. The Lord will minister true Judgement unto the people : He will be a defence for the oppressed . When will he doe this ? in opportunitatibus , in the needfull time of trouble ; and that is the melting time . And 't is so in the Text , I beare up the Pillars of the Earth . When doth he beare them ? Quum terra liquefacta est , when States shake and seeme to be dissolving . And since our sufficiency can give Gods wisedome no opportunity , but yet our weaknesse gives his mercy opportunity enough ; it is manifest , that no one thing is more necessary for preservation against the melting of a kingdome , then humble and hearty prayer , that God will come alwaies into that opportunity which our weakenesse makes . And now because God doth often take unto himselfe second meanes , and uses them in time , to watch over the opportunity which himselfe gives , here 's a touch in the Text for that too , when this fit time of bearing up of the pillars of the Earth comes ; And that is ( as S. Basil & some others read it ) at the Receiving of the Congregation ; that is , when the people shall meet in the Synagogue to pray , and praise God : or , when Honourable and selected of the people shal be summoned , and gathered together in the name of the Lord , for Counsel or Justice . For no time so fit to honour God ; none to execute Justice ; none to beare up the pillars of the Earth ; as when the Congregation is received , to meet , and consider and weigh all those things which make for the honour and safety of a kingdom . And beginning that service with Gods : For God forbid this Honourable Councell of State should sit downe and beginne any where else than at God. Now the great Congregation among the Jewes was the Sanedrim . And the going up of the Tribes to Jerusalem , was first to give thankes unto the Lord , and then to sit downe on the seate of judgement , Psal . 122. And Jerusalem at that time was the seat both of Religion and the State. Differences I know there are many betweene us and them , our government & theirs , but not in this , That the Tribes are assembled and come up to one place ; Nor in this , That they come up first to give thanks to God , before they possesse the seate of judgement ; Nor in this much , that there is a Session , a Convocation for Religion , as well as Parliament for State. But to leave them , and come to our owne . This great Councell of the kingdome , this Congregation is never received to meeting , but about the Pillars of the State , the Lawes , and the Government . That by the Lawes there might be Judgement according to right ; and by the Government the Pillars may both beare and be borne . I say beare , and be borne : For though in the text it be , I beare up the Pillars , That is , I at all times ; and I in some cases , where none can but I ; and I when all forsake save I ; yet that is not so to be taken , as if the people were not bound to beare up the Pillars , as well as the Pillars them . No , for there 's no question but they are bound , and strictly bound too , Rom. 13. And certaine it is no State can flourish , if there be not mutuall support betweene the Earth and the Pillars : if it faile of either side , there 's some melting or other presently . For the strength of a King is in the multitude of his people , Prov. 14. His supply , and his defence is there . And the strength of a People is in the honour and renowne of their King : His very name is their shield among the Nations ; and they must make accompt to beare , if they will be borne . And this is read in the very Dictates of Nature for government . For no man ever saw building of State , but the Pillars which beare up it , are borne by the Earth . Now God and the King doe both receive this Congregation , and in fitnesse of time , and yet with a difference too : For the King receives the Congregation to consult , and advise with it ; but God receives it , to direct , and to blesse it . And God with his blessing is never wanting to us at these and the like times , if we be not wanting to Him , and our selves . And thus you have seene in what state the kingdome of Israel was in Davids time ; and how easie it is for any kingdom to be in the like ; in a melting , and a dissolving estate . You have likewise seene what Remedy was then , and what Prevention is now to be thought of against this melting . This both Remedy , and Prevention consists especially in impartiall distribution of Justice to the people ; and in Gods gracious and powerfull supporting of the pillars of the State. The time for this never so fit , as when the Congregation is received by the King to consultation , and by God to blessing . It is not much which I have more to say . The Congregation is now ready to be received . The very Receiving it joynes it with the fitnesse of opportunity . For it is the Kings opportunity to blesse his people with Iustice and Iudgement ; and it is Gods opportunity to beare up both King and Peeres , both greater , and lesser Pillars of the State. My text delivers a promise of both . For 't is Davids speech for himselfe , and for God. I 'le doe both , saith God , and I , saith the King. Now you may not distrust this promise on either side ; neither on God nor Davids . Not on Gods side : For that is infidelity . Nor the Kings : For what hath he done that can cause misbeliefe ? or what hath he not done , and that above his yeares , that may not merit , and challenge beliefe of all ? And for the comfort of this Kingdome , and all that dwell therein , the service of the day , which was first designed for this businesse , seems to me to prophesie , that another Hezekiah , a wise , and a religious King , hath begun his Reigne . For the first Lesson appointed in the Church for Evening Prayer that day , is 4 Reg. 18. which begins the story of Hezekiah . Hezekiah was twenty five yeares old when he began to reigne . There 's his age . What did he when he came first into the Throne ? Why one of his first works was , He gathered the Princes of the Citie ( there was the receiving of the Congregation ) and so went up to the house of the Lord. After this , what was the course of his life ? It follows , He clave to the Lord , and departed not from him . ( And I hope I may make a prophecie of that which follows . ) So that there was none like him among the kings of Judah , neither were there any such before him . And thus is our Hezekiah come this day to receive this great Congregation in the Name of the Lord. Let us therefore end with Prayer unto God. That he would blesse both the King and the State. That this Kingdome may never be Terra liquefacta , like molten and dissolved Earth . That if at any time for our sins it begin to melt , and wash away , the remedy may be forthwith applyed . That Iustice and Iudgement may be given according to right . That the pillars of the Earth may be borne up ; the inferiour and subordinate pillars by the King , and both the King as the Master-pillar , and they , by God. That all this may be done in fit and convenient time . That God would make fit the time , and then give the King and the State , and this great Councel , all wisedome to lay hold of it . That this great Congregation may be in the fitnesse of time . That God would be pleased to receive and blesse it . That the King will be pleased to receive & grace it . That it will be pleased to receive the King , according to his desert , and their duty , with love , honour , and necessary supplie : that so he may beare up this Kingdome , and the honour of it , with comfort ; and be a strong and a lasting pillar , to support both it and us , in the true worship of God , and all inferiour blessings . That he may dwell before God for ever ; & that God would prepare his loving mercy and faithfulnesse , that they may preserve him . That all the blessings of Grace may attend him and this Congregation in this life ; and all the blessings of Glory crowne both Him and us in the life to come . And this Christ for his infinite mercy grant unto us : To whom , &c. SERM. V. Preached before His Majesty , at White-Hall , on Wednesday the 5. of July , 1626. at the solemne Fast then held . PSAL. 74. 22. Arise , O God ( plead , or ) maintaine thine owne Cause : Remember how the foolish man ( reprocheth or ) blasphemeth thee daily . THis Psalme in the very Letter is a complaint of the wast that was made upon the City of Jerusalem ; and the prophanation of the Temple that was in it . And these goe together . For when did any man see a Kingdome , or a great City wasted , and the Mother Church left standing in beauty ? sure I think never . For Enemies when they have possessed a City seldome think themselves Masters of their owne possessions , till they have ( as they thinke ) plucked that God out of his House , which defended the City . As you may see in that bragge of the Heathen in Minu. Foelix . * And so 't was here . The Enemies roared in the City , and displayed their Banners , vers . 5. And then by and by followes the defiling of the holy Place . Downe goes the carved work with Axes and Hammers , and Fire on the rest , verse 6. A profanation upon the Temple , and upon all the Rites of Religion there was . All agree upon that . But it was yet but in Prophecie , not come . And the learned which lived after , and looked back upon the Prophecy , and the accomplishment of it , are not agreed . For some say , the Text refers to the first great desolation by Nebuchadonozor ; some , to the last by Titus ; some , to that which came between by Antiochus Epiphanes ; and some indefinitely to all . The best is you cannot refer the Text amisse . For in every of these the City and the Temple ; the State and the Church were threatned alike . And I for my part see no great reason yet , why the Prophet should not mean all , since certaine it is both State and Church did suffer in all . This Psalme as in the Letter it lookes back upon the State and Church of the Jewes , so in the Figure it lookes forward upon the whole course of the Church of Christ , entertained in any State : For if the State come to suffer , 't is madnesse to thinke the Church can be free . And therefore this Psalme certainely was penned to be Documentum perpetuum , an everlasting document to the Church of Christ , to labour and pray for the safety of the State ; Because if any violence threaten the Kingdome with Waste , it must needs at once threaten the Church with both Prophanation and Persecution . Well , This danger is usually threatned before it come ; And so 't was here . But upon that threatning what remedy hath the State ? What ? why wisely to fore-see , carefully to provide against , and unanimously and stoutly to resist the Insolence and the violence of the Enemie . And to this work every Subject is bound by all Law , of God , of Nature , and of Nations , to put hand , and meanes , life and livelyhood . But what remedy hath the Church ? What ? Why a Remedy beyond all this . Majora arma as Saint Chrysostome calls them , greater , sharper weapons . For foresight , and care , and unanimity , and courage , sometimes come all too short : For all these may dwell in greater proportion in the Exemies Camp. Whither goes the Church then ? Whither ? Why doubtlesse to God. For when all things else faile , The helpe that is done upon Earth , he doth it himselfe , ver . 13. To God , and to God by Prayer . That 's the Church way . And the Church way is Via Regia , the Kings way ( as Epiphan calls it . ) The Prophet here is all upon this way . For here in the Psalme is a Noise of Enemies comming . There 's a Prophecie what they will doe if they get the better . What doth the Church ? Doth she stay till the Enemies be come ? No sure . 'T is no wisedome in the State ; 'T is no Religion in the Church to doe so . No : nor did the Church so here . But she called to minde what strange things God had done of old for his servants , ver . 14. Upon that mercy she grounds her confidence ; That upon the same Repentance , she shall have the like Deliverance . And upon this Faith and hope she repents and prayes , ver 20. My Text is the conclusion of this Prayer ; And it hath two parts . The one is the Invocation , that God would bestir himselfe ; Arise O God. The other is what the Prophet would have him doe when he is Risen : And they are two things which hee doth expresly desire of him . The one is , that he would pleade and maintaine his owne cause . The other , that he would remember how the foolish man reproches , or blasphemes him daily . Arise O God , maintaine thine owne cause : Remember how the foolish man blasphemeth thee daily . The Text it selfe is all as it begins , a Prayer . It must needs fit the worke of the day : For that Proclaimes for Prayer . No time is or can be unfit to call upon God ; But such Times as this are necessary . And there cannot more well be said , than such Times as this . The Prophet David where he points out opportunity for Prayer goes not so farre . Call upon me in the day of trouble , so will I heare thee , and thou shalt glorify me , Psal . 50. There 't was but the day of Trouble . But these Times , might I be bold to put them under their just character , for difficulties both at home , and abroad , are more than the day of trouble . For , beside that they have made up a long Day of trouble already : These Times are the very concurse of Feare and Danger . The Cloudes have threatned from heaven now many dayes together , to destroy a hopefull and plentifull Harvest in the Day of Possession ; As the Prophet speakes , Esay 17. The Pestilence as if it were angry that God had driven it out of this great City of the Kingdome , wastes and destroyes far and neare in other places of it . The Sword of a forraigne Enemy threatens to make way for it selfe : And if it enter , 't is worse than Famin and the Pestilence . The Prophet calls it a Rasor , Esay 7. But such as is readier to cut the Throat , than shave the Beard . Can yee tell where to sue out remedy against these , but at God ? Perhaps you may think upon second and subordinate Helps ; And 't is fit yee should : For these are simply necessary too . And 't is Gods great blessing upon the Kingdome , that to meete with the Distractions of the Time , he hath placed over us in the Throne , a wise , a stout , a vigilant , and a most provident King. Well : But can you alwayes have these second helpes at hand ? Can you always by them effect your end ? Have you them ready at this time ? Have you the Sinewes that move them ? 'T is well if you have . But I doubt 't is a great part of the sorrow and trouble of the time , that you have not . And howsoever , have , or have not , there is a commanding power both over you and these . And therefore this is a time for Humiliation under that power , that he which gives Grace to the Humble , would resist the Pride of our Enemies , S. Jaco . 4. I need not presse this any further . The necessity of these Times speakes out . 'T is past whispering now that this is a day of Trouble . Of Trouble : therefore it ought to be a day of Prayer , humble and devout prayer , which may Out-cry our sinnes to God. And as it ought to be , so Authority in a most religious hand commands it . And a powerfull Edict hath made that duty publique , which else perhaps would have beene , as much neglected in the private , as the time it selfe and the danger both have beene . Will ye say , we see by the threatnings , that God is angry with us ? will ye adde to this ? If he be angry , he will not succour us ; no nor regard the prayers that are made for succour ? Well , suppose this : yet Prayer is necessary , and the ready way to bring God into the Battell on our side . Will ye see how ? First , God gives Grace : In the strength of Grace doe you repent , and God cannot continue angry . In your Repentance pray , and God cannot but heare ; and some way or other come in to help . And it was never a Church Conclusion ; God is angry , therefore I wil not pray . No , but therefore I will , was the Churches voice . First , pray to appease his anger , and then pray againe to obtaine his love , and those blessings which he gives where he loves . And the Church of old often did upon great apprehensions , as we doe this day , Fast , and Pray together . That is , labour by all meanes to make God for the State. First , because if there be any evill Spirit , as you lately heard , got in between Abimelech and the Men of Sechem , betweene the King and his People , Jud. 9. There 's no Exorcisme so soveraigne to cast him out , as Fasting and Prayer . For some Devils , you know , will not otherwise out , S. Mat. 17. And because a soule , humbled by Fasting , growes hungry after God ; And that hunger shall be satisfied , S. Mat. 5. But one Fast there is , take heed of it . 'T is a mighty Enemy both to Prayer and him that prayes . 'T is to Fast from sustenance while we are in the Church : and to fall greedily like hungry Men , upon all our old sinnes , so soone as we are out at the Church dore . God himselfe cries out against this Fast , and will none of it , Esay 58. Well , Fasting then and Prayer's necessary . But how doth this Prayer of the Prophet fit us ? How ? Why sure it fits us every way . And we have as much need , every way as much , to powre out our prayers to God , as Israel had . The Prayer is Exurge Deus , Arise O God. When the Priests of Baal had prayed long , and were not heard , Elias bid them cry lowder : Their God was asleep , and must be awaked , ere he could help them , 3 Reg. 18. Asleepe ? Yes , dead asleepe . And it was in just scorne of their grosse Idolatry , that he bid them cry lowder upon a deafe Idoll . But that God that watches over Israel , doth neither slumber nor sleepe , Psal . 121. As appeares in the speedy returne which he there made to the praiers of Elias . Why but then , if the God of Israel doth neither slumber nor sleepe ; why doth the Prophet call upon him to arise , and take care of the People ? Why ? Surely not because he was laid downe to rest : But because this is one of the many speeches which are uttered of God in Scripture , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after the manner of men ; Not to expresse any such thing in God , but to make us understand something of God by our selves . So that while the Prophet prayes , that God would arise ; here 's no signification of any slumber in God : But t is to teach us , that God sometimes in his providence over us , is Dormienti similis , like to a man that sleeps . As some in Saint Basil render that in the Psalme 44. 23. For as he that sleeps must have some call to awaken him ; So when God either for our sinnes , or for triall of our Faith and Patience , or for some other cause best known to himselfe , shall suspend or drawe in the sensible comfort of his providence , by which we are presently exposed to Feare or Danger , our Prayers , must be the Call , to make it appeare by the Activenesse of his providence that he sleeps not . And God is then said to Arise , when after long with-drawing , as it were his Act of Power and Providence , ( For so 't is called ver . 12. Why with-drawest thou thy hand ? ) he at last shews he was waking over his people . And to manifest this to their comfort is the Prophets prayer : Arise , O God. Now the Prophet pray'd here in the name of the Church and of the State. And the manner of the Prayer tells me , both were in danger , great danger : as they must ever be when God withholds his mercy , as here he did . For , Nisi Dominus , except the Lord keep the City , the watch-man waketh but in vaine , Psal . 127. And Nisi homo , except Men have some sensible experience of Gods favour that he doth keep the City , they are apt to doubt & distrust his goodnesse ; And very ready to think he sleeps . Whereas he doth but as earthly Parents sometimes doe with their lesser children , hide themselves that they may be sought . And the more their children cry at their absence , the stronger Argument they draw of their love ; and Joy in their very Teares , to see they cannot call but Crying . And poore Infants they cry , because they know no safety but in their Mothers Armes . And certainly no safety for us , but in the hand of God : And therefore 't is time to call , that God would be found of us , and Arise to succour us . But you will say , Though God cannot , yet Christ as man could and did sleepe . And 't is in vaine for us to make any addresse to God , if Christ be asl●epe and not with us : For , the well-pleasing of God is in him , not in us , S. Matt. 3. Yea , but marke . Though Christ could and did sleepe while his body was pass●●le : yet after his Resurrection that his body was glorified , as he can dye no more , Rom. 6. So can he sleepe no more . And he is more vigilant , a great deale , over all the Prayers we make , than we are to make them : Else we must deny him to be God. For ( as S. Austin tells us ) Aures Dei in Corde Precantis sunt , The eares of God are in the heart of him that prayes . Not a motion in the heart , but the ear of God hath it presently . And so of Christ , or he cannot be God : So , no feare that Christ is asleepe neither And even in the time while he carried about him our flesh mortall , we never read that he slept but once , And that was at Sea : and at Sea in a Tempest , S. Matt. 8. An ill time chosen , you will say , to sleepe in ; But that 's not so neither . For he tooke opportunity onely of the Tempest , to shew his Disciples that his Command could lay the Sea. If any Enemy come upon us , he must come by Sea ; It 's therefore fit for us to pray , that though CHRIST now slumber not , yet that he would remember where he once slept , but Arose to make a Calme . We have been in one Tempest , and we have cause to feare another ; Let us in any case get Christ to Sea , and aboard our Shippes ; That no Tempest may untackle them , or rent their Keeles , or hew downe their Masts . That no enemie may come neere them with safety ; nor slide from them by escape . This is the way , and you are now upon it , to make God and Christ arise together . And this very Prayer here in the Text is grounded upon a wonderfull deliverance at Sea , Ver. 14. Well , wee are safe enough at Sea and at Land , if we can but get God to Arise on our part . But how shall we be able to doe it ? How ? why never dreame , ( for it is a Dreame indeed , and a fond one too ) that ye can ever be able without Gods Grace , to make God yours . But know that he hath Grace for you , and gives it , and he is half yours already : He will Arise and be all yours , if you pray in Grace . But here two things are especially to be taken heed of , if we will have our Fasting and our Prayers prevaile . And I doubt we are guilty of both : and have taken heed of neither . The one is Pride : and the worst of it , Rising against God. For , we must not looke that God should Arise to helpe us , if we arise to oppose and unglory him . And marke the phrase of Scripture . God resists the proud S. Jac. 4. Resists : therefore that time which we would have God spend to defend us , our Pride forces him to use to Resist us . And certainly . Rising against God , and raising our sinnes with us , even above Mercy , were it possible , is not the way to make God Arise for us , but against us . If we will have God Arise , we must fall low on our face before his Footstoole , for hee is Holy , Psal . 99. And humble our selves as we have begun this day , that he which is all Mercy and Power , may be as willing , as we know him able to deliver us . The other is Security . And the worst kind of that too , Security in and under danger . For we must not looke that God should Arise and take care of us , if we will sleep on in Security , without care of our selves . And no destruction so suddaine as that which comes when security sings Peace and Safety , 1 Thes . 5. Nay , which is worse , the Apostle there tells us , that in the time of security God threatens it shall come . So Security is both a meanes to bring danger , and a disinabling to resist it . And therefore if you will have God Arise , you must arise too . Arise in soule by devotion ; Arise in life by the workes of Sanctification ; And arise in prudence and in provident care to be up , and not found sleeping in riot and excesse , when an Enemy is , or ought to be feared . I know 't is hard to make you confesse that you have been , or are , either secure amongst men , or proud against God. And I am sorry 't is so . For the very difficulty of confession makes me doubt you are guilty of both , and so continue . For he was a wise Man , that gave this reason why a man doth not confesse his faults , namely , Quia etiam nunc in illis est ; because he continues in them still . And you know Somnium narrare , vigilantis est , 'T is a proofe that a man is awaked , when he can tell , and doth acknowledge how his dreaming fancy fool'd him while he slept . But if after all this you doe not yet see you have beene in a dreame , I must crave leave to think you are secure and asleep still . Let us therefore confesse and amend these and all our other sinnes , that have made God stand aloofe from us , and then God will Arise before wee can call him up . This for the Invocation . The second generall part of the Text is , What the Prophet would have God doe when he is Risen . And they are two things . The first is , that God when he is risen would plead and maintaine his owne cause . In which the circumstances are many and important . And first I find acknowledged here by the Prophet , that God hath a cause in hand ; not alwaies the same , but still a cause ; and a cause in continuall agitation among the Sonnes of Men. So 't is allwaies Term with God ; some cause still , and a trying . And yet the opinion which some of the Heathen had , that God could not worke in providence over us , but he must be unquiet and troubled in himselfe , is as weak as false . Christ tels us otherwise , S. Joh. 5. My Father worketh hitherto , and I work . For ( as the Schoole observes ) though he ceased the Seventh day from the work of the generall Creation of the kinds of things ; yet there is another work from which he ceased not ; That worke is in gubernatione Creaturarum , in his providence and government of the world . But this worke of God is questioned too . For many things in the workes of providence , many Men , yea and sometimes the best , are a great deale too busie with . For instance . They would faine know why many wicked Men prosper in the world ; And why many vertuous Men suffer ? This secret hath exercised the world in all ages , and the Church ever since it had a being . It put such a stresse upon the Prophet , that it crushed these words out of him . It is in vaine that I have clensed my heart , and washed my hands in Innocency , Psal . 73. In vaine ; No , God forbid . And the Prophet corrects his passion after , ver . 16. In the meane time , here 's the cause of God at tryall ; And men apt to quarrell that for Injustice , which is not against the Rule , but above their reach : As at the day of Judgement shall plainly appear saith S. Augustine . Againe ; They would faine know all the secrets of Predestination . But 't is one of Gods foundations : And such a foundation as he hath set a Seale upon it , 2 Tim. 2. The Lord knowes who are his . 'T is very dangerous breaking up of Seales , especially Gods. The indorcement is enough for us , and very plaine to be read . It followes , And let every Man that calls on the name of Christ , depart from Iniquity . If he doe not that , hee is not Christ's ; Let him talke of Predestination while he wil. And in these and all other causes of God , try them where you will , and how you can ; David and Saint Paul agree upon it : He will be Justified in his sayings , and cleare , and overcome when he is Judged , Psal . 51. and Rom. 3. Well : Gods cause is at triall ; But what cause of his is it that 's particularly meant in this place ? For , if it be Gods , 't is worth the knowing what ere it be ; And no cause of his can be here , but men owe it , as well as him , some duty ; And therefore necessary to be known , that due may be performed unto it . Now the Cause of God meant here , though it be proposed as Causa una , one cause , yet 't is very large , and comprehends many particulars under it . Some directly concerne God , and some onely by reflex . But God is so tender of his Iustice and his Honour , that nothing can so much as touch upon him , but 't is Gods cause presently : In as much as ye have done it , or not done it , to one of these little ones , you have done it , or not done it to mee , S. Matt. 25. And so goes the Text , Gods Cause , all , and but one , whether it be directed against him , or reflected upon him : Whether it be the Reproach which the Sonne of God suffered for us ; Or the troubles , and afflictions which we suffer for him ; 't is Gods Cause still , and accounted as one . As one : And yet I finde three things agreed upon , to be principally contain'd in this Cause of God. First , the Magistrate and his Power and Justice . And resist either of these , and ye resist the power , and the ordinance of God , Rom. 13. There 's Gods cause plaine . And the Eye of nature could see Aliquid Divinum , somewhat that was divine in the Governours and Orderers of Common-wealths . In their very Office : In as much as theyare singled out , to be the Ministers of divine Providence upon Earth : And are expresly called the Officers of Gods Kingdome , Sap. 6. And therefore the Schoole concludes , that any the least irreverence of a King ; as to dispute of his Iudgements ; And whether we ought to follow and obey him , Sacrilegium dicitur , is justly extended to be called Sacrilege . And since all Sacrilege is a violation of some thing that is holy ; it is evident that the Office and Person of the King is sacred . Sacred , and therefore cannot be violated by the Hand , Tongue , or Heart of any Man , that is , by deed , word , or thought , But 't is Gods cause , and he is violated in him . And here Kings may learne if they will , I am sure 't is fit they should , that those Men which are sacrilegious against God and his Church , are for the very Neigbourhood of the sin , the likeliest men to offer violence to the Honour of Princes first , and their Persons after , Secondly , the cause of the Church in what kind soever it be , Be it in the cause of truth , or in the cause of unity , or in in the cause of Right and meanes , 't is Gods cause too : And it must needes be so . For Christ and his Church are Head and Body , Ephes . 1. And therefore they must needs have one common cause . One cause : And you cannot corrupt the Church in her Truth , or persecute her for it , nor distract her from her Vnity , nor impoverish and abuse her in her Meanes , but God suffers in the oppression . Nay more , no man can wilfully corrupt the Church in her doctrine , but he would have a falfe God. Nor persecute the profession of the Church , but he would have no God. Nor rent the Church into Sects , but he would have many Gods. Nor make the Church base , but he would pluck GOD as lowe , were God as much in his power as the Church is . And therefore the Churches Cause , is Gods Cause . And as Eusebius tells us , when by Stephen Bishop of Laodicea the state of that Church was much hazarded ; it , and the meanes of it , were mightily upheld by God himselfe . And Elias Cretensis goes full upon it in the generall . 'T is Gods cause , any controversie that he debates against his Enemies . Now this ever holds true , in whatsoever the Church suffers for the name of God and Christ . And therefore if either State or Church will have their cause Gods , the State must looke their proceedings be just , and the Church must looke their Devotions and Actions be pious . Else , if the State be all in worme-wood and Injustice ; if the Church savour of impurity and irreligion ; If either of these threaten either Body , neither can can call upon God then . For sinne is their owne and the Devills cause , no cause of Gods , who punishes sinne ever , but never causes it . Thirdly , 'T is Gods cause , which is directly against himselfe , when Injustice that he will not , or weaknesse that he cannot , Arise and Helpe , are most unworthily , nay , blasphemously cast upon him . The very Text you see calls it no lesse than blasphemy . And as S. Basil tells us 't was audacter effusa , most audaciously cast into the face of God. But how I pray ? How ? why they persecuted the Church of Christ with great extremities , and then because God did not alwayes , and in all particulars , deliver it , Deum ut infirmum traducebant , they accused God of Impotencie . Rabsaches case before Christ in the flesh : Which of the Gods have delivered the Nations that serve them , that the Lord should deliver Jerusalem ? 4 Reg. 18. Pilates case to Christ : Have not I power to crucifie thee , and power to loose thee ? S. Joh. 19. Julians case after Christ : For while he raged against the Christians , hee turn'd the contumely upon God ; And charg'd omnipotence with weakenesse . So you see the Cause of God what it is , and withall that it is many , and but one . Many in the circumference of his creatures , which fill up the State and the Church : and yet but one in the point of that indivisible Center which is himselfe . Well , we have found Gods cause as 't is tumbled upon the earth : But what is it the Prophet would have God doe to it ? What ? Why that followes , Iudica , Pleade it , Judge it , Maintaine it Lord. For the King and the State ; For thy Church and Service ; For thy selfe and thine honours sake . Thou hast made their cause thine owne , therefore maintaine it , as thou doest thine owne . Now this God is never wanting to doe , nor never will be . So farre as Justice and Religion make the cause his , he will Plead it first , and Maintaine it after . But yet he doth not this alwayes with a Judgement that is visible to us ; Nor with such a one as will make enemies confesse that Gods maintenance is on our part . And therefore as Ruffinus thinkes , these words are not onely a Prayer , that God would Arise , and maintaine his cause : but that he would so plead it , that he would make the Justice and Right of it appeare to Enemies and Opposers ; and the maintenance evident to friends and defenders of it . So , maintaine thy Cause , is as much in effect , as make the world know 't is thine , and thou wilt maintaine it . That from Gods maintenance , the cause may have lafety : And from our hope of maintenance , we may receive Comfort . Why , but why should God plead , judge , and maintaine his owne Cause ? Is the Prayer of the Prophet just ? Yes no question . For , the Cause of God is ever just , and therefore ought ever to be maintained . Nor is it any partiality in God to his owne Cause , that he comes to judge it . But he is forced , as it were , to the maintenance of it himselfe , partly , because some men will not , and some men cannot defend his Cause ; And partly , because it must be judged at some Tribunall . Now there lye many appeales in the cause of God. And all appeale is to a superiour Court ; The highest is Gods. Therefore when Malice and Tyranny hath done what it can to Gods cause , if his Servants do but Appeale , as they ever doe ; The Cause must in the end revolve to God himselfe , who alone hath no superiour . Yet his very Enemies need not feare : For he will so pleade and judge his owne Cause , that their owne Consciences shall tell them his Judgement 's right . Now one thing which layes a kinde of necessity upon God to maintaine his owne cause , is as I told you , that some Men will not , and some men cannot maintain it . I finde both these touched in the Text. First , they that will not . For these words , Arise , O God , and maintaine thine own Cause , are a grievous taxe upon all them to whom God hath given meanes and ability , yet will not stir to succour his cause . For 't is as if he had said , Men will not maintaine thy cause : If thou wilt have it defended thou must do it thy selfe . The Jewes it seemes were now very guilty of this , else the Prophet would never have runne with that earnestnesse to God. He would have prayed to God had Men been never so willing ; yes , God forbid else ; but had they done their duty , the extremity had not beene fear'd . And marke and tremble at the curse of God which was called for upon some of that People for this sinne , Judge . 5. Curse ye Meroz , ( saith the Angel of the Lord ) curse the Inhabitants thereof . Why ; because they came not up to helpe the Lord , to helpe the Lord against the mighty . To helpe the Lord. Why , What cause of God was this ? What ? Why 't was his cause of Warre against Sisera ; as appeares , Judg. 4. Against Sisera ; yet to helpe the Lord. And certainly 't is a great and grievous errour in any People as well as in Israel ; and in any age of the world as well as in that ; to fast , and pray , and call upon God to Arise and Maintaine his cause and their owne joyn'd with it ; if in the meane time they will put nor hand nor purse to maintaine either their owne , or Gods. Their owne in the State ; Or Gods in the Church . These Men perhaps are of Tiberius his minde Deorum injuriae Diis curae ; And what that Oracle meant , when he writ so to the Senate ; whether , It belongs to God to vindicate his owne cause ; Or , God will be sure to doe it ; Or , let his cause sinke if he will not defend it ; I am not certaine . This I am sure of , God can defend himselfe sine Patrocinio nostro , without any aide of ours . But yet if we come not in to helpe when the Cause of God is deposited with us ; the feare is , and 't is Just , that God will Maintaine his cause , and leave us to maintaine our owne . Secondly ; They that cannot . For these words , Arise , O God , Maintaine thine owne cause , imply disability in Man , as well as malice . For 't is as if he had said , Men cannot at all times maintaine thy cause ; If thou wilt have it defended , thou must doe it thy selfe . And this is true of the strongest of the Sonnes of Men , if they be left to themselves . But this , though it puts us in more feare , yet it makes us not halfe so guilty . For Guilt followes malice more then Impotency . And our weakenesse and disability is such , that we are not able to hold up against so many and great Enemies , as the cause of God hath . This was the case of Hezekiah ; He durst not trust to himselfe , and his owne strength against the Host of Assiria ; Therefore to his Prayers he went , 4 Reg. 19. O Lord God , do thou save us out of his hand : which is all one with the Text , Arise and maintain thine owne cause . But I pray take this with you . When Hezekiah pray'd thus , the People were in Armes . No deserting the cause , though no selfe-ability could hold it up . But what Enemies had the cause of God then , or hath it at this day , that such earnest prayers were then , and are now made , that God would Arise and maintaine it ? Doe you aske what Enemies ? I 'le tell you ; Perhaps I shall not be able to tell you all : But what my Text tells me , I 'le shew you . First , the Text tells me , the Enemies that came up against Gods cause were fierce , and got some hope of Advantage ; Implyed in this , that the Israelites were faine to call for maintenance , & had supply against them . Next the Text tels me , these Enemies were thought too cunning and too strong for Israil , to whom the defence of Gods Cause was then committed ; Implyed in this , that they were faine to flie to God , and call him in to his owne defence : A signe , that all seconds were too weak . Thirdly , the Enemies were many , and not like to be beaten or mastered at once ; And that 's expressed , ver . 20. A multitude of Enemies . And last of all , they were as cruel , as strong and numerous ; For so we read , ver . 5. Where they are called Roaring Enemies . A name which ever had some affinitie with the Devil , 1 S. Peter 5. So in all likelyhood nothing remain'd but to get God to be absent , and then they might easily swallow his People and his Cause together . To prevent this was the Prophets prayer , and so it is ours this day . For so the Psalme begins : O God ( considering how thy cause is streitned ) Wherefore art thou absent from us so long ? And it ends at Arise and maintaine thy Cause against them . And the forme of the Prophets Prayer is very confiderable too , and a great example to the Church of Christ . The Prayer is , that God would arise and maintaine his Cause . The first thing the Prophet aimes at is the Cause ; the equity and right that belongs to it , not the respect it had to Persons . And this out of question is the way of Justice , to honour the person for the Cause , not to esteeme the cause of the person . Now men for the most part goe a crosse way to this , and therefore , when they will come into the way of Justice I cannot tell . For usually all businesse is sided into parties . 'T is no matter for the Cause , let who will maintaine that simply for it selfe . If it make for us and our party , so farre we will maintaine it ; else be it Gods cause , or whose it will , whether it sink or swim , it shall not trouble us . And I doubt as the practice of too many men is , so is their Prayer : For the Faction and the Party all ; not the Cause , either as 't is Gods , the Churches , or the States . And parties are ever private ends . The Cause as 't is Gods , the Churches , or the Kingdoms , is ever common , ever fit to be made the Object of our Prayers . Yet this advantage may here be had : If ever you may safely prefer the person before the cause , and yet be just , you may doe it here . God before his owne cause . And the reason is , because God as he can never tender an unjust cause to his People , so is he Justice it selfe : And ever juster than any cause of his that is without him . Therefore whatsoever others doe , Arise , O God , and maintaine thy selfe , and thine owne cause . Maintaine it even from Heaven , there 's no great trust to the Earth , for that is full of darknesse and cruel habitations , ver . 21. Now all this while we have almost forgotten , who 't is that makes this Prayer . Saint Hierom tels me , and he is not alone in the opinion , the Psalme was Davids , and therefore the Prayer too . As a Prophet he foresaw the danger , and as a King he went on directly to the highest remedy . And though Kings now are not Prophets , yet 't is a great blessing upon any Kingdome to have the King a Seer so farre as is possible . To have him with both eyes open . His right eye open and up to heaven , for God to maintaine him ; And his other eye downwards , but open upon his People , to take care of them , and maintaine them , with the same support that he hath received from God. And herein above other Nations we are blesed this day , I say againe , Above other Nations ; if we can see our blessing , and be thankefull . For the King keepes his eye as steddy upon God , as if he had no helpe below him : And yet at the same time as gracious an eye upon his People to relieve their just grievances , as if he were more ready to helpe them , than to receive helpe from them . Let not your hearts be troubled , neither feare , S. Joh. 14. Here are two Kings at once at Prayer for you , David and your owne King. They are up and calling upon God to Arise . For shame Lagge not behinde God and your King. You have been , and I hope are , a valiant Nation , let nothing dead your spirits , in Gods and your Countries Service ; And if any man drop malignant poyson into your Eares , powre it back into his owne bosom . And Sir , as you were first up , and summon'd the Church to awake , and have sounded an Alarum in the Eares of your People ; Not that they should Fast and Pray , and serve God alone , but goe with you into the House of the Lord ; so goe on to serve your Preserver . Your Merit , and the Noblenesse of your heart will glew the hearts of your People to you . And your Religious care of Gods cause and service , will make him ( I doubt not ) Arise , and haste to the maintenance of your Cause , as of his owne . Onely in these , and all times of difficulty , be strong and of a good courage , keepe close to the Law of the Lord. Be full of Counsell , and then resolute to Act it . Else , if you shall not be firme to deliberated Counsells , they which are bound to serve you , may seeke and finde opportunities to serve themselves upon you . This doe , and God Arise and be with you , as he was with Moses , Jos . 1. This doe , and as S. Chrysost . speakes , Aut non habebis Inimicum , aut irridebis eum : Either you shall have no Enemy , or you shall be able to scorne him the world over . The second thing which the Prophet would have God doe when he is risen , is , that he would Remember how the foolish man blasphemeth him daily . The Enemies of Gods Truth , and of the peace of his People , it seemes , doe not onely seek to overthrow his Cause , but base and uncivilly irreligious as they are , they fly upon his Person too : For so you see the Text changes from the Thing to the Person ; Maintain thy cause : but remember , the Reproach runs against thy selfe , They blaspheme thee . And by this you may see how dangerous a thing it is for any Men , or any States , to become Enemies to the Cause of God. For sinne will not stay till it have wrought them farther , even into enmity against God himselfe . And therefore this sin here , a high and a presumptuous sin , is not called the presumption of them that hate Gods Cause , but of them which hate God himselfe , ver . 24. Presumption easily falls to Reproach goodnesse it selfe . But what Reproach is it these Enemies cast upon God ? What ? Why , 't was in the highest degree . 'T was Blasphemy . For so Saint Basil renders my Text. And so 't is called againe , Ver. 11. & 19 You may be sure the Prophet mistook it not : It went not single , there were more than one ; and Theodoret calls them Execrations , Cursings and Revilings of God. And men of all sorts , as well as usurping Enemies , had need be watchfull over this sinne . For a man may quickly be within the borders ●o it , before he be aware ; especially , ●●he be bold and busie with the Cause of God , as it is reserved and secret in himselfe . For since all Blasphemy is a Derogation of some Excellencie , chiefly in God , the Schoole collects and truly , That whosoever denies to God any attribute that is due unto him , or affirmes any of God that is not agreeable to his Nature ; is within the Confines of Blasphemy . Entred , though perhaps not so farre gone . But these Enemies , it seems , stuck at no degree of Blasphemy ; Spared God himselfe no more than his Cause : And what reason can this State of Church have , to thinke these Enemies , or their like , that spared not God nor his Cause , will if they have power enough , spare them or theirs ? But I pray , who or what manner of Enemy was it , that made thus bold with God ? Who ? why , my Text answers that too , Stultus fuit , it was the foolish Man : And you may know so much by his boldnesse . We find Psal . 14. There was a Foole that blasphemed God. But 't was in his heart . Out of his mouth he durst not let it goe : not once . And this Foole was in the same feare at first : For , his Blasphemy kept in his heart , ver . 9. But now he was grown impudent , it brake out at his Lipps : For as S. Basil , and others observe , he did Palam maledicere , Blaspheme at large . The Prophet no question knew these Enemies what they were , & that they had other names beside Fools . But he fits them with their Name of Merit : That they deserved , that he gives them . I told you these Enemies were cunning , subtill Enemies . And 't is true : But Malignity against Gods cause , and Blasphemy against his Person , will make the greatest Wisdome in the world turne Foole. And Follie dares adventure any thing against Man ; Nay , against God too ; which is alike true of the Foole at home , and the Foole abroad . The Prophet pray'd against their Enemies , as we doe now against ours . O my God make them as a wheele , Psal . 83. And see in what a wheele they are : The worst that ever moved . For their Blasphemy carries their Wisdome round into Folly ; And their Folly turnes their malice round into higher degrees of Blasphemy . Thus is this Enemy no sooner a Blasphemer but a Foole : And no sooner a Foole , but a greater Blasphemer . So Blasphemy is punished with Folly , and Folly with Blasphemy . There 's the wheele , both in the sin , and the punishment . And I pray observe : These Enemies that beset Gods Cause at Jerusalem were a Nation . And so some reade here ; Not the Foolish man , but the Foolish People . And a powerfull Nation they were , were they Babilonians , Syrians , or Romanes . And one of them they were . And yet you see the Prophet gives them no other , no better name , then Fool , when they violently persecute Gods Cause . Indeed they deserve it . And this Sinne is as able to Foole a whole Nation , as a particular Man. Nay the holy Ghost here speakes of them as of one Man. As if Blasphemie could change a whole Nation into one Foole. And surely , 't is no hard thing with God to make the wisdome of the whole world foolishnesse , 1 Cor. 1. And 't is as easie with him , to confound the wisdome of a whole Nation , as of one Achitophell . And see I beseech you how their sinnes continue : Once a Foole in this kinde , and an Enemie to Gods Cause , and a Blasphemer of his Person ever after , without a great deale of mercy . And this is noted in the circumstance Tota Die , and Quotidie , Daily , and all the day long at this Blasphemy : And 't is usuall this with Enemies ; All the day : For their studdy is upon it . And every day : For these Enemies were the same in Blasphemy , The day of their preparation ; The day of their Fight ; and the day of their Victory . And Ruffinus observes that this Blasphemy grew in the continuance ▪ And either it derided God in his Servants , or it menaced men for serving God. How it flatter'd it selfe there while against both Man and God , is thus farre apparent in the Text : That they never durst have beene daily Blaspemers against God , if they had not beene Opinators at least , that God could never have maintained and made good his cause against them . It is too much to see the cause of God opposed ; To heare the name of GOD Blasphemed , were it but once : But all the day long , and every day , is a Tentation almost unsupportable to Christian and religious hearts . Yet this we must be Inur'd to heare against King and Church , and God himselfe , if we take not better course than hitherto we have done to keepe out the Enemy and his Blaspehmy . Against this 't was time for the Prophet , and 't is time for us to pray . The Blasphemy of an Enemie is a very urgent Motive to make Men pray . And the Prayer of the Prophet here , that God would remember the Blasphemer , was very fervent : For he begins this Prayer , at Remember the Rebuke of the Enemy , ver . 20. And he ends his Prayer with Remember the Blasphemy of this Fool , ver . 23. Remember and forget it not , ver . 24. This was the Prophet's Zeale for Gods Cause , and you may learne by it , that cold Prayers are not they which remove the Blasphemy of Enemies . The Prayers indeed of but one righteous Man doth much , but 't is when they are fervent . Saint Jaco . 5. But you will say : What needes all this calling upon God to Remember ? Is it possible he should forget ? not possible certainely . But then as before , Though God cannot sleepe , Yet to awaken not him but our poore understanding concerning him the Prayer was , Arise , O God. So here , though God cannot forget , yet because in his providence he sometimes carries himselfe to our sense and apprehension , Ad modum obliviscentis , as if he did forget , and threatens that he will forget , Oblivione obliviscar eorum , Ose . 1. Forgeting , I will forget them , Therefore here againe the Prayer runnes after the manner of men , Arise O Lord , yes , and Remember too . Why ? but since here 's Enmity against the Cause of God , and Blasphemy against himself , why doth the Prophet aske no more of God , but that he would Remember this ? Why ? why certainly 't is , because there 's abundantly enough of that . He knew if God did Remember , he would punish ; And ( as S. Jerome observes ) hee therefore Remembers , that he may confound in Judgement . And indeede in Gods Language to Marke and Remember , is many times to punish : and not to Remember , is to forgive sinne . If thou Lord shouldest be extreme to marke and observe , that is , to punish , What is done amisse , Psal . 130. And the Church hath learn'd not onely to speake , but to pray of the Prophet . For so the Church prayes in the Letany : Not , punish not , but Remember not Lord our offences . And therefore the Prophets Prayer was home enough , Remember Lord : Yes , doe but that , and we either have , or shall have enough and our enemies too . We , I hope of deliverance and preservation , and they of punishment . Thus you have heard the Prophets prayer , and I hope made your owne , that God would Arise and bestir himselfe . And what he desired God would doe , both for State and Church when he was Risen , that is , That he would plead and maintaine his owne Cause . And Remember , that is , punish in his owne time the Blasphemy of all them , that reproach or detract from it or him . One thing yet remaines , and 't is fit to be thought upon this day , every day , all the day long . And that is , what it it is that makes God a Protector of any King , any State , any Nationall Church , against either in-bred or forraine Enemies . Against the Fox at home and the Lion abroad . And that certainly is , for the State to goe on with Honour and Iustice . And for the Church to labour Devotion as much at least , if not more then knowledge . For else Gods Cause and ours may be two . And then God may Arise , and maintaine his owne , but leave us to the Famine , to the Pestilence , to the Sword , to any other Judgement . The onely way to make God Arise as soone as ever we call : Nay , to prevent our call and come in to helpe before we pray , is for both King and People , State and Church , to weave their Cause and Gods together ; To incorporate them so , that no cunning of the Devil may be able to separate them . For then the benefit is apparent . God cannot Arise and maintaine his owne cause , but he must maintaine ours too : because 't is one with his . And his owne ( doubt you not ) he will maintaine , against the proudest Enemy that can come against it . And certainly the greatest hope and confidence of Gods Assistance to any Nation , to any Man , that can precede deliverance it selfe , is to make their Cause all one with Gods. And that is done by upholding his , and conforming theirs . Our safety then is when our cause is one with Gods : Our danger when they differ . But what is it that puts the difference between them ? What ? why that which put the first Enmity betweene God and Man , Sinne. And therefore if we wil quit the Enmity and be made friends , the onely way to reconcile us with God , and our Cause with his , is by Faith and Repentance to banish Sinne. The sooner this is done , the sooner we are safe : which cannot be till our Cause be one with Gods. One , and yet when 't is one , the preheminence is still with Gods Cause , we must not suffer ours to step on before him . For our Cause as 't is spirituall and concernes our soules , if it be never so good , never so close joyned with God's , yet God's is to have the precedence . For be ours never so good , I must beg of your humility to Remember , that Gods Grace did both prevent and follow , to make it so . And therefore we are to put his cause first , and to pray chiefly for the maintenance of that which gave worth to ours . And for our cause as 't is temporall and concernes this life onely , Our safety , life , and lively-hood ; Gods cause is to have the precedence of that much more . Father and Mother , Wife and Children , Brethren and Sisters , Life and all , must be accounted as nothing to Gods Cause , S. Luke . 14. And it hath ever beene a signe that the soule of a man goes right , That a whole People keepe upon Gods path , when they seeke first the Kingdome of GOD and the righteousnesse thereof , and leave God to minister and maintaine the rest , S. Mat. 6. When they are more tenderly affected to the Cause of God , and more sensible of the Reproach or Blasphemy of his Name , than of any calamities , that might or malice can bring upon their persons . And yet our giving Gods Cause the precedence , in our Love to it , and our Prayers for it , is no exclusion of our owne Cause : Nay , the preferring of Gods before our owne , And the making of our owne conformable to Gods , is the way to make God as jealous of our safety from all extremity , as he is to vindicate his owne honour from Reproach and Blasphemy . And therefore though the Prophet here ( as Theodoret observes ) doth not say , Arise , O God , and maintaine Causam meam , my cause , but thine owne ; Yet the same God that will have us prefer his cause , will have us pray for our owne likewise . And so the Prophet did : For though he be here all for Gods cause ; yet we have him very earnest for his owne too . Plead thou my cause O Lord with them that strive with me , and fight thou against them , that fight against me . Psal . 35. And defend my cause O God , against the ungodly People , Psal . 43. 1. Well then : Thy cause O God ; and my Cause O God. But the Rule of Practise goes here ; Gods cause must leade , that ours may follow it , under the protection of God. As we have therefore now begun , so let us pray on as the Prophet did , That God even our Gracious Father will be no longer like unto one that sleepes : That he will Arise , and blow over these feares from us . 'T is but his Breath , and he can dry the Cloudes , that they drop not Rottennesse upon our Harvest . 'T is but his Breath , and he can cleare the Ayre of Infection , as well all over the Kingdome , as he hath , beyond admiration , done it in our chiefe City . And 't is but the same Breath , and he can shake our Enemies to peeces in the Sea. That God being Arisen and come neare in providence , will pleade first , and after maintaine his owne Cause . His owne in the hand of the King ; His own in the heart of the Church ; And his owne in the Holinesse of his Name . That he will give this State and Church , and every Member of both , such grace , that our cause may be his , and his Maintenance ours . That he will remember and that 's enough , that if his Cause be ours , our Enemies are his . That we may so order our lives by his Grace , that if these or any Enemies will Blaspheme , it may not be Him for our sinnes , but Vs for his service . That our Enemies and his , how-wise soever in other things , yet in their plots and practises against us may be written in the Text-Letters FOOLES . That we , being preserved from them and all other Adversity , may take warning in time to mend our lives , and so hereafter live to honour and serve him , that the world may see he hath beene mercyfull , and we labour to be Thankefull . That after the maintenance of his and our Cause here , we may in our severall times be received up to him in Glory , Through Jesus Christ our Lord : To whom with the Father , &c. SERM. VI. Preached on Monday the 17. of March , 1628. at Westminster , at the opening of the Parliament . EPHES. 4. 3. Endeavouring to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit , in the bond of peace . THIS Chapter is a great Scripture for Unity : For , here we finde there is but One Lord whom we serve ; v. 5. But One God and Father , whom we worship and obey ; ver . 6. But One Spirit whom we receive , while he sanctifies us ; ver . 4. One Lord , One God and Father , One Spirit . Three in One , all Three but one God , blessed for ever . But one Baptisme , by which we are cleansed ; But one Faith by which we beleeve ; ver . 5. But one hope upon which we relye ; ver . 4. But one knowledge by which we are illightned ; ver . 13. But One Body of which we are members ; ver . 4. Different Graces , but all tending to One Edification , Divers offices , but all joynt-Overseers of the same worke ; Till the Building be One , and we One in it , ver . 11. This Chapter is as pressing a Scripture for Exhortation . And the first Exhortation is , That men would walk worthy of their calling , ver . 1. Their calling to be Christians ; their calling in Christianity . And that to shew themselves worthy , they would endeavour to keep the Vnity of the Spirit in the bond of peace , ver . 3. All for Unity . And let me tell you , We often reade of One in the Scripture ; but the word Vnity in the abstract , is no where read either in Old or New Testament , but onely in this Chapter , and here 't is twice . For we are exhorted to keep it , ver . 3. But how long ? why even till we be made perfect , ver . 13. that is , to the end of this life . Why , but what need was there of this Exhortation at Ephesus ? what ? why sure very great need . For Saint Anselm tells us , Schisma suit , there was a Schisme and a rupture there . And Charismata , the eminent Graces which God had given many of them , was made the cause of the Schisme . For Corruption at the heart of man breeds pride even out of Gods graces . And they which had these gifts despised them which had them not , and separated from them . This gave occasion to false teachers to enter in , and lye in wayt to deceive , ver . 14. This was the state of the Church of Ephesus . How was it in the Citie and the Common-wealth there while ? How ? why , the Citie was then a very famous Citie in Ionia , a part of Asia the lesse ; At this time subject to the Romane Empire ; Their Proconsul and other Deputies were over them , Acts 19. But Diana was goddesse there , and the Citie heathen . Ephesus then was Ethnick : No Religion but Paganisme avowed by the state . And the City was a stranger to the Church that was in it . A Stranger and without as the Apostle speakes , 1 Cor. 5. Yet such is the force of Christian Religion , that as Herod and Jerusalem were troubled when Christ was borne , S. Math. 2. So here Demetrius and Ephesus were troubled when the name and Religion of Christ was borne and nursed up among them : For the word of God did no sooner grow and prevaile at Ephesus , Acts 19. 20. but by and by there arose no small trouble about it , ver . 23. The City and the State Heathen , yet troubled when Religion came in : Therefore , A City and a State Christian must needes be more troubled when Religion goes out . And the ready way to out Religion , is to breake the Vnity of it . And the breach of the Vnity of Religion will be sure to trouble the City first , and hazard the State after . For the State , whether Pagan or Christian , hath ever smarted more or lesse , as the Church hath crumbled into Divisions . S. Paul I know wrote this Epistle to the Church of Ephesus , not the City . And hee called for Vnitie bound up in peace for the Churches good , without any expresse mention either of City or State. Yet he well knew that the good both of the State and the City would follow upon it . For Vnity is a binder up ; And Vnity of Spirit , ( which is religion's unity ) is the fastest binder that is . And lest it should not bind fast enough , it calls in the bond of peace . So that no man can exhort unto , and endeavour for the Vnity of the Church , but at the same time , he labours for the good of the State. And if it were so at Ephesus where the state was Heathen ; much more must it needs be so , where the state is Christian . I shall follow my Text therefore both in it selfe , and in the Consequent which followes upon it . In it selfe ; and so 't is for the Vnity of the Church . And a maine Text it is ( saith S. Jerome ) against Heresie and Schisme . In the Consequence it hath ; And so 't is for the Vnity of the State. And a full Consequence it is . For Vnity not kept in the Church is lesse kept in the State. And the Schismes and divisions of the one , are both Mothers and Nurses of all disobedience and dis-joynting in the other . So the Apostles Exhortation goes on directly to the Church , by Consequent to the State. And it will behove both Bodies that all the severall members of each Endeavour to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit in the bond of peace . The Text hath six particulars . For first , here 's the thing it selfe , to which the Apostle exhorts , That 's Vnity . Secondly , All Unity will not serve the turne , It must be the Vnity of the Spirit . Thirdly , what 's to be done with this Unity , It must be kept . Fourthly , there will be no keeping of it , without a strong Endeavour . Fiftly , this Endeavour to keepe will be to no purpose , if it be not in peace . And sixtly , Peace it selfe cannot hold it long , except it be bound up in Vinculo , in the strongest bond that peace hath . I beginne with that which is the matter of the Apostles Exhortation , 'T is Vnity ; A very charitable tye , but better knowne than loved . A thing so good , that 't is never broken but by the worst men . Nay , so good it is , that the very worst men pretend best when they breake it . 'T is so in the Church ; Never Heretick yet rent her bowels , but he pretended that he raked them for truth . 'T is so in the State ; Seldome any unquiet Spirit divides her Union , but he pretends some great abuses , which his integrity would remedy . O that I were made a Iudge in the Land , that every man which hath any Controversie might come to me , that I might doe him Justice . And yet no worse than David was King , when this Cunning was used , 2 Sam. 15. Vnity then both in Church and Common-Wealth is so good , that none but the worst willingly breake it : And even they are so farre ashamed of the breach , that they must seeme holyer than the rest , that they may be thought to have a just cause to breake it . Now to be one here , whether in Church or Common-wealth , is not properly taken , as if all were to be shrunke up into one Body . But One is taken here ( saith Paulinus ) pro multorum unanimitate , for the unanimitie and consent of many in one . And the Church and Common-wealth , take them severally , or together , they are , they can be no otherwise One than Vnione multorum , by the uniting and agreeing of many in one . And so S. Luke , Acts 4. The Church was a multitude of Beleevers , sed Cor unum , but they lived as if they had had but one heart among them . This Vnity then is so One , as that it is the Uniting of more than one : yet such a uniting of many , as that when the Common Faith is endangered , the Church appeares for it as One ; And when the common safety is doubted , or the common peace troubled , the State appeares for it as One. As Israel was said to be knit together as one man , Jud. 20. And indeed when One Man is not more at Vnity in himselfe for his owne defence , than the Church and State are for publike defence , then both are justly said to be at Vnity . You see what Unity is . Will you see what hurt follows where t is broken ? First Fraction makes uneven reckonings . And t is hard , very hard , for a man that breakes Vnity to give either God or man a good account of so doing . Hard to give account , but that 's not all . For , if Vnity be broken , if a Division be made , the parts must be aequall or unaequall . If the parts be aequall , neither of them hath more than halfe its strength . If they be unaequall , one hath not so much . And that which hath more , usually hath more pride , and so lesse will to unite . And yet for all this pride , far weaker it is , than when there was Vnity , and altogether . Nay , in breach of Vnity there is not alwaies safety for the greater against the lesse . For in that grievous breach in Israel , when the Eleven Tribes came out against Benjamin foure hundred thousand strong , and their quarrell good , yet they fell twice before them , Judg. 20. Nay this is not all , not any almost of the hurt which followes in either Church or State , when discontents have swallowed up their Vnity . For the Church ; Nothing ( saith S. Chrysostom ) doth so provoke God to anger , as to see divisam Ecclesiam , his Church purchased by one bloud , to be One Body , made more , made other than One. And for the Common-Wealth ; A people is as one City , yet such a one ( saith Saint Augustine ) cui est periculosa dissentio , as to whom all breach of Unity is full of danger . For Church and State together ; It was a grievous Rent among the Jewes , when Manasses devoured Ephraim , Ephraim Manasses , and both fell upon Judah , Esay 9. What followed ? was God pleased with this , or were the Tribes in safety that were thus divided ? No sure . For it followes . The wrath of the Lord was not turn'd away , but his hand was stretched out still . Still ? How long was that ? How long ? Why , Till Ephraim and Manasses , which could not agree at home , were with the rest of the ten Tribes carried away into perpetuall captivity . And Esay lived to see his Prophecy fulfilled upon them . For they were carried away by Salmanasar in the sixt yeere of Hezekiah , when Esay flourished . This wrath of the Lord was fierce , and the people dranke deepe of this Cup. Therefore I goe a farre off both for time and place to fetch this Instance : And doe you take care not to bring it neerer home . And I pray observe it too : The hand of God was stretched out upon Ephraim and Manasses , but there 's no mention , which was the first , or which the greater offender , Ephraim or Manasses . What 's the Reason ? 'T is because the breach of unity scarce leaves any Innocent ; and the hand of God is stretched out upon all . I presse Vnity hard upon you ( pardon me this Zeale . ) O that my thoughts could speak that to you that they doe to God ; or that my tongue could expresse them but such as they are ; Or that there were an open passage that you might see them , as they pray faster than I can speak for Vnity . But what then ? will any kinde of Vnity serve the turne ? Surely , any will doe much good : But the best is fafest ; and that is the Vnity of the Spirit . The learned are not altogether agreed here , what is meant by the Vnity of the Spirit . For some thinke no more is meant by it , than a bare concord and agreement in minde and will. Let 's keepe this , and both Church and State shall have a great deale of freedome from danger . But others take the Vnity of the Spirit to be that spirituall concord , which none doth , none can worke in the hearts of men , but the Holy Ghost , And I am apter to follow this sense : because if you take it for a bare agreement in judgement , Saint Paul had said enough by naming Vnity , He needed have made no Addition of the Spirit . And because in the Text 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which for the most , points out the Holy Spirit . And because else Saint Pauls words ( which Bucer calls Ardentia verba , zealous and burning words ) adde nothing to any even the coldest exhortation of the Heathen to Vnity . The Vnity then of the Spirit , to which the Apostle exhorts , includes both ; Both concord in minde and affections , and love of charitable unity , which comes from the Spirit of God , and returnes to it . And indeede the Grace of Gods Spirit , is that alone , which makes men truly at peace and unity one with another . Ei tribuendum non Nobis , To him it is to be attributed , not to us , ( saith Saint Augustine ) T is he that makes men to be of one mind in an house , Psal . 68. Now one mind in the Church , and one mind in the State , come from the same fountaine with One mind in an house ; All from the Spirit . And so the Apostle cleerely ver . 4. One Body , and one Spirit , that is , One Body , by one Spirit . For 't is the Spirit that joynes all the members of the Church into one Body . And 't is the Church that blesses the State , not simply with unity ; but with that unity with which it selfe is blessed of God. A State not Christian may have Vnity in it . Yes , And so may a State that hath lost all Christianity , save the Name . But Vnity of the Spirit , nor Church nor State can longer hold , than they doe in some measure obey the Spirit , and love the Vnity . This Vnity of the Spirit is closer than any corporall union can be . For Spirits meete where bodies cannot ; and neerer than Bodies can . The Reason is given by Saint Chrysostome : Because the Soule or Spirit of man is more simple and of one forme . And the Soule apter in it selfe to Vnion is made more apt by the Spirit of God , which is One , and loves nothing but as it tends to One. Nay , as the Spirit of God is One , and cannot dissent from it selfe ; no more ought they whom the Spirit hath joyn'd in One : and the Spirit hath joyn'd the Church in One ; Therefore he that divides the Unity of the Church , practices against the Unity of the Spirit . Now this Vnity of the Spirit ( so called , because it proceedes from the Spirit of Grace , continues in Obedience to it , and in the end brings us to the Spirit that gave it ) is the cause of all other unity that is good ; and the want of it , the Cause of all defects in Vnity . The presence of it is the Cause of all unity that is good : Of all within the Church , no man doubts . But 't is of all without the Church too . For no Heathen men or States did ever agree in any good thing whatsoever , but their Vnity proceeded from this Spirit , and was so far forth at least a unity of the Spirit . And for States that are Christian , and have mutuall relations to the Church that is in them , S. Gregories Rule is true . The unity of the State depends much upon the peace and unity of the Church : therefore upon the guidance of the same Spirit . And as the presence of the Vnity of the Spirit is the Cause of all Vnity that is good : So the want of it is the cause of all defects in Vnity . For as in the Body of a man the Spirit holds the members together ; but if the Soule depart , the members fall a sunder : So 't is in the Church ( saith Theophilact ) and so in the State. So little unity then in Christendome as is , is a great Argument , that the Spirit is grieved , and hath justly withdrawne much of his influence . And how is the Spirit grieved ? How ? why , sure by our neglect , if not contempt of Him as He is One. For as he is the Spirit of fortitude , Esay 11. there wee 'l have him , he shall defend us in warre . And as he is the Spirit of Wisdome , there wee 'l have him too , he shall governe us in peace . But as he is One Spirit , and requires that we keepe his Vnity , there wee 'l none of him ; though we know right well , that without Vnity peace cannot continue , nor warre prosper . One unity there is ( take heed of it ) 't is a great Enemy to the Vnity of the Spirit , both in Church and Common-wealth . S. Basil calls it Concors Odium , unity in hatred to persecute the Church . And to this worke there 's unity enough ; Men take counsell together , Psal . 2. Saint Augustine calls it unitatem contra unitatem , a unity against unity ; when Pagans , Jewes , and Hereticks , or any prophane crew whatsoever , make a league against the Churches unity . And about that worke , that the name of Israel may be no more in remembrance , that there may be no Church , or no reformed Church , Gebal , and Ammon , and Amaleck , the Philistims , and they that dwell at Tyre are Confederates together , Psal . 83. S. Hilary will not vouchsafe to call such union unity ; Indeed It deserves not the name , 'T is not unity ( saith he ) be it in Church or be it in State : but 't is a Combination . And hee gives his Reason . For unity is in faith ( and Obedience : ) but Combination is Consortium factionis , no other , no better , the consenting in a faction . And all Faction is a Fraction too , and an Enemy to unity , even while it combines in one . For while it combines but a part , it destroyes the unity of the whole . Is the Spirit in this ? Out of question , No. For a Faction to compasse it's end , I will not say , when it sees a theefe it consents to him ; or that it is alwaies partaker with the Adulterers : but this it doth , It speaks against its owne Brother , and slanders its owne Mothers Sonne , Psal . 50. Can any man call this the unity of the Spirit ? or is this the way to Unity . And now I cannot but wonder what words S. Paul ( were he now alive ) would use , to call backe Vnity into dismembred Christendome . For my part , Death were easier to me , than it is to see and consider the face of the Church of Christ scratched and torne , till it bleeds in every part , as it doth this day : And the Coat of Christ , which was once spared by Souldiers , because it was seamblesse , S. Ioh. 19. Rent every way , and which is the miserie of it , by the hand of the Priest ; And the Pope , which Bellarmine hath put into the Definition of the Church , that there might bee one Ministeriall head to keep all in Vnity , is as great as any , if not the greatest cause of divided Christianity . Good God , what preposterous thrift is this in men , to sowe up every small rent in their owne Coat ; and not care what rents they not onely suffer , but make in the Coat of Christ ? What is it ? Is Christ onely thought fit to weare a torne garment ? Or can we thinke that the Spirit of Vnity which is one with Christ , will not depart to seeke warmer cloathing ? Or if he be not gone already , why is there not Vnity , which is where ere he is ? Or if he be but yet gone from other parts of Christendome , in any case ( for the passion and in the bowels of Iesus Christ I beg it ) make stay of him here in our parts . For so the Apostle goes on . Keepe the Unity of the Spirit . This Exhortation requires two things ( saith S. Ierome . ) the one , that they which have this Unity of the Spirit keep it : the other , that they which have it not , labour to get it . And certainly nothing can be more beneficial , or more honourable either for Church or State , than to get it when they have it not , or to keepe it when they have it . And this is implyed in the very word , which the Apostle uses , Keepe . For no wise man will advise the treasuring up and keeping of any thing , but that which is of use and benefit . And the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth not barely signifie to Keepe , but Tueri , to defend too , which is the stoutest keeping . Now all wise men are for Vnity : And all good men for the Vnity of the Spirit . Yes ( saith S. Isidor ) Boni servant , Good men keepe it . Wise and good men keepe it ; why then none but fooles , and bad men breake it . Sly and cunning men perhaps may have their hands in Divisions , but wise or good men they are not . For are they not all without understanding that worke wickednesse Psal . 53. And a greater wickednesse men can hardly worke , than to dissolve the Vnity of the Spirit in either Church or Common-wealth . For they doe as much as in them lies to bring profanenesse into the Church , and desolation upon the State. Keepe therefore the Vnity of the Spirit . Keep Vnity : why , but what needs that ? will not unity keepe it selfe ? T is true , unity is very apt to hang together . It proceeds from Charity , which is the glue of the Spirit , not severed without violence . Yea but for all this , it needs keeping . In the Church it needs keeping : And therefore the Prophets and Governours of the Church are called Custodes , Keepers , Watchmen and Overseers , Ezek. 3. and Acts 20. And they must watch as well over her Peace , as her Truth . And yet there are so many that scatter the tares of Schisme and Heresie , that her Vnity is not kept . In the Common-wealth it needs keeping too . For her Governours are Custodes Civitatis , Keepers of the City . But there also , there are not few that trouble the waters for their owne fishing . And many times a Common-wealth is in danger to lose her Unity , just as Ephesus did , Act. 19. At which time all the City was troubled , but the greater part knew not why . And the true cause of the Division was no more but this ; Demetrius and his fellowes were afraid they should lose their gaine , if Diana and her Temple kept not up their greatnesse . Now this noyse at Ephesus doth not onely tell us that unity needs keeping , but it informes us farther of the way to keep it . The way to keep unity both in Church and State is for the Governors to carry a watchfull eye over all such as are discoverd , or feard , to have private ends . For there 's no private end , but in some thing or other it will be lead to run crosse the publique : And if gaine come in , though it be by making shrines for Diana , 't is no matter with them though Ephesus be in an uproare for it . And certainly there 's no keeping of Unity in either Church or State , unlesse men will be so temperate ( when it comes to a lump at least ) as to lay down the private for the publique's sake , and perswade others to do the like : Else ( saith Saint Chrysostome ) Quicquid ducit ad amorem sui , dividit unitatem , whatsoever leads men to any love of themselves and their owne ends , helpes to divide the unity . And the Schoole applyes it both to Church and State. For in the Church they which seeke their owne , and not that which is Christs ( who is publicum Ecclesiae , the publique interest of the Church ) depart from the Vnity of the Spirit . And in an earthly City , the unity of that is gone , when the Citizens studdy their owne , not the publique good . Why , but when then is Vnity to be kept ? When ? why , surely at all times , if it be possible . But especially it is to bee kept , when Enemies are banded together against Church or State. Then above all other times looke well to the keeping of Vnity . Am I deceived ? or is not this your case now ? Are not many and great Enemies joyn'd against you ? Are they not joyned both against the Church and against the State ? Are they joyned , and are you divided ? God forbid . It cannot be that you should so forget the Church of Christ , or the Bowels of your owne Countrey , and your owne . Ioyne then and keepe the Unity of the Spirit , and I 'le feare no danger though Mars were Lord of the Ascendent , in the very instant of this Session of Parliament , and in the second house , or joyned , or in aspect with the Lord of the second , which yet Ptolomey thought brought much hurt to Common wealths . But suppose all danger over ( I would it were ) yet keepe Vnity at all times . For Enemies are as Cunning as malice can make them : And if Vnity be not kept at al times , at that time when t is not kept they 'l make their breach . And they 'l make it certainly . For if the Vnity of the Spirit be gone , the Spirit is gone with it ; And if the Spirit bee gone , Christ is gone with him : And if they be gone , God the Father is gone with them . And what misery will not follow when an Enemy shall come upon a State , and finde the whole blessed Trinity , Father , Sonne , and Holy Ghost gone from it , to accompany that Vnity which is banished out of it ? Yea but you will say ; if Vnity be lost , we will quickly fetch it back againe . Soft : First t is more wisedome to keepe it , than to be driven to fetch it back . Secondly , before Vnity be thrust off , it would be well thought upon , whether it be in your power to bring it back when you will. The Spirit , I am sure , is not , and t is His Vnity . And , lose it when you will , 't is like the losse of health in the naturall body ; Iust like . For there every Disease is with some breach of Vnity ; either by Inflammation in some noble or vitall part ; or by strife in the humors ; or Luxations in the joynts ; or by breaking veines or sinewes ; still with some breach of Vnity . Well , what sayes the patient therewhile ? What ? Why , he sayes he will recover his health , and then take care to keepe it . Yea , but what if Death seaze upon Him before health be recovered ? What then ? Had it not been better and safer a great deale to keepe health while he had it ? And is not death a just reward of his distempering his humors ? I will not apply , to either Church or Common-wealth : but certainely 't is better for both to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit , than to trust to the Recovery of it when 't is lost . Keepe then the Vnity of the Spirit ; but know withall , ( and it followes in the Text ) that if you will keepe it , you must endeavour to keepe it . For it is not so easie a thing to keepe Unity in great Bodies as 't is thought ; There goes much labour and endeavour to it . The word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , studie , be carefull to keepe it . Saint Augustine reades it Satagentes , doe enough to keepe it : And he that doth enough , gives not over doing till it be kept . Nay , the Apostle comes so home , that he uses two words , and both of singular care for Vnity : For he doth not simply say Keep it , nor simply Endeavour it , but study and endeavour to keep it . Now no man can keep that is not careful ; and no man will endeavour that is not studious . Neither is it ( saith Saint Chrysost . ) every mans sufficiencie to be able to keep Vnity : And the word implies such an endeavour as makes haste to keepe : and indeed no time is to bee lost at this worke Why , but if there be need of such endeavouring , whence comes it , that that which clings so together , as all Vnity doth , is so hard to keepe ? Whence ? why I 'le tell you : I presume you 'll endeavour the more to keepe it . First , then 't is hard to be kept , in regard of the nature of this Vnity . For be it in Church , or be it in Common-wealth , t is Vnum aggregatum , One by Collection and Conjunction of many ; And the Schoole teaches us , that this Vnity is Minima Vnitas , A Unity that is least One : and therefore aptest to fal asunder . Both because many are not easily kept at One ; and because every one of the many , by reason of the contrary thoughts and affections which divide him , is not long together one in himselfe . Which is the Reason ( as I conceive ) of that in Philo , That a little difference is able to divide a City . Secondly , t is hard to keepe in regard of Opposers against it , and slie practicers upon it . And they are many , David complained of them in his time , Psal . 120. My soule hath long dwelt with them that are Enemies to peace . And there 's no Church , nor no State , but hath some of these . And since the plotting and studdy of these is to breake , you must endeavour to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit . And you 'll finde the worke hard enough . But as to keepe Vnity is a worke of Difficulty , and takes up much endeavour of the best : so 't is a glorious worke , and worth their endeavour . It is a pitifull thing to see a man but reputed wise , and his Endeavour , vaine : But beside the comfort that is within , there 's a great deale of honour to see a wisemans endeavour like himself . And nothing is more like wisedome than Vnity . For wise Counsells , are seldome better knowne by any thing than this ; That as they are in themselves One , and vary not ; so they tend to One , and distract not : That One end is Verity in the Church , Safety in the State , and Vnity in both . Notwithstanding this , Good God , what spending there is of great endeavours , about vanity , and things of nought ? Halfe that endeavour spent in keeping Vnity , would doe what all our hearts desire , and more too . Why , but then how shall we be able to set our Endeavour right to the keeping of this Vnity of the Spirit ? How ? why the Apostle tells you that too , ver . 2. And the way hee proposes is so direct , that I dare say , if you endeavour , you shall keepe the unity of the Spirit , both in Church and State. First , then all Endeavour to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit is void , if it be not vertuous . For the Spirit will neither be kept , nor keepe men together in vice . Next , among all vertues foure are most necessary to preserve Vnity . The Apostle nameth them ; and I 'le doe no more . They are Humility at the heart . Meekenesse in the carriage . Patience in point of forbearance . And Charity , whose worke is supportation of the weake , that scandall be not taken , and Unity broken . And concerning this last great vertue whose worke is supportation of the weak , 't is and excellent passage which S. Augustine hath . Art thou so perfect that there is nothing in thee which another need support ? I wonder if it be so : T is rare perfection . But be it so . Why then thou art the stronger to support others . Is Vnity like to be broken , and dost thou say thou canst not support others ? Ergo habes quod in te alii sustineant , Therefore thou art not yet so perfect as thou thoughtest , but thou hast somewhat that others may support and beare in thee . Endeavour then to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit , that we must . But in what is Vnity best preserved ? In what , why that followes next . T is in peace , saith the Apostle . Now Peace in this place is not taken as 't is opposite to Warre : But it is that Peace which opposes all jarring and falling out , especially falling off one from another . It is not considered here as opposite to Warre : For that Peace and Warre cannot possibly stand together . But this Peace in which Vnity is kept , is most usefull , most necessary , when Warre is either threatned or begun . For as there is most need of Vnity against United Enemies : so is there most need of peacable dispositions to Unite at home , against forces from abroad : Therefore the Learned agree here , That Peace stands for a Calme , and quiet dispose of the hearts of men , and of their carriage too , that the Unity of the Spirit may be preserved . And certainly without this peacable disposition , t is in vaine to say we endeavour for Unity ; either to get , or to keepe it . The Peace then here spoken of , differs not much from the vertue of meekenesse . Onely it addes above meeknesse towards others , quietnesse with them . As it agrees with meekenesse , so t is the way to Unity : As it addes above it ; so t is the Treasury in which Vnity is kept . T is an antient Rule for kingdomes and a good , Iisdem Artibus quibus parta sunt facilè retinentur , They are kept in subjection , order , and obedience , by the same vertues by which they were first gotten . Now the unity of the Spirit is a great part of the Kingdome of Grace ; Therfore this Kingdome too , if it be gotten , as it is , by peace , then in peace it must be kept . For you shall never see the Unity of the Spirit dwell in a froward heart , that is enemy to peace . That affection of which Saint Bernard was , is the great keeper of Unity . And sure he dwelt in peace . Adhaerebo vobis etsi nolitis , etsi nolim ipse , I will stick and be one with you , though you would not have me doe it : nay , though any tentation in my selfe would not have me doe it . And therefore they are quite out of the way , in the Church ( saith S. Jerom ) that thinke they can hold the unity of the Spirit , Dissipatâ pace , when they have shaken peace asunder . And they are as farre mistaken in the Common-wealth , that steepe all their humors in gall , and yet would intitle themselves Patrons of unity . And surely such , in what State soever they live , know not of what Spirit they are , though all other men see , t is fire they call for , S. Luke 9. Why ? but what need is there of this Exhortation to Peace ? this Endeavour for Vnity ? what need in regard of the times , the time it selfe preaches , I may hold my peace . But what need there is , in regard of mens persons and conditions , which are to comply with the times , that I 'le tell you . The best Peace that is , and the fairest calme that the Soule of man hath , is imperfect in this life . What then ? What ? why therefore saies the Schoole , though the Soule be at rest and peace with God , and consequently in it selfe , and with others , yet there is still some repugnancy , both within , and without , which disturbes this peace . For whatsoever is imperfect is under perturbation ; And the more a Man is troubled , the lesse perfect is his peace . Out of which it followes againe , that all Exhortation to recall a mans passions to peace is very needfull for the keeping of Unity : And he that is offended at S. Pauls Exhortation to peace , is not at peace in Himselfe . Will you say farther , that this peace which keeps , and this Vnity of the Spirit which is kept , is the blessing and the gift of God ? It shall ever be far from me to deny that . But what then ? Because they are Gods blessings , must not you endeavour to get them ? And because they are Gods gifts , must not you be carefull to keepe them ? Nay ought not you be the more carefull to keepe , when God himselfe is so free to give ? T is true , You cannot endeavour till God give grace ; But t is true too , that you are bound to endeavour , when he hath given it . Bound certainly ; and therefore Saint Ierome expounds this , which is but Counsell and Exhortation in Saint Paul , by a Praecipitur . Ther 's Gods command upon you , that you endeavour for Vnity in Peace . And now , what if God have given sufficiencie , nay abundance of Grace , and yet there be no Endeavour , can any bee blamed then for want of Unity but your selves ? T is true , that except the Lord keepe the City , your Watchmen wake in Vaine , Psal . 127. But is it any where said in Scripture , that if you will set no watch , take no care , that yet God will keepe the City ? No sure . And this will ever be found certaine , when and wheresoever the Vnity of the Spirit is not kept , then and there was want of mans endeavour to keepe it in peace . And whensoever God laies that punishment which followes Disunion upon a Nation , the Sinne upon which the punishment falls is committed by mans misendeavouring , or want of Endeavouring . But Peace it selfe cannot hold Vnity long , if it be not a firme and a binding peace . And this brings in the end of the Text , the keeping of Unity in Vinculo Pacis , in the bond of peace . First then , if you will keepe a setled unity , you must have a firme peace . The reason is , because in this Unity many are brought together ; And many will not be held together without a bond . Saint Augustine discovered this . Vnitas sine nodo facilè dissolvitur ; That Unity ( saith he ) which hath no knot , is easily dissolved . This Unity is so comfortable , so beneficiall both to Church and State , that it cannot bee too fast bound . But if it be not fast bound , both it and the benefit will soone be lost . Now in vinculo , in that which bindes this , is to be observed : It compasses about all which it containes , and then where it meets there 's the knot ; So that which is bound is held close within the Imbracings of the bond ; And the bond is not of one substance , and the knot of another , but both of one and the same substance . So t is here . For the unity of the Spirit is contained and compassed , as it were by peace : Peace goes before it , to bring it in ; And Peace goes with it , when t is in ; And Peace goes round about it , to keepe it in . And where the two ends of Peace meete , there Unity is fast and knit up . And the knot is of the same substance with the bond , Peace too . And therefore where the antient reading of the Text is , To keepe Unity in the bond of peace , there some will have it , to keepe Vnity in vinculo quod est pax ; In that band which is peace . This bond as 't is the bond of unity ; so 't is well fitted to the unity it bindes . For if you marke it , it bindes unity ; and the bond is but One ; In vinculo pacis , in the bond of peace ; One band . And yet that which is unum , is not unius , that which is but One , is not onely of One , For it bindes many , whole Churches , whole Kingdomes . And both bodies are ever safest , when the bond is One ; and that One able to hold them . For when this One bond of peace cannot bind close , 't is a shrewd argument , either that some ill humor swells , and will not endure the bond ; or that the bond it selfe is strained and made weake . And in both these cases , timely helpe must be applied , or the Vnity of the Body is in Danger . You may see this plaine in the Naturall body . The out-bond of the body is the skinne . If the body be too full of humors , and they foule and in Motion , the body swells till the skinne breakes . So t is in the Church , and so t is in the State , when the body is too full of humours . The inner-bond of the body is the Sinew . 'T is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very word which the Apostle uses , The bond or the sinew of peace . If the sinew be broken or over-strained , there 's much paine and weakenesse in the body , and the members hang as loose , as if they were falling one from another . And so t is in the Ecclesiasticall ; And no other than so , in the Civill Body . If there be but a straining in the bond , though perhaps the sinew be not yet broken , t is high time to looke to the Unity of the Body . Well , What Remedy then ? What ? Why , sure there 's none but Vinculum Vinculi ; The sinew must have a swathe : And that which was wont to bind the Body , must be bound up it selfe . And if the Cure light not into honest and good Chirurgions hands , it may prove a lame Church , and a weake State ever after . God blesse the Body therefore , and direct the Chirurgions . Now as the bond of these great bodies , the Church , and the State , may be broken ; so the knot , which hath ever beene hard to unty , may be cutte . And both Church and State have ever had Cause to feare both , both breaking and cutting . Saint Ignatius was afraid of this in the Church , by and by after the Apostles times ; And therefore He writes to the Church of Philadelphia , In any case to to flie and shunne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the partition or cutting off this knot . And indeed t is not fit for any man imployed about this bond of peace , to have his Rasor about him . And David was afraid of this in the State ; and he had cause , great cause : For some wilde unruly men cryed out then , Let 's break their bonds in sunder , and cast their cords from us , Psal . 2. What bonds ? Why , All the bonds of peace , and all the bonds of allegiance too . For the Consultation then was ( saith Calvin ) to depose David . But he that dwells in heaven , laughed them to scorne , ver . 4. And then brake them in pieces like a Potters vessell , ver . 9. Now the Breakers of the bond of peace both in Church and Common-wealth are pride and disobedience : For these two cry one to another , That is , Pride to disobedience , Come let 's breake the bond . And this is very observable , and with reference to this bond of peace too ; You shall never see a disobedient man , but he is proud : For he would Obey , if he did not thinke himselfe fitter to govern . Nor shall you ever see a proud man stoope to binde up any thing : But if you see him stoope , take heede of him , 't is , doubtlesse , to breake the bond of peace . The Reason's plaine ; if hee stoope to binde up , He knowes he shall be but one of the bundle ; which his pride cannot endure . But if he stoope to loose the bond , then he may be free , and shew his vertue ( as he calls it ) that is , hope To runne formost in the head of a Faction . Fond men , that can be thus bewitched with pride against themselves . For when they are bound up , though but as one of the Bundle , yet therein , under God , they are strong and safe : But when the Bond is broken , and they perhaps , as they wish , in the Head , headlong they runne upon their owne Ruine . Thus you have seene the Apostles care for Vnity : For Unity , but faine would he have it of the Spirit . This Unity he desires you should keep ; yea studdy and endeavour to keepe , as the Spirit is ready to prevent and assist , that you may be able to keepe it . This Unity must be kept in peace : And if you will have it sure , in the bond of peace . That which remaines is , that you obey and follow the Apostles Exhortation : That all of you in your selves , and with others , endeavour to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit in the bond of peace , both in Church and Common-wealth . For good Counsell , such as here our Apostles is , doth not make Church or State happy , when 't is given , but when 't is followed . And to the danger that may come , it addes guilt , to all such as will not obey the counsell , that they may prevent the danger . And let me say thus much for the Vnity of the Spirit ; 'T is that which ties us one to another , and all to God , and God to all . Without God we cannot be safe , either in this life , or that to come . And without this Vnity , no man is sure of his Neighbours assistance , nor any man of Gods. But by this Unity , GOD himselfe is content to be bound to you . And that which is bound , is sure and ready at need . Et sortis cum debili ligatus , & illum portat & se , ( saith Saint Chrysostome . ) And strength bound to weakenesse , beares up both it selfe , and weaknesse . And in this sense I can admit of Scaligers Subtilty ; That Vnity is Omnipotent . Keepe Vnity then , and be sowre ( t is honourable Justice ) upon any that shall endeavour to breake it . He deserves not to live , that would dissolve that bond , by which God hath bound himselfe to assist the Church , and the Common-wealth . Our adversaries make Vnity a Note of the Church , and they perswade such as will beleeve them , that we have no Unity , and so no Church . I would not have Occasion given them to inlarge their doctrine ; lest in the next place they take upon them to prove , that we have no Common-wealth neither , for want of Vnity . Now to keepe Vnity , I have made bold to direct you one way already ; and here 's an other . 'T is necessary that the Governours have a good and a quick eye to discover the cunning of them that would breake the Vnity first , and the whole Body after . You shall give a guesse at them by this ; They 'll speake as much for Unity as any men ; but yet , if you marke them , you shall still finde them busie about the knot , that bindes up Vnity in peace : somewhat there is that wrings them there . They will pretend perhaps , t is very good there should be Vinculum , A Bond to binde men to Obedience , O , God forbid else : but they would not have the knot too hard . Take heed . Their aime is , They would have a little more liberty , that have too much already . Or perhaps they 'll pretend , they would not untie the knit , no , there may be danger in that , but they would onely turne it to the other side , because this way it lyes uneasily . But this is but a shift neither . For turne the knot which way you will , all binding to Obedience will be grievous to some . It may be they 'll protest , that though they should untie it , yet they would not leave it loose . They would perhaps tie it otherwise , but they would be sure to knot it as fast . Trust not this pretext neither . Out of Question , their meaning is to tie up Vnity in a Bow-knot , which they might slip at One End when they list . Indeed , whatsoever they pretend , if they be curious about the knot , I pray looke to their fingers , and to the Bond of peace too . For whatsoever the pretences be , they would be at the dissolving of Vnity . Well , Provide for the keeping of Vnity ; And what then ? Why , then , God blesse you with the Successe of this Day . For this Day , the seventeenth of March , I. Caesar overthrew Sex. Pompeius . And that Victory was in Spaine ; and Spaine which had long beene troublesome , setled , and came quietly in , by that one Action . And this very Day too , Fredericke the Second entered Jerusalem , and recoverd whatsoever Saladine had taken from the Christians . But I must tell you , These Emperours and their forces were great keepers of Vnity . The first Lesson at this Daies Evening prayer , is , Judg. 4. There Sisera , Captaine of Jabins Army , fell before Israel . But I must tell you , The two Tribes , Zabulon and Nepthali , went up in great both Vnity and courage against them , Judg. 5. And I make no doubt , but this Day may be a Day of happy successe to this Church and State , if S. Paul may be heard , and that yet ( before it be too too late ) there be a hearty Endeavour to keepe the Vnity of the Spirit in the Bond of peace . And now , to conclude ; I beseech you Remember , That all this Vnity and Peace , what ere it be , and when t is at the best , is but Vestigium , a track , and a footing of that everlasting peace which is to come . And I would not have you so love this peace of Grace , that you should at any time forget the infinite peace of Glory : The bond whereof nor Earth , nor Hell can breake . For t is not folly onely , but madnesse saith Saint Gregory ) to love this Peace , this Vnity , which is but a foot-step , a print in the dust , soone worne out , soone defaced ; and not love God and his Peace , A quo impressum est , whose very foot made this so safe , so happy , so pleasant as it is . But I cannot but hope better things of you , and such as accompany safety here , and Salvation hereafter . For you have not so learned Christ , as that you can preferre any Vnity before his ; Or neglect the safe keeping of that which is his foot-step in this world ; The Vnity of the Spirit . Let us therefore all pray unto God , That he will evermore give both the King and his People the comfort of his Spirit ; That that Spirit of his may so direct all your Counsells , that they may be for Vnity . That following the direction of this Spirit of Grace , we may enjoy the Vnity of the same Spirit , both in Church and Common-wealth . That all our Endeavours , publike & private , may tend to the keeping of this unity . That our keeping of unity may be such as it ought , in Peace , in the very bond of peace . I began with S. Pauls Exhortation . I end with his Prayer and Benediction , 2 Thes . 3. T is the prayer of this Day ; For t is the second Lesson at Evening Service . The God of Peace give you peace alwaies , & by al means : Peace in concord , and Peace in Charity ; Peace on Earth , and Peace in Heaven ; Peace of Grace , & Peace in Glory . To all which Christ for his infinite mercies sake bring us all . To whom with the Father and the Holy Spirit , be ascribed all Might , Majesty , and Dominion , this day and for ever . Amen . SERM. VII . Preached at Pauls Crosse in Commemoration of King CHARLES his Inauguration . PSAL. 72. 1. Give the King thy Judgements , O God , And thy Righteousnesse unto the Kings Son. THe Psalmes of David , and his Heart never went sweeter . The Title of the Psalme doth not onely tell us that ; but it tels us that David had an eye upon his Son Solomon : An eye , that is true ; but not both eyes upon Solomon ; no , nor one absolutely fixed , because a greater than Solomon is here . A greater than Solomon , who is that ? who ? why it is Christ . Solomon was the type and shadow ( if you will ) and so one eye may be upon him : but the other eye must pierce through to the Antitype , and body of the Promise , which is Christ . So the antient Fathers , Justine , Tertullian , Origen , Athanasius , and the rest are cleare : and upon very good ground : for there are many things in this Psalme , that cannot be applyed to Solomon , and no Type is bound to represent in all ; and there are some typicall Propositions , as one observeth upon Deut. 18. that are applyable to the Type , or to the Antitype alone . There are many things in this Psalme , that are not applyable to Solomon . But some are , and none more than the words of the Text. For these words can as hardly be applyed to Christ , as that after to Solomon . Now that that agreed to Types before Christs comming , agrees to all that are like Christ after his comming . Therefore this is applyable to all godly , religious Kings : For all have direction from , and share in , the prayer of Solomon . These words that begin the Psalme , I shall take in that sense as applyed to the Type , to Solomon , and in him to all religious Kings . Which so to Solomon , that I am heartily glad to find Christ , so full in the Psalme , so near the King. First , I am glad to find him so full in the Psalme , because that is a confutation of all Judaisme : for they received the Psalmes as well as we ; & here in this Psalme , there are many things that they cannot fasten upon Solomon , or any other but Christ . So cleare is that , that Tertullian hath observed long since against them : The Iewes ( saith he ) scorne us for receiving Christ as a Saviour , Praescribemus tamen , &c. yet we prove against them out of the Scriptures , that they receive , that Christ is come the promised , prophesied Messias . Secondly , I am glad to find Christ so neare the King : because nothing can be more honourable , and safe , for David , and Solomon , the Father , and the Sonne that is to succeed the King , than to have God the Father , and Christ his Son so neare to them . So neare and close , not onely as they stand mixed in the Psalme , but farre more close by the Prayer of David , and by the blessings that follow in the Psalme upon the Prayer , Blessings , not upon David and Solomon onely , but upon the Father and the Sonne in any Kingdome , where the Father with a true religious heart imbraceth Christ , and will teach his Sonne to follow his steps : for then , and there , God will give plenty of judgement to the King , and a full measure of Righteousnesse to the Kings Son. My Text then , as it is applyable to David , and Solomon , ( for so I shall follow it , here ) is the Prayer of David to God for himselfe first , and then for his Son Solomon after ; for both have reference . And the Blessings which follow upon this Prayer made by David , and granted by God , are very many , and great , and follow in the Psalme ; namely , Here is judgement for the people , and that according to right , at ver . 2. Then here is defence for the poore , I and for their very children too , ver . 4. Then after this here is peace , peace upon all , abundance of peace , at ver . 3. Then there is the punishment , and that as rightly settled as may be , upon the wrong doer , ver . 4. And all these come together , that righteous men may flourish , at ver . 7. So it is a necessary Prayer to be made , a very necessary Prayer : for all these , and many more blessings follow , and come upon any nation , and any people , when God comes to Give his Judgements to the King , and his Righteousnesse to the Kings Sonne . My text is a Prayer ; and there are two Petitions , and these two Petitions divide my text into two parts . The one is , that God would give his judgements unto the King. The other is , that he would Give his Righteousnesse unto the Kings son ; for all other inferiour circumstances fall into one of these . I will begin at the first . Give the King thy judgements O God. My text I told you is a Prayer ; and I have made choice of a praying text . The Age is so bad , thy will not endure a good King to be commended for danger of flattery , I hope I shall offend none by praying for the King. The text is a Prayer , and quis orat , who it is that prayes , is the first circumstance that appeares in the text ; it is David , it is the King , and he beares a prime , and a great part wheresoever he is . And it was Davids honour : for there was never any King so often found at his prayers as David was ; seven times a day will I praise thee , Psal . 119. This was Davids promise , and for ought we know it was Davids performance too . And thorow all the booke of his Psalmes ( that devout part of Scripture ) all his praises goe mixed with prayer : so he prayed very oft . And certainly , there is nothing more necessary for any King , than Prayer . And therefore S. Austine accounts it one of the greatest happinesses of a King , not to neglect to offer to God sacrificium orationis , the sacrifice of prayer . 1. And there is great need it should be so : for of all men ( Priests onely excepted ) Kings have the greatest account to make God : therefore prayer is very necessary for them ; that since no man is able to keepe his accounts even , God would be pleased to be mercifull , and take Christ into the reckoning . 2. Of all men ( could greatnesse let them feele their wants ) none have such burthens on their shoulders , as Kings have ; therefore prayer is necessary for them , that they may call as often upon God , as he calls oft upon them that are weary and heavy laden to refresh them , Mat. 11. 3. Of all men , none have so great troubles as Kings have . Indeed troubles must needs be great , or else they dare not sieze on Kings : therefore prayer is necessary then especially when the trouble is such , as no wit of man can worke off , and repell ; and such troubles there are , when there is no shelter , or helpe left in the world , but this , Lord remember David , and all his troubles . But be the troubles never so great , if David pray , and God remember , the King cannot be lost in any sorrow . Hezekiah found it so when he fasted and prayed , and turned to the Lord , Isa . 37. for then the Host of Zenacharib was presently broken , and himselfe saved . So then David is at this necessary worke , he is at prayer . I , but for whom is it that David prayes ? Surely , divers ancient , and moderne Divines , thinke that in this place the King , and the Kings sonne stand but for one person , the person of Solomon under two different relations , the King and the Kings son ; and that there is an Emphasis added by the Repetition . And they thinke too that David penned this Psalme when he was dying , when he resigned his Crowne to Solomon , and delivered the Scepter into his hand ; which the Jesuit Lorinus tels us ( and he is very exact ) that it was just foure yeeres , ( surely I thinke he failes of his reckoning ) before Davids death , when he made his prayer for Solomon . And hee avoucheth Jerome to be his Author : but it is not so , the Jesuit in this , as in divers greater businesses is too bold : Indeed Jerome saith that David lived after Solomon was crowned aliquot annos , some yeers ; but he saith not just four , it may be more , or fewer : I will not enter upon the question quando , when David made this Prayer , and penned this Psalme . First , because the quando , the time here is not in the Text , nor in any part else in Scripture : therefore I may safely be ignorant . Secondly , because , suppose this were the last Psalme that ever David made , as some collect out of the last verse , yet that supposed will not prove that he made this Psalme after he had crowned Solomon King : for before Solomon was crowed David was little lesse then bedrid , 1 King. 1. at which time it is out of question that David prayed , therefore he did not then compose this Psalme . Therefore I shall take liberty to dissent from this opinion , with all submission to better judgements ; but especially to the Church . Me thinks it was not so near night with the Prophet when he penned this Psalme . I rather think that David made it when himselfe was King , and his purpose was firmely set that Solomon should succeed him , for so he had sworne , 1 King. 3. And I think this prayer here in the beginning of the Psalm was made first by David for himselfe , and then for Solomon after . And since this opinion maintaines nothing contrary to the Analogie of faith , nothing that hinders the context , nothing that crosses any determination of the Church ; nay since there is in it more piety to God , more duty to himselfe , more instruction to his Sonne , and more good example to other Kings , that the prayer begin at himselfe , I will take the prayer as I find it in the very words of the Psalme , to be a prayer , first for David , and then for his Sonne , and so proceed . Well then , Davids prayer here , is first for himselfe , ( we shall come to his Sonne after ; ) And he is an excellent example to Kings in this : for the first thing that makes prayer necessary , absolutely necessary for a King , is himselfe : that a superiour hand , even Gods hand would set , and keepe him right , whom so many inferiour hands labour to set awry . I , but what need the King to pray for himselfe ? he wants no prayers whom all the people pray for . Indeed it is true , the people are bound to pray for their King 1 Tim. 2. and I make no doubt , but that the people performe this duty as they are bound , since it is a tribute which by the Law of God they ought to pay ; and David so great and so good a King , had out of question the prayers of all his people , both for himselfe , and his sonne ; yet for all that you shall find David at his prayers for himselfe too . And certainly there is great reason for it ; for of all acts of Charity , this of Prayer is aptest to begin at home . It is true indeed , the King ought to have the prayers of his people , and that man cannot deserve so much as the name of a Christian , that prayes not heartily for the King ; because that is not the Kings good onely , but the peoples way to lead a life in godlinesse and honesty , 1 Tim. 5. Therefore , that man that makes no conscience of praying for the King , let him pretend what he can , he must be presumed to have as little care of all godlinesse and honesty . I , but though the King ought to have the prayers of his people ; yet in the performance of their duty , I read not of any dispensation the King hath to neglect his owne , not to pray for himselfe . If he be a King like David , he must be a King at his prayers too , especially in those great things that concerne the King , that concerne the Kingdome , that concerne his Son , and his succession to his kingdome ; there he of necessity must pray for himselfe . He may joy in his peoples prayers there , but he must pray for himselfe too . And God be ever blessed for it , you have a King that is daily at his prayers , both for himselfe , and for you : yet here , I pray take this along with you ; that as it is the peoples duty to pray for the King , and that takes not off their King to pray for himselfe : So on the contrary side , the Kings religious care in praying for himselfe is so far from lessening , that it augments the obligation of the people to pray for the King. And when both pray , the King for himselfe , and the people for the King , God will not refuse their prayers . And the prayer granted , though it fall first upon the head of the King ( as good reason it should ) yet it becomes as Aarons oyle , Psal . 133. for it runs to the skirts of all his people ; so that they have the benefit , both of their own , and of his prayer . I will never misdoubt the piety of this nation in the performing this duty , of which both here , and in all places they are met this day to make publick proofe . For the person that keeps close to this duty , among many others , he shall be sure of this one great blessing , he cannot fall into the opposite sinne of murmuring against the King. David the King in the text , he had faithfull and religious people ; yet there was a Shimei among them , that in stead of praying for the King , cursed and reviled him , 2 Sam. 16. David was very patient ; but I pray remember what Solomon the Kings Sonne did to Shimei , 2 King. 2. remember that , and if the memory of his punishment would affright other men from running into this blasphemous iniquity , all would soon be well . We are to consider in the next place to whom it is here that the Prophet prayes , and that is exprest , A deo . Give the King thy judgements O God. Doe thou give . And as this is all mens duty ; so it it is the duty of the King too among the rest to goe in prayer to God , and to God alone . Therefore Damascene puts God into the very difinition of prayer , Prayer saith that Father is petitio decentium à deo , the asking of those things that are fit to be asked of God. For prayer is one of the greatest pats of divine worship : so great that Parmatius disputing against Sermonian , takes prayer for the whole entire worship of God. No Pope can dispense with King , or people , either not to pray , or not to pray to God , but Saints , or Angels . As for their distinctions , they are all new ; the antient Church knew them not ; though these have their use sometimes , yet they are a great deale too nice to be used in prayer , that is so essentiall a part of divine worship . And you have great cause againe to blesse and magnifie God , for a King , so constant in religion , so devout in prayer , so direct in his devotion to God alone , as he hath ever shewed himselfe to be ; and God for his mercy sake ever hold him there , And indeed to whom should he , or any of you goe in prayer , but to God ? for none can give but he ; nor none can blesse , or preserve that that is given , but he . If the King look to have his Throne established to himselfe , or his Son after him , he must go to God for the setling of it , or else it will shake then when he thinkes it surest . And since God hath proclaimed it himselfe , By me Kings reigne , Prov. 8. Princes have reason to looke up to him , that they may reign by him , since against him , nay without him , they cannot reigne . To God then the King goes by prayer . But al this is lost except we know for what ? And that followes next in the text . It is for Judgement . It is indeed for all that a Kingdome is , but principally for judgement . First , because under God , that is the establishing of the Kings Throne , Prov. 25. Secondly , because that is one of the Kings maine vertues , for the ordering of his people : for they cannot have their well-being but by justice , and judgement . Therefore in the Common Law of this Kingdome , justice is rightly styled . The supporter of the Common-wealth . I will not fill your ears with curiosities , nor trouble you with disputes , wherein this judgement desired for the King , and this justice and righteousnesse for the Kings Sonne differ one from another . I know they differ in Schoole learning , Judgement standing usually for the habite ; & Justice for the sentence , or execution accordingly . But here Rufinus , and Austin , and other Divines tell me that judgement and righteousnesse in this place stand for that justice , and judgement , that the King is indifferently , & equally to administer to his people , and so for one vertue . Here is the vertue and the power , both from the King , and both from God. The benefit of both are the peoples ; but from God by the King. Therefore David prayes here not for one vertue for himselfe , and another for his son ; but for one , and the same vertue for both . For the Sonne had as much need for this vertue as the Father , the one being a King , and the other to be one ; they both needed this great comprising Kingly vertue , without which there can be no religious peaceable government over a people . So justice and judgement in this place ( as usually when they attend the King ) containe the vertue it selfe ; and the power that brings this vertue to act . The execution is as justice , and the power to give sentence , moderation and equity to smooth over the rigour of justice ; and all other vertues , as far as they serve to strengthen , or direct and keepe even the hands of justice , prudence especially . Then it is a wondrous necessary prayer here : for if justice should not be in the Kings will ( which God forbid ) it must needs grow apt to turne to sourenesse . And if judgement , and execution follow not upon the sentence of justice , the Kings hand must needs shake into remisnesse . And one of these , sourenesse , will make judgement it selfe , or the pretext of it a scourage for the people . And the other , remisness , will make the people a worse scourge to themselves , for want of discipline to keep them in order : For of all scourges , there is none answerable to the unrulinesse of the people . Now this vertue as large as it is , when it fills the heart of the King , it is called another heart ; it puts on other dismensions ; for it furnisheth the Kings brest with all rectitude , and prudence ; and rectitude is the being , and prudence , the moderation , and guide of all justice : for so without respect of persons it belongs to the wise , and prudent , Prov. 25. Nay further , though this vertne be so large , yet the heart of the King is so capacious , that justice and judgement cannot fill it , if it stand single : therefore David : prayeth not for judgement single , but in the plurall number , Give thy judgements . And there is great reason , that he should pray so : for justice continuing , one and the same vertue , gives many times different judgements ; and it must needs be so , and the King must needs be an instrument in them all ; And in the various occasions that himselfe and his people have use of . This David found in his owne heart ; therefore he prayes for all . And this pray we alway for the King , for all judgement for the King. So give Lord. And here it is fit for you a little to take a view of your owne happinesse , and to blesse God for it : for you live under a King that keeps his Laws in his life ; A King that lives so , as if he were a Law himselfe , and so needed none . A King that plants his Judges so , as they may equally distribute his judgement , and justice to his people ; A King so blessed by God for your good , that whether it be for his owne prayers , or yours , or both , or neither , but that God is pleased to shew his mercy , and glory upon him to you , certaine it is , that God hath given him a very large heart , and filled it to the brim with justice and judgement . Take heed , I heartily beg it of you . I say it againe , take heed I heartily beg it of you , that no sinne of unthankfulnesse , no base detracting murmuring sin , possesse your soules , or whet your tongues , or sowre your brests against the Lord , and against his Anoynted : but remember in that these two things . First , remember , that it is as easie for God to take away any blessing ( even the great blessing of a good King ) as to give it , remember that . And secondly , remember , that unthankfulnesse to God for so gracious a King , is the very ready way to doe it , remember that too : & therefore looke to these things in time . I , but what then , hath a King enough , when God hath given him justice , and judgement ? May his prayers then cease for himselfe , as your prayers for him ? hath he no more need of God , when God hath once given him judgement ? O God forbid ; surely he hath , and it is to be presumed , that the King daily prayeth ; I am sure his duty it is , to pray that God would ever please to continue , and increase the righteousnesse , and judgement he hath given to him . Nor can I think , but that David was very oft at this prayer too : for he saith , Psal . 99. The Kings power loveth judgement . And it is more then probable , that that he loved , he would pray for ; he prayed to have it , and to increase it . And he that prayes so oft , Psal . 119. I say so oft that God would keepe him in the way of his commandements , and cause him to make much of his Law ; he must of necessity be presumed to pray for justice , and judgement , which is the vigour of all Lawes , divine , and humane . And Kings have great need oft to pray for this grace , and for the continuance , and increase of it too . For Kings stand high , that is true ; but the higher they stand , the more they are exposed to tempests , & wind-shakings , that passe lover the lower vallies with the lesse noyse , & danger . And Kings are great . That is true too : but the greater they are , the stiffer are the blasts of all temptations on them to batter , at least to would be wise : For certainly , there can be no kingdome rightly constituted , further than God himselfe comes in , in laying the foundation of it in true , impartiall judgement . When the foundation of a kingdome is perfectly laid ( which is a blessing seldome perfect in al things in any kingdome whatsoever , yet ) no kingdom can continue upon such a foundation , longer than it stands upright upon it . If it sway on either side ; if it fall not presently , it growes weaker still , the more it leanes away from justice and judgement which is Gods. And as it is with kingdomes in their foundation , and superstructure , so it is with Kings too , that are to manage , and dispose them : for if any King thinke himselfe sufficient by his owne vertue against the difficulties of a kingdome , by his owne justice , and wisedome , and integrity , he will find by his losse , a Nebuchadnezar in his greatest greatnesse , Dan. 4. that he & all his vertue cannot long keep up , no not a setled King. Therefore David was wise , as well as religious , that he went to God for his judgements , without which he nor his Son after him , he knew was able to hold up the kingdome . Give the King thy judgements O God. And what did David with them , when he had them ? What , he resolved to make them the very rule of his government , and he did so : for First for himselfe , he tels us in Psal . 119 , Thy judgements have I laid before me . There he makes them his owne rule . Then he prayes over his Son Solomon . O Lord give here to Solomon my son a perfect heart , that he may keep thy commandements , that they might rule his Son. Well then Thy judgements . But is not all justice , and judgement Gods ? Yes , out of doubt ; In generall justice and judgement are from him . Therefore it is a great advantage to people in any kingdome , even among Infidels , to have the kingdom administred by justice , and judgement . But yet to make a kingdom perfect , and entire , to have the judgement Gods , and the kingdome firme ; then there must these graines be put into the ballance . First , it must be justice , not onely given , but guided all along by God , and Grace . If this be not , judgement cannot remaine firme in any man , or any King. Now as it holds it workes , for worke it cannot beyond the strength it hath : therefore if Gods spirit assist it not , it may faint , and faile just there , and then when on the sudden it may shake a kingdome . Secondly , it must be judgement that is alway Gods ; and it must distribute rewards and punishments , as God commands . If justice , and judgement role this eye aside , though it may continue for ought may appeare to others , and themselves , yet they begin to looke squint , and in part leave God. Therefore if any pretended cunning way of justice and judgement so called , shall debase , and sinke the honour of God , and the sincerity of Religion : If any Municipall Law be made in any kingdome to strengthen such designes , as are injurious to God , and his worship ; there must , there will come a failing upon all such kingdomes , wheresoever they are ; and then it will appear , ( though perhaps too late ) that the judgements of their King were not Gods judgements . Thirdly , it must be judgement , that ( as much as humane infirmity can beare ) must be free from taint , both within , and without ; within at the heart of the King , and his Judges under him ; and without , from all possession in the ear , and from all corruption in the hand . If this be not , Justice which should onely be blind to see no persons , becomes so blind , that it can see no truth ; and justice that is so blind cannot be Gods. Therefore if the justice and judgement of a kingdome cut up its owne foundation , can any man thinke it can build safely and wisely upon it for the State ? it cannot be . And this Thine in the text ( for I must hasten ) Thy judgements , It is so full a circumstance , I cannot leave it yet . For by it you may see how necessary it was then for David , and how requisite it is now for all Kings to pray to God ; and to him alone for judgement : For no King can master the Scepter well , but by justice and judgement . And you see it cannot be done by any kind of judgement neither ; but that that is Gods judgement in the upright integrity of it : And then who can give Gods judgements but God himselfe ? who is as he is called Isay . 30. The God , and the God of judgement : surely none can have it but he in perfection , nor none can give it to others , to make them perfect but he . Therefore Austine askes the question , but meerely in scorne . What! is it come to that ? dost thou thinke that thou canst give justice & judgement unto thy selfe ? No , thou canst not ; for no man can give himselfe that that he hath not ; & that that he hath already , he needs not . This our Prophet tels us plainly : for tho the King love judgement , yet it is God that prepares Equity , and Righteousnesse in Jacob : O blessed are all they that waite for him . For if they waite , he will give , and that no lesse than Judgement , his judgements to the King. One circumstance behind yet is , that the words are properly a prayer in the most native sense of prayer . Not a thanksgiving onely , that God had given him his judgements . For though God had given David his judgements ; and he was thankfull for such a gift as this : yet thinks here is not his proper worke , but humiliation , and supplication . And it is an excellent thing to see a King at his prayers : for then you see two things at once ; a greater , and a lesser King , God and the King. And though wee cannot see God , as we see the King ; yet when we see Majesty humbled , and in the posture of a Supplicant , we cannot in a sort but see that infinite , unspeakeable Majesty of that God , whom even Kings adore , and are made far greater by their humblest adoration . For when I pray you was Solomon the Sonne of this King at his greatest glory ? Surely , you shall finde him at his greatest , then immediatly upon the finishing of the Temple . And how doe you find Solomon there ? just at his Fathers worke ; he was there at his prayers upon his knees , saith the text , 1. King. 8. upon his knees ; whereas now many meane , unworthy men , are loath to bow their knees , or stoope in prayer to God. Now this prayer was a prayer indeed : for prayer is apt to beg , not to buy . He that pleads desert , challengeth reward of duty : but he that prayeth relies upon the mercy , and goodnesse of the Giver . And this is the way that David comes to God , both for himselfe and for his Son. And I pray marke it , David here , the great example of a praying King , he saith not retribue domine , Lord repay me for the paines of my government ; for my service of the people , or for my worship to thy selfe ; there is none of this ; but da domine , Give Lord , that thou art able to doe by thy power , that thou art ready to do by thy goodnesse . O Lord let not mine , or my peoples unworthinesse hinder that ; Let not their murmuring , & disobedience be heard so farre as to thee ; but Lord give the King thy judgements , and then I will execute them to thine honour , and their good . This was Davids way , and it was prevalent . And out of question be he King , or Subject , he that askes no more at Gods hands , than either of both , askes and shall have too little . But God gives much to humble Sutors , Iudgements , and his judgements . And neither the Prophet did ask , nor God did give the earnest and pledge of this judgement onely , but judgement it selfe to the King. And certajnly the King had need to pray thus ; And so had the people as great need as the King : for if this prayer be not made , what assurance have you that God will give ? and if God will not give , the King cannot have ; and if the King cannot receive justice and judgement , hee cannot distribute it to the people , ver . 2. And if judgement be not distributed to the people , there will be no peace , ver . 3. And where the people doe not receive judgement from the King , and peace from themselves , what are they ? Nothing but a heape of most infirme , and miserable creatures : which you can never be as long as God gives his Judgements to the King , and his Righteousnesse to the King sonne . I have now done with the first generall part of the text : and it is time to descend from the King to his Son , the second part of the Fathers Prayer . And thy Righteousnesse to the Kings sonne , give Lord. Where first , though it be not exprest in the text , it may easily bee conceived , that such a King as Dauid prayed for a Son , before he prayed for Righteousnesse to be given him : and though David had divers sonnes before , yet in some respect or other , they were all to David ▪ as no sons : therefore there is no question to be made , but he prayed for him ▪ I and therefore too , when God had given him Solomon , he calls him not bare his sonne , but his onely sonne , 1 Chron. 29. And no marvell , since he was that son , that God himself appointed to succeed in the kingdome for David , 1 Chron. 28. and such a son is alway worth the praying for . Well , but what then ? when God had given David Solomon : when God hath given any other King a son , as he hath given our gracious King ( Gods name be ever blessed ) what then , is the Kings prayers then , or the peoples at an end ? No , nothing lesse ; nay , there is more need a great deale , both for the King , & for the people to go on in their prayers , as David did ; that the same God that hath given his judgements to the King , will proceed , and Give his Righteousnesse to the Kings sonne . For it is a greater blessing to the King , when God gives his Righteousnesse to his son , than when he gives him a son . For if Solomon succeed not David in his love to the Temple , as well as the Throne ; if he inherit not the truth of his fathers Religion , as well as the right of his Crown ; if he follow not his Fathers devotion , and pray for Justice , and Judgement to be given him , as well as other temporary blessings : the very blessings of the Son would end in bitternesse , and be the discomfort , and dishonour of the Father . But it is the wise , and prudent Sonne that is the Fathers Crown , and the Mothers joy , Prov. 10. And then the blessing of Sonne is a blessing indeed . David saw this therefore he continued his prayers . And it is more than fit for other Kings to doe so too . Thy Judgements Lord give the King , and thy Righteousnesse to the Kings son . And for the people , they have great need , not onely to say Amen to the prayers of the King ; but to repeate the prayer , and with fervencie to drive it in at the ears of God , that so their children after them may be as happy under the Sonne , as they themselves were under the Father , while God gives both the Father , and the Son zeale to his truth , and judgement over his people . And here I should take occasion to tell you of the care , and devotion of our David in his dayes , and of his prayers , both for himselfe , and his Sonne ; but that the age is so bad , that they will not beleeve that he is so good beyond them . And some ( for they are but some ) are so waspishly set to sting , that nothing can please their eares , unlesse it sharpen their edge against authority . But take heed : for if this fault be not amended , Justice may seize upon them that are guilty God knows how soone : And the Kings Judgement that God hath given him , may pull out their stings , that can imploy their tongues in nothing but to wound him , and his government . Well , these must not divert me , or any good subject from praying for the King , and the Kings Sonne . The Kings Sonne ! blessed name , what imports then to a King ? surely David knew well : therefore you see he leaps for joy , into this prayer in the first words of the Psalme . Some tell me this name imports at large , the King , and his posterity , Sonnes or Daughters , not distinct . And I confesse the least is Gods great blessing upon a people . For the wise Historian tells us , that Plena , &c. The Kings house full of them , is the Kings security ; and the kingdomes too : and our Prophet proclames as much , for he proclames him blessed that hath his quiver full of them , he shall not be ashamed when he meets his enemy in the gate , Psal . 112. But when I find it Filio Regis , the Kings Sonne , I think David made a difference , and had a speciall eye upon Solomon , that God had given him to succeed after him , 1 Chron. 28. Well then , be it to the Kings Sonne . Why ! but then is it but to one ? out of doubt where there is but one , there can be no question : but when there are more Sons than one , as David had ( and other Kings may have ) there the Kings Sonne in the text , stands for that Sonne , that in the course of the kingdome , is to inherit , and to be King after him . Not that prayer is not neeessary , or not to be made for Gods blessings upon them all : But because in the course of time the sterne is to be held by that hand , therefore the prayer is most necessary to fill that hand , with justice , and judgement , of the Kings Sonne , and to season the Kings Sonne with justice and judgement . So then , the Son in the text was Solomon , not borne first , for he had other brethren living ; but designed by God , and by David himselfe to be King after him : designed by David , therefore he had great reason to pray ; designed by God , therefore David had reason to hope , that God would give him a spirit of government . And it was so ; for God gave him plenty of wisdome , and store of justice , 2 King. 1. The Sonne with which God hath blessed onr King , and us , as natus haeres , borne heire ; and I hope designed and marked out by God for long life , and happinesse : In all things like Solomon , God make him , saving in those things in which Solomon fell from these prayers of his Father . Now as it was to David , so it is to any King , a great happinesse to have a Son to pray for . For first , there is scarce such another exercise of a Kings piety , as to pray for his Sonne . Secondly , there is scarcely such another motive to make the King carefull of his Sonnes education , as this prayer is . For the more David prayed to God , for Gods justice and judgement , to descend upon his Son , the more he seemed to see what a want it was for the Sonne of a King to want justice and judgement , and the more he sees what this want is , the more undoubtedly must he indeavour by prayer to God , and his owne indeavour to looke to it , for the vertuous education of his Sonne . For it is impossible almost , that he that prayes to God to give ; should not also indeavour that it may be given . For when we our selves pray for any thing , that prayer if it be such as it ought , sets an edge on our indeavours : because in a manner it assures us , that God will give what we aske , if we indeavour by Gods grace , as we aske . And for our owne particular , I doubt not but we shall see Gods grace plentifully given to the Kings Sonne , after his pious Fathers carefull successefull indeavour in his education . That his heart may be full of justice , and his hand of judgement , against the time come , that the judiciary power must descend upon him . And if you marke it here , the blessing that David desires for the Kings Sonne , is the very selfe-same that he askes for himselfe , Righteousnesse , that is , Justice , and Judgement . And there is great reason for it : for this vertue is as necessary for the Sonne , as for the Father . The same Crown being to be worne by both . The same Scepter to be welded by both . The same people to be governed by both . The same Lawes to be maintained by both . Therefore the same vertue is necessary for both . And the copulative in the text , And thy righteousnesse for the Kings Sonne , joynes David and Solomon ; the Father and the Sonne in one prayer for one blessing . And this example of Davids prayer is a great leading case for Kings ; for this holy and pious King David , this King full of experience what the greatest want of a King might be ; he doth not aske at Gods hand , for his Son long life , an inlarged kingdome , heaps of wealth , ( though that be very necessary ) but the grace of judgement , and righteousnes , that so he may be able to goe through with the office of a King , that is Davids prayer . And other blessings come within the adjicientur , Mat. 6. they shall be cast into the lap of the King , if he first seeke the Kingdome of God , in the administration of Justice , and Judgement to the people . For Kings are ordained of God for the good of the people . And this David understood well : for himselfe acknowledgeth it , Psal . 78. that God therefore made him King , that he might feed Jacob his people , and Israel his Inheritance ; that he might feed them : and as David knew this , so he practised it too ; for he fed them with a faithfull and prudent heart , and governed them wisely with all his power . And even with this goes along the prayer of the Church for the King , that he may ever , and first seeke Gods honour , and glory ; and then study to preserve the people committed to his charge , to preserve them , which cannot possible be without Justice , and Judgement . For as Austine proves at large , there is no bond of unity or concord that can be firme without it . And I will not tell you , but Solomon may , what a King is , that hath not the grace of Justice , Prov. 28. But however , the more are you bound to God Almighty , that hath given you a King so full of Justice , and Judgement , as you have found him to be . And it is worthy our consideration too , how David and Solomon agree in their prayers ; and what a Kings Son may learne , when he is exampled by such a Father . For we find when Solomon came to yeeres , and wore the Crowne , he fell to prayer too : and his prayer was built upon the same foundation . The prayer of David , & Solomon the son meet at once . For David did not simply pray for wisedome ; but for that wisdome that might enable him to governe the people . And indeed all the wisdome of a King , especially to direct Justice , and Judgement , is the very ready way to all Kingly wisdome . Therefore Davids prayer went up first for Justice : because without that there is no wisdome . There may be wilinesse if you will to resemble wisdome : but there was never any wise King that was not just . And that policy will be fouud weake in the end , that perswades any King against Iustice and Judgement . And as before , it was not Judgement alone , that David desired for himselfe , but it must be Tuam , thy Iudgement . So Righteousnesse alone doth not content him for his Sonne , but it must be Tuam too , Thy righteousnesse . And indeed morall Iustice alone cannot possibly be enough for a Christian King. Religious and pious Iustice must come in too . He must take care for the soules , as well as for the bodies and goods of his people . Therefore one of the Churches prayers is , that the King may study to preserve the people , not in wealth onely , and in peace , but in Godlinesse too . He must so give the people their owne , that is Iustice ; as that he command the people to give God his owne ; that is , Justice with Religion . And there is no King , nor no Kings Sonne can possibly doe this , unlesse God give them the spirit of Judgement , and Justice . God must first give it the King , before the King give it the people . And it is , Give Lord : For as Morall Justice onely will not serve , so neither will Theological , but only qua datur , as it is given . For as it is acquisita , as it is learned by study , be it by study or practise , so it is speculative , or operative by rule ( that is the most ) but as it is given , so it is at the heart , and so the King is not onely active by rule ; but it makes the King , and the Kings Son to be in love , and to joy in the judgment that they are to put in excution . Then the King is fitted indeed for government , when there is the love of Justice , and truth in the inward parts , Psal . 51. For then they cannot but practice what they love , I , and then that Justice which is within at the heart , is vera tua , truly Gods Righteousnesse : and for this Justice , and Judgement , I shall therefore continue Davids prayer , and go on , Give Lord thy judgement to the King , and thy righteousnesse to the Kings son . For if God doe not give , it is not possible for Justice , and Judgement , any other way to descend into the heart of the King , and the Kings Son. None but God can see to drop Justice and Iudgement into the deep heart of the King ; none but onely Pater luminum , the Father of Lights , that stand over , and sees how to doe it . And yet I must tell you here , that while he prayes for Gods Iustice , and Iudgement for himselfe , and his Son , it must be understood with a great deale of difference , and and that in two respects . First , because Gods Iudgement as it is in God , is substantiall . It is so in God , as it is his essence himselfe . This way no King is capable of Gods Justice , because it is his essence . But Iustice as it is given to the King , is a quality , an accident , and that is separable , if God either leave to give , or desist from preserving that that he hath given ; therefore Kings have great need to pray for this Iustice , because they can neither have it , nor keepe it without him . Secondly , because Iustice as it is in God , is Lumen , all light , so bright , that even impious men themselves cannot but accknowledge it , even when they are condemned by it . So cleare that no intangled cause can cloud it ; no corner sinne can avoid it . And this way againe no King is capable of Gods Light , because that is a thing in communicable , as his substance , as essentiall as he . But Iustice as it is given to a King , is but Lucerna , but a Candle-Light , an imparted Light ; a Light that is kindled , and set up in a materiall substance , & so darkned with dregs : yet even this Light Kings must pray for : and it is but need they should : for if God give not even this Light , it is impossible the King should see how to doe Iustice ; or that he should discerne how to execute those judgements that God hath given him . Therefore the Lighting up of this Candle in the heart of the King , the Light of Iustice and Iudgement , is a marvellous blessing , and God himselfe accounts it so ; and it appears , First , because among the many threatnings , that he thunders out against rebellions people , this is one , that he will take from them the Light of a Candle , Ier. 25. he wil not leave them so much light : and it was so ; for Gods Iudgement departed away from the King , the King lost the Kingdome , and the people were lead away in darknesse to captivity . So you may see what it is to want this light of judgement in a King , Secondly , it appeares to be great by the promises of God : for among the many professions , that he makes to this glorious King David , this was one , that he had ordained a light for him , Psal . 132. So then you see by the presence of this light , what the benefit is to have it . But then still Kings themselves , and the people must remember , it is but Lucerna , but a Candle lighted at that great light , the Lampe of God ; And being but a Candle light , it is easily blowne out , if God keepe not his light about the King to renew it ; and if God provide not a fence for this Light of Iustice against the winds of temptation that bluster about it . Therefore our old English Translation reads that place in the Psalme happily , I have provided ( saith that Translation ) not onely a light , but a Lanthorn for mine Annointed , to carry this Light. And this improves the blessing a great deale further : For there is no carrying of this Light without the Lanthorne of Gods owne ordaining : the temptations that beset the King are so many , and so strong , that except this Lanthorn defend the light , all the light of Iustice and judgment will out . And this Lanthorn is so hard to make , that God himselfe must ordaine it , or else the King cannot have it : for who can fence , and keepe in Gods blessings , but himselfe ? Therefore David here went very right in his prayer , marvellous right , both for himselfe , and for his Son , da Domine ▪ Give Lord , not the light of thy judgement , and justice onely ; but give the Lanthorne too for thine Anointed , that he may be able with honour to carry thorow this Light of Iustice , and Iudgement , before his people . And let me me tell you one thing more , that filius regis the Kings Son here , is not onely a fit object of his Fathers prayers , but of yours too , for the peoples prayers , as well as the Kings : for filius regis , is filius regni too , the Son of the King , is the Son of the Kingdome ; his Fathers Son by nature , but the Kingdomes Son by right ; all the subjects having equall interest in the Iustice and Iudgement of the Kings Son. Therefore while David prayes , pray you also , that God would give his judgements to the King , and his righteousnesse to the Kings Sonne . I and where ever there is want for a Kings Son to succeed , and inherit his Father , surely it is a marke , that God is somewhat angry with a people : For if God doe not sometime divert the judgements , and sometime lessen them , when there is not a Son to succeed , that judgment nsually is a fore-runner of sorrows : of sorrowes sometimes that men can neither see , nor prevent . I know they may easily foresee that troubles may follow us , but of what kinde they shall be , to what greatnesse they shall increase , how long they shall continue , what trembling they may make at the very foundation of a State , whether it will please God to give them an issue , or not an issue , I suppose none can tell but God himselfe . Therefore still let the prayer be exprest in what person it will , let it be made by the King , or by the people , or by both ; all shall goe well , so wee pray , and give thanks heartily for the King , and the Kings Sonne . I must break off the rest . Thus you have seene David praying for himselfe and his Sonne . That it is an excellent thing to find a King at his prayers : that his prayers cannot better begin , than for himselfe , nor better proceed than for his Sonne ; nor be piously made to any but God ; nor for a more necessary kingly vertue , than justice , and judgement ; nor with more wisdome , than for the joyning of Gods judgement to morall justice : for that will ever be the setling of the Kings throne , and the honour and safety of the King himselfe . This day , is the day of the Kings crowning ; many yeares may it sit on his head , and crown all his dayes thorow with justice , and judgement ; and this solemnity in observing with prayer and devotion to God , the initiall dayes of the Crownes of Kings , is old , as well as any other ; For Tertullian tells us that it was a practice long before his time . I , and even they which serve no true God , Infidels themselves , were upon such dayes as this at their vows ; and prayers to such Gods as they had , for the happinesse , and safety of their Princes ; and I hope we shall never fall short of Infidels in our prayers to God , for the security and happinesse of the King : but we shall take up the prayer here , as David begins it ; Give thy judgements to the King O God , and thy righteousnesse to the Kings Sonne . And it is the best solemnity of this day to pray for the King. This is the day of the Kings crowning ; and yet as I have not already , so neither shall I now break out into any large panegyricks , and prayses , no not of a gracious King. But I come hither to preach a kinde of Gospel to you , even glad tydings , that God in the mercies of Christ ( whose the Gospell is ) hath given you a wise , and just , and religious King ; a King whom God hath enabled to wind up all his other vertues in patience within himselfe , and clemency towards his people . A King made by God ( for so I hope ) not onely to beare ( for that he hath done enough already ) but to master the great difficulties of his time at home , and abroad ; that so his people may not onely be , but may live , and flourish in peace and plenty . This is the day of the Kings crowning ; and though not just upon this day , yet within the compasse of this year God hath crowned him againe with a Son , a Crown far more precious , than the Gold of Ophir . For since Children are in nature the Crowne of their parents rejoycing , what joy must this needs be , both to the King , and to the people , who have an interest , though not alike in the Kings Sonne ? In the Kings Son ; and he a Sonne given by God after some yeares expectation : and he a Son given after so great a losse of a Son in the former yeare ; and he a Son after so many feares that this blessing could not , or not so soone come upon us ? So here are two great blessings that God hath given you at once , the King and the Kings Sonne ; the tree , and the fruit ; the King to be a blessing to you , and the Kings Sonne to be a blessing for your children after you . And besides , all other blessings that are to come ; here is a double blessing rising with this Sonne : for it dispells the mists of your feares , and promiseth an influence to them that shall come after . And let me put you in minde of it ; for it is most true , whether you will beleeve it or no ; There are no subjects in any State ( I speake what I know ) whatsoever , Christian , or other , that live in that plenty , at that ease , with those liberties , and immunities that you doe . There is no nation under heaven so happy , if it did but know , and understand its owne happinesse . To these , nay farre above all these , you have Religion as free as may be . And all this you have maintained to you by the justice and judgement that God hath given the King for your good . Take heed , I beseech you , take heed , what returne you make to God and the King , for these blessings . Let not the sins of the time , murmuring , and disobedience , possesse any . They are great sins when they are at the least ; but they are crying sins , when they fly out against such a King , as God hath filled with Iustice , and Iudgement . Rather set your selves to prayse God , and to blesse his name , and to give him thanks for his goodnesse . And pray to him that he would still preserve the King , and that his loving kindnesse may imbrace the Kings Son. That so no cloud no confused darknesse may be spread over this kingdom ; that no cloud arising from your ingratitude to God may obscure the King ; nor no eclipse caused by popular Lunacy may befall the Kings Son. For in this the King , and the Kings Sonne are like the Sun in the firmament , seldome or never eclipsed , but by that Moon that receives all her Light from them , nor by that , but when it is in the head , or poisoned taile of the great Dragon , the Devill . In the multitude of people is the Kings honour , Prov. 14. But in the loyalty and love of the people , is the Kings safety ; and in the Kings justice , and judgement , is the happinesse of his people ; & the ready way to make a King joy in justice , and judgement over his people , is for people to shew their loving obedience to the King. And since none of us can tell how , or what to doe better , let us take up the pr●yer here , where David leaves it , and proceed to pray as he did , That as God hath given us a King , and to that King justice and judgement ; so he will most graciously be pleased to continue these great blessings to him for us ; that the King may still receive comfort , and the people from the King justice , and judgement . That these judgements may be many , may be all , which may any way fit the King , or fill the people . That these judgements may be Gods judgements ; that is , as neare the uprightnesse of Gods judgements as may be , even such as may preserve Religion intire , as well as Equity . And that God would graciously please , not to looke for pay from us , but to give where we cannot merit . That since he hath not onely given us the King , but the Kings Son , he will at last double this blessing upon us , and make the Queen a fruitfull Mother of more happy Children . That to this Royall Prince , he would give many happy dayes , and a large portion of his mercy , that the King , and his Son , and the joyfull Mother that bare him , may rest in the middest of Gods blessings , both spirituall , and temporall ; that we may be in the middest of Gods blessings , and the Kings , till the Kings Son be grown up to continue these blessings to our Generations , and transmit them to them . And so O Lord , give and continue , and strengthen , and increase , and multiply thy judgements to the King , and thy righteousnesse to the Kings Son ; even so Amen Lord Iesus , and doe it . To whom with the Father , and the Holy Spirit , three Persons , but one everliving God , be ascribed all Might , Majesty , and Dominion , this day , and for ever , Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A88789-e760 2 Reg. 6. 17 2 Reg. 6. 2 , 3. Josh . 15. 9. Ver. 1. 9. Ver. 5. Ex. 23. 17. Ver. 1. Ver. 7. 2. Reg. 6. 17. 2. Reg. 7 13. Esra . 3. 1 , 2 S. Hierom. Basil . Theod . Hilar. Arnob. Euthym. Ibid. L. 2. Nat. Q● . 42. Psa . 68. 32. & ver . 35. Ver. 9. S. Hierom. Aug. Hilar. Prosp. ibid. S. Basil . Theod. &c. ib●d . Mat. 16. 18 Psal . 82. 1. L. 2. Bell. Civil . p. 100 ▪ Ver. 5. Esa . 37. 12 Psal . 29. 10 2. Reg. 5. Ver. 4. Ver. 6. Eccles . 3. 8 Esa . 45. 7. Deut. 29. 29. Enchir. c. 101. 1 Tim. 2. 2 Joh. 14. 27. Rom. 12. 18. 2. Reg. 7. 9. 1. Reg. 17. 2. Reg. 5. 5 2. Reg. 2. 2. Reg. 5. 20. 1 Chron. 22. 8. S. Jaco . 1. 20. Appian . L. 2. B●l Civi . p. 504. 1 Chron. 22. 9. Apoc. 21. 2. 10. G. de voca . Judae . pag. 44. Pag. 66. and 79. Rom. 11. Posit . 7. pag. 2. Posit . 44. & 49. Pag. 48. Esa . 25. 2. Pag. 105. Ver. 6 , 7. S. Hierom. & Genev. Annot. Ibid. Jer. 19. 11. Apoc. 21. L. 3. de Virginibus . Pag. 56. & 75. Pag. 56. & 102. Pag. 163. Sal. To. 4. Tract . 37. Lorin . in Act. 1. 6. Act. 1. 6. Lorin . in Act. 1. 6. S. Hierom. Ar. Mon. Trem. Serm. 1. de Ieju . 10. Men. Ver. 6. Ver. 7. Epist . 7. ad Smyrnen . S. Hilar. Ibid. S. Hierom. Ibid. Euthym. Ibid. Nihil firmius , aut utilius , aut celsius , Turribus . S. Hilar. Ibid. S. Hierom. Ibid. Gal. 2. 9. S. Chrysost . Hom. 10. in S. Mat. S. Hierom. Ibid. Psal . 74. 5 , 6. Esa . 5. 5. Euthym. Ibid. Psal . 100. 5. Pat●rc . L. 2. S. Luk. 10. 5. Calv. Ibid. 1 Tim. 2. 1. Notes for div A88789-e6690 Or , given him . Or , not be moved . Gen. 27. 34. Exod. 18. 10. Vers . 1. S. Hierom. S. August . Jansen . Calv. Lorin . ibid. Vers . 5. Lib. 1. s●ro . Jaco . 1. 17. 3 Reg. 8. Vers . 55. ver . 66. 1 Pet. 2. 17. Gen. 27. 38. 1 Chro. 11. 10. Ezek. 1. 15 Lib. 1. verbis primis . Luk. 1. 33. Esay . 11. 1 4. Reg. 23. 25. Jansen . & Copp . ibid. S. Basil . Ibid. Theodor. Ibid. 2 Reg. 17. Hab. 1. 16. Flav. Vop . in vita Cari. M. Foel . in Octa. p. 96. Rom. 1. 21. Ver. 3. Lib. 11. co● . duas epist Pelag. c. 19. Ar. Mon. Flav. Vopis . in Caro. Hook. Lib. 1. Ecc. Pol. Sect. 1. Prin. Bellarm. Ibid. Theodor. Ibid. Euthy . Ib. Lib. 12. Epist . 19. Theodor. ib. Euthym. ib. 1 Reg. 17. 45. Lib. 2. de Erudit . prin . cap 6. Ibid. Calv Musc . Tremel . M●lle● . ib. 2 Reg. 7. 29. Li. 8. Orig. cap. 2. In morte Peregri . Mat. 10. 16 Lib. 8. Ori. cap. 2. Theodo . & Euthym. ib. Ar. Mont. Rom. 8. 24 Ibid. S. Mat. 11. 7. Ibid. Act. 24. 12 Psal . 33. 15 Psal . 46. 1. Vers . 2. Tremel . v. Angli . vet . Appolinar . Ibid. Psal . 94. 18 Collat. 3. c. 12. Cassiod lib. 5. epist. 39 1 Reg. 17. 47. S. Basil . ib. Job 7. 20. Prov. 8. 15. Vers . 8. Notes for div A88789-e17150 Deut. 16. 16. Vers . 1. Psal . 75. 4. Apoc. 12. 6. S. Basil . ib. Psal . 113. 6. S. Math. 5. 35. Thren . 2. 15. S. Mat. 24. 2. Adrichom . in descrip . Jerus . Jud. 19. 10 2 Sam. 5. 7 1 Chro. 11. 4. S. Hil. ibid. Gen. 49. 7 , Col Dom. 5 post Trin. Plat. in vit . Urban . Lucan . Lib. 5. de . Bel. Gal. In vita I. Agrip. Cor. 12. Vers . 25. Vers . 21. Vers . 22. Orat. 20. 1 Cor. 13. 4. S. Luk 23 34. Esai . 2. 2. S. Math. 16 18. Gal. 6. 2. Ezech. 13. 10. 2 Tim. 2. 23. S. Luk. 19. 2. Exod. 23. 17. Psal . 15. 13 , 14. 1 Cor. 1. 17. Psal . 127. 1. Jon. 3. Act. 13. 27. S. Basil . ib. Deut. 17. 11. Deut. 16. 16. Vers . 22. Vers . 8 , 9. S. Luk. 10 30. S. Aug. ib. Exod. 23. 15. Apolina . ib. Deut. 16. 16. 2 Chron. 7. 12. S. Basil . ib. 3 Reg. 12. 28. Ibid. S. Joh. 21. 16. Deut. 17. 10. S. Basil . Theodoret. Et thym . Calvin . Muscu . Jun. Ibid. S. Luk. 1. 75. Non cadem videntur Judicibus tratis & quictis . Arist . l. 2. Rhet. c. 1. 1 Cor. 6. 6 * Tostat . in Exod. 21. q 16. P. Gunaeus de Rep. Hebr. lib. 1. cap. 12. Rom. 13. 1 Both for Causes and Persons . Pet. Cun. de Rep. Hebr. lib. 1. pag. 101. & 106. Calvin . Muscul . Jun. versio Genev. Nay the Anabaptists themselves . Ainsw . Ib. 2 Sam. 7. 10. & Psal . 89. 36. Psal . 65. 7. Calv. Ibid. 1 Sam. 8. Psal . 111. 10. 1 S. Pet. 2. 17. Exod. 25. 22. Exod. 18. Numb . 11. 16. Notes for div A88789-e26340 2 Reg 5. Rom. 13. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 Reg. 15. 23. 1 Reg. 22. Psal . 22. 18. Josua 7. 5. Psal 58. 7. Hos . 8. 14. In Text. Ezech. 12. 20. Vers . 7. Gen. 15. 16. Amos 2. 9. In Ames 99 Psal . 69. 2. Psal . 107. 34. Prov. 28. 2 Tene magis salvum populus velit , an populum Tu. Servat in ambiguo qui consulit & Tibi , & urbi Jupiter . Horat. lib. 1. ep . 16. Prov. 19. 12. Septuag . S. Hier. Ar. Mont. Exod. 18. 18. Vers . 21. 1 Tim. 2. 2 Esay 5. 20 Psal . 65. 52. Jude v. 12. 2 Pet. 2. 17 * S. Basil . Hier. Ruffin . Aug. Theod. Euthym. Ibid. & S. Bern. Serm. 15. in Cant. * S. Basil . Hier. Aug. Euthym. Theod. Ib. Greg. 10. moral . 31. Bern. ep . 1. Gen. 18. 25. Psal . 33. 9. Hexam . l. 1. c. 6. 1 Cor. 3. 10. Gal. 2. 9. Ruff. Aug. Euthym. ibid. S. Bern. ep . 77. Ephes . 4. Ep. 31. 5. De Civit. Dei. 24. Senec. Ep. 86. Ar. Mont. Pro. 29. 4. Lib. 9. Mor. 13. Judg. 17. 6 & 18. 1. & 19. 1. & 21. 25. 2 Reg. 2. Prov. 8. 15. In Psal . 74 A Deo deposcimus rebus fessis , languenti busque tutamina . Arnob . lib. 1. contrà Gent. 1 Tim. 2. 2 Orat. 27. 13. Rom. 13. 1 Exod. 13. 21. Exod. 14. 24. Ex. 14 26 Si totum muudum Deus , qui condidit , gubernat , quo in loco , vel cui creaturae Casus , & Fatum , & Fortuna dominabitur . Paulin. Ep. 38. Tremel . ib. Gen. 28. 18. S. Mat. 16. 18. In Text. Lib. 1. contra Gent. Psal . 9. 9. Per desolationē inestimabilem ad solidā consolationem . Gers . li. 1. de consol . Theol. pros . 4 ▪ S. Bas . Cal. vers . Angl. ult . Psal . 122. 4 , 5. Jansen . ib. Rom. 13. 6 , 7. Prov. 14. 28. 4 Reg. 18. 2. 2 Chro. 29 20. 4 Reg. 18. 5. Psal . 61. 7. Notes for div A88789-e35390 * In Octav. Judaeorum Deum fuisse Rom. numinibus una cum gente Captivum . Verse 5. Verse 6. Hom. 14. in Ep. ad Hebr. Vers . 13. Heres . 59. Verse 14. Verse 20. Psal . 50. 15 Esa . 17. 11 Esa . 7 ▪ 20. S. Jacob. 4. Jud. 9. 33. Mat. 17. 21 Mat. 5. 6. Esa . 58. 5. 3. Reg. 18. 27. Psal 121. 4. Psal . 44. 23 S. Basil . in Psal . 23. S. Hierom in Habac. 3. Velut ad dormientent loquitur . Verse 12. Psal . 127. 2. S. Mat. 3. 17. Rom. 6. 9. S. Aug in Psal . 129. S. Mat. 8. 28. Ver. 14. S. Jacob. 4. 6. Psal . 99. 5. 1 Thes . 5. 3. Sen. Ep. 53. Min. Foel . in Octav. S. Joh. 5. 17. Tho. sup . q. 88. A. 1. Psal . 73. 21. Vers . 16. Lib. 20. de Civit. Dei. cap. 1. 2 Tim. 2. 19. Psal . 51. 4. Rom. 3. 4. S Mat. 25. 45. Calvin . 4. Inst . 20. Sect. 83 Rom. 13. 2 Arist . 1. Eth. c. 2. Sap. 6. 4. Tho 2. 2. q. 99. A. 1. Prmum . Ephes . 1. 22 , 23. Lib. 7. Hist. cap. 32. In G. Naz. Orat 4. Ibid. 4 Reg. 18. 25. S. Joh. 19. 10. Elias Cret . in Naz. Orat. 4. Ibid. Judg. 5. 23. Judg. 4. Tacit. Lib. 1. Annal. Cal. 3. Inst . c. 23. Sect. 2 4 Reg. 19. 19. 2 Chron. 32. 6. Ver. 20. Verse 5. 1 S. Pet 5. 8. Verse 21. Epist . Fabio . de 42. Mans . Ma. 3 & Elias Cret . in Naz. Orat. 4. S. Joh. 14. 1. Joshuah 1. 7. 17. Homil. 14. in Epist. ad Hebr. Verse 24. Ibid. Verse 11. & 19. Ibid. Tho. 2. 2. q. 13. A. 1. c. Psal . 14. 1. Verse 9. Ibid. Cal. 3. Iust . c. 23. Sect. 2. Psal . 83. 13. 1 ▪ Cor. 1. 20. 2 Sam. 17. 14. Ibid. Verse 20. Verse 23. Verse 24. S. Jaco . 5. 16. S. Hierom. in Thren . 5. Ose 1. 6. Ibid. Inuocen . 3. L. 2. Mist . Miss . c 6. Psal . 130. 3 S. Luke . 14 ▪ 26. S. Mat. 6. 33 Ibid. Psal . 15. 31. 1. Psal . 43. 1. Notes for div A88789-e46630 Verse 5. Verse 6. Verse 4. Verse 5. Verse 4. Verse 13. Verse 4. Ver. 11 , 12 Verse 1. Verse 3. Verse 3. Verse 13. Ibid. Vers . 14. Act. 19. 38 1 Cor. 5. 12. S. Mat. 2. 3 Act. 19. 20. Ver. 23. Ibid. 2 Sam. 15. 4. Epist . 5. Act. 4. 32. Unio est aliquorum distinctorii . Thom. 2. 2. q. 17. A. 3. ●●r . Jud. 20. 11 Jud. 20. 17 Ibid. Lib. de Ord. cap. 18. Esay 9. 21. Calv. Bucer Lapide . Ibid. Lyra. Hu. Card. Amb. Cath Beza . Lapide . Ib. Ibid. Tra. 110. in . S. Jo. Psal . 68. 6. Verse 4. Hom. 9. in Eph. Lib. 4. Ep. 76. Ibid. Esay 11. 2. Epist . 63. Psal . 2. 2. Ser. 6. de verb. Dom. c. 12. Psal . 83. 4. in Psal . 140. Psal . 50. 19 S. Joh. 19. 23. Bellar. 3. de Eccles . Mil. c. 2. Sect. Nostra autem . Ibid. In Gen. c. 7 Psal . 53. 5. Ezek. 3. 17 Acts 20. 28. Acts 19. 32. Hom. 9. in Ephes . Tho. 2. 2. q. 183. A. 2. ad 3. Aphoris . 84. In Psal . 99 Hom. 9. in Eph. Tho. p. 1. q. 31. A. 1. 2. Philo apud Tho. 2. 2. q. 183. A. 2. 3 Psal . 120. 5 Verse 2. In Psal . 99. Salast . in Conjur . Catil . Epist . 252. Ibid. S. Luk. 9. 55. Tho. 2. 2. q. 29. A. 2. 4. Ibid. Psal . 127. 2● Lib. 1. De Doct. Christiana , p●ol● , Lapide . Ib. Epist . ad Philadelph . Psal . 2. 3. In Psal . 2. Verse 4. Verse 9. Hom. 9. in Eph. Exerc. 365 Sect. 1. Judg. 4. Judg. 5. 8. Par. 3. pastor . curae . Ad. 23 2 Thes . 3. 16. 
A49714	----	A relation of the conference between William Laud, late Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and Mr. Fisher the Jesuite by the command of King James, of ever-blessed memory : with an answer to such exceptions as A.C. takes against it. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 1673 Approx. 1107 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 147 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49714 Wing L594 ESTC R3539 12498712 ocm 12498712 62620 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49714) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62620) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 638:18) A relation of the conference between William Laud, late Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and Mr. Fisher the Jesuite by the command of King James, of ever-blessed memory : with an answer to such exceptions as A.C. takes against it. Laud, William, 1573-1645. Fisher, John, 1569-1641. The third edition revised, with a table annexed. [24], 253, [14] p. Printed by J.C. for Tho. Basset, T. Dring, and J. Leigh ..., London : 1673. A.C. [A Catholic] may be John Sweet. Cf. BM, v. 31, col. 377. "A table ..." [i.e. index]: p. [1]-[14] Includes bibliographical references. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Sweet, John, 1570-1632. Church of England -- Doctrines. Catholic Church -- Controversial literature. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A RELATION OF THE CONFERENCE BETWEEN William Laud , Late Lord Arch-bishop of CANTERBURY , AND Mr. Fisher the Jesuite , By the Command of King JAMES , of ever-blessed Memory . WITH An ANSVVER to such EXCEPTIONS as A. C. takes against it . The Third Edition Revised : with a TABLE annexed . LONDON : Printed by J. C. for Tho. Bassett , T. Dring , and J. Leigh , at the George , the White Lion , and the Bell in Fleet-street . MDC LXXIII . To his Most Sacred Majesty , CHARLES , By the Grace of GOD , KING of Great Britain , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. DREAD SOUERAIGN : THIS Tract will need Patronage , as Great as may be had , that 's Yours . Yet , when I first Printed part of it , I presumed not to ask any , but thrust it out at the end of another's Labours , that it might seem , at least , to have the same Patron , your Royal Father of Blessed Memory , as the other Work , on which this attended , had . But now I humbly beg for it Your Majesties Patronage ; And leave withal , that I may declare to Your Most Excellent Majestie the Cause why this Tract was then written : Why it stay'd so long before it looked upon the Light : Why it was not then thought fit to go alone , but rather be led abroad by the former Work : Why it comes now forth both with Alteration , and Addition : And why this Addition made not more haste to the Press , than it hath done . The Cause why this Discourse was written , was this : I was , at the time of these Conferences with Mr. Fisher , Bishop of S. Davids ; And not onely directed , but commanded by my blessed Master King JAMES to this Conference with him . He , a when we met , began with a great Protestation of seeking the Truth onely , and that for it self . And certainly , Truth , especially in Religion , is so to be sought , or not to be found . He that seeks it with a Roman b Bias , or any ( b ) Other , will run Counter , when he comes near it , and not finde it , though he come within kenning of it . And therefore I did most heartily wish , I could have found the Jesuite upon that fair way he protested to go . After the Conference ended , I went , whither my Duty called me , to my Diocess ; not suspecting any thing should be made Publike , that was both Commanded , and acted in Private . For W. I. the Publisher of the Relation of the first Conference with D. White ( the late Reverend and Learned Bishop of Ely ) c confesses plainly , That M. Fisher was straightly charged upon his Allegiance , from his Majestie that then was , not to set out , or Publish what passed in some of these Conferences , till He gave License , and until Mr. Fisher and they might meet , and agree , and Confirm under their Hands , what was said on both sides . He says farther , that a Mr. Fisher went to Dr. White 's house , to know what he would say about the Relation , which he had set out . So then , belike Mr. Fisher had set out the Relation of that Conference , before he went to Dr. White , to speak about it . And this notwithstanding the Kings Restraint upon him , upon his Allegiance . Yet , to Dr. White 't is said he went ; but to what other end , than to put a Scorn upon him , I cannot see . For he went to his house to know , what he would say about that Relation of the Conference , which he had set out before . In my absence from London , Mr. Fisher used me as well . For with the same Care of his Allegiance , and no more , c he spread abroad Papers of this Conference , full enough of partialitie to his Cause , and more full of Calumny against me . Hereupon I was in a manner forced to give M. Fisher's Relation of the Conference an Answer , and to publish it . Though for some Reasons , and those then approved by Authority , it was thought fit I should set it out in my Chaplain's Name R. B. and not in my own . To which I readily submitted . There was a cause also , why at the first , the Discourse upon this Conference stayed so long , before it could endure to be pressed . For the Conference was in May , 1622. And M. Fisher's Paper was scattered and made common , so common , that a Copy was brought to me ( being none of his special friends ) before Michaelmas . And yet this Discourse was not printed till April , 1624. Now that you may know how this happened , I shall say for my self , It was not my Idleness , nor my Unwillingness to right both my self , and the Cause , against the Jesuite , and the Paper , which he had spred , that occasion'd this delay . For I had then Most Honourable Witnesses , and have some yet living , That this Discourse ( such as it was , when A. C. nibled at it ) was finished long before I could perswade my self to let it come into Publike View . And this was caused partly by my own Backwardness to deal with these men , whom I have ever observed to be great Pretenders for Truth , and Unity , but yet such as will admit neither , unless They and their Faction may prevail in all ; As if no Reformation had been necessary . And partly because there were about the same time three Conferences held with Fisher. Of these , this was the Third ; And could not therefore conveniently come abroad into the world , till the two former were ready to lead the way ; which till that time , they were not . And this is in part the Reason also , why this Tract crept into the end of a larger Work. For since that Work contained in a manner the substance of all that passed in the two former Conferences : And that this third in divers points concurred with them , and depended on them ; I could not think it Substantive enough , to stand alone . But besides this Affinity between the Conferences , I was willing to have it pass as silently as it might , at the end of another Work , and so perhaps little to be looked after , because I could not hold it worthy , nor can I yet , of that Great Duty , and Service , which I owe to my Dear Mother , the Church of England . There is a cause also , why it looks now abroad again with Alteration and Addition . And 't is fit I should give your Majesty an Account of that too . This Tract was first printed in the year 1624. And in the year 1626 , another Jesuite , or the same , under the name of A. C. printed a Relation of this Conference , and therein took Exceptions to some Particulars , & endeavoured to Confute some Things deliver'd therein by me . Now being in years , and unwilling to die in the Jesuites debt , I have in this Second Edition done as much for him , and somewhat more . For he did but skip up and down , and labour to pick a hole , here , and there , where he thought he might fasten ; and where it was too hard for him , let it alone . But I have gone through with him ; And I hope , given a full Confutation : or at least such a Bone to gnaw , as may shake his teeth , if he look not to it . And of my Addition to this Discourse , this is the Cause ; But of my Alteration of some things in it , this . A. C. his Curiosity to winnow me , made me in a more curious manner fall to sifting of my self , and that which had formerly past my Pen. And though ( I bless God for it ) I found no cause to alter any thing that belonged either to the Substance , or Course of the Conference : Yet somewhat I did find , which needed better , and cleerer expression ; And that I have altered , well knowing I must expect Curious Observers on all hands . Now , Why this Additional Answer to the Relation of A C. came no sooner forth , hath a Cause too , and I shall truly represent it . A. C. his Relation of the Conference , was set out , 1626. I knew not of it in some years after . For it was printed among divers other things of like nature , either by M. Fisher himself , or his friend A. C. When I saw it , I read it over carefully , and found my self not a little wrong'd in it ; but the Church of England , and indeed the Cause of Religion , much more . I was before this time by Your Majesties Great Grace , and undeserved favour , made Dean of Your Majesties Chappel Royal , and a Counsellor of State , and hereby , as the Occasions of those times were , made too much a Stranger to my Books . Yet for all my Busie Imployments , it was still in my thoughts to give A. C. an Answer . But then I fell into a most dangerous Feaver ; And though it pleased God beyond all hope to restore me to health , yet long I was before I recover'd such strength as might enable me to undertake such a Service . And since that time , how I have been detained , and in a manner forced upon other many , various , and Great Occasions , your Majesty knows best . And how of late I have been used by the Scandalous and Scurrilous Pens of some bitter men ( whom I heartily beseech God to forgive ) the world knows ; Little Leasure , and less Encouragement given me to Answer a Jesuite , or set upon other Services , while I am under the Prophets affliction , Psal. 50. between the Mouth that speaks wickedness , and the tongue that sets forth deceit , and slander me as thick , as if I were not their own Mothers Son. In the midst of these Libellous out-cries against me , some Divines of great Note and Worth in the Church came to me , One by One , and no One knowing of the Others Coming ( as to me they protested ) and perswaded with me to Reprint this Conference , in my own Name . This they thought would vindicate my Reputation , were it generally known to be mine . I Confess I looked round about these Men , and their Motion ; And at last , my Thoughts working much upon themselves , I began to perswade myself , that I had been too long diverted from this necessary Work. And that perhaps there might be In voce hominum , Tuba Dei , in the still voice of men , the Loud Trumpet of God , which sounds many wayes , sometimes to the ears , and sometimes to the hearts of men , and by means which they think not of . And as * S. Augustine speaks , A word of God there is , Quod nunquam tacet , sed non semper auditur : which though it be never silent , yet is not always heard . That it is never silent , is his great Mercy ; and that it is not alwayes heard , is not the least of our Misery . Upon this Motion I took time to deliberate : And had scarce time for that , much lesse for the Work. Yet at last to every of these men I gave this Answer . That M. Fisher , or A. C. for him , had been busie with my former Discourse , and that I would never reprint that , unless I might gain time enough to Answer that , which A. C. had charged a fresh both upon me , and the Cause . While my Thoughts were thus at work , Your Majesty fell upon the same Thing , and was graciously pleased not to Command , but to Wish me to reprint this Conference , and in mine own Name ; And this openly at the Councel-Table in Michaelmas-Term . 1637. I did not hold it fit to deny , having in all the Course of my service obeyed your Majesties Honourable , and Just Motions , as Commands : But Craved leave to shew what little leasure I had to doe it , and what Inconveniences might attend upon it . When this did not serve to excuse me , I humbly submitted to that , which I hope was Gods Motion in Your Majesties . And having thus layd all that Concerns this Discourse before your Gracious and most Sacred Majesty , I most humbly present you with the Book it self , which as I heartily pray You to protect , so do I wholly submit it to the Church of England , with my Prayers for Her Prosperity , and my Wishes that I were able to do Her better Service . I have thus acquainted Your Majesty with all Occasions , which both formerly , and now again have led this Tract into the light . In all which I am a faithful Relater of all Passages , but am not very well satisfied , who is now my Adversary . M. Fisher was at the Conference . Since that , I finde A ▪ C. at the print . And whether These be two , or but One Jesuite , ● know not ; since scarce One amongst them , goes under One Name . But for my own part ( and the Error is not great , if I mistake ) I think they are One , and that One , M. Fisher. That which induces me to think so , is First , the Great Inwardness of A ▪ C. with M. Fisher , which is so great , as may well be thought to neighbour upon Identity . Secondly , the Stile of A. C. is so like M. Fishers , that I doubt it was but one and the same hand that mov'd the pen. Thirdly A. C. says expresly , That the Jesuite himself made the Relation of the first Conference with D. White : And in the Title-Page of the Work , That Relation as well as This , is said to be made by A. C. and Published by W. J. therefore A. C. and the Jesuite are one and the same person , or else one of these places hath no Truth in it . Now if it be M. Fisher himself , under the Name of A. C. then what needs these * words : The Jesuite could be content to let pass the Chaplains Censure , as one of his Ordinary persecutions for the Catholick Faith ; but A. C. thought it necessary for the Common Cause to defend the sincerity and Truth of his Relation , and the Truth of some of the Chief Heads contained in it . In which Speech give me leave to observe to your Sacred Majesty , how grievously you suffer him , and his Fellows to be persecuted for the Catholike Faith , when your poor Subject and Servant , cannot set out a true Copy of a Conference held with the Jesuite , jussu Superiorum , but by & by the man is persecuted . God forbid I should ever offer to perswade a Persecution in any kind , or practise it in the least . For to my remembrance , I have not given him or his so much as course Language . But on the other side , God forbid too , That your Majesty should let both Laws and Discipline sleep , for fear of the Name of Persecution , and in the mean time let M. Fisher and his Fellows Angle in all parts of your Dominions for your Subjects . If in your Grace and Goodness you will spare their Persons : Yet I humbly beseech You see to it , That they be not suffer'd to lay either their Weels , or bait their Hoooks , or cast their Nets in every stream , lest that Tentation grow both too general , and too strong . I know they have many Devices to work their Ends ; But if they will needs be fishing , let them use none but * Lawful Nets . Let 's have no dissolving of Oathes of Allegiance : No deposing , no killing of Kings : Noblowing up of States to settle Quod Volumus , that which fain they would have in the Church : with many other Nets , as dangerous as these . For if their Profession of Religion were as good , as they pretend it is , if they cannot Compass it by Good Means , I am sure they ought not to attempt it by Bad. For if they will do evil , that good may come thereof , the Apostle tells me , Their Damnation's just , Rom. 3. Now as I would humbly Beseech Your Majesty to keep a serious Vatch upon these Fsher-men , which pretend S. Peter , but fish not with His Net : So whould I not have You neglect another sort of Anglers in a Shallower Water . For they have some ill Nets too . And if they may spread them , when , and whore they will , God know , what may become of it . These have not so strong a Back abroad , as the Romanists have , but that 's no Argument to suffer them to encrease . They may grow to equal Strength with Number . And Factious People , at home , of what Sect , or fond Opinion soever they be , are not to be neglected . Partly , because they are so Near. And 't is ever a dangerous Fir● , that begins in the Bedstraw . And partly , because all those Domestick Evils , which threaten a Rent in Church or State , are with far more safety prevented by Wisdom , than punished by Justice . And would men consider it right , they are far more beholding to that man that keeps them from falling , than to him takes them up , though it be to set the Arm or the Leg that 's broken in the Fall. In this Discourse I have no aim to displease any , nor any hope to please all . If I can help on to Truth in the Church , and the Peace of the Church together , I shall be glad , be it in any measure . Nor shall I spare to speak necessary Truth , out of too much Love of Peace . Nor thrust on Unnecessary Truth to the Breach of that Peace , which once broken , is not so easily s●der'd again . And if for Necessary Truths sake onely , any man will be offended , nay take , nay snatch at that offence , which is not given , I know no fence for that . 'T is Truth , and I must tell it . 'T is the Gospel , and I must preach it . 1 Cor. 9. And far safer it is in this Case to bear Anger from men , than a Woe from God. And where the Foundations of Faith are shaken , be it by Superstition or Prophaneness , he that puts not to his hand , as firmly as he Can to support them , is too wary , and hath more Care of himself , then of the Cause of Christ. And 't is a Wariness that brings more danger in the end , then it shuns . For the Angel of the Lord issued out a Curse against the Inhabitants of Meroz , because they came not to help the Lord , to help the Lord against the mighty . Judg. 5. I know 't is a Great ease to let every Thing be as it will , and every man believe , and do as he list . But whether Governors in Stat● or Church do their duty there while , is easily seen , since this is an effect of no King in Israel , Judg. 17. The Church of Christ upon Earth may be compared to a Hive of Bees , and that can be no where so steddily placed in this world , but it will be in some danger . And men that care neither for the Hive , nor the Bees , have yet a great mind to the Honey . And having once tasted the sweet of the Churches Maintenance swallow that for Honey , which one day will be more bitter than Gall in their Bowells . Now the King and the Priest , more than any other , are bound to look to the Integrity of the Church in Doctrine and Manners , and that in the first place . For that 's by farre the Best Honey in the Hive . But in the second place , They must be Careful of the Churches Maintenance too , else the Bees shall make Honey for others , and have none left for their own necessary sustenance , and then all 's lost . For we see it in daily and common use , that the Honey is not taken from the ●ees , but they are destroyed first . Now in this great and Busie Work , the King and the Priest must not fear to put their hands to the Hive , though they be sure to be stung . And stung by the Bees , whose Hive and House they preserve . It was King Davids Ca●e ( God grant it be never Yours . ) They came about me ( saith the Psal. 118. ) * like Bees , This was hard usage enough , yet some profit , some Honey might thus be gotten in the End. And that 's the Kings Case . But when it comes to the Priest , the Case is alter'd , They come about him like Waspes , or like Hornets rather , all sting , and no Honey there . And all this many times for no offence , nay sometimes for Service done them , would they see it . But you know who said : Behold I come shortly , and my reward is with me , to give to every man according as his Works shall be . Revel . 22. And he himself is so * exceding great a Reward , as that the manifold stings which are in the World , howsoever they smart here , are nothing when they are pressed out with that exceeding weight of Glory , which shall be revealed : Rom. 8. Now one Thing more let me be bold to Observe to Your Majesty in particular , concerning Your Great Charge , the Church of England . 'T is in an hard Condition . She professes the Ancient Catholike Faith ; And yet the Romanist condemns Her of Novelty in her Doctrine . She practises Church-Government , as it hath been in use in all Ages , and all Places , where the Church of Christ hath taken any Rooting , both in , and ever since the Apostles Times ; And yet the Separatist condemns Her for Antichristianism in her Discipline . The plain truth is , She is between these two Factions , as between two Milstones ; and unless Your Majesty look to it , to Whose Trust She is committed , She 'l be grownd to powder , to an irrepairable both Dishonour , and loss to this Kingdom . And 't is very Remarkable , that while both these press hard upon the Church of England , both of them Cry out upon Persecution , like froward Children , which scratch , and kick , and bite , and yet cry out all the while , as if themselves were killed . Now to the Romanist I shall say this ; The Errors of the Church of Rome are grown now ( many of them ) very Old. And when Errors are grown by Age and Continuance to strength , they which speak for the Truth , though it be far Older , are ordinarily challenged for the Bringers in of New Opinions . And there is no Greater Absurdity stirring this day in Christendom , than that the Reformation of an Old Corrupted Church , will we , ●ill we , must be taken for the Building of a New. And were not this so , we should never be troubled with that idle and impertinent Question of theirs : Where was your Church before Luther ? For it was just there , where their's is now . * One and the same Church still , no doubt of that . One in Substance , but not One in Condition of state and purity ; Their part of the same Church remaining in Corruption : and Our part of the same Church under Reformation . The same Naaman , and he a Syrian still , but Leprous with them , and Cleansed with us ; The same man still . And for the Separatist , and him that lays his Grounds for Separation or Change of Discipline , though all he says , or can say , be in Truth of Divinity , and among Learned men little better than ridiculous : yet since these fond Opinions have gain'd some ground among your people ; to such among them as are wilfully se● to follow their blind Guides , through thick and thin , till * they fall into the Ditch together , I shall say nothing . But for so many of them , as mean well , and are onely misled by Artifice and Cunning ; Concerning them , I shall say thus much only : They are Bells of passing good mettle , and tuneable enough of themselves , and in their own disposition ; and a world of pity it is , that they are Rung so miserably out of Tune , as they are , by them which have gotten power in and over their Consciences . And for this there is yet Remedy enough ; but how long there will be , I know not . Much talking there is ( Bragging , Your Majesty may call it ) on both sides . And when they are in their ruff , they both exceed all Moderation , and Truth too ; So far , till both Lips and Pens open for all the World like a Purse without money ; Nothing comes out of this , and that which is worth nothing out of them . And yet this nothing is made so great , as if the Salvation of Souls , that Great work of the Redeemer of the World , the Son of God , could not be effected without it . And while the one faction cryes up the Church above the Scripture ; and the other the Scripture to the neglect and Contempt of the Church , which the Scripture it self teaches men both to honour , and obey : They have so far endangered the Belief of the One , and the Authority of the Other , as that neither hath its Due from a great part of Men. Whereas according to Christs Institution : The Scripture , where 't is plain , should guide the Church ; And the Church , were there 's Doubt or Difficulty , should expound the Scripture ; Yet so , as neither the Scripture should be forced , nor the Church so bound up , as that upon Just and farther Evidence , She may not revise that which in any Case hath slipt by Her. What Success this Great Distemper caused by the Collision of two such Factions , may have , I know not , I cannot Prophesie . This I know , That the use which Wise men should make of other mens falls , is not to fall with with them ; And the use which Pious and Religious men should make of these great Flaws in Christianity , is not to Joyn with them that make them , nor to help to dislocate those main Bones in the Body , which being once put out of Joynt , will not easily be set again . And though I cannot Prophesie , yet I fear That Atheism , and Irreligion gather strength , while the Truth is thus weakned by an Unworthy way of Contending for it . And while they thus Contend , neither part Consider , that they are in a way to induce upon themselvs , and others , that Contrary Extream , which they seem most both to fear , and oppose . Besides : This I have ever Observed , That many Rigid Professors have turn'd Roman Catholiks , and in that Turn have been more Jesuited than any other : And such Romanists as have chang'd from them , have for the most part quite leaped over the Mean , and been as Rigid the other way , as Extremity it self . And this is there be not both Grace , and Wisdom to govern it , is a very Natural Motion . For a man is apt to think he can never run far enough from that , which he once begins to hate ; And doth not Consider therewhile , That where Religion Corrupted is the thing he hates , a Fallacy may easily be put upon him . For he ought to hate the Corruption which depraves Religion , and to run from it : but from no part of Religion it self , which he ought to Love , and Reverence , ought he to depart . And this I have Observed farther : That no one thing hath made Conscientious men more wavering in their own mindes , or more apt , and easie to be drawn aside from the sincerity of Religion professed in the Church of England , than the Want of Uniform and Decent Order in too many Churches of the Kingdom . And the Romanists have been apt to say , The Houses of God could not be suffer'd to lye so Nastily ( as in some places they have done ) were the True worship of God observed in them : Or did the People think that such it were . ●istrue , the Inward Worship of the Heart , is the Great Service of God , and no Service acceptable without it : But the External worship of God in his Church is the Great Witness to the World , that Our heart stands right in that Service of God. Take this away , or bring it into Contempt , and what Light is there left to shine before men , that they may see our Devotion , and glorifie our Father which is in Heaven ? And to deal clearly with Your Majesty , These Thoughts are they , and no other , which have made me labour so much , as I have done , for Decency and an Orderly settlement of the External Worship of God in the Church . For of that which is Inward there can be no Witness among men , nor no Example for men . Now no External Action in the world can be Uniform without some Ceremonies . And these in Religion , the Ancienter they be , the better , so they may fit Time and Place . Too many Over-burden the Service of God ; And too few leave it naked . And scarce any Thing hath hurt Religion more in these broken Times , than an Opinion in too many men , That because Rome had thrust some Unnecessary , and many Superstitious Ceremonies upon the Church , therefore the Reformation must have none at all ; Not considering therewhile , That Ceremonies are the Hedge that fence the Substance of Religion from all the Indignities , which Prophaneness and Sacriledge too Commonly put upon it . And a Great Weakness it is , not to see the strength which Ceremonies ( Things weak enough in themselves , God knows ) adde even to Religion it self ; But a far greater to see it , and yet to Cry Them down , all , and without Choyce , by which their most hated Adversaries climb'd up , and could not crie up themselves , and their Cause , as they do , but by them . And Divines of all the rest might learn , and teach this Wisdom if they would , since they see all other Professions , which help to bear down their Ceremonies , keep up their own therewhile , and that to the highest . I have been too bold to detain Your Majesty so long ; But my Grief to see Christendom bleeding in Dissention , and which is worse , triumphing in her own Blood , and most angry with them , that would study her Peace , hath thus transported me . For truely it Cannot but grieve any man , that hath Bowels , to see All men seeking , but as S. Paul foretold , Phil. 2. their own things , and not the things which are Jesus Christs . Sua , Their own surely . For the Gospel of Christ hath nothing to do with them : And to see Religion so much , so Zealously pretended , and called upon , made but the Stalking-Horse , to shoot at other Fowl , upon which their Aym is set ; In the mean time , as if all were Truth and Holiness it self , no Salvation must be possible , did it lye at their Mercy , but in the Communion of the One , and in the Conventicles of the Other . As if either of these now were , as the Donatists of old reputed themselves , the only men , in whom Christ at his coming to Judgment , should find Faith. No ( faith * S. Augustine : and so say I with him ) Da veniam , non Credimus . Pardon us , I pray , we cannot believe it . The Catholike Church of Christ is neither Rome , nor a Conventicle . Out of that there 's no Salvation , I easily Confess it . But out of Rome there is , and out of a Conventicle too ; Salvation i● not shut up into such a narrow Conclave . In this ensuing Discourse therefore I have endeavour'd to lay open those wider-Gates of the Catholike Church , confined to no Age , Time , or Place ; Nor knowing any Bounds , but That Faith , which was once ( and but once for all ) deliver'd to the Saints . S. Jude 3. And in my pursuit of this way , I have searched after , and deliver'd with a single heart , that Truth which I profess . In the publishing whereof , I have obeyed Your Majesty , discharg'd my Duty , to my power , to the Church of England , * Given account of the Hope that is in me ; And so testified to the world that Faith in which I have lived , and by God's blessing and favour purpose to dye ; But till Death shall most unfainedly remain , Your MAJESTIES Most faithful Subject , And Most Humble and Obliged Servant , W. CANT . A RELATION OF THE CONFERENCE BETWEEN WILLIAM LAWD , Then L. Bishop of S. DAVIDS , afterwards Lord Arch-Bishop of CANTERBURY ; AND M. FISHER the JESUITE . F. The occasion of this Conference was . B. § . 1 THe occasion of this Third Conference you should know sufficiently . You were an Actor in it , as well as in two other . VVhether you have related the two former truly , appears by D. White , the late Reverend L. Bishop of Ely his Relation , or Exposition of them . I was present at none but this Third ; of which I here give the Church an Account . But of this Third , whether that were the Cause which you alledge , I cannot tell . You say , F. It was observed , That in the second Conference all the Speech was about particular matters , little or none about a continual , infallible , visible Church ; which was the chief and only Point in which a certain Lady required satisfaction ; as having formerly setled in her minde , That it was not for her , or any other unlearned persons , to take upon them to judge of particulars , without depending upon the judgment of the True Church . B. § . 2 The Opinion of that Honourable Person in this , was never opened to me . And it is very fit the people should look to the Judgment of the Church , before they be too busie with Particulars . But yet neither a Scripture , nor any good Authority , denies them some moderate use of their own understanding and judgment , especially in things familiar and evident ; which even b ordinary Capacities may as easily understand , as read . And therefore some Particulars a Christian may judge without depending . F. This Lady therefore having heard it granted in the first Conference , That there must be a continual visible Company ever since Christ , teaching unchanged Doctrine in all Fundamental Points , that is , Points necessary to Salvation ; desired to hear this confirmed , and proof brought , which was that continual , infallible , visible Church , in which one may , and out of which one cannot attain Salvation . And therefore having appointed a time of Meeting between a B. and Me , and thereupon having sent for the B. and Me ; before the B. came , the Lady , and a Friend of hers , came first to the Room where I was , and debated before me the aforesaid Question ; and not doubting of the first part , to wit , That there must be a continual visible Church , as they had heard granted by D. VVhite , and L. K. &c. B. Num. 1 § . 3 VVhat D. White and L. K. granted , I heard not : But I think , both granted a continual , and a visible Church ; neitherof them an Infallible , at least in your sense . And your self , in this Relation , speak distractedly : For in these few lines from the beginning hither , twice you adde Infallible between continual and visible , and twice you leave it out . But this concerns D. W. and he hath answered it . Num. 2 Here A. C. steps in , and says , The Jesuite did not speak distractedly , but most advisedly : For ( saith he ) where he relates what D. VVhite or L. K. granted , he leaves out the word Infallible , because they granted it not ; But where he speaks of the Lady , there he addes it , because the Jesuite knew , it was an Infallible Church which she sought to rely upon . How far the Catholick Militant Church of Christ is Infallible , is no Dispute for this place , though you shall finde it after . But sure the Jesuite did not speak most advisedly , nor A. C. neither , nor the Lady her self , if she said she desired to relye upon an Infallible Church . For an Infallible Church denotes a Particular Church , in that it is set in opposition to some other Particular Church that is not Infallible . Now I , for my part , do not know what that Lady desired to relye upon . This I know , if she desired such a Particular Church , neither this Jesuite , nor any other , is able to shew it her : No , not Bellarmine himself , though of very great ability to make good any Truth which he undertakes for the Church of Rome . † But no strength can uphold an Errour against Truth , where Truth hath an able Defendant . Now where Bellarmine sets himself purposely to make this good , That * the Particular Church of Rome cannot erre in matter of Faith : Out of which it follows , That there may be found a Particular Infallible Church ; you shall see what he is able to perform . Num. 3 1 First then , after he hath distinguished , to express his meaning , in what sense the Particular Church of Rome cannot erre in things which are de Fide , of the Faith : He tells us , this Firmitude is , because the Sea Apostolick is fixed there . And this he saith is most true . * And for proof of it , he brings three Fathers to justifie it . 1 The first Saint Cyprian , † whose words are , That the Romans are such , as to whom Persidia cannot have access . Now Persidia can hardly stand for Errour in Faith , or for Misbelief ; but it properly signifies Malicious Falshood , in matter of Trust , and Action ; not Errour in Faith , but in Fact , against the Discipline and Government of the Church . And why may it not here have this meaning in S. Cyprian ? Num. 4 For the Story there , it is this : * In the Year 255 , there was a Councel in Carthage in the Cause of two Schismaticks , Felicissimus , and Novatian , about restoring of them to the Communion of the Church , which had lapsed , in time of danger , from Christianity to Idolatry . Felicissimus would admit all , even without Penance ; and Novatian would admit none , no not after Penance . The Fathers , forty two in number , went as the Truth led them , between both Extremes . To this Councel came Privatus , a known Heretick , but was not admitted , because he was formerly Excommunicated , and often condemned . Hereupon he gathers his Complices together , and chuses one Fortunatus ( who was formerly condemned as well as himself ) Bishop of Carthage , and set him up against S. Cyprian . This done , Felicissimus and his Fellows haste to Rome with Letters Testimonial from their own Party , and pretend that twenty five Bishops concurred with them ; and their desire was to be received into the Communion of the Roman Church , and to have their new Bishop acknowledged . Cornelius , then Pope , though their haste had now prevented S. Cyprian's Letters , having formerly heard from him , both of them and their Schism in Africk , would neither hear them , nor receive their Letters . They grew insolent and furious ( the ordinary way that Schismaticks take . ) Upon this Cornelius writes to S. Cyprian , and S. Cyprian in this Epistle gives Cornelius thanks for refusing these African Fugitives , declares their Schism and wickedness at large , and incourages Him , and all Bishops , to maintain the Ecclesiastical Discipline and Censures , against any the boldest threat●ings of wicked Schismaticks . This is the Story ; and in this is the Passage here urged by Bellarmine . Now I would fain know why Perfidia ( all circumstances considered ) may not stand here in its proper sense for cunning and perfidious dealing , which these men , having practised at Carthage , thought now to obtrude upon the Bishop of Rome also , but that he was wary enough not to be over-reach'd by busie Schismaticks . Num. 5 2. Secondly , Let it be granted that Perfidia doth signifie here Errour in Faith and Doctrine . For I will not deny , but that among the African Writers ( and especially S. Cyprian ) it is sometimes so us'd ; and therefore here perhaps . But then this Priviledge of not erring dangerously in the Faith , was not made over absolutely to the Romans , that are such by Birth , and dwelling only ; but to the Romans , qua tales , as they were such as those first were , whose Faith was famous through the World , and as long as they continued such ; which at that time it seems they did . And so S. Cyprian's words seem to import , eos esse Romanos , that the Romans then under Pope Cornelius , were such as the * Apostle spake of ; and therefore to whom at that time ( or any time , they still remaining such ) perfidious misbelief could not be welcom ; or rather indeed , perfidious Misbelievers or Schismaticks could not be welcom . For this very Phrase , Perfidia non potest habere accessum , directs us to understand the word in a Concrete sense : Perfidiousness could not get access , that is , such perfidious persons , Excommunicated out of other Churches , were not likely to get access at Rome , or to finde admittance into their Communion : It is but a Metonymie of speech , the Adjunct for the Subject , a thing very usual in Elegant † Authors , and much more in later times ; as in S. Cyprian's , when the Latine Language was grown rougher . Now if it be thus understood ( I say in the Concrete ) then it is plain , that S. Cyprian did not intend by these words to exempt the Romans from possibility of Errour , but to brand his Adversaries with a Title due to their Merit , calling them Perfidious , that is , such as had betrayed , or perverted the Faith. Neither can we loose by this Construction , as will appear at after . Num. 6 3. But thirdly , When all is done , what if it be no more then a Rhetorical excess of speech ? Perfidia non potest , for non facile potest ; It cannot , that is , it cannot easily : Or what if S. Cyprian do but Laudando praecipere , by commending † them to be such , instruct them , that such indeed they ought to be , to whom Perfidiousness should not get access . Men are very bountiful of their Complements sometimes . * Syne●ius writing to Theophilus of Alexandria , begins thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. I both will , and a Divine Necessity lies upon me , to esteem it a Law , whatsoever that Throne ( meaning his of Alexandria ) shall determine . Nay the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that signifies to determine like an Oracle , or as in Gods stead . Now , I hope you will say , this is not to be taken Dogmatically , it is but the Epistolers Courtesie only . And why not the like here ? For the haste which these Schismaticks made to Rome , prevented S. Cyprian's Letters : yet Cornelius very careful of both the Truth and Peace of the Church , would neither hear them , nor receive their Letters , till * he had written to S. Cyprian . Now this Epistle is S. Cyprian's Answer to Cornelius , in which he informs him of the whole truth , and withal gives him thanks for refusing to hear these African Fugitives . In which fair way of returning his thanks , if he make an Honourable mention of the Romans , and their Faith , with a little dash of Rhetorick , even to a Non potest , for a Non facile potest , 't is no great wonder . Num. 7 But take which Answer you will of the three ; this is plain , that S. Cyprian had no meaning to assert the unerring Infallibility of either Pope , or Church of Rome . For this is more then manifest , by the Contestation which after happened between S. Cyprian , and Pope Stephen , about the Rebaptization of those that were Baptized by Hereticks ; For he * saith expresly , That Pope Stephen did then not only maintain an Errour , but the very Cause of Hereticks , and that against Christians , and the very Church of God. † And after this he chargeth him with Obstinacy and Presumption . I hope this is plain enough to shew , that S. Cyprian had no great Opinion of the Roman Infallibility : Or if he had it , when he writ to Cornelius ; certainly he had chang'd it , when he wrote against Stephen . But I think it was no change ; and that when he wrote to Cornelius , it was Rhetorick , and no more . Num. 8 Now if any man shall say , that in this Point of Rebaptization S. Cyprian himself was in the wrong Opinion , and Pope Stephen in the right , I easily grant that ; but yet that Errour of his takes not off his judgment , what he thought of the Papal or Roman Infallibility in those times . For though afterwards * S. Cyprian's Opinion was condemned in a Councel at Rome under Cornelius , and after that by Pope Stephen ; and after both , in the first † Councel of Carthage : yet no one word is there in that Councel , which mentions this as an Errour , That he thought Pope Stephen might Erre in the Faith , while he proclaimed he did so . In which , though the particular Censure which he passed on Pope Stephen was erroneous ( for Stephen erred not in that ) yet the General which results from it ( namely , that for all his being in the Popedom , he might erre ) is most true . Num. 9 2 The second Father which Bellarmine cites is Saint Jerome : * His words are : The Roman Faith commended by the Apostle , admits not such Praestigia's , Deceits , and Delusions into it , though an Angel should preach it otherwise then it was preach'd at first , ( and ) being armed and fenced by S. Paul's Authority , cannot be changed . Where first I will not doubt , but that S. Jerome speaks here of Faith ; for the Praestigiae here mentioned , are afterwards more plainly expressed ; for he tells us after , † That the Bishop of Rome had sent Letters into the East , and charged Heresie upon Ruffinus : And farther , that Origen's Books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were translated by him , and delivered to the simple people of the Church of Rome , that by his means they might loose the verity of the Faith , which they had learned from the Apostle . Therefore the Praestigiae before-mentioned , were the cunning illusions of Ruffinus , putting Origen's Book under the Martyr Pamphilus his name , that so he might bring in Heresie the more cunningly under a name of Credit , and the more easily pervert the peoples Faith. So , of the Faith he speaks . And secondly , I shall as easily confess that S. Jerom's speech is most true , but I cannot admit the Cardinal's sense of it : for he imposes upon the word Fides . For by Romana Fides , the Roman Faith , he will understand the particular Church of Rome ; which is as much as to say , Romanos Fideles , the Faithful of that Church : And that no wily delusions , or cousenage in matter of Faith can be imposed upon them . Now hereupon I return to that of S. Cyprian : If Fides Romana must signifie Fideles Romanos , why may not Perfidia before signife Perfidos ? Especially since these two words are commonly used by these Writers , as Terms * Opposite : And therefore by the Law of Opposition may interpret each other proportionably . So with these great Masters , with whom 't is almost grown to be , Quod volumus , rectum est , what we please , shall be the Authors meaning : Perfidia must signifie absolutely Errour in Faith , Misbelief ; but Fides must relate to the Persons , and signifie the Faithful of the Roman Church . And now I conceive my Answer will proceed with a great deal of Reason . For Romana Fides , the Roman Faith , as it was commended by the Apostle ( of which S. Jerome speaks ) is one thing ; and the Particular Roman Church , of which the Cardinal speaks , is another . The Faith indeed admits not Praestigias , wily delusions into it ; if it did , it could not be the whole and undefiled Faith of Christ , which they learned from the Apostle ; and which is so fenced by Apostolical Authority , as that it cannot be changed , though an Angel should preach the contrary . But the Particular Church of Rome hath admitted Praestigias , divers crafty Conveyances into the Faith , and is not fenced , as the Faith it self is . And therefore though an Angel cannot contrary that , yet the bad Angel hath sowed Tares in this . By which means Romana Fides , though it be now the same it was for the words of the Creed ; yet it is not the same for the sense of it : nor for the super and praeter-structures built upon it , or joyned unto it . So the Roman Faith , that is , the Faith which S. Paul taught the Romans , and after commended in them , was all one with the Catholike Faith of Christ. For S. Paul taught no other then that One ; and this one can never be changed in , or from it self , by Angel or Devil . But in mens hearts it may receive a change ; and in particular Churches it may receive a change ; and in the particular Church of Rome it hath received a change . And ye see S. Hierome himself confesses , that the Pope himself was afraid † ne perderent , lest by this Art of Ruffinus , the people might lose the verity of the Faith. Now that which can be lost , can be changed : For usually Habits begin to alter , before they be quite lost . And that which may be lost among the People , may be lost among the Bishops , and the rest of the Clergy too , if they look not to it , as it seems they after did not at Rome , though then they did . Nay , at this time the whole Roman Church was in danger enough to swallow Origen's Book , and all the Errours in it , coming under the name of Pamphilus : And so S. Hierome himself expresly , and close upon the place cited by Bellarmine . For he desires * Ruffinus to change the Title of the Book ( that Errour may not be spread under the specious name of Pamphilus ) and so to free from danger the Roman Simplicity . Where , by the way , Roman unerring Power now challenged , and Roman Simplicity then feared , agree not very well together . 3 The third Father alledged by Bellarmine , is S. * Gregory Nazianzen . And his words are : That Ancient Rome from of old hath the right Faith , and always holds it , as becomes the City , which is Governess over the whole World , to have an entire Faith in , and concerning God. Now certainly it became that City very well , to keep the Faith sound and entire . And having the Government of a great part of the World then in her power , it became her so much the more , as her Example thereby was the greater . And in S. Gregory Nazianzen's time , Rome did certainly hold both rectam & integram Fidem , the right , and the whole entire Faith of Christ. But there is nor Promise , nor Prophecie in S. Gregory , that Rome shall ever so do . For his words are plain , decet semper , it becomes that great City always to have , and to hold too , integram Fidem , the entire Faith. But at the other semper , 't is † retinet , that City from of old holds the right Faith yet : But he saith not , retinebit semper , that the City of Rome shall retain it ever , no more then it shall ever retain the Empire of the World. Now it must be assur'd , that it shall ever hold the entire Faith of Christ , before we can be assured , that that particular Church can never Erre , or be Infallible . Num. 11 Besides these , the Cardinal names Cyrillus , and Ruffinus ; but he neither tells us where , nor cites their words . Yet I think I have found the most pregnant place in * S. Cyril , and that makes clearly against him . For I finde expresly these three things . First , That the Church is Inexpugnable , and that the Gates of Hell shall never prevail against it , but that it shall in perpetuum manere , remain for ever . And this all Protestants grant . But this , That it shall not fall away , doth not secure it from all kinds of Errour . Secondly , Bellarmine quotes S. Cyril for the particular Roman Church ; and S. Cyril speaks not of the Roman at all , but of the Church of Christ , that is , the Catholike Church . Thirdly , that the Foundation and firmness which the Church of Christ hath , is placed not in , or upon the † Person , much less the Successor of S. Peter ▪ but upon the † Faith , which by God's Spirit in him he so firmly professed : which is the common received Opinion both of the Ancient Fathers , and the Protestants . Upon this Rock , that is , upon this Faith , will I build my Church , S. Matth. 16. So here 's all the good he hath gotten by S. Cyril , unless he can cite some other place of S. Cyril , which I believe he cannot . Num. 12 And for Ruffinus , the place which Bellarmine aims at , is in his Exposition upon the Creed ; and is quoted in part , the * Chapter before . But when all his words shall be laid together , they will make no more for Bellarmine and his Cause , then the former places have done . † Ruffinus his words then run thus : Before I come to the words of the Creed , this I think sit to warn you of , that in divers Churches some things are found added to the words ( of the Creed . ) But in the Church of the City of Rome , this is not found done : And as I think , it is , for that no Heresie did take its rise or beginning there : And for that the Old Custom is there observed , namely , that they which are to receive the grace of Baptism , do publickly repeat the Creed in the hearing of the people , who would not admit such Additions . But in other places ( as far as I can understand ) by reason of some Hereticks , some things were added , but such as were to exclude the sense of their Novel Doctrine . Now these words make little for Bellarmine who cites them , and much against Ruffinus that uttered them . They make little for Bellarmine . First , because suppose Ruffinus his speech to be true , yet this will never follow : In Ruffinus his time no Heresie had taken its beginning at Rome : therefore no Heresie hath had rooting there so many hundred years since . Secondly , Bellarmine takes upon him there to prove , That the particular Church of Rome cannot Erre . Now neither can this be concluded out of Ruffinus his words . First , because ( as I said before ) to argue from Non sumpsit , to Ergo sumere non potest : No Heresie hath yet begun there ; therefore none can begin there , or spring thence , is an Argument drawn ab Actu ad Potentiam negative , from the Act to the Power of Being ; which every Novice in Learning can tell proceeds not Negatively . And common reason tells every man , 't is no consequence to say , Such a thing is not , or hath not been , therefore it cannot be . Secondly , because though it were true , that no Heresie at all did ever take its beginning at Rome , yet that can never prove , that the particular Church of Rome can never Erre ( which is the thing in Question . ) For suppose that no Heresie did ever begin there , yet if any that began elsewhere were admitted into that Church , it is as full a proof , that that Church can Erre , as if the Heresie had been hatched in that Nest. For that Church erres , which admits an Heresie in it , as well as that which broaches it . Now Ruffinus says no more of the Roman Church , then non sumpsit exordium , no Heresie took its beginning there ; but that denies not , but that some Heretical Taint might get in there : And 't is more then manifest , that the most famous Heresies , in their several times , made their abode even at Rome . And 't is observable too , that Bellarmine cites no more of Ruffinus his words then these ( In Ecclesia Urbis Romae neque Haeresis ulla sumpsit exordium , & mos ibi servatur antiquus ) as if this were an entire speech , whereas it comes in but as a Reason given of the speech precedent ; and as if Ruffinus made the Church of Rome the great Observer of the Customs of the Church , whereas he speaks but of one particular Custom of reciting the Creed before Baptism . But after all this , I pray did no Heresie ever begin at Rome ? Where did Novatianism begin ? At Rome sure . For a Baronius , b Pamelius , and c Petavius , do all dispute the point , whether that Sect was denominated from Novatianus the Roman Priest , or Novatus the African Bishop ; and they conclude for Novatian . He then that gave that Name , is in all right the Founder , and Rome the Nest of that Heresie ; and there it continued with a Succession d of Bishops from Cornelius to Caelestine , which is near upon two hundred years . Nay , could Ruffinus himself be ignorant that some Heresie began at Rome ? No sure . For in this I must challenge him either for his weak memory , or his wilful errour . For Ruffinus had not only read Eusebius his History , but had been at the pains to translate him . Now * Eusebius says plainly , that some Hereticks spread their venom in Asia , some in Phrygia , and others grew at Rome ; and Florinus was the Ring-leader of them . And more clearly after . Irenaeus ( saith he ) directed divers Epistles against this Florinus , and his Fellow Blastus , and condemns them of such Heresies as threw them and their Followers into great Impiety , &c. Those at Rome corrupting the sound Doctrine of the Church . Therefore most manifest it is , that some Heresie had its rise and beginning at Rome . But to leave this slip of Ruffinus , most evident it is , that Ruffinus neither did , nor could account the particular Church of Rome Infallible : for if he had esteemed so of it , he would not have dissented from it in so main a Point , as is the Canon of the Scripture , as he plainly doth . † For reckoning up the Canonical Books , he most manifestly dissents from the Roman Church . Therefore either Ruffinus did not think the Church of Rome was Infallible , or else the Church of Rome at this day reckons up more Books within the Canon , then heretofore she did . If she do , then she is changed in a main Point of Faith , the Canon of Scripture , and is absolutely convinced not to be Infallible : for if she were right in her reckoning then , she is wrong now ; and if she be right now , she was wrong then : and if she do not reckon more now then she did when Ruffinus lived , then he reckons fewer then she , and so dissents from her ; which doubtless he durst not have done , had he thought her judgment Infallible . Yea , and he sets this mark upon his Dissent besides , * That he reckons up the Books of the Canon just so , and no otherwise , then as he received them out of the Monuments of the Forefathers ; and out of which the Assertions of our Faith are to be taken . Last of all , had this place of Ruffinus any strength for the Infallibility of the Church of Rome , yet there is very little reason that the Pope and his Clergy should take any Benefit by it . For † S. Hierome tells us , That when Ruffinus was angry , with him for an Epistle which he writ not , he plainly sent him to the Bishop of Rome , and bid him exposiulate with him for the Contumely put upon him , in that he received not his Exposition of the Faith , which , said he , all Italy approved : And in that he branded him also , dum nesciret ( behinde his back ) with Heresie . Now if the Pope , which then was , rejected this Exposition of the Creed made by Ruffinus , and branded him besides with Heresie ; his Sentence against Ruffinus was just , or unjust : If unjust , then the Pope erred about a matter of Faith ; and so neither he , nor the Church of Rome , Infallible : If just , then the Church of Rome labours to defend her self by his Pen , which is judged Heretical by her self . So whether it were just , or unjust , the Church of Rome is driven to a hard strait , when she must beg help of him whom she branded with Heresie , and out of that Tract which she her self rejected ; and so uphold her Infall ibility by the judgment of a man , who in her judgment had erred so foully : Nor may she by any * Law take benefit of a Testimony , which her self hath defamed , and protested against . Num. 13 With these Bellarmine is pleased to name s●x or a seven Popes , which , he saith , are all of this Opinion . But of Popes Opinions , he saith , That b these Testimonies will be contemned by the Hereticks . Good words , I pray . I know whom the Cardinal means by Hereticks very well : But the best is , his Call cannot make them so . Nor shall I easily contemn seven Ancient Bishops of Rome concurring in Opinion , if apparent Verity in the thing it self do not force me to dissent ; and in that case I shall do it without contempt too . This only I will say , * That seven Popes concurring in Opinion , shall have less weight with me in their own Cause , then any other seven of the more Ancient Fathers . Indeed could I swallow † Bellarmine's Opinion , That the Pope's Judgment is Infallible , I would then submit without any more a●o . But that will never down with me , unless I live till I dote , which I hope in God I shall not . Num. 14 Other Proofs then these Bellarmine brings not to prove , that the particular Church of Rome cannot erre in , or from the Faith. And of what force these are to sway any judgment , I submit to all indifferent Readers . And having thus examined Bellarmines Proofs , That the particular Church of Rome cannot erre in Faith ; I now return to A. C. and the Jesuite , and tell them , that no Jesuite , or any other , is ever able to prove any particular Church Infallible . Num. 15 But for the particular Church of Rome , and the Pope with it , erred it hath ; and therefore may erre . Erred I say it hath in the Worship of Images , and in altering Christ's Institution in the Blessed Sacrament , by taking away the Cup from the People ; and divers other particulars , as shall appear at * after . And as for the Ground which is presumed to secure this Church from Errour , 't is very remarkable how the † Learned Cardinal speaks in this Case . For he tells us , that this Proposition [ So long as S. Peter's Chair is at Rome , that particular Church cannot erre in the Faith ] is verissima , most true ; and yet in the very next words , 't is Fortasse tam vera , peradventure as true as the former ( that is ) That the Pope when he teaches the whole Church in those things which belong to the Faith , cannot erre in any case . What ? is that Proposition most true ? And yet is it but at a peradventure 't is as true as this ? Is it possible any thing should be absolutely most true ; and yet under a peradventure that it is but as true as another Truth ? But here without all Peradventure neither Proposition is true . And then indeed Bellarmine may say without a Fortasse , That this Proposition , The particular Church of Rome cannot erre , so long as the Sea Apostolike is there , is as true as this : The Pope cannot erre while he teaches the whole Church in those things which belong to the Faith. For neither of them is true . But he cannot say that either of them is verissima , most true , when neither of them hath Truth . Num. 16 2 Secondly , if the particular Church of Rome be Infallible , and can neither erre in the Faith , nor fall from it , then it is because the Sea Apostolike cannot be transferred from Rome , but must ever , to the Consummation of the World , remain there , and keep that particular Church from erring . Now to this what says Bellarmine ? What ? Why he tells us , † That it is a pious , and most probable Opinion to think so . And he reckons four Probabilities , that it shall never be remov'd from Rome . And I will not deny , but some of them are fair Probabilities ; but yet they are but Probabilities , and so unable to convince any man. Why but then , what if a man cannot think as Bellarmine doth , but that inforced by the light of his Understanding , he must think the quite contrary to this , which Bellarmine thinks pious , and so probable ? What then ? Why then * Bellarmine himself tells you , that the quite contrary Proposition to this , namely , That S. Peter's Chair may be severed from Rome , and that then that particular Church may erre , is neither Heretical , nor manifestly Erroneous . So then , by Bellarmine's own Confession , I am no Heretick , nor in any manifest errour , if I say ( as indeed I do , and think it too ) that 't is possible for S. Peter's Chair to be carried from Rome , and that then at least , by his own Argument , that Church may erre . Num. 17 Now then upon the whole matter , and to return to A. C. If that Lady desired to rely upon a particular Infallible Church , 't is not to be found on earth . Rome hath not that gift , nor her Bishop neither . And Bellarmine ( who I think was as able as any Champion that Church hath ) dares not say , 't is either Heresie , or a manifest errour , to say , That the Apostolike Sea may be removed thence , and that Church not only erre in Faith , but also fall quite away from it . Now I , for my part , have not ignorance enough in me to believe , that that Church which may Apostatize at some one time , may not erre at another ; especially since both her erring and failing may arise from other Causes besides that which is mention'd by the Cardinal . And if it may erre , 't is not Infallible . F. The Question was , Which was that Church ? A Friend of the Ladies would needs defend , That not only the Roman , but also the Greek Church was right . B. § . 4 When that Honourable Personage answered , I was not by to hear . But I presume , he was so far from granting , that only the Roman Church was right , as that he did not grant it right : and that he took on him no other defence of the poor Greek Church , then was according to truth . F. I told him , That the Greek Church had plainly changed , and taught false in a Point of Doctrine concerning the Holy Ghost , and that I had heard say , that even his Majesty should say , That the Greek Church having erred against the Holy Ghost , had lost the Holy Ghost . B. § . 5 You are very bold with His Majesty , to relate him upon Hear-say . My intelligence serves me not to tell you what His Majesty said : But if he said it not , you have been too credulous to believe , and too sudden to report it . Princes deserve , and were wont to have more respect then so . If His Majesty did say it , there is Truth in the speech ; the Errour is yours only , by mistaking what is meant by losing the Holy Ghost . For a particular Church may be said to lose the Holy Ghost two ways , or in two degrees . 1 The one , when it loses such special assistance of that Blessed Spirit , as preserves it from all dangerous Errours and sins , and the temporal punishment which is due unto them : And in this sense the Greek Church did perhaps lose the Holy Ghost : for they erred against him , they sinned against God. And for this , or other sins , they were delivered into another Babylonish Captivity under the Turk , in which they yet are ; and from which , God in his mercy deliver them . But this is rather to be called an Errour circa Spiritum Sanctum , about the Doctrine concerning the Holy Ghost , then an Errour against the Holy Ghost . 2 The other is , when it loses not only this assistance , but all assistance ad hoc , to this , that they may remain any longer a true Church ; and so , Corinth and Ephesus , and divers other Churches have lost the Holy Ghost ; but in this sense the whole Greek Church lost not the Holy Ghost . For they continue a true Church in the main substance , to and at this day , though Erroneous in this Point which you mention , and perhaps in some other too . F. The Ladies Friend not knowing what to answer , called in the Bishop , who sitting down first , excused himself as one unprovided , and not much studied in Controversies ; and desiring that in case he should fail , yet the Protestant Cause might not be thought ill of . B. § . 6 This is most true . For I did indeed excuse my self , and I had great reason so to do . And my Reason being grounded upon Modesty , for the most part , there I leave it . Yet this it may be fit others should know , that I had no information where the other Conferences brake off ; no instruction at all what should be the ground of this third Conference , nor the full time of four and twenty hours to bethink my self . And this I take upon my Credit is most true : whereas you make the sifting of these , and the like Questions , to the very Bran , your daily work , and came throughly furnished to the business , and might so lead on the Controversie to what your self pleased , and I was to follow as I could . * S. Augustine said once , Scio me invalidum esse , I know I am weak ; and yet he made good his Cause . And so perhaps may I against you . And in that I preferr'd the Cause before my particular Credit ; that which I did was with modesty , and according to Reason . For there is no reason the weight of this whole Cause should rest upon any one particular man : And great reason , that the personal defects of any man should press himself , but not the Cause . Neither did I enter upon this service , out of any forwardness of my own , but commanded to it by Supreme Authority . F. It having an hundred better Scholars to maintain it then he . To which I said , there were a thousand better Scholars then I to maintain the Catholike Cause . B. § . 7 In this I had never so poor a Conceit of the Protestants Cause , as to think , that they had but an hundred better then my self to maintain it . That which hath an hundred , may have as many more , as it pleases God to give , and more then you . And I shall ever be glad , that the Church of England ( which , at this time , if my memory reflect not amiss , I named ) may have far more able Defendants then my self . I shall never envy them , but rejoyce for her . And I make no question , but that if I had named a thousand , you would have multiplied yours into ten thousand , for the Catholike Cause ( as you call it . ) And this confidence of yours hath ever been fuller of noise then proof . But you proceed . F. Then the Question about the Greek Church being proposed , I said as before , that it had erred . B. § . 8 Then I think the Question about the Greek Church was proposed . But after you had with confidence enough not spared to say , That what I would not acknowledge in this Cause , you would wring and extort from me ; then indeed you said as before , that it had erred : And this no man denied . But every Errour denies not Christ , the Foundation ; or makes Christ deny it , or thrust it from the Foundation . F. The Bishop said , That the Errour was not in Point Fundamental . B. § . 9 Num. 1 I was not so peremptory . My speech was , That divers Learned men , and some of your own , were of Opinion , that ( as the Greeks expressed themselves ) it was a Question not simply Fundamental . I know , and acknowledge that Errour of denying the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son , to be a grievous Errour in Divinity . And sure it would have grated the Foundation , if they had so denied the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son , as that they had made an inequality between the Persons . But since their form of speech is , † That the Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father by the Son , and is the Spirit of the Son , without making any difference in the Consubstantiality of the Persons ; I dare not deny them to be a true Church for this ; though I confess them an erroneous Church in this particular . Num. 2 Now that divers Learned men were of Opinion , that à Filio , and per Filium , in the sense of the Greek Church , was but a Question in modo loquendi , in manner of speech ; b and therefore not Fundamental , is evident . c The Master and his Scholars agree upon it . The Greeks ( saith he ) confess the Holy Ghost to be the Spirit of the Son , with the Apostle , Galat. 4. and the Spirit of Truth , S. John 16. And since Non est aliud , it is not another thing to say ; The Holy Ghost is the Spirit of the Father , and the Son , then that he is , or proceeds from the Father , and the Son ; in this they seem to agree with us in eandem Fidei sententiam , upon the same Sentence of Faith , though they differ in words . Now in this cause , where the words differ , but the Sentence of Faith is the same , d penitus eadem , even altogether the same , Can the Point be Fundamental ? You may make them no Church ( as e Bellarmine doth ) and so deny them Salvation , which cannot be had out of the true Church ; but I for my part dare not so do . And Rome in this particular should be more moderate , if it be but because this Article ( Filioque ) was added to the Creed by her self . And 't is hard to adde , and Anathematize too . Num. 3 It ought to be no easie thing to condemn a man of Heresie , in foundation of faith ; much less a Church ; least of all so ample and large a Church as the Greek , especially so , as to make them no Church . Heaven Gates were not so easily shut against multitudes , when S. Peter wore the Keys at his own Girdle . And it is good counsel which * Alphonsus a Castro , one of your own , gives : Let them consider that pronounce easily of Heresie , how easie it is for themselves to erre . Or if you will pronounce , consider what it is that separates from the Church simply , and not in part only . I must needs profess , that I wish heartily , ( as well as † others ) that those distressed men , whose Cross is heavy already , had been more plainly and moderately dealt withal , though they think a diverse thing from us , then they have been by the Church of Rome . But hereupon you say you were forc'd : F. Whereupon I was forced to repeat what I had formerly brought against D. White , concerning Points Fundamental . B. § . 10 Num. 1 Hereupon it is true , that you read a large Discourse out of a Book printed , which , you said , was yours ; the particulars ( all of them at the least ) I do not now remember , nor did I then approve . But if they be such as were formerly brought against Doctor White , they are by him formerly answered . The first thing you did , was the * righting of S. Augustine ; which Sentence I do not at all remember was so much as named in the Conference , much less was it stood upon , and then righted by you . Another place of S. Augustine indeed was ( which you omit ; ) but it comes after , about Tradition , to which I remit it . But now you tell us of a great Proof made out of this † place : For these words of yours contain two Propositions : One , That all Points defined by the Church are Fundamental : The other , That this is proved out of this place of S. Augustine . Num. 2 1 For the first , That all Points defined by the Church are fundamental : It was not the least means , by which Rome grew to her Greatness , to blast every Opposer she had with the Name of Heretick , or Schismatick ; for this served to shrivel the Credit of the persons . And the persons once brought into contempt and ignominy , all the good they desired in the Church , fell to dust , for want of Creditable Persons to back and support it . To make this proceeding good in these later years , this course ( it seems ) was taken . The School , that must maintain ( and so they do ) That all Points defined by the Church , are thereby a Fundamental , b necessary to be believed , c of the substance of the Faith ; and that , though it be determined quite d Extra Scripturam . And then e leave the wise and active Heads to take order , that there be strength enough ready to determine what is fittest for them . Num. 3 But since these men distinguish not , nor you , between the Church in general , and a General Councel , which is but her Representation for determinations of the Faith ; though I be very slow in sifting or opposing what is concluded by Lawful , General , and consenting Authority ; though I give as much as can justly be given to the Definitions of Councels truly General : Nay , suppose I should grant ( which I do not ) That General Councels cannot erre ; yet this cannot down with mé , That all Points even so defined are Fundamental . For Deductions are not prime and native Principles ; nor are Superstructures Foundations . That which is a Foundation for all , cannot be one , and another , to different Christians in regard of it self ; for then it could be no common Rule for any , nor could the Souls of men rest upon a shaking foundation . No : If it be a true foundation , it must be common to all , and firm under all ; in which sense the Articles of Christian Faith are fundamental . And * Irenaeus lays this for a ground , That the whole Church ( howsoever dispersed in place ) speaks this with one mouth . He , which among the Guides of the Church is best able to speak , utters no more then this ; and less then this , the most simple doth not utter . Therefore the Creed ( of which he speaks ) is a common , is a constant Foundation . And an Explicite Faith must be of this , in them which have the use of Reason ; for both Guides , and simple people , all the Church utter this . Num. 4 Now many things are defined by the Church , which are but Deductions out of this : which ( suppose them deduced right ) move far from the foundation ; without which Deductions explicitly believed , many millions of Christians go to Heaven ; and cannot therefore be fundamental in the Faith. True Deductions from the Article may require necessary belief , in them which are able , and do go along with them from the Principle to the Conclusion . But I do not see , either that the Learned do make them necessary to all , or any reason why they should . Therefore they cannot be fundamental ; and yet to some mens Salvation they are necessary . Num. 5 Besides , that which is fundamental in the Faith of Christ , is a Rock immoveable , and can never be varied . Never * . Therefore , if it be fundamental after the Church hath defined it , it was fundamental before the Definition , else it is moveable ; and then no Christian hath where to rest . And if it be immoveable , as † indeed it is , no Decree of a Councel , be it never so General , can alter immoveable Verities , no more then it can change immoveable Natures . Therefore if the Church in a Councel define any thing , the thing defined is not fundamental , because the Church hath defined it ; nor can be made so by the Definition of the Church , if it be not so in it self . For if the Church had this power , she might make a new Article of the Faith , * which the Learned among your selves deny : For the Articles of the Faith cannot increase in substance , but only in Explication * . And for this , I 'le be judg'd by Bellarmine , † who disputing against Amb. Catharinus about the certainty of Faith , tells us , That Divine Faith hath not its certainty , because 't is Catholike , i. common to the whole Church ; but because it builds on the Authority of God , who is Truth it self , and can neither deceive , nor be deceived . And he adds , That the Probation of the Church can make it known to all , that the Object of Divine Faith is revealed from God , and therefore certain , and not to be doubted ; but the Church can adde no certainty , no firmness to the Word of God revealing it . Num. 6 Nor is this hard to be farther proved out of your own School ; for * Scotus professeth it in this very particular of the Greek Church : If there be ( saith he ) a true real difference between the Greeks and the Latines , about the Point of the Procession of the Holy Ghost , then either they or we be verè Haeretici , truly and indeed Hereticks . And he speaks this of the old Greeks , long before any Decision of the Church in this Controversie : For his instance is in S. Basil , and Greg. Nazianz. on the one side , and S. Hierome , Augustine , and Ambrose , on the other . And who dares call any of these Hereticks ? is his challenge . I deny not , but that Scotus adds there , That howsoever this was before , yet ex quo , from the time that the Catholike Church declared it , it is to be held as of the substance of Faith. But this cannot stand with his former Principle , if he intend by it , That whatsoever the Church defines , shall be ipso facto , and for that Determinations sake Fundamental . For if before the Determination ( supposing the Difference real ) some of those Worthies were truly Hereticks , ( as he confesses ) then somewhat made them so . And that could not be the Decree of the Church , which then was not : Therefore it must be somewhat really false , that made them so ; and fundamentally false , if it made them Hereticks against the Foundation . But Scotus was wiser then to intend this . It may be , he saw the stream too strong for him to swim against , therefore he went on with the Doctrine of the Time , That the Churches Sentence is of the substance of Faith ; but meant not to betray the truth : For he goes no farther then Ecclesia declaravit , since the Church hath declared it , which is the word that is used by divers † . Num. 7 Now the a Master teaches , and the b Scholars too , That every thing which belongs to the Exposition or Declaration of another , intus est , is not another contrary thing , but is contained within the Bowels and nature of that which is interpreted : from which , if the Declaration depart , it is faulty and erroneous ; because instead of declaring , it gives another , and contrary c sense . Therefore , when the Church declares any thing in a Councel , either that which she declares , was intus , or extra ; in the nature and verity of the thing , or out of it . If it were extra , without the nature of the thing declared , then the Declaration of the thing is false , and so , far from being fundamental in the Faith d . If it were intus , within the compass and nature of the thing , though not open and apparent to every eye ; then the Declaration is true , but not otherwise fundamental , then the thing is which is declared : for that which is intus , cannot be larger or deeper then that in which it is ; if it were , it could not be intus . Therefore nothing is simply fundamental , because the Church declares it , but because it is so in the nature of the thing , which the Church declares . Num. 8 And it is slight and poor Evasion that is commonly used , that the Declaration of the Church makes it Fundamental , quoad nos , in respect of us ; for it doth not that neither : For no respect to us can vary the Foundation . The Churches Declaration can binde us to Peace , and External Obedience , where there is not express Letter of Scripture , and sense agreed on ; but it cannot make any thing fundamental to us , that is not so in its own Nature . For if the Church can so adde , that it can by a Declaration make a thing to be fundamental in the Faith , that was not ; then it can take a thing away from the foundation , and make it by declaring , not to be Fundamental ; which all men grant , no power of the Church can do . † For the power of adding any thing contrary , and of detracting any thing necessary , are alike forbidden * , and alike denied . Now nothing is more apparent , then this , to the eye of all men , That the Church of Rome hath determined , or declared , or defined ( call it what you will ) very many things , that are not in their own nature fundamental ; and therefore neither are , nor can be made so by her adjudging them . Now to all this discourse , that the Church hath not power to make any thing fundamental in the Faith , that intrinsecally , and in its own nature is not such , A. C. is content to say nothing . Num. 9 2 For the second , That it is proved by this place of S. Augustine , That all points defined by the Church are fundamental . You might have given me that place cited in the Margin , and cased my pains to seek it ; but it may be there was somewhat in concealing it . For you do so extraordinarily right this place , that you were loth ( I think ) any body should see how you wrong it . The place of S. Augustine is this , against the Pelagians , about Remission of Original Sin in Infants : * This is a thing founded : an erring Disputer is to be born with in other Questions not diligently digested , not yet made firm by full Authority of the Church , their errour is to be born with : but it ought not to go so far , that it should labour to shake the foundation it self of the Church . This is the place : but it can never follow out of this place ( I think ) That every thing defined by the Church is fundamental . Num. 10 For first , he speaks of a foundation of Doctrine in Scripture , not a Church-definition . This appears : for , few lines before , he tells us , a There was a Question moved to S. Cyprian , Whether Baptism was concluded to the eighth day , as well as Circumcision ? And no doubt was made then of the b beginning of sin ; and that c out of this thing , about which no Question was moved , that Question that was made , was Answered . And d again , That S. Cyprian took that which he gave in Answer from the foundation of the Church , to confirm a stone that was shaking . Now S. Cyprian in all the Answer that he gives , hath not one word of any Definition of the Church : therefore ea res , that thing by which he answered , was a Foundation of prime and setled Scripture-Doctrine , not any Definition of the Church : Therefore , that which he took out of the Foundation of the Church , to fasten the stone that shook , was not a Definition of the Church , but the Foundation of the Church it self , the Scripture , upon which it is builded : as appeareth in the e Milevitane Councel ; where the Rule , by which Pelagius was condemned , is the Rule of f Scripture : Therefore S. Augustine goes on in the same sense , That the Disputer is not to be born any longer , that shall g endeavour to shake the foundation it self , upon which the whole Church is grounded . Num. 11 Secondly , If S. Augustine did mean by Founded , and Foundation , the definition of the Church , because of these words , This thing is founded , this is made firm by full Authority of the Church ; and the words following these , to shake the foundation of the Church ; yet it can never follow out of any , or all these Circumstances ( and these are all ) That all points defined by the Church , are fundamental in the Faith. For first , no man denies , but the Church is a h Foundation ; That things defined by it , are founded upon it : And yet hence it cannot follow , That the thing that is so founded , is Fundamental in the Faith : For things may be i founded upon Humane Authority , and be very certain , yet not Fundamental in the Faith. Nor yet can it follow , This thing is founded , therefore every thing determined by the Church , is founded . Again that which follows , That those things are not to be opposed , which are made firm by full Authority of the Church , cannot conclude , they are therefore Fundamental in the Faith. For full Church-Authority ( always the time that included the Holy Apostles being past by , and not comprehended in it ) is but Church-Authority ; and Church-Authority , when it is at Full Sea , is not simply k Divine , therefore the Sentence of it not fundamental in the Faith. And yet no erring Disputer may be indured to shake the foundation , which the Church in Councel lays . But plain Scripture with evident sense , or a full demonstrative Argument must have room , where a wrangling and erring Disputer may not be allowed it . And there 's l neither of these , but may convince the Definition of the Councel , if it be ill founded . And the Articles of the Faith may easily prove it is not Fundamental , if indeed and verily it be not so . Num. 12 And I have read some-body that says ( is it not you ? ) That things are fundamental in the Faith two ways : One , in their Matter , such as are all things which be so in themselves ; The other , in the Manner , such as are all things that the Church hath defined , and determined to be of Faith : And that so , some things that are de modo , of the manner of being , are of Faith. But in plain truth , this is no more , then if you should say , Some things are fundamental in the Faith , and some are not . For wrangle while you will , you shall never be able to prove , that any thing which is but de modo , a consideration of the manner of being only , can possibly be fundamental in the Faith. Num. 13 And since you make such a Foundation of this place , I will a little view the Mortar with which it is laid by you . It is a venture , but I shall finde it a untempered . Your Assertion is : All Points defined by the Church are fundamental . Your proof , this place : Because that is not to be shaken , which is setled by b full Authority of the Church . Then ( it seems ) your meaning is , that this point there spoken of , The remission of Original Sin in Baptism of Infants , was defined , when S. Augustine wrote this , by a full Sentence of a General Councel . First , if you say it was : c Bellarmine will tell you , it is false ; and that the Pelagian Heresie was never condemned in an Oecumenical Councel , but only in Nationals . But Bellarmine is deceived : For while the Pelagians stood out impudently against National Councels , some of them defended Nestorius ; which gave occasion to the first d Ephesine Councel to Excommunicate , and depose them . And yet this will not serve your turn for this place . For S. Augustine was then dead , and therefore could not mean the Sentence of that Councel in this place . Secondly , if you say , it was not then defined in an Oecumenical Synod ; Plena Authoritas Ecclesiae , the full Authority of the Church there mentioned , doth not stand properly for the Decree of an Oecumenical Councel , but for some National ; as this was condemned in a e National Councel : And then the full Authority of the Church here , is no more then the full Authority of the Church of f Africk . And I hope that Authority doth not make all Points defined by it to be fundamental . You will say , Yes : if that Councel be confirmed by the Pope . And then I must ever wonder , why S. Augustine should say , The full Authority of the Church , and not bestow one word upon the Pope , by whose Authority only that Councel , as all other , have their fulness of Authority in your Judgment . An inexpiable Omission ; if this Doctrine concerning the Pope were true . Num. 14 But here A. C. steps in again to help the Jesuite ; and he tells us , over and over again , That all points made firm by full Authority of the Church are fundamental ; so , firm he will have them , and therefore fundamental . But I must tell him : That first , 't is one thing in Nature , and Religion too , to be firm ; and another thing to be fundamental . These two are not Convertible . 'T is true , that every thing that is fundamental , is firm : But it doth not follow , that every thing that is firm , is fundamental . For many a Superstructure is exceeding firm , being fast , and close joyned to a sure foundation , which , yet no man will grant , is fundamental . Besides , whatsoever is fundamental in the Faith , is fundamental to the Church , which is one by the unity g of Faith. Therefore if every thing defined by the Church be fundamental in the Faith ; then the Churches Desinition is the Churches foundation . And so upon the matter , the Church can lay her own foundation ; and then , the Church must be in absolute and perfect Being , before so much as her foundation is laid . Now this is so absurd for any man of Learning to say , that by and by after A. C. is content to affirm , not only , that the prima Credibilia , the Articles of Faith , but all which so pertains to Supernatural , Divine , and Infallible Christian Faith , as that thereby Christ doth dwell in our hearts , &c. is the foundation of the Church under Christ the Prime Foundation . And here he 's out again . For first , all which pertains to Supernatural , Divine and Infallible Christian Faith , is not by and by * fundamental in the Faith to all men . And secondly , the whole Discourse here is concerning Faith , as it is taken Objectivè for the Object of Faith , and thing to be believed ; but that Faith by which Christ is said to dwell in our hearts , is taken Subjective , for the Habit and Act of Faith. Now to confound both these in one period of speech , can have no other aim , then to confound the Reader . But to come closer both to the Jesuite , and his Defender A. C. If all Points made firm by full Authority of the Church be fundamental , then they must grant , that every thing determined by the Councel of Trent is fundamental in the Faith. For with them 't is firm and Catholike , which that Councel Decrees . Now that Councel Decrees , † That Orders collated by the Bishop are not void , though they be given without the consent or calling of the People , or of any Secular Power . And yet they can produce no Author that ever acknowledged this Definition of the Councel fundamental in the Faith. 'T is true , I do not grant , that the Decrees of this Councel are made by full Authority of the Church ; but they do both grant and maintain it : And therefore 't is Argumentum ad hominem , a good argument against them , that a thing so defined may be firm , for so this is ; and yet not fundamental , for so this is not . Num. 15 But A. C. tells us further , That if one may deny , or doubtfully dispute against any one Determination of the Church , then he may against another , and another , and so against all ; since all are made firm to us by one and the same Divine Revelation , sufficiently applied by one and the same full Authority of the Church ; which being weakned in any one , cannot be firm in any other . First , A. C. might have acknowledged that he borrowed the former part of this out of * Vincentius Lirinensis . And as that Learned Father uses it , I subscribe to it , but not as A. C. applies it . For Vincentius speaks there de Catholico Dogmate , of Catholick Maximes : and A. C. will force it to every Determination of the Church . Now Catholike Maximes , which are properly fundamental , are certain prime truths deposited with the Church , and not so much determined by the Church , as published and manifested , and so made firm by her to us . For so † Vincentius expresly . Where , all that the Church doth , is but , ut hoc idem quod anteà , that the same thing may be believed , which was before believed , but with more light , and clearness , and ( in that sense ) with more firmness , then before . Now in this sense , give way to a Disputator errans , every Cavilling Disputer to deny , or quarrel at the Maximes of Christian Religion , any one , or any part of any one of them ; and why may he not then take liberty to do the like of any other , till he have shaken all ? But this hinders not the Church her self , nor any appointed by the Church to examine her own Decrees , and to see that she keep Dogmata deposita , the Principles of Faith unblemished , and uncorrupted . For if she do not so , but that * Novitia veteribus , new Doctrines be added to the old ; the Church , which is Sacrarium veritatis , the Repository of Verity , may be changed in lupanar errorum , I am loath to English it . By the Church then this may , nay it ought to be done , however , every wrangling Disputer may neither deny , nor doubtfully dispute , much less obstinately oppose the Determinations of the Church , no not where they are not Dogmata Deposita , these deposited Principles . But if he will be so bold to deny or dispute the Determinations of the Church ; yet that may be done without shaking the foundation , where the Determinations themselves belong but to the fabrick , and not to the foundation . For a whole frame of Building may be shaken , and yet the foundation where it is well laid , remain firm . And therefore after all , A. C. dares not say , the foundation is shaken , but only in a sort . And then 't is as true , that in a sort it is not shaken . Num. 16 2 For the second part of his Argument , A. C. must pardon me , if I dissent from him . For first , All Determinations of the Church are not made firm to us by one and the same Divine Revelation . For some Determinations of the Church are made firm to us , per chirographum † Scripturae , by the hand-writing of the Scripture ; and that 's Authentical indeed . Some other Decisions , yea and of the Church too , are made , or may be ( if † Stapleton inform us right ) without an evident , nay without so much as a probable Testimony of Holy Writ . But * Bellarmine falls quite off in this , and confesses in express terms , That nothing can be certain by certainty of Faith , unless it be contained immediately in the Word of God ; or be deduced out of the Word of God by evident consequence . And if nothing can be certain but so , then certainly no Determination of the Church it self , if that Determination be not grounded upon one of these : either express Word of God , or evident consequence out of it . So here 's little agreement in this great Point between Stapleton and Bellarmine . Nor can this be shifted off , as if Stapleton spake of the Word of God Written , and Bellarmine of the Word of God Unwritten ( as he calls Tradition . ) For Bollarmine treats there of the knowledge which a man hath of the certainty of his own Salvation . And I hope A. C. will not tell us , there 's any Tradition extant unwritten , by which particular men may have assurance of their several Salvations . Therefore Bellarmine's whole Disputation there is quite beside the matter : or else he must speak of the written Word , and so lye cross to Stapleton , as is mentioned . But to return . If A. C. will , he may , but I cannot believe , that a Definition of the Church , which is made by the express Word of God , and another which is made without so much as a probable Testimony of it , or a clear Deduction from it , are made firm to us by one and the same Divine Revelation . Nay , I must say in this case , that the one Determination is firm by Divine Revelation , but the other hath no Divine Revelation at all , but the Churches Authority only . ● Secondly , I cannot believe neither , That all Determinations of the Church are sufficiently applied by one and the same full Authority of the Church . For the Authority of the Church , though it be of the same fulness in regard of it self , and of the Power which it commits to General Councels lawfully called : yet it is not always of the same fulness of knowledge and sufficiency ; nor of the same fulness of Conscience , and integrity to apply Dogmata Fidei , that which is Dogmatical in the Faith. For instance , I think you dare not deny but the Councel of Trent was lawfully called ; and yet I am of Opinion , that few , even of your selves , believe that the Councel of Trent hath the same fulness with the Councel of Nice , in all the forenamed kinds , or degrees of fulness . Thirdly , suppose that all Determinations of the Church are made firm to us by one and the same Divine Revelation , and sufficiently applied by one and the sante full Authority ; yet it will not follow , that they are all alike fundamental in the Faith. For I hope A. C. himself will not say , that the Definitions of the Church are in better condition , then the Propositions of Canonical Scripture . Now all Propositions of Canonical Scripture are alike firm , because they all alike proceed from Divine Revelation : but they are not all alike fundamental in the Faith. For this Proposition of Christ to S. Peter and S. Andrew , Follow me , and I will make you fishers of men * , is as firm a truth , as that which he delivered to his Disciples , That he must die , and rise again the third day † : For both proceed from the same Divine Revelation , out of the mouth of our Saviour ; and both are sufficiently applied by one and the same full Authority of the Church , which receives the whole Gospel of S. Matthew to be Canonical and Infallible Scripture . And yet both these Propositions of Christ are not alike fundamental in the Faith. For I dare say , No man shall be saved ( in the ordinary way of Salvation ) that believes not the Death and the Resurrection of Christ. And I believe A. C. dares not say , that no man shall be saved , into whose capacity it never came , that Christ made S. Peter and Andrew fishers of men . And yet should he say it , nay should he shew it sub annulo Piscatoris , no man will believe it , that hath not made shipwrack of his common Notions . Now if it be thus between Proposition and Proposition issuing out of Christ's own Mouth ▪ I hope it may well be so also between even Just and True Determinations of the Church , that supposing them alike true and firm , yet they shall not be alike fundamental to all mens belief . F. Secondly , I required to know , what Points the Bishop would account Fundamental . He said , all the Points of the Creed were such . B. § . 11 Num. 1 Against this I hope you except not . For since the a Fathers make the Creed the Rule of Faith ; b since the agreeing sense of Scripture with those Articles are the two Regular Precepts by which a Divine is governed about the Faith ; since your own Councel of c Trent Decrees , That it is that Principle of Faith , in which all that profess Christ , do necessarily agree , & fundamentum firmum & unicum , not the firm alone , but the only foundation ; since it is Excommunication d ipso jure , for any man to contradict the Articles contained in that Creed ; since the whole Body of the Faith is so contained in the Creed , as that the e substance of it was believ'd even before the coming of Christ , though not so expresly as since in the number of the Articles ; since f Bellarmine confesses , That all things simply necessary for all mens Salvation are in the Creed , and the Decalogue ; what reason can you have to except ? And yet for all this , every thing fundamental is not of a like nearness to the foundation , nor of equal primeness in the Faith. And my granting the Creed to be fundamental , doth not deny , but that there are g quaedam prima Credibilia , certain prime Principles of Faith , in the bosom whereof ▪ all other Articles lay wrapped and folded up . One of which since Christ , is that of h S. John : Every spirit that confesseth Jesus Christ come in the flesh , is of God. And one , both before the coming of Christ , and since , is that of S. Paul : i He that comes to God , must believe that God is , and that be is a rewarder of them that seek him . Num. 2 Here A. C. tells you , That either I must mean that those points are only fundamental , which are expressed in the Creed ; or those also which are infolded . If I say , those only which are expressed , then ( saith he ) to believe the Scriptures is not fundamental , because 't is not expressed . If I say , those which are infolded in the Articles , then some unwritten Church-Traditions may be accounted fundamental . The truth is , I said , and say still , that all the Points of the Apostles Creed , as they are there expressed , are fundamental . And therein I say no more , then some of your best Learned have said before me . But I never either said , or meant , that they only are fundamental ; that they are * Fundamentum unicum , the only Foundation , is the Councel of Trent's ; 't is not mine . Mine is , That the belief of Scripture to be the Word of God , and Infallible , is an equal , or rather a preceding Prime Principle of Faith , with , or to the whole Body of the Creed . And this agrees ( as before I told the Jesuite ) with one of your own great Masters , Albertus Magnus † , who is not far from that Proposition in terminis . So here the very foundation of A. C ' . Dilemma falls off . For I say not , That only the Points of the Creed are fundamental , whether expressed , or not expressed . That all of them are , that I say . And yet though the foundation of his Dilemma be fallen away , I will take the boldness to tell A. C. That if I had said , that those Articles only which are expressed in the Creed , are fundamental , it would have been hard to have excluded the Scripture , upon which the Creed it self in every Point is grounded . For nothing is supposed to shut out its own foundation . And if I should now say , that some Articles are fundamental which are infolded in the Creed , it would not follow , that therefore some unwritten Traditions were fundamental . Some Traditions I deny not true and firm , and of great , both Authority , and Use in the Church , as being Apostolical , but yet not fundamental in the Faith. And it would be a mighty large fold , which should lap up Traditions within the Creed . As for that Tradition , That the Books of holy Scriptures are Divine , and Infallible in every part , I will handle that when I come to the proper place * for it . F. I asked how then it happened ( as M. Rogers saith ) that the English Church is not yet resolved , what is the right sense of the Article of Christ's descending into Hell. B. § . 12 Num. 1 The English Church never made doubt ( that I know ) what was the sense of that Article . The words are so plain , they bear th●●● meaning before them . She was content to put that † Arti●●● among those , to which she requires Subscription , not as doubting of the sense , but to prevent the Cavils of some , who had been too busie in crucifying that Article , and in making it all one with the Article of the Cross , or but an Exposition of it . Num. 2 And surely , for my part , I think the Church of England is better resolved of the right sense of this Article , then the Church of Rome , especially if she must be tryed by her Writers , as you try the Church of England by M. Rogers . For , you cannot agree , whether this Article be a meer Tradition , or whether it hath any place of Scripture to warrant it . a Scotus , and b Stapleton allow it no footing in Scripture , but c Bellarmine is resolute , that this Article is every where in Scripture ; and d Thomas grants as much for the whole Creed . The Church of England never doubted it , and e S. Augustine proves it . Num. 3 And yet again , you are different for the sense . For you agree not , Whether the Soul of Christ , in triduo mortis , in the time of his Death , did go down into Hell really , and was present there ; or vertually , and by effects only . For f Thomas holds the first , and g Durand the later . Then you agree not , Whether the Soul of Christ did descend really and in essence into the lowest Pit of Hell , and place of the Damned , as h Bellarmine once held probable , and proved it ; or really only into that place , or Region of Hell , which you call Limbum Patrum ; and then , but vertually from thence into the Lower Hell : to which i Bellarmine reduces himself , and gives his reason , because it is the k common Opinion of the School . Now the Church of England takes the words as they are in the Creed , and believes them without farther Dispute , and in that sense which the ancient Primitive Fathers of the Church agreed in . And yet if any in the Church of England should not be throughly resolved in the sense of this Article ; Is it not as lawful for them to say [ I conceive thus , or thus of it ; yet if any other way of his Descent be found truer than this , I deny it not , but as yet I know no other ] as it was for * Durand to say it , and yet not impeach the Foundation of the Faith. F. The Bishop said , That M. Rogers was but a private man. But ( said I ) if M. Rogers ( writing as he did by publike Authority ) be accounted onely a private man , &c. B. § . 13 Num. 1 I said truth , when I said M. Rogers was a private man. And I take it , you will not allow every speech of every 〈…〉 , though allowed by Authority to have his Books Printed , to be the Doctrine of the Church of Rome . † This hath been oft complained of on both sides : The imposing particular mens assertions upon the Church : yet I see you mean not to leave it . And surely as Controversies are now handled ( by some of your party ) at this day , I may not say , it is the sense of the Article in hand , But I have long thought it a kinde of descent into Hell , to be conversant in them . I would the Authors would take heed in time , and not seek to blinde the People , or cast a mist before evident Truth lest it cause a final descent to that place of Torment . But since you will hold this course , Stapleton was of greater note with you , than M. Rogers his Exposition , or Notes upon the Articles of the Church of England is with us . And as he , so his Relection . And is it the Doctrine of the Church of Rome which Stapleton affirms , ‖ The Scripture is silent , that Christ descended into Hell , and that there is a Catholike and an Apostolike Church ? If it be , then what will become of the Pope's Supremacie over the whole Church ? Shall he have his power over the Catholike Church given him expresly in Scripture , in the * Keyes , to enter ; and in † Pasce , to feed when he is in ; and when he had fed , to ‖ Confirm ; and in all these , not to erre and fail in his Ministration : And is the Catholike Church , in and over which he is to do all these great things , quite left out of the Scripture ? Belike the Holy Ghost was careful to give him his power ; Yes in any case ; but left the assigning of his great Cure , the Catholike Church , to Tradition . And it were well for him , if he could so prescribe for what he now Claims . Num. 2 But what if after all this , M. Rogers there says no such thing ? As in truth , he doth not . His words are : * All Christians acknowledge , He descended ; but in the interpretation of the Article , there is not that consent , that were to be wished . What is this to the Church of England , more than others ? And again , † Till we know the native and undoubted sense of this Article , is M. Rogers [ We ] the Church of England ? or rather his , and some others Judgment , in the Church of England ? Num. 3 Now here A. C. will have somewhat again to say , though , God knows , 't is to little purpose . 'T is , that the Jesuit urged M. Roger's Book , because it was set out by Publike Authority : And because the Book bears the Title of the Catholike Doctrine of the Church of England . A. C. may undoubtedly urge M. Rogers , if he please ; But he ought not to say , that his Opinion is the Doctrine of the Church of England , for neither of the Reasons by him expressed . First , not because his Book was publikely allowed . For many Books among them , as well as among us , have been Printed by publike Authority , as containing nothing in them contrary to Faith and good manners , and yet containing many things in them of Opinion only , or private Judgment , which yet is far from the avowed Positive Doctrine of the Church , the Church having as yet determined neither way by open Declaration upon the words , or things controverted . And this is more frequent among their School-men , than among any of our Controversers , as is well known . Nor secondly , because his Book bears the Title of the Catholike Doctrine of the Church of England . For suppose the worst , and say , M. Rogers thought a little too well of his own pains , and gave his Book too high a Title ; is his private Judgment therefore to be accounted the Catholike Doctrine of the Church of England ? Surely no : No more than I should say , every thing said by * Thomas , or † Bonaventure , is Angelical , or Seraphical Doctrine , because one of these is stiled in the Church of Rome , Seraphical , and the other , Angetical Doctor . And yet their works are Printed by Publike Authority , and that Title given them . Num. 4 Yea , but our private Authors ( saith A. C. ) are not allowed ( for ought I know ) in such a like sort to express our Catholike Doctrine in any matter subject to Question . Here are two Limitations , which will go far to bring A. C. off , whatsoever I shall say against him : For first , let me instance in any ▪ private man , that takes as much upon him as M. Rogers doth , he will say , he know it not , his Assertion here being no other , then for ought he knows . Secondly If he be unwilling to acknowledge so much , yet he will answer , 't is not just in such a like sort as M. Rogers doth it , that is , perhaps , it is not the very Title of his Book . But well then : Is there never a Private man allowed in the Church of Rome to express your Catholike Doctrine in any matter subject to Question ? What ? Not in any matter ? Were not Vega and Soto two private men ? Is it not a matter subject to Question , to great Question in these Days , Whether a man may be certain of his being in the state of Salvation , certitudine fidei , by the certainty of Faith ? Doth not * Bellarmine make it a Controversie ? And is it not a part of your Catholike Faith , if it be determined in the † Councel of Trent ? And yet these two great Fryers of their time , Dominicus Soto , and Andreas Vega ‖ were of contrary Opinions ; and both of them challenged the Decree of the Councel ; and so consequently your Catholike Faith to be as each of them concluded : and both of them wrote Books to maintain their Opinions ; and both of their Books were published by Authority . And therefore I think 't is allowed in the Church of Rome to private men to express your Catholike Doctrine , and in a matter subject to Question . And therefore also ▪ if another man in the Church of England , should be of a contrary Opinion to M. Rogers , and declare it under the Title of the Catholike Doctrine of the Church of England , this were no more than Soto and Vega did in the Church of Rome . And I , for my part , cannot but wonder A. C. should not know it . For he says , that for ought he knows , private men are not allowed so to express their Catholike Doctrine . And in the same Question both Catharinus and Bellarmine * take on them , to express your Catholike Faith , the one differing from the other , almost as much as Soto and Vega , and perhaps in some respect more . F. But if M. Rogers be only a private man ; in what Book may we find the Protestants publike Doctrine ? The Bishop answered , That to the Book of Articles they were all sworn . B. § . 14 Num. 1 What ? Was I so ignorant to say , The Articles of the Church of England were the Publike Doctrine of all the Protestants ? Or , that all the Protestants were sworn to the Articles of England , as this speech seems to imply ? Sure I was not . Was not the immediate speech before of the Church of England ? And how comes the Subject of the Speech to be varied in the next lines ? Nor yet speak I this , as if other Protestants did not agree with the Church of England in the chiefest Doctrines , and in the main Exceptions , which they joyntly take against the Roman Church , as appears by their several Confessions . But if A. C. will say ( as he doth ) that because there was speech before of the Church of England , the Jesuite understood me in a limited sense , and meant only the Protestants of the English Church ; Be it so ; there 's no great harm done † but this , that the Jesuite offers to inclose me too much . For I did not say , that the Book of Articles only was the Continent of the Church of Englands publike Doctrine : She is not so narrow , nor hath she purpose to exclude any thing which she acknowledges hers , nor doth she wittingly permit any Crossing of her publike Declarations ; yet she is not such a shrew to her Children , as to deny her Blessing ; or Denounce an Anathema against them , if some peaceably dissent in some Particulars remoter from the Foundation , as your own School-men differ . And if the Church of Rome , since she grew to her greatness , had not been so fierce in this Course , and too particular in Determining too many things , and making them matters of Necessary Belief , which had gone for many hundreds of years before , only for things of Pious Opinion ; Christendom ( I perswade my self ) had been in happier peace at this Day , than ( I doubt ) we shall ever live to see it . Num. 2 Well , But A. C. will prove the Church of England a Shrew , and such a Shrew . For in her Book * of Canons She excommunicates every man , who shall hold any thing contrary to any part of the said Articles . So A. C. But surely these are not the very words of the Canon , nor perhaps the sense . Not the Words ; for they are : Whosoever shall affirm that the Articles are in any part superstitious , or erronious , &c. And perhaps not the sense . For it is one thing for a man to hold an Opinion privately within himself ; and another thing boldly and publikely to affirm it . And again , 't is one thing to hold contrary to some part of an Article , which perhaps may be but in the manner of Expression ; and another thing positively to affirm , that the Articles in any part of them are superstitious , and erroneous . But this is not the Main of the Business : For though the Church of England Denounce Excommunication , as is † before expressed ; Yet she comes far short of the Church of Rome's severity , whose Anathema's are not only for 39 Articles , but for very many more , * above one hundred in matters of Doctrine ; and that in many Poynts as far remote from the Foundation , though to the far greater Rack of mens Consciences , they must be all made Fundamental , if that Church have once Determined them : whereas the Church of England never declared , That every one of her Articles are Fundamental in the Faith. For 't is one thing to say , No one of them is superstitious or erroneous : And quite another to say , Every one of them is fundamental , and that in every part of it , to all mens Belief . Besides , the Church of England prescribes only to her own Children , and by those Articles provides but for her own peaceable Consent in those Doctrines of Truth . But the Church of Rome severely imposes her Doctrine upon the whole World under pain of Damnation . F. And that the Scriptures only , not any unwritten Tradition , was the Foundation of their Faith. B. § . 15 Num. 1 The Church of England grounded her Positive Articles upon Scripture ; and her Negative do refute there , where , the thing affirmed by you , is not affirmed by Scripture , nor directly to be concluded out of it . And here not the Church of England only , but all Protestants , agree most truly , and most strongly in this , That the Scripture is sufficient to salvation , and contains in it all things necessary to it . The Fathers * are plain , the † School-men not strangers in it . And have not we reason then to account it , as it is , The Foundation of our Faith ? And ‖ Stapleton himself , though an angry Opposite , confesses , That the Scripture is in some sort the Foundation of Faith , that is , in the nature of Testimony , and in the matter , or thing to be believed . And if the Scripture be the Foundation , to which we are to go for witness , if there be Doubt about the Faith , and in which we are to find the thing that is to be believed , as necessary in the Faith ; we never did , nor never will refuse any Tradition that is Universal , and Apostolike , for the better Exposition of the Scripture ; nor any Definition of the Church , in which she goes to the Scripture , for what she teaches ; and thrusts nothing as Fundamental in the Faith upon the world , but what the Scripture fundamentally makes materiam Credendorum , the substance of that which is so to be believed , whether immediately and expresly in words , or more remotely , where a clear and full Deduction draws it out . Num. 2 Against the beginning of this Paragraph A. C. excepts . And first he says , 'T is true , that the Church of England grounded her Positive Articles upon Scripture : That is , 't is true , if themselves may be competent Judges in their own Cause . But this by the leave of A. C. is true , without making our selves Judges in our own Cause . For , that all the Positive Articles of the present Church of England are grounded upon Scripture , we are content to be judged by the joynt and constant Belief of the Fathers , which lived within the first four or five hundred years after Christ , when the Church was at the best ; and by the Councels held within those times ; and to submit to them in all those Points of Doctrine . Therefore we desire not to be Judges in our own Cause . And if any whom A. C. calls a Novellist , can truly say , and maintain this , he will quickly prove himself no Novellist . And for the Negative Articles , they refute , where the thing affirmed by you , is either not affirmed in Scripture , or not directly to be concluded out of it . Upon this Negative ground A. C. infers again , That the Baptism of Infants is not expresly ( at least not evidently ) affirmed in Scripture , nor directly ( at least not demonstratively ) concluded out of it . In which case he professes he would gladly know , what can be answered to defend this doctrine to be a Point of Faith necessary for the salvation of Infants . And in Conclusion , professes , he cannot easily guess what answer can be made , unless we will acknowledge Authority of Church-Tradition necessary in this Case . Num. 3 And truly since A. C. is so desirous of an Answer , I will give it freely . And first in the General . I am no way satisfied with A. C. his Addition ( not expresly , at least not evidently ) what means he ? If he speak of the Letter of the Scripture , then , whatsoever is expresly , is evidently in the Scripture , and so his Addition is vain . If he speak of the Meaning of the Scripture , then his Addition is cunning . For many things are Expresly in Scripture , which yet in their Meaning are not evidently there . And what e're he mean , my words are , That our Negative Articles refute that which is not affirmed in Scripture , without any Addition of Expresly , or Evidently . And he should have taken my words , as I used them . I lke nor Change , nor Addition , nor am I bound to either of A. C's making . And I am as little satisfied with his next Addition ( nor directly , at least not demonstratively concluded out of it . ) For are there not many things in Good Logick concluded , directly , which yet are not concluded Demonstratively ? Surely there are . For to be directly or indirectly concluded , flows from the Mood or Form of the Syllogism : To be demonstratively concluded , flows from the Matter or Nature of the Propositions . If the Propositions be Prime and necessary Truths , the Syllogism is demonstrative and scientifical , because the Propositions are such . If the Propositions be probable only , though the Syllogism be made in the clearest Mood , yet is the Conclusion no more . The Inference , or Consequence indeed is clear and necessary , but the Consequent is but probable , or topical , as the Propositions were . Now my words were only for a Direct Conclusion , and no more : though in this case I might give A. C. his Caution . For Scripture here is the thing spoken of . And Scripture being a Principle , and every Text of Scripture confessedly a Principle among all Christians , whereof no man * desires any farther proof : I would fain know , why that which is plainly and apparently , that is , by direct Consequence , proved out of Scripture , is not Demonstratively or Scientifically proved ? If at least he think there can be any Demonstration in Divinity : and if there can be none , why did he add Demonstratively ? Num. 4 Next in particular ; I answer to the Instance which A. C. makes , concerning the Baptism of Infants , That it may be concluded directly ( and let A. C. judge , whether not demonstratively ) out of Scripture , both that Infants ought to be baptized , and that Baptism is necessary to their Salvation . And first , that Baptism is necessary to the Salvation of Infants ( in the ordinary way of the Church , without binding God to the use and means of that Sacrament , to which he hath bound us ) † is express in S. John 3. Except a man be born again of water , and the Spirit , he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God. So , no Baptism , no Entrance . Nor can Infants creep in any other ordinary way . And this is the received Opinion of all the Ancient Church of * Christ. And secondly , That Infants ought to be baptized , is first plain by Evident and Direct Consequence out of Scripture . For if there be no Salvation for Infants in the ordinary way of the Church , but by Baptism , and this appear in Scripture , as it doth ; then out of all Doubt , the Consequence is most evident out of that Scripture , That Infants are to be baptized , that their Salvation may be certain . For they which cannot † help themselves , must not be left only to Extraordinary Helps , of which we have no assurance , and for which we have no warrant at all in Scripture , while we in the mean time neglect the ordinary way and means commanded by Christ , Secondly , 't is very near an Expression in Scripture it self . For when * S. Peter had ended that great Sermon of his , Act. 2. he applies two comforts unto them , Verse 38. Amend your lives , and be baptized , and you shall receive the gift of the Holy Ghost . And then , Verse 39. he infers , For the promise is made to you , and to your children . The Promise ; What Promise ? What ? Why the Promise of Sanctification by the Holy Ghost . By what means ? Why , by Baptism . For 't is expresly , Be baptized , and ye shall receive . And as expresly , This promise is made to you , and to your Children . And therefore A. C. may finde it , if he will , That the Baptism of Infants may be directly concluded out of Scripture . For some of his own Party , * Ferus and † Salmeron , could both find it there . And so ( if it will do him any pleasure ) he hath my Answer , which he saith , he would be glad to know . Num. 5 'T is true , * Bellarmine presses a main place out of S. Augustine , and he urges it hard . S. † Augustine's words are , The Custom of our Mother the Church in Baptizing Infants , is by no means to be contemned , or thought superfluous , nor yet at all to be believed , unless it were an Apostol●cal Tradition . The place is truly cited , but seems a great deal stronger , than indeed it is . For first , 't is not denied , That this is an Apostolical Tradition , and therefore to be believed . But secondly , not therefore only . Nor doth S. Augustine say so , nor doth Bellarmine press it that way . The truth is , it would have been somewhat difficult to find the Collection out of Scripture only for the Baptism of Infants , since they do not actually believe . And therefore S. Augustine is at nec credenda nisi , that this Custom of the Church had not been to be believed , had it not been an Apostolical Tradition . But the Tradition being Apostolical , led on the Church easily to see the necessary Deduction out of Scripture . And this is not the least use of Tradition , to lead the Church into the true meaning of those things which are found in Scripture , though not obvious to every eye there . And that this is S. Augustine's meaning , is manifest by himself , who best knew it . For when he had said , * as he doth , That to baptize children , is Antiqua fidei Regula , the Ancient Rule of Faith , and the constant Tenet of the Church , yet he doubts not to collect and deduce it out of Scripture also . For when Pelagius urged , That Infants needed not to be baptized , because they had no Original Sin : S. Augustine relies not upon the Tenet of the Church only , but argues from the Text thus . † What need have Infants of Christ , if they be not sick ? For the sound need not the Physitian , S. Mat. 9. And again , is not this said by Pelagins , ut non accedaent ad Jesum ? That Infants may not come to their Saviour ? Sed clamat Jesus , but Jesus cries out , Suffer Little ones to come unto me , * S. Mar. 10. And all this is fully acknowledged by † Calvine , Namely , That all men acknowledge the Baptism of Infants to descend from Apostolical Tradition . ‖ And yet that it doth not depend upon the bare and naked Authority of the Church . Which he speaks not in regard of Tradition , but in relation to such proof , as is to be made by necessary Consequence out of Scripture over and above Tradition . As for Tradition , * I have said enough for that , and as much as A. C. where 't is truly Apostolical . And yet if any thing will please him , I will add this concerning this particular , The Baptizing of Infants ; That the Church received this by † Tradition from the Apostles . By Tradition . And what then ? May it not directly be concluded out of Scripture , because it was delivered to the Church by way of Tradition ? I hope A. C. will never say so . For certainly in Doctrinal things , nothing so likely to be a Tradition Apostolical , as that which hath a ‖ root and a Foundation in Scripture . For Apostles cannot write , or deliver contrary , but subordinate , and subservient things . F. I asked how he knew Scripture to be Scripture , and in particular , Genesis , Exodus , &c. These are balieved to be Scripture , yet not proved out of any Place of Scripture . The Bishop said , That the Books of Scripture are Principles to be supposed , and needed not to be proved . B. § . 16 Num. 1 I did never love too curious a search into that which might put a man into a wheel , and circle him so long between proving Scripture by Tradition , and Tradition by Scripture , till the Devil find a means to dispute him into Infidelity , and make him believe neither . I hope this is no part of your meaning . Yet I doubt this * Question , How do you know Scripture to be Scripture ? hath done more harm , than you will be ever able to help by Tradition . But I must follow that way which you draw me . And because it is so much insisted upon by you , and is in it self a * matter of such Consequence , I will sift it a little farther . Num. 2 Many men labouring to settle this great Principle in Divinity , have used divers means to prove it . All have not gone the same way , nor all the right way . You cannot be right , that resolve Faith of the Scriptures being the Word of God , into only Tradition . For only , and no other proof , are equal . To prove the Scripture therefore ( so called by way of Excellence ) to be the Word of God , there are several Offers at divers proofs . For first , some fly to the Testimony and witness of the Church , and her Tradition , which constantly believes , and unanimously delivers it . Secondly , some to the Light and the Testimony which the Scripture gives to it self ; with other internal proofs which are observed in it , and to be found in no other Writing whatsoever . Thirdly , some to the Testimony of the Holy Ghost , which clears up the light that is in Scripture , and seals this Faith to the Souls of men , that it is Gods Word . Fourthly , all that have not imbrutished themselves , and sunk below their species , and order of Nature , give even Natural Reason leave to come in , and make some proof , and give some approbation upon the weighing , and the consideration of other Arguments . And this must be admitted , if it be but for Pagans and Insidels , who either consider not , or value not any one of the other three : yet must some way or other be converted , or left without excuse , Rom. 1. and that is done by this very evidence . Num. 3 1. For the first : The Tradition of the Church , which is your way : That taken and considered alone , it is so far from being the only , that it cannot be a sufficient Proof to believe by Divine Faith , that Scripture is the Word of God. For that which is a full and sufficient proof , is able of it self to settle the Soul of man concerning it . Now the Tradition of the Church is not able to do this For it may be further asked , Why we should believe the Churches Tradition ? And if it be answered , We may believe , Because the Church is infallibly governed by the Holy Ghost ; it may yet be demanded of you , How that may appear ? And if this be demanded , either you must say , you have it by special Revelation , which is the private Spirit you object to other men , or else you must attempt to prove it by Scripture * , as all of you do . And that very offer , to prove it out of Scripture , is a sufcient acknowledgment , that the Scripture is a higher Proof , than the Churches Tradition , which ( in your Grounds ) is , or may be Questionable , till you come thither . Besides , this is an Inviolable ground of Reason : * That the Principles of any Conclusion must be of more credit , than the Conclusion it self . Therefore if the Articles of Faith , The Trinity , the Resurrection , and the rest , be the Conclusions , and the Principles by which they are proved , be only Ecclesiastical Tradition , it must needs follow , That the Tradition of the Church is more infallible than the Articles of the Faith , if the Faith which we have of the Articles should be finally Resolved into the Veracity of the Churches Testimony . But this † your Learned and wary men deny . And therefore I hope your self dare not affirm . Num. 4 Again , if the Voyce of the Church ( saying the Books of Scripture commonly received , are the Word of God ) be the formal Object of Faith , upon which alone absolutely I may resolve my self ; then every man not only may , but ought to resolve his Faith into the Voyce or Tradition of the Church : for every man is bound to rest upon the proper and formal Object of the Faith. But nothing can be more evident than this , That a man ought not to resolve his Faith of this Principle into the sole Testimony of the Church . Therefore neither is that Testimony , or Tradition alone , the formal Object of Faith. * The Learned of your own part grant this : Although in that Article of the Creed ( I believe the Catholike Church ) peradventure all this be contained [ I believe those things which the Church teacheth ] yet this is not necessarily understood , That I believe the Church teaching , as an Infallible Witness . And if they did not confess this , it were no hard thing to prove . Num. 5 But her'e 's the cunning of this Devise . All the Authorities of Fathers , Councels , nay of Scripture too , * ( though this be contrary to their own Doctrine ) must be finally Resolved into the Authority of the present Roman Church . And though they would seem to have us believe the Fathers , and the Church of old , yet they will not have us take their Doctrine from their own Writings , or the Decrees of Councels : because ( as they say ) we cannot know by reading them , what their meaning was , but from the Infallible Testimony of the present Roman Church reaching by Tradition . Now by this , two things are evident . First , That they ascribe as great Authority ( if not greater ) to a part of the Catholike Church , as they do to the whole , which we believe in our Creed ; and which is the Society of all Christians . And this is full of Absurdity in Nature , in Reason , in All things , that any * Part should be of equal worth , power , credit , or authority with the Whole . Secondly , that in their Doctrine concerning the Infallibility of their Church , their proceeding is most unreasonable . For if you ask them , Why they believe their whole Doctrine to be the sole true Catholike Faith ? Their Answer is , Because it is agreeable to the Word of God , and the Doctrine and Tradition of the Ancient Church . If you ask them , How they know that to be so ? They will then produce Testimonies of Scripture , Councels , and Fathers . But if you ask a third time , By what means they are assured , that these Testimonies do indeed make for them , and their Cause ? They will not then have recourse to Text of Scripture , or Exposition of Fathers , or Phrase and propriety of Languag● , in which either of them were first written , or to the scope of the Author , or the * Causes of the thing uttered , or the Conference with like † Places , or the Antecedents ‖ and Consequents of the same Places : * or the Exposition of the dark and doubtful Places of Scripture by the undoubted and manifest . With divers other Rules given for the true knowledge and understanding of Scripture , which do frequently occur in † S. Augustine . No , none of these , or the like helps : That , with them , were to admit a Private Spirit , or to make way for it . But their final Answer is , They know it to be so , because the present Roman Church witnesseth it , according to Tradition . So arguing , ● primo ad ultimum , from first to last ; the Present Church of Rome and her Followers believe her own Doctrine and Tradition to be true and Catholike , because she professes it to be such . And if this be not to prove idem per idem , the same by the same , I know not what is : which , though it be most absurd in all kind of Learning , yet out of this I see not how 't is possible to winde themselves , so long as the last resolution of their Faith must rest ( as they teach ) upon the Tradition of the present Church only . Num. 6 It seems therefore to me very necessary , * that we be able to prove the Books of Scripture to be the Word of God , by some Authority that is absolutely Divine . For if they be warranted unto us by any Authority less than Divine , then all things contained in them ( which have no greater assurance than the Scripture , in which they are read ) are not Objects of Divine belief . And that once granted , will enforce us to yield , That all the Articles of Christian Belief have no greater assurance than Humane , or Moral Faith , or Credulity can afford . An Authority then simply Divine must make good the Scriptures Infallibility , at least in the last Resolution of our Faith in that Point . This Authority cannot be any Testimony , or Voice of the * Church alone . For the Church consists of men subject to Error ; And no one of them , since the Apostles times , hath been assisted with so plentiful a measure of the Blessed Spirit , as to secure him from being deceived ; And all the Parts , being all liable to mistaking , and fallible , the Whole cannot possibly be Infallible , in , and of it self , and priviledged from being deceived in some Things , or other . And even in those Fundamental Things , in which the Whole Universal Church neither doth , nor can Erre ; yet even there her Authority is not Divine , because She delivers those supernatural Truths by Promise of Assistance , yet tyed to Means : And not by any special immediate Revelation , which is necessarily required to the very least Degree of Divine Authority . And therefore our † Worthies do not only say , but prove ▪ That all the Churches Constitutions are of the nature of Humane Law. * And some among you , not unworthy for their Learning , prove it at large , That all the Churches Testimony , or Voyce , or Sentence ( call it what you will ) is but suo modo , or aliquo modo , not simply , but in a manner Divine . Yea , and A. C. himself , after all his debate comes to that , and no further , That the Tradition of the Church is , at least in some sort , Divine and Infallible . Now that which is Divine but in a sort or manner , be it the Churches manner , is aliquo modo non Divina , in a sort not Divine . But this Great Principle of Faith ( the Ground and Proof of whatsoever else is of Faith ) cannot stand firm upon a Proof that is , and is not ; in a manner , and not in a manner Divine ; As it must , if we have no other Anchor than the External Tradition of the Church to lodge it upon , and hold it steddy in the midst of those waves , which daily beat upon it . Num. 7 Now here A. C. confesses expresly , That to prove the Books of Scripture to be Divine , we must be warranted by that which is Infallible . He confesses farther , that there can be no sufficient Infallible Proof of this , but Gods Word , written , or unwritten . And he gives his Reason for it : Because if the Proof be meerly Humane , and Fallible , the Science or Faith which is built upon it , can be no better . So then this is agreed on by me , ( yet leaving other men to travel by their own way , so be they can come to make Scripture thereby Infallible ) That Scripture must be known to be Scripture by a sufficient , Infallible , Divine Proof . And that such Proof can be nothing but the Word of God , is agreed on also by me . Yea , and agreed on for me it shall be likewise , that Gods Word may be written and unwritten . For Cardinal * Bellarmine tells us truly , that it is not the writing , or printing , that make Scripture the Word of God ; but it is the Prime Unerring Essential Truth , God himself , uttering , and revealing it to his Church , that makes it Verbum Dei , the Word of God. And this Word of God is uttered to men , either immediately by God himself , Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , and so 't was to the Prophets and Apostles : Or mediately , either by Angels , to whom God had spoken first , and so the Law was given , * Gal. 3. and so also the Message was delivered to the Blessed Virgin , † S. Luke 1. or by the Prophets ‖ and Apostles , and so the Scriptures were delivered to the Church . But their being written , gave them no Authority at all , in regard of themselves . Written or Unwritten , the Word was the same . But it was written , that it might be the better * preserved , and continued with the more integrity to the use of the Church , and the more faithfully in our † Memories . And you have been often enough told ( were truth , and not the maintaining of a party , the thing you seek for ) that if you will shew us any such unwritten word of God delivered by his Prophets and Apostles , we will acknowledge it to be Divine and Infallible . So , written , or unwritten , that shall not stumble us . But then A. C. must not tell us , at least not think we shall swallow it into our Belief , That every thing which he says is the unwritten Word of God , is so indeed . Num. 8 I know Bellarmine hath written a whole Book * De verbo Dei non scripto , of the Word of God not written ; in which he handles the Controversie concerning Traditions . And the Cunning is , to make his weaker Readers believe , that all that , which He , and his are pleased to call Traditions , are by and by no less to be received , and honoured , than the unwritten Word of God ought to be . Whereas 't is a thing of easie knowledge , That the unwritten Word of God and Tradition , are not Convertible Terms , that is , are not all one . For there are many Unwritten Words of God , which were never delivered over to the Church , for ought appears : And there are many Traditions ( affirmed , at least to be such by the Church of Rome ) which were never warranted by any Unwritten Word of God. Num. 9 First , That there are many Unwritten Words of God which were never delivered over to the Church , is manifest . For when , or where were the words , which Christ spake to his Apostles , during the * forty days of his Conversing with them after his Resurrection , first delivered over to the Church ? or what were the Unwritten Words he then spake ? If neither He , nor His Apostles , or Evangelists have delivered them to the Church , the Church ought not to deliver them to her Children . Or if she do * tradere non traditions , make a Tradition of that , which was not delivered to her , and by some of Them ; then She is unfaithful to God , and doth not servare depositum , faithfully keep that which is committed to her Trust. † 1 Tim. 6. And her Sons , which come to know it , are not bound to obey her Tradition against the ‖ Word of their Father . For wheresoever Christ holds his peace , or that his words are not Registred , I am of S. * Augustines Opinion , No man may dare without rashness say they were these , or these . So , there were many Unwritten Words of God , which were never delivered over to the Church ; and therefore never made Tradition . And there are many Traditions , which cannot be said to be the Unwritten Word of God. For I believe , a Learned Romanist , that will weigh before he speaks , will not easily say , That to Anoint , or use Spittle in Baptism : or to use three Dippings in the use of that Sacrament : or divers other like Traditions , had their Rise from any Word of God unwritten : Or if he be so hardy as to say so , 't is gratis dictum , and he will have enough to do to prove it . So , there may be an Unwritten Word of God , which is no Tradition . And there are many Traditions , which are no Unwritten Word of God. Therefore Tradition must be taken two ways . Either , as it is the Churches Act delivering , or the Thing thereby delivered ; and then 't is Humane Authority , or from it , and unable infallibly to warrant Divine Faith , or to be the Object of it . Or else as it is the Unwritten Word of God : and then where ever it can be made to appear so , 't is of divine and infallible Authority , no Question . But then I would have A. C. consider where he is in this Particular . He tells us , We must know infallibly , that the Books of Holy Scripture are Divine , and that this must be done by Unwritten Tradition , but so , as that this Tradition is the Word of God unwritten . Now let him but prove that this , or any Tradition , which the Church of Rome stands upon , is the Word of God , though unwritten , and the business is ended . But A. C. must not think , that because the Tradition of the Church tells me these Books are Verbum Dei , Gods Word ; and that I do both honour and believe this Tradition ; That therefore this Tradition it self is Gods Word too ; and so absolutely sufficient and infallible to work this Belief in me . Therefore for ought A. C. hath yet added , we must on with our Inquiry after this great Business , and most necessary Truth . Num. 10 2. For the second way of proving , That Scripture should be fully and sufficiently known , as by Divine and Infallible Testimony , Lumine proprio , by the resplendencie of that Light , which it hath in it self only , and by the witness that it can so give to it self , I could never yet see cause to allow . * For as there is no place in Scripture that tells us , Such Books containing such and such Particulars are the Canon , and Infallible Will and Word of God : So if there were any such place , that were no sufficient proof ; For a man may justly ask another Book to bear witness of that ; and again of that another ; and where ever it were written in Scripture , that must be a part of the Whole . And no created thing can alone give witness to it self , and make it evident , nor one part testifie for another , and satisfie where Reason will but offer to contest . Except those Principles only of Natural knowledge , which appear manifest by intuitive light of understanding , without any Discourse . And yet they also to the weaker sort require Induction preceding . Now this Inbred light of Scripture is a thing coincident with Scripture it self : and so , the Principles , and the Conclusion in this kind of proof should be entirely the same , which cannot be . Besides , if this inward Light were so clear , how could there have been any variety among the Ancient Believers touching the Authority of S. * James , and S. Jude's Epistles , and the † Apocalyps , with other Books which were not received for divers years after the rest of the New Testament ? For certainly , the Light which is in the Scripture , was the same then , which now it is . And how could the Gospel of S. Bartholomew , of S. Thomas , and other counterfeit pieces , obtain so much credit with some , as to be received into the Canon , if the evidence of this Light were either Universal , or Infallible , of , and by it self ? And this , though I cannot approve , yet methinks , you may , and upon probable grounds at least . For I hope no † Romanist will deny , but that there is as much light in Scripture to manifest , and make ostension of it self to be infallibly the written Word of God , as there is in any Tradition of the Church , that it is Divine , and infallibly the Unwritten Word of God. And the Scriptures saying from the mouths of the Prophets , * Thus saith the Lord , and from the mouths of the † Apostles , that the Holy Ghost spake by them , are at least as able , and as fit to bear witness to their own Verity ; as the Church is to bear witness to her own Traditions , by bare saying they come from the Apostles . And your selves would never go to the Scripture , to prove that there are Traditions , ‖ as you do , if you did not think the Scripture as easie to be discovered by inbred light in it self , as Traditions by their light . And if this be so , then it is as probable at the least ( which some of ours affirm ) That Scripture may be known to be the Word of God , by the Light and Lustre which it hath in it self , as it is ( which you * affirm ) That a Tradition may be known to be such , by the light which it hath in it self : which is an excellent Proposition to make sport withal , were this an Argument to be handled merrily . Num. 11 3. For the third Opinion , and way of proving ; either some think , that there is no sufficient warrant for this , unless they fetch it from the Testimony of the Holy Ghost , and so look in vain after special Revelations , and make themselves by this very Conceit , obnoxious , and easie to be led by all the whisperings of a seducing private spirit ; or else you would fain have them think so . For your side , both upon this , and other Occasions , do often challenge , That we resolve all our Faith into the Dictates of a * private Spirit ; from which we shall ever prove our selves as free , if not freer than you . To the Question in hand then : Suppose it agreed upon , that there must be a † Divine Faith , cui subesse non potest falsum , under which can rest no possible errour , That the Books of Scripture are the written Word of God : If they which go to the testimony of the Holy Ghost for proof of this , do mean by Faith , Objectum Fidei , the Object of Faith that is to be believed , then , no question , they are out of the ordinary way . For God never sent us by any word or warrant of his , to look for any such special , and private Testimony to prove which that Book is , that we must believe . But if by Faith they mean , the Habit ; or Act of Divine infused Faith , by which vertue they do believe the Credible Object , and thing to be believed ; then their speech is true , and confessed by all Divines of all sorts . For Faith is the gift * of God , of God alone , and an infused † Habit , in respect whereof the Soul is meerly recipient ; And therefore the sole Infuser , the Holy Ghost must not be excluded from that work , which none can do , but He. For the Holy Ghost , as ‖ He first dictated the Scripture to the Apostles : * So did he not leave the Church in general , nor the true members of it in particular , without Grace to believe , what himself had revealed , and made Credible . So that Faith , as it is taken for the vertue of Faith , whether it be of this , or any other Article , † though it receive a kind of preparation , or Occasion of Beginning from the Testimony of the Church , as it proposeth , and induceth to the Faith ; yet it ends in God , revealing within , and teaching within , that which the Church preached without . For till the Spirit of God move the Heart of man , he cannot believe , be the Object never so Credible . The speech is true then , but quite ‖ out of the State of this Question : which inquires only after a sufficient means to make this Object Credible , and fit to be believed , against all impeachment of folly and temerity in Belief , whether men do actually believe it or not . For which no man may expect inward private Revelation , without the external means of the Church , unless perhaps the * case of Necessity be excepted , when a man lives in such a time and place as excludes him from all ordinary means ; in which I dare not offer to shut up God from the Souls of men , nor to tye him to those ordinary ways and means , to which yet in great wisdom and providence He hath tied and bound all mankind . Num. 12 Private Revelation then hath nothing ordinarily to do , to make the Object Credible in this , That Scripture is the Word of God , or in any other Article . For the Question is of such outward , and evident means , as other men may take notice of , as well as our selves . By which if there arise any Doubting , or Infirmity in the Faith , others may strengthen us , or we afford means to support them : Whereas the * , Testimony of the Spirit , and all private Revelation is within , nor felt , nor seen of any , but him that hath it . So that hence can be drawn no proof to others . And Miracles are not sufficient alone to prove it , unless both They ▪ and the Revelation too , agree with the Rule of Scripture ▪ which is now an unalterable Rule by † man , or Angel. To all this A. C. says nothing , save that I seem not to admit of an Infallible Impulsion of a private Spirit , ex parte subjecti , without any infallible Reason , and that sufficiently applied ex parte objecti , which if I did admit , would open a gap to all Enthusiasms , and dreams of fanatical men . Now for this yet I thank him . For I do not only seem not to admit , but I do most clearly reject this phrensie in the words going before . Num. 13 4. The last way , which gives * Reason leave to come in , and prove what it can , may not justly be denied by any reasonable man. For though Reason without Grace cannot see the way to Heaven , nor believe this Book , in which God hath written the way ; yet Grace is never placed but in a reasonable Creature , and proves by the very seat , which it hath taken up , that the end it hath , is to be spiritual eye-water , to make Reason see what by † Nature only it cannot , but never to blemish Reason in that , which it can comprehend . Now the use of Reason is very general ; and man ( do what he can ) is still apt to search and seek for a Reason why he will believe , though after he once believes , his Faith grows ‖ stronger , than either his Reason , or his Knowledge : and great reason for this , because it goes higher , and so upon a safer Principle , than either of the other can in this life . Num. 14 In this Particular , the Books called the Scripture , are commonly and constantly reputed to be the Word of God , and so infallible Verity , to the least point of them . Doth any man doubt this ? The world cannot keep him from going to weigh it at the Balance of Reason , whether it be the Word of God , or not . To the same Weights he brings the Tradition of the Church , the inward motives in Scripture it self , all Testimonies within , which seem to bear witness to it ; and in all this , there is no harm : the danger is , when a man will use no other Scale , but Reason , or prefer Reason before any other Scale . For the Word of God , and the Book containing it , refuse not to be weighed by * Reason . But the Scale is not large enough to contain , nor the Weights to measure out the true vertue , and full force of either . Reason then can give no supernatural ground , into which a man may resolve his Faith , That Scripture is the Word of God infallibly ; yet Reason can go so high , as it can prove that Christian Religion , which rests upon the Authority of this Book , stands upon surer grounds of Nature , Reason , common Equity , and Justice , than any thing in the World , which any Infidel , or meer Naturalist , hath done , doth , or can adhere unto , against it , in that which he makes , accounts , or assumes as Religion to himself . Num. 15 The Ancient Fathers relied upon the Scriptures , no Christians more ; and having to do with Philosophers ( men very well seen in all the subtilties , which Natural Reason could teach , or learn ) They were often put to it , and did as often make it good , That they had sufficient warrant to rely , so much as They did , upon Scripture . In all which Disputes , because they were to deal with Infidels , they did labour to make good the Authority of the Book of God by such Arguments , as Unbelievers themselves could not but think reasonable , if they weighed them with indifferencie . For though I set the Mysteries of Faith above Reason , which is their proper place ; yet I would have no man think They contradict Reason , or the Principles thereof . No sure . For Reason by her own light can discover how firmly the Principles of Religion are true : But all the Light she hath will never be able to find them false . Nor may any man think that the Principles of Religion , even this , That Scriptures are the Word of God , are so indifferent to a Natural eye , that it may with as just cause lean to one part of the Contradiction , as to the other . For though this Truth , That Scripture is the Word of God , is not so demonstratively evident , à priori , as to enforce Assent : yet it is strengthen'd so abundantly with probable Arguments , both from the Light of Nature it self , and Humane Testimony , that he must be very wilful , and self-conceited , that shall dare to suspect it . Num. 16 Nay , yet farther , * It is not altogether impossible to prove it even by Reason , a Truth infallible , or else to make them deny some apparent Principle of their own . For Example : It is an apparent Principle , and with them , That God , or the Absolute prime Agent , cannot be forced out of any Possession . For if He could be forced by another Greater , He were neither Prince , nor Absolute , nor † God , in their own Theologie . Now they must grant , That that God , and Christ , which the Scripture teaches , and we believe , is the only true God , and no other with him , and so deny the Deity , which they worshipped , or else deny their own Principle about the Deity , That God cannot be commanded , and forced out of possession : For ‖ their Gods , Saturn , and Serapis , and Jupiter himself , have been adjured by the Name of the true , and only God , and have been forced out of the bodies they possessed , and confessed themselves to be foul and seducing Devils . And their Confession was to be supposed true , in point of Reason : For they that were adored as Gods , would never belie themselves into Devils , to their own reproach , especially in the presence of them that worshipped them , were they not forced . This , many of the Unbelievers saw ; therefore they could not ( in very force of Reason ) but they must either deny their God , or deny their Principle in Nature . Their long Custome would not forsake their God , and their Reason could not forget their Principle . If Reason therefore might judge among them , they could not worship any thing that was under Command . And if it be reasonable to do , and believe this , then why not reasonable also to believe , That Scripture is his Word , given to teach himself , and Christ , since there they find Christ * doing that , and † giving power to do it after , which themselves saw executed upon their Devil-Gods ? Num. 17 Besides , whereas all other written Laws have scarce had the honour to be duly observed , or constantly allowed worthy approbation in the Particular places , where they have been established for Laws ; this Law of Christ , and this Canon of Scripture the container of it , is , or hath been received in almost * all Nations under Heaven . And wheresoever it hath been received , it hath been both approved for Unchangeable good ; and believed for Infallible verity . This perswasion could not have been wrought in men of all sorts , but by working upon their Reason , unless we shall think all the World unreasonable , that received it . And certainly God did not give this admirable faculty of Reasoning to the Soul of man , for any cause more prime than this , to discover , or to Judge and allow ( within the Sphere of its own Activity , and not presuming farther ) of the way to Himself , when and howsoever it should be discovered . Num. 18 One great thing that troubled Rational men , was that which stumbled the Manichee ( an Heresie it was , but more than half Pagan ) namely , That somewhat must be believed , before much could be known . Wise men use not to believe , but what they know : And the Manichee * scorned the Orthodox Christian , as light of Belief ; promising to lead no Disciple after him , but upon evident knowledge . This stumbles many ; but yet the Principle , That somewhat must be believed , before much can be known , stands firm in Reason still . For if in all Sciences there be some Principles , which cannot be proved ; if Reason be able to see this , and confess it ; if almost all Artists have granted it ; if in the Mathematicks , where are the Exactest Demonstrations , there be Quaedam postulata , some things to be first Demanded , and granted , before the Demonstration can proceed : Who can justly deny that to Divinity , A Science of the Highest Object , God Himself , which he easily and reasonably grants to inferiour Sciences , which are more within his reach ? And as all Sciences suppose some Principles without proving ; so have they almost all , some Text , some Authority , upon which they rely in some measure ; and it is Reason they should . For though these Sciences make not their Texts Infallible , as Divinity doth ; yet full consent , and prudent Examination , and long continuance , have won reputation to them , and setled reputation upon them , very deservedly . And were these Texts more void of Truth than they are , yet it were fit , and reasonable to uphold their credit , that Novices , and young Beginners in a Science , which are not able to work strongly upon Reason , nor Reason upon them , may have Authority to believe , till they can learn to Conclude from Principles , and so to know . Is this also reasonable in other Sciences , and shall it not be so in Theology , to have a Text , a Scripture , a Rule , which Novices may be taught first to believe , that so they may after come to the knowledge of those things , which out of this rich Principle , and * Treasure are Deduceable ? I yet see not how right Reason can deny these Grounds ; and if it cannot , then a meer Natural man may be thus far convinced , That the Text of God is a very Credible Text. Num. 19 Well , these are the four ways , by most of which , men offer to prove the Scripture to be the Word of God , as by a Divine and Infallible Warrant . And , it seems , no one of these doth it alone . The Tradition of the present Church is too weak , because that is not absolutely Divine . The Light which is in Scripture it self , is not bright enough , it cannot bear sufficient witness to it self . The Testimony of the Holy Ghost , that is most infallible , but ordinarily it is not so much as considerable in this Question , which is not , how , or by what means we believe , but how the Scripture may be proposed as a Credible Object , fit for Belief . And for Reason , no man expects , that that should prove it ; it doth service enough , if it enable us to disprove that which misguided men conceive against it . If none of these then be an Absolute and sufficient means to prove it , either we must find out another , or see what can be more wrought out of these . And to all this again A. C. says nothing . For the Tradition of the Church then , certain it is , we must distinguish the Church , before we can judge right of the Validity of the Tradition . For if the speech be of the Prime Christian Church , the Apostles , Disciples , and such as had immediate Revelation from Heaven ; no question , but the Voyce and Tradition of this Church is Divine , not aliquo modo , in a sort , but simply ; and the Word of God from them , is of like Validity , written , or delivered . And against this Tradition ( of which kind this ▪ That the Books of Scripture are the Word of God , is the most general and uniform ) the Church of England never excepted . And when S. * Augustine said , I would not believe the Gospel , unless the Authority of the Catholike Church moved me , ( which Place you urged at the Conference , though you are now content to slide by i● ) some of your own will not endure should be understood , save † of the Church in the time of the Apostles only : and ‖ some of the Church in General , not excluding after-ages . But sure to include Christ , and his Apostles . And the certainty is there , abundance of certainty in it self : but how far that is evident to us , shall after appear . Num. 21 But this will not serve your turn . The Tradition of the present Church must be as Infallible , as that of the Primitive . But the contrary to this is proved * before , because this Voyce of the present Church , is not simply Divine . To what end then serves any Tradition of the present Church ? To what ? Why to a very good end . For first , it serves by a full consent to work upon the minds of unbelievers , to move them to read , and to consider the Scripture , which ( they hear by so many Wise , Learned , and Devou● men ) is of no meaner esteem than the Word of God. And secondly , It serves among Novices , Weakings , and Doubters in the Faith , to instruct , and confirm them , till they may acquaint themselves with , and understand the Scripture , which the Church delivers as the Word of God. And thus again some of your own understand the fore-cited Place of St. Augustine , I would not believe the Gospel , &c. * For he speaks it either of Novices , or Doubters in the Faith , or else of such as were in part Infidels . You at the Conference ( though you omit it here ) would needs have it , that S. Augustine spake even of the † faithful , which I cannot yet think : For he speaks to the Manichees , and they had a great part of the Infidel in them . And the words immediately before these , are , If thou shouldest ●ind one , Qui Evangelio nondum credit , which did not yet believe the Gospel , what wouldest thou do to make him believe ? ‖ Ego verò non , Truly I would not , &c. So to these two ends it serves , and there need be no Question between us . But then every thing , that is the first Inducer to believe , is not by and by either the Principal Motive , or the chief , and last Object of Belief , upon which a man may rest his Faith. Unless we shall be of * Jacobu● Almain's Opinion ▪ That we are per pri●● & magis , first and more bound to believe the Church , than the Gospel . Which your own Learned men , as you may see by ● Mel. Canus , reject as Extreme ●oul , † and so indeed it is . The first knowledge then ( after the Quid Nomin●● is known by Grammar ) that helps to open a mans understanding , and prepares him to be able to Demonstrate a Truth , and make it evident , is his Logick : But when he hath made a Demonstration , he resolves the knowledge of his Conclusion , not into his Grammatical , or Logical Principles , but into the Immediate Principles out of which it is deduced . So in thi● Particular , a man is probably led by the Authority of the present Church , as by the first informing , inducing , perswading Means , to believe the Scripture to be the Word of God : but when he hath studied , considered , and compared this Word with it self , and with other Writings , with the help of Ordinary Grace , and a mind morally induced , and reasonably perswaded by the Voyce of the Church ; the Scripture then gives greater and higher reasons of Credibility to it self , then Tradition alone could give . And then he that Believes , resolves his last and full Assent , That Scripture is of Divine Authority , into internal Arguments found in the Letter it self , though found by the Help and Direction of Tradition without , and Grace within . And the resolution that is rightly grounded , may not endure to pitch , and rest it self upon the Helps , but upon that Divine Light , which the Scripture , no Question , hath in it self , but is not kindled , till these Helps come ▪ Thy Word is a Light * : so David . A Light ? Therefore it is as much manifestati●um sui , as al●eri●s , a manifestation to it self , as to other things which it shews : but still , not till the Candle be Lighted ; not till there hath been a Preparing Instruction , What Light it is ▪ Children call the Sun and Moon , Candles ; Gods Candles : They see the light as well as men , but cannot distinguish between them , till some Tradition , and Education hath informed their Reason . And * animalis homo , the natural man , sees some Light of Moral counsel , and instruction in Scripture , as well as Believers ; But he takes all that glorious Lustre for Candle-light , and cannot distinguish between the Sun , and twelve to the Pound , till Tradition of the Church , and Gods Grace put to it , have cleared his understanding . So Tradition of the present Church , is the first Moral Motive to Belief . But the Belief it self , That the Scripture is the Word of God , rests † upon the Scripture , when a man finds it to answer , and exceed all that , which the Church gave in Testimony , as will after appear . And as in the Voyce of the Primitive and Apostolical Church , there was ‖ simply Divine Authority , delivering the Scripture , as Gods Word ; so , after Tradition of the present Church hath taught , and informed the Soul , the Voyce of God i● plainly heard in Scripture it self . And then here 's double Authority , and both Divine , that confirms Scripture to be the Word of God , Tradition of the Apostles delivering it ; And the internal worth and argument in the Scripture , obvious to a Soul prepared by the present Churches Tradition , and Gods Grace . Num. 22 The Difficulties which are pretended against this , are not many , and they will easily vanish . For first , you pretend , we go to Private Revelations for Light to know Scripture . No , we do not , you see it is excluded out of the very state of the Question : and we go to the Tradition of the present Church , and by it , as well as you . Here we differ ; we use the Tradition of the present Church , as the first Motive , not as the Last Resolution of our Faith. We Resolve only into * Prime Tradition Apostolical , and Scripture it self . Num. 23 Secondly , you pretend , we do not , nor cannot know the prime Apostolical Tradition , but by the Tradition of the present Church ; and that therefore , if the Tradition of the present Church be not Gods unwritten Word , and Divine , we cannot yet know Scripture to be Scripture , by a Divine Authority . Well I Suppose I could not know the prime Tradition to be Divine , but by the present Church , yet it doth not follow , that therefore I cannot know Scripture to be the Word of God by a Divine Authority ; because Divine Tradition is not the sole , and only means to prove it . For suppose , I had not , nor could have full assurance of Apostolical Tradition Divine ; yet the moral perswasion , reason , and force of the present Church , is ground enough to move any reasonable man , that it is fit he should read the Scripture , and esteem very reverently and highly of it . And this once done , the Scripture hath then , In , and Home-Arguments enough to put a Soul , that hath but ordinary Grace , out of Doubt , That Scripture is the Word of God , Infallible and Divine . Num. 24 Thirdly , you pretend , that we make the Scripture absolutely , and fully to be known Lumine suo , by the Light and Testimony which it hath in , and gives to it self . Against this , you give reason for your selves , and proof from us . Your Reason is , If there be sufficient Light in Scripture to shew it self , then every man that can , and doth but read it , may know it presently to be the Divine Word of God ; which we see by daily experience , men neither do , nor can . First , it is not absolutely , nor universally true , There is * sufficient Light ; therefore every man may see it . Blinde men are men , and cannot see it ; and † sensual men , in the Apostles judgment , are such : Nor may we deny , and put out this Light , as insufficient , because blind eyes cannot , and perverse eyes will not see it ; no more than we may deny meat to be sufficient for nourishment , though men that are heart-sick , cannot eat it . Next , we do not say , That there is such a full light in Scripture , as that every man upon the first sight must yeeld to it ; such Light as is found in Prime Principles ; Every whole is greater than a Part of the same ; and this , The same thing cannot be , and not be , at the same time , and in the same respect . These carry a natural Light with them , and evident : for the Terms are no sooner understood , then the Principles themselves are fully known , to the convincing of mans understanding , and so they are the beginning of knowledge ; which , where it is perfect , dwells in full Light : but such a full Light we do neither say is , nor require to be in Scripture ; and if any particular man do , let him answer for himself . The Question is , only of such a Light in Scripture , as is of force to breed faith , that it is the Word of God ; not to make a perfect knowledge . Now Faith , of whatsoever it is , this or other Principle , is an Evidence * , as well as Knowledge ; and the Belief is firmer than any Knowledge can be , because it rests upon Divine Authority , which cannot deceive ; whereas Knowledge ( or at least he that thinks he knows ) is not ever certain in Deductions from Principles . † But the Evidence is not so clear : For it is ‖ of things not seen , in regard of the Object ; and in regard of the Subject that sees , it is in * aenigmate , in a Glass , or dark speaking . Now God doth not require a full Demonstrative Knowledge in us , that the Scripture is his Word , and therefore in his Providence hath kindled in it no Light for that , but he requires our Faith of it , and such a certain Demonstration , as may fit that . And for that , he hath left sufficient Light in Scripture to Reason and Grace meeting , where the Soul is morally prepared by the Tradition of the Church ; unless you be of Bellarmine's † Opinion , That to believe there are any Divine Scriptures , is not omninò necessary to Salvation . Num. 25 The Authority which you pretend against this , is out of * Hooker : Of things necessary , the very chiefest is to know , what Books we are bound to esteem Holy ; which Point is confessed impossible for the Scripture it self to teach . Of this † Brierly ( the Store-house for all Priests that will be idle , and yet seem well read ) tell us , That * Hooker gives a very sensible Demonstration : It is not the Word of God , which doth , or possibly can assure us , that we do well to think it is his Word : for if any one Book of Scripture did give Testimony to all ; yet still that Scripture , which giveth credit to the rest , would require another to give credit unto it . Nor could we ever come to any pause , to rest our assurance this way : so that unless , beside Scripture , there were something that might assure , &c. And † this he acknowledgeth ( saith Brierly ) is the Authority of Gods Church . Certainly , Hooker gives a true , and a sensible Demonstration ; but Brierly wants fidelity , and integrity , in citing him : For in the first place , Hooker's speech is , Scripture it self cannot teach this ; nor can the Truth say , that Scripture it self can . It must needs ordinarily have Tradition , to prepare the mind of a man to receive it . And in the next place , where he speaks so sensibly , That Scripture cannot bear witness to it self , nor one part of it to another ; that is grounded upon Nature , which admits no created thing to be witness to it self ; and is acknowledged by our Saviour , ‖ If I bear witness to my self , my witness is not true , that is , is not of force to be reasonably accepted for Truth . But then it is more than manifest , that Hooker delivers his Demonstration of Scripture alone . For if Scripture hath another proof , nay many other proofs to usher it , and lead it in , then no Question , it can both prove , and approve it self . His words are , So that unless , besides Scripture , there be , &c. Besides Scripture ; therefore he excludes not Scripture , though he call for another Proof to lead it in , and help in assurance , namely , Tradition , which no man , that hath his brains about him , denies . In the two other Places , Brierly falsifies shamefully ; for folding up all that Hooker says , in these words ; This ( other means to assure us besides Scripture ) is the Authority of Gods Church ; he wrinkles that Worthy Author desperately , and shrinks up his meaning . For in the former place abused by Brierly , no man can set a better state of the Question between Scripture , and Tradition , than Hooker doth : * His words are these : The Scripture is the ground of our Belief ; The Authority of man ( that is the Name he gives to Tradition ) is the Koy which opens the door of entrance into the knowledge of the Scripture . I ask now ; When a man is entred , and hath viewed a house , and upon viewing likes it , and upon liking resolves unchangeably to dwell there ; doth he set up his Resolution upon the Key , that let him in ? No sure ; but upon the Goodness and Commodiousness , which he sees in the House . And this is all the difference ( that I know ) between us in this Point ; In which , do you grant ( as you ought to do ) that we resolve our Faith into Scripture as the Ground ; and we will never deny , that Tradition is the Key that lets us in . In the latter place , Hooker is as plain , as constant to himself , and Truth : * His words are : The first outward Motive , leading men so to esteem of the Scripture , is the Authority of Gods Church , &c. But afterwards , the more we bestow our Labour in reading , or learning the Mysteries thereof , the more we find that the thing it self doth answer our received opinion concerning it : so that the former inducement prevailing somewhat with us before , doth now much more prevail , when the very thing hath ministred farther Reason . Here then again , in his Judgment , Tradition is the first Inducement ; but the farther Reason , and Ground , is the Scripture . And Resolution of Faith ever settles upon the Farthest Reason it can , not upon the First Inducement . So that the State of this Question is firm , and yet plain enough , to him that will not shut his eyes . Num. 26 Now here after a long silence A. C. thrusts himself in again , and tells me , That if I would consider the Tradition of the Church , not only as it is the Tradition of a Company of Fallible men , in which sense the Authority of it ( as himself confesses ) is but Humane , and Fallible , &c. But as the Tradition of a Company of men assisted by Christ , and his Holy Spirit ; in that sense I might easily sinde it more than an Introduction , indeed as much as would amount to an Infallible Motive . Well , I have considered The Tradition of the present Church both these ways . And I find that A. C. confesses , That in the first sense , the Tradition of the Church is meer humane Authority , and no more . And therefore in this sense , it may serve for an Introduction to this Belief , but no more . And in the second sense , as it is not the Tradition of a Company of men only , but of men assisted by Christ , and His Spirit : In this second sense I cannot finde , that the Tradition of the present Church is of Divine and Infallible Authority , till A. C. can prove , That this Company of men ( the Roman Prelates , and their Clergy he means ) are so fully , so clearly , so permanently assisted by Christ , and his Spirit , as may reach to Infallibility , to a Divine Infallibility , in this , or any other Principle , which they teach . For every Assistance of Christ , and the Blessed Spirit , is not enough to make the Authority of any Company of men Divine , and infallible ; but such and so great an Assistance only , as is purposely given to that effect . Such an Assistance the Prophets under the Old Testament , and the Apostles under the New had ; but neither the High-Priest with his Clergy in the Old , nor any Company of Prelates , or Priests in the New , since the Apostles , ever had it . And therefore , though at the intreaty of A. C. I have considered this very well ; yet I cannot , no not in this Assisted sense , think the Tradition of the present Church , Divine and Infallible , or such Company of men to be worthy of Divine and infallible Credit , and sufficient to breed in us Divine , and Infallible Faith ▪ Which I am sorry A. C. should affirm so boldly as he doth . What ? That Company of men ( the Roman Bishop , and his Clergy ) of Divine and Infallible Credit , and sufficient to breed in us Divine and Infallible Faith ? Good God! Whither will these men go ? Surely , they are wise in their generation , but that makes them never a whit the more the Children of Light * : S. Luk. 16. And could they put this home upon the world ) as they are gone far in it ) what might they not effect ? How might they , and would they then Lord it over the Faith of Christendom , contrary to † S. Peters Rule ( whose Successors certainly in this they are not . ) But I pray , if this Company of men be infallibly assisted , whence is it , that this very Company have erred so dangerously , as they have , not only in some other things , but even in this Particular , by equaling the Tradition of the present Church to the written Word of God ? Which is a Doctrine unknown to the ‖ Primitive Church , and which frets upon the very Foundation it self , by justling with it . So belike , he that hath but half an indifferent eye , may see this Assisted Company have erred , and yet we must wink in obedience , and think them Infallible . Num. 27 But A. C. would have me consider again , That it is as easie to take the Tradition of the present Church in the two fore-named senses , as the present Scriptures printed , and approved by men of this Age. For in the first sense , The very Scriptures ( saith he ) considered as printed , and approved by men of this Age , can be no more than of Humane Credit . But in the second sense , as printed and approved by men assisted by God's Spirit for true Copies of that which was first written , then we may give Infallible Credit to them . Well . I have considered this too . And I can take the Printing , and Approving the Copies of Holy-Writ in these two senses . And I can , and do make a difference between Copies printed and approved by meer moral men , and men assisted by Gods Spirit . And yet for the Printing only , a skilful , and an able moral man may do better service to the Church , than an illiterate man , though assisted in other things by God's Spirit . But when I have considered all this , what then ? The Scripture being put in writing , is a thing visibly existent ; and if any error be in the Print , 't is easily corrigible by * former Copies . Tradition is not so easily observed , nor so safely kept . And howsoever , to come home to that which A. C. infers upon it , namely , That the Tradition of the present Church may be accepted in these two senses : And if this be all that he will infer ( for his pen here is troubled , and forsakes him , whether by any check of Conscience , or no , I know not ) I will , and you see , have granted it already without more ado , with this Caution , That every Company of men assisted by Gods Spirit , are not assisted to this height , to be Infallible by Divine Authority . Num. 28 For all this A. C. will needs give a needless Proof of the Business : Namely , That there is the Promise of Christs , and his Holy Spirits continual presence and assistance , S. Luke 10. 16. Mat. 28. 19 , 20. Joh. 14. 16. not only to the Apostles , but to their Successors also , the lawfully sent Pastors , and Doctors of the Church in all Ages . And that this Promise is no less , but rather more expresly to them in their Preaching by word of mouth , than in writing , or reading , or printing , or approving of Copies of what was formerly written by the Apostles . And to all this I shall briefly say , That there is a Promise of Christ's and the Holy Spirits continual presence , and assistance . I do likewise grant most freely , that this Promise is on the part of Christ , and the Holy Ghost , most really and fully performed . But then this Promise must not be extended further than 't was made . It was made of Continual presence and assistance ; That I grant : and it was made to the Apostles and their Successors ; That I grant too . But in a different Degree . For it was of Continual , and Infallible Assistance to the Apostles ; But to their Successors , of Continual and fitting assistance , but not Infallible . And therefore the lawfully sent Pastors and Doctors of the Church in all Ages , have had , and shall have Continual Assistance ; but by A. C's leave , not Infallible , at least , not Divine and Infallible , either in writing , reading , printing , or approving Copies . And I believe A. C. is the first , that durst affirm this : I thought he would have kept the Popes Prerogative intire , that He only might have been Infallible ; and not He neither , but in Cathedrâ , sate down and well advised . And well advised : Yes , that 's right . * But he may be sate , and not well Advised , even in Cathedrâ . And Now , shall we have all the Lawfully sent Pasters and Doctors of that Church in all ages Infallible too ? Here 's a deal of Infallibility indeed , and yet error store . The truth is , the Jesuites have a Moneths mind to this Infallibility . And though A. C. out of his bounty is content to extend it to all the lawfully sent Pastors of the Church : yet to his own Society questionless he means it chiefly . As did the Apologist to whom Casaubon replies , to Fronto Ducaeus . The words of the * Apologist are : Let day and night — life and death be joyned together , and then there will be some hope , that Heresle may fall upon the person of a Jesuite . Yea marry , this is something indeed . Now we know where Infallibility is to be found . But for my present Occasion , touching the Lawfully sent Pastors of the Church , &c. I will give no other Confutation of it , then that M. Fisher and A. C. ( if they be two men ) are lawfully sent Pastors and Doctors of the Church ; at least I am sure , they 'll assume they are , and yet they are not Infallible ; which I think , appears plain enough in some of their errors manifested by this Discourse , and elsewhere . Or if they do hold themselves infallible , let them speak it out , as the Apologist did . Num. 29 As for the Three Places of Scripture , which A. C. cites , they are of old alledged , and well known in this Controversie . The First is in S. Luke 10. where Christ saith , He that heareth you , heareth me . This was absolutely true in the * Apostles , who kept themselves to that , which was reavealed by Christ. But it was to be but Conditionally true in their † Successors , He that heareth you , heareth me . That is , so long , and so ‖ far , as you * speak my words , and not your own . For † where the Command is for Preaching , the Restraint is added . Go ( saith Christ ) and teach all Nations . But you may not preach all things what you please ; but , all things which I have commanded you . The Publication is yours , the Doctrine is mine : And where the Doctrine is not mine , there your Publication is beyond or short of your Commission . The Second Place is in S. Mat. 28. There Christ says again , ‖ I am with you always unto the end of the world . Yes ; most certain it is , present by his Spirit ; For else in bodily presence He continued not with his Apostles , but during his abode on Earth . And this Promise of his Spiritual Presence was to their Successors ; else , why to the end of the World ? The Apostles , did not , could not live so long . But then to the * Successors , the Promise goes no farther , then I am with you always ; which reaches to continual assistance , but not to Divine , and Infallible . Or if he think me mistaken , let him shew me any One Father of the Church , that extends the sense of this Place to Divine and Infallible Assistance , granted hereby to all the Apostles Successors . Sure I am , Saint † Gregory thought otherwise . For he says plainly , That in those Gifts of God which concern other mens salvation ( of which Preaching of the Gospel is One ) the Spirit of Christ , the Holy Ghost doth not always abide in the Preachers , be they never so lawfully sent Pastors , or Doctors of the Church . And if the Holy Ghost doth not always abide in the Preachers , then most certainly he doth not abide in them to a Divine Infallibility always . The Third Place is in S. John 14 , where Christ says , The Comforter the Holy Ghost shall abide with you for ever . Most true again . For the Holy Ghost did abide with the Apostles according to Christs Promise there made , and shall abide with their Successors for ever , to ‖ comfort and preserve them . But here 's no Promise of Divine Infallibility made unto them . And for that Promise which is made , and expresly of Infallibility , Saint * John 16. ( though not cited by A. C. ) That 's confined to the Apostles only , for the setling of them in all Truth . And yet not simply all : For , there are some Truths ( saith † Saint Augustine ) which no mans Soul can comprehend in this life . Not simply all : But ‖ all those Truths , quae non poterant portare , which they were not able to bear , when He Conversed with them . Not simply all ; but all that was necessary for the Founding , propagating , establishing , and Confirming the Christian Church . But if any man take the boldness to inlarge this Promise in the fulness of it , beyond the persons of the Apostles themselves , that will fall out which Saint † Augustine hath in a manner prophecied : Every Heretick will shelter himself , and his Vanities under this Colour of Infallible Verity . Num. 30 I told you a * little before , that A. C. his Pen was troubled , and failed him : Therefore I will help to make out his Inference for him , that his Cause may have all the strength it can . And ( as I conceive ) this is that he would have . The Tradition of the present Church is as able to work in us Divine and Infallible Faith , That the Scripture is the Word of God : As that the Bible ( or Books of Scripture ) now printed , and in use , is a true Copy of that , which was first written , by the Pen-men of the Holy Ghost , and delivered to the Church . 'T is most true , the Tradition of the present Church is alike operative , and powerful in , and over both these works : but neither Divine , nor Infallible in either . But as it is the first moral Inducement to perswade , that Scripture is the Word of God , so is it also the first , but moral still , that the Bible we now have , is a true Copy of that which was first written . But then as in the former , so in this latter for the true Copy , The last Resolution of our Faith cannot possibly rest upon the naked Tradition of the present Church , but must by , and with it go higher to other Helps and Assurances . Where I hope A. C. will confess , we have greater helps to discover the truth , or falshood of a Copy , than we have means to look into a Tradition . Or especially to sift out this Truth , That it was a Divine and Infallible Revelation , by which the Originals of Scripture were first written : That being far more the Subject of this Inquiry , than the Copy , which according to Art and Science may be examined by former preceding Copies close up to the very Apostles times . Num. 31 But A. C. hath not done yet ; For in the last place he tells us , That Tradition and Scripture , without any vicious Circle , do mutually confirm the Authority either of other . And truly for my part , I shall easily grant him this , so he will grant me this other : Namely , That though they do mutually , yet they do not equally confirm the Authority either of other . For Scripture doth infallibly confirm the Authority of Church-Traditions truly so called : But Tradition doth but morally and probably confirm the Authority of the Scripture . And this is manifest by A. C.'s own Similitude : For ( saith he ) 't is as a Kings Embassadors word of mouth , and His Kings Letters bear mutual witness to each other . Just so indeed . For His Kings Letters of Credence under hand and seal , confirm the Embassadors Authority Infallibly to all that know Seal , and hand : But the Embassadors word of mouth confirms His Kings Letters but only probably . For else , Why are they called Letters of Credence , if they give not him more Credit , than he can give them ? But that which follows I cannot approve , to wit , That the Lawfully sent Preachers of the Gospel are Gods Legats , and the Scriptures Gods Letters , which he hath appointed his Legates to deliver , and expound . So far 't is well , but here 's the sting : That these Letters do warrant , that the People may hear , and give Credit to these Legates of Christ , as to Christ the King himself . Soft , this is too high a great deal . No * Legate was ever of so great Credit as the King himself . Nor was any Priest , never so lawfully sent , ever of that Authority , that Christ himself ; No sure , For ye call me Master , and Lord , and ye do well ; for so I am , saith our Saviour , S. John 13. And certainly , this did not suddenly drop out of A. C's Pen. For he told us once before , That this Company of men which deliver the present Churches Tradition , ( that is , the lawfully sent Preachers of the Church ) are assisted by Gods Spirit to have in them Divine and Infallible Authority , and to be worthy of Divine and Infallible Credit , sufficient to breed in us Divine , and Infallible Faith. Why , but is it possible these men should go thus far to defend an Error , be it never so dear unto them ? They as Christ ? Divine , and Infallible Authority in them ? Sufficient to breed in us Divine , and Infallible Faith ? I have often heard some wise men say , That the Jesuite in the Church of Rome , and the Precise party in the Reformed Churches agree in many things , though they would seem most to differ . And surely this is one : For both of them differ extremely about Tradition . The one in magnifying it , and exalting it into Divine Authority ; the other vilifying , and depressing it almost beneath Humane . And yet even in these different ways , both agree in this Consequent : That the Sermons and Preachings by word of mouth , of the lawfully sent Pastors and Doctors of the Church , are able to breed in us Divine and Infallible Faith , Nay , are the * very word of God. So A. C. expresly . And no less then so , have some accounted of their own factious words ( to say no more ) than as the † Word of God. I ever took Sermons ( and so do still ) to be most necessary Expositions , and Applications of Holy Scripture , and a great ordinary means of saving knowledge . But I cannot think them , or the Preachers of them Divinely Infallible . The Ancient Fathers of the Church preached far beyond any of these of either faction ; And yet no one of them durst think himself Infallible , much less , that whatsoever he preached was the Word of God. And it may be Observed too , That no men are more apt to say , That all the Fathers were but Men , and might Erre , than they that think their own preachings are Infallible . Num. 32 The next thing ( after this large Interpretation of A. C. ) which I shall trouble you with , is , That this method , and manner of proving Scripture to be the Word of God , which I here use , is the same , which the Ancient Church ever held , namely , Tradition , or Ecclesiastical Authority first ; and then all other Arguments , but especially internal , from the Scripture it self . This way the Church went in S. Augustine's * Time. He was no enemy to Church-Tradition ; yet when he would prove , that the Author of the Scripture ( and so of the whole knowledge of Divinity , as it is supernatural ) is Deus in Christo , God in Christ ; he takes this as the All-sufficient way , and gives four proofs , all internal to the Scripture : First , The Miracles . Secondly , That there is nothing carnal in the Doctrine , Thirdly , That there hath been such performance of it . Fourthly , That by such a Doctrine of Humility , the whole world almost hath been converted . And whereas àd muniendam Fidem , for the Defending of the Faith , and keeping it entire , there are two things requisite , Scripture , and Church-Tradition ; † Vincent . Lirinens . places Authority of Scriptures first , and then Tradition . And since it is apparent , that Tradition is first in order of time , it must necessarily follow , that Scripture is first in order of Nature , that is , the chief , upon which Faith rests , and resolves it self . And your own School confesses this was the way ever . The Woman of ‖ Samaria is a known Resemblance , but allowed by your selves : For * quotidiè , daily with them that are without , Christ enters by the woman , that is the Church , and they believe by that fame which she gives , &c. But when they come to hear Christ himself , they believe his word , before the words of the Woman . For when they have once found Christ , † they do more believe his words in Scripture , than they do the Church , which testifies of him ; because then propter illam , for the Scripture they believe the Church : And if the Church should speak contrary to the Scripture , they would not believe it . Thus the School taught then ; and thus the Gloss commented then ; And when men have tired themselves , hither they must come . The Key , that lets men in to the Scriptures , even to this knowledge of them , That they are the Word of God , is the Tradition of the Church : but when they are in , ‖ They hear Christ himself immediately speaking in Scripture to the Faithful : * And his sheep do not only hear , but know his voice . And then here 's no vicious Circle indeed of proving the Scripture by the Church , and then round about , the Church by the Scripture . Only distinguish the Times , and the Conditions of men , and all is safe . For a Beginner in the Faith , or a Weakling , or a Doubter about it , begins at Tradition , and proves Scripture by the Church : But a man strong and grown up in the Faith , and understandingly conversant in the Word of God , proves the Church by the Scripture ; And then upon the matter , we have a double Divine Testimonie , altogether Infallible , to confirm unto us , That Scripture is the Word of God. The first is the Tradition of the Church of the Apostles themselves , who delivered immediately to the world , the Word of Christ. The other , the Scripture it self , but after it hath received this Testimonie . And into these we do , and may safely Resolve our Faith. * As for the Tradition of after-Ages , in , and about which Miracles and Divine Power were not so evident , we believë them ( by Gandavo's full Confession ) because they do not preach other things than those former ( the Apostles ) left in scriptis certissimis , in most certain Scripture . And it appears by men in the middle Ages , that these writings were vitiated in nothing , by the concordant consent in them of all succeeders , to our own time . Num. 33 And now by this time it will be no hard thing to reconcile the Fathers , which seem to speak differently in no few places , both one from another , and the same from themselves , touching Scripture and Tradition ; And that as well in this Point , to prove Scripture to be the Word of God , as for concordant Exposition of Scripture in all things else . When therefore the Fathers say , † We have the Scriptures by Tradition , or the like ; either They mean the Tradition of the Apostles themselves delivering it ; and there , when it is known to be such , we may resolve our Faith. Or if they speak of the Present Church , then they mean , that the Tradition of it , is that by which we first receive the Scripture , as by an according Means to the Prime Tradition . But because it is not simply Divine , we cannot resolve our Faith into it , nor settle our Faith upon it , till it resolve it self into the Prime Tradition of the Apostles , or the Scripture , or both ; and there we rest with it . And you cannot shew an ordinary consent of Fathers : Nay can you , or any of your Quarter , shew any one Father of the Church , Greek , or Latine , that ever said , We are to resolve our Faith , that Scripture is the Word God , into the Tradition of the present Church ? And again , when the Fathers say , we are to rely upon Scripture * only , they are never to be understood with Exclusion of Tradition , in what causes soever it may be had , † Not but that the Scripture is abundantly sufficient , in , and to it self for all things , but because it is deep , and may be drawn into different senses , and so mistaken , if any man will presume upon his own strength , and go single without the Church . Num. 34 To gather up whatsoever may seem scattered in this long Discourse to prove , That Scripture is the Word of God , I shall now in the Last place put all together , that so the whole state of the Question may the better appear . First then , I shall desire the Reader to consider , that every Rational Science requires some Principles quite without its own Limits , which are not proved in that Science , but presupposed . Thus Rhetorick presupposes Grammar , and Musick Arithmetick . Therefore it is most reasonable that ‖ Theology should be allowed to have some Principles also , which she proves not , but presupposes . And the chiefest of these , is , That the Scriptures are of Divine Authority . Secondly , that there is a great deal of difference in the Manner of confirming the Principles of Divinity , and those of any other Art or Science whatsoever . For the Principles of all other Sciences do finally resolve , either into the Conclusions of some Higher Science ; or into those Principles which are per se nota , known by their own light , and are the Grounds and Principles of all Science . And this is it , which properly makes them Sciences , because they proceed with such strength of Demonstration , as forces Reason to yeeld unto them . But the Principles of Divinity resolve not into the Grounds of Natural Reason ( For then there would be no room for Faith , but all would be either Knowledge or Vision ) but into the Maximes of Divine Knowledge supernatural . And of this we have just so much light , and no more , than God hath revealed unto us in the Scripture . Thirdly , That though the Evidence of these Supernatural Truths , which Divinity teaches , appears not so manifest as that of the Natural ; * yet they are in themselves much more sure and infallible than they . For they proceed immediately from God , that Heavenly Wisdom , which being the fountain of ours , must needs infinitely precede ours , both in Nature and excellence . He that teacheth man knowledge , shall not be know ? * Psal. 94. And therefore , though we reach not the Order of their Deductions , nor can in this life come to the vision of them , yet we yeeld as full and firm Assent , not only to the Articles , but to all the Things rightly deduced from them , as we do to the most evident Principles of Natural Reason . This Assent is called Faith. And Faith being of things not seen , Heb. 11. † would quite lose its honour , nay it self , if it met with sufficient Grounds in Natural Reason , whereon to stay it self . For Faith is a mixed Act of the Will and the Understanding , and the ‖ Will inclines the Understanding to yeeld full approbation to that whereof it sees not full proof . Not but that there is most full proof of them , but because the main Grounds which prove them , are concealed from our view , and folded up in the unrevealed Counsel of God , God in Christ resolving to bring mankind to their last happiness by Faith , and not by knowledge , that so the weakest among men may have their way to blessedness open . And certain it is , that many weak men believe themselves into Heaven , and many over-knowing Christians lose their way thither , while they will believe no more than they can clearly know . In which pride and vanity of theirs they are left , and have these things hid from them , * S. Matth. 11. Fourthly , That the Credit of the Scripture , the Book in which the Principles of Faith are written , ( as of other writings also ) depends not upon the subservient Inducing Cause , that leads us to the first knowledge of the Author , which leader here is the Church ; but upon the Author himself , and the Opinion we have of his sufficiencie , which here is the Holy Spirit of God , whose Pen-men the Prophets and Apostles were . And therefore the Mysteries of Divinity contained in this Book ; As the Incarnation of our Saviour ; The Resurrection of the dead , and the like , cannot finally be resolved into the sole Testimony of the Church , who is but a subservient Cause , to lead to the knowledge of the Author , but into the Wisdom and Sufficiencie of the Author , who being Omnipotent , and Omniscient , must needs be Infallible . Fifthly , That the Assurance we have of the Pen-men of the Scriptures , the Holy Prophets and Apostles , is as great , as any can be had of any Humane Authors of like Antiquity . For it is morally as evident to any Pagan , that S. Matthew and S. Paul writ the Gospel and Epistles which bear their Names , as that Cicero or Seneca wrote theirs . But that the Apostles were divinely inspired , whilst they writ them , and that they are the very Word of God expressed by them , this hath ever been a matter of Faith in the Church , and was so , even while the Apostles themselves * lived , and was never a matter of Evidence and Knowledge , at least as Knowledge is opposed to Faith. Nor could it at any time then be more Demonstratively proved than now . I say , not scientifice , not Demonstratively . For , were the Apostles living , and should they tell us , that they spake , and writ the very Oracles of God : yet this were but their own Testimony of themselves , and so not alone able to enforce Belief on others . And for their Miracles , though they were very Great Inducements of Belief , yet were neither they Evident and Convincing Proofs , † alone and of themselves . Both because , There may be counterfeit Miracles : And because true ones are neither ‖ Infallible nor Inseparable Marks of Truth in Doctrine . Not Infallible : For they may be Marks of false Doctrine in the highest degree . * Deut. 13. Not proper and Inseparable : For † all which wrote by Inspiration , did not confirm their Doctrine by Miracles . For we do not find that David or Solomon , with some other of the Prophets did any , neither were any wrought by S. John the Baptist , * S. Joh. 10. So , as Credible Signs they were , and are still of as much force to us , as 't is possible for things on the credit of Relation to be : For the Witnesses are many , and such as spent their lives in making good the Truth , which they saw . But that the Workers of them were Divinely and Infallibly inspired in that which they Preacht and Writ , was still to the ‖ Hearers a matter of Faith , and no more evident by the light of Humane Reason to men that lived in those Days , than to us now . For had that been Demonstrated , or been clear ( as Prime Principles are ) in its own light , both they and we had apprehended all the Mysteries of Divinity by Knowledge , not by Faith. But this is most apparent was not . For had the Prophets or Apostles been ordered by God to make this Demonstratively , or Intuitively by Discourse or Vision appear as clear to their Auditors , as to themselves it did , that whatsoever they taught was Divine and Infallible Truth , all men which had the true use of Reason , must have been forced to yeeld to their Doctrine . * Esay could never have been at Domine quis ? Lord who hath believed our Report ? Esay 53. Nor † Jeremy at Domine factus sum , Lord I am in derision daily , Jer. 20. Nor could any of S. Pauls Auditors have mocked at him ( as some of them did ) ‖ Act. 17. for Preaching the Resurrection , if they had had as full a view as S. Paul himself had in the Assurance , which God gave of it in , and by the Resurrection of Christ , vers . 31. But the way of Knowledge was not that which God thought fittest for mans Salvation . For Man having sinned by Pride , God thought fittest to humble him at the very root of the Tree of Knowledge , and make him deny his understanding , and submit to Faith , or hazard his happiness . The Credible Object all the while , that is , the Mysteries of Religion , and the Scripture which contains them is Divine and Infallible , and so are the Pen-men of them by Revelation . But we , and all our Forefathers , the Hearers and Readers of them , have neither * knowledge , nor vision of the Prime Principles in , or about them , but * Faith only . And the Revelation , which was clear to them , is not so to us , nor therefore the Prime Tradition it self delivered by them . Sixthly , That hence it may be gathered , that the Assent , which we yeeld to this main Principle of Divinity , That the Scripture is the Word of God , is grounded upon no Compelling , or Demonstrative Ratiocination , but relies upon the strength of Faith , more than any other Principle whatsoever . † For all other necessary Points of Divinity , may by undeniable Discourse be inferred out of Scripture it self once admitted : but this , concerning the Authority of Scripture not possibly : But must either be proved by Revelation , which is not now to be expected : Or presupposed and granted as manifest in it self , like the Principles of natural knowledge , which Reason alone will never Grant : Or by Tradition of the Church , both Prime and Present , with all other Rational Helps , preceding , or accompanying the internal Light in Scripture it self ; which though it give Light enough for Faith to believe , yet Light enough it gives not to be a convincing Reason , and proof for knowledge . And this is it , which makes the very entrance into Divinity , inaccessible to those men , who standing high in the Opinion of their own wisdom , will believe nothing , but that which is irrefragably proved from Rational Principles . For as Christ requires a Denial of a mans self , that he may be able to follow him , S. Luke 9. So as great a part as any of this Denial of his Whole-self ( for so it must be ) is the denial of his Understanding , and the composing of the unquiet search of this Grand Inquisitor into the Secrets of Him that made it , and the over-ruling the doubtfulness of it by the fervency of the ‖ Will. Seventhly , That the knowledge of the Supreme Cause of all ( which is God ) is most remote , and the most difficult thing Reason can have to do with . The Quod sit , That there is a God , b blear-eyed Reason can see . But the c Quid sit , what that God is , is infinitely beyond all the fathoms of Reason . He is a Light indeed , but such as no mans Reason can come at for the Brightness . d 1 Tim. 6. If any thing therefore be attainable in this kind , it must be by e Revelation ; And that must be from Himself : for none can Reveal , but f he that Comprehends . And g none doth , or can comprehend God , but Himself . And when he doth Reveal , yet he is no farther discernable , than h Himself pleases . Now since i Reason teaches , that the Soul of man is immortal , and k capable of Felicity . And since that Felicity consists in the Contemplation of the highest Cause , which again is God himself . And since Christ therein Confirms that Dictate , that mans eternal Happiness is to know God , and Him whom he hath sent , S. l Joh. 17. And since nothing can put us into the way of attaining to that Contemplation , but some Revelation of Himself , and of the way to Himself : I say , since all this is so , It cannot reasonably be thought by any prudent man , that the All-wise God should create man with a desire of Felicity ; and then leave him utterly destitute of all Instrumental Helps to make the Attainment possible : since * God and Nature do nothing but for an end . And Help there can be none sufficient , but by Revelation . And once grant me that Revelation is necessary , and then I will appeal to Reason it self , and that shall prove abundantly one of these two : That either , there was never any such Revelation of this kind from the worlds beginning to this day ; And that will put the frustrà upon God in point of mans Felicitie : Or , that the Scriptures which we now embrace , as the Word of God , is that Revelation ; And that 's it we Christians labour to make good against all Atheism , Prophaneness , and Infidelity . Last of all , To prove that the Book of God which we honour as His Word , is this necessary Revelation of God and his Truth , which must , and is alone able , to lead us in the way to our eternal Blessedness ( or else the world hath none ) comes in a Cloud of witnesses . Some for the Infidel , and some for the Believer . Some for the Weak in Faith , and some for the Strong . And some for all . For then first comes in the Tradition of the Church , the present Church ; so 't is no Heretical , or Schismatical Belief . Then the Testimony of former Ages ; so 't is no New Belief . Then the consent of Times ; so 't is no Divided or partial Belief . Then the Harmony of the Prophets , and them fulfilled ; so 't is not a * Devised , but a forespoken Belief . Then the success of the Doctrine contained in this Book ; so 't is not a Belief stifled in the Cradle ; but it hath spread through the world in despite of what the world could do against it ; And increased from weak , and unlikely Beginnings , to incredible Greatness . Then the Constancie of this Truth ; so 't is no Moon-Belief : For in the midst of the worlds ▪ Changes , it hath preserved its Creed entire through many generations . Then , that there is nothing Carnal in the Doctrine ; so 't is a Chast Belief . And all along it hath gained , kept , and exercised more power upon the minds of men , both learned and unlearned , in the increase of vertue , and repression of vice , than any Moral Philosophy , or Legal Policie that ever was . Then comes the inward Light and Excellencie of the Text it self ; and so 't is no dark , or dazling Belief . And 't is an Excellent Text : For see the riches of Natural knowledge , which are stored up there , as well as Supernatural . Consider how things quite above Reason consent with things Reasonable . Weigh it well what Majesty lies there hid under Humility : * What Depth there is with a Perspicuity unimitable : What † Delight it works in the Soul , that is devoutly exercised in it , how the ‖ Sublimist wits find in it enough to amaze them ; while the ‖ simplest want not enough to direct them . And then we shall not wonder , if ( with the assistance of * Gods Spirit , who alone works Faith and Belief of the Scriptures , and their Divine Authority , as well as other Articles ) we grow up into a most Infallible Assurance , such an Assurance , as hath made many lay down their lives for this Truth : such , as that , † Though an Angel from Heaven should Preach unto us another Gospel , we would not believe Him , or it . No ; though we should see as great , and as many Miracles done over again to disswade us from it , as were at first to win the world to it . To which firmness of Assent by the Operation of Gods Spirit , the Will confers as much , or more strength , than the Understanding , Clearness , the whole Assent being an Act of Faith , and not of Knowledge . And therefore the Question should not have been asked of me by F. How I knew ? But , upon what Motives I did believe Scripture to be the word of God ? And I would have him take heed , lest hunting too close after a way of Knowledge , he lose the way of Faith , and teach other men to lose it too . So then the Way lies thus ( as far as it appears to me ) The Credit of Scripture to be Divine Resolves finally into that Faith , which we have touching God Himself , and in the same order . For as that , so this hath Three main Grounds , to which all other are Reducible . The first is , the Tradition of the Church : And this leads us to a Reverend perswasion of it . The Second is , The Light of Nature : and this shews us how necessary such a Revealed Learning is , and that no other way it can be had : ‖ Nay more , that all Proofs brought against any Point of Faith , neither are , nor can be Demonstrations , but soluble Arguments . The Third is , The light of the Text it self ; in Conversing wherewith we meet with the * Spirit of God inwardly inclining our hearts , and sealing the full Assurance of the sufficiencie of all Three unto us . And then , and not before , we are certain , That the Scripture is the Word of God boty by Divine , and by Infallible Proof . But our Certainty is by Faith , and so voluntary , not by Knowledge of such Principles , as in the light of Nature can enforce Assent whether we will or no. I have said thus much upon this great Occasion , because this Argument is so much pressed , without due respect to Scripture . And I have proceeded in a Synthetical way , to build up the Truth for the benefit of the Church , and the satisfaction of all men Christianly disposed . Whereas had I desired only to rid my hands of these Captious Jesuites ( for certainly this Question was Captiously asked ; ) it had been sufficient to have restored the Question , thus : How do you know the Testimony of the Church ( by which , you say , you know Scripture to be the Word of God ) to be Divine and Infallible ? If they prove it by Scripture ( as all of them do , and as A. C. doth ) how do they know that Scripture to be Scripture ? It is but a Circular Assurance of theirs , by which they found the Churches Infallibility upon the Testimony of the Scripture ; And the Scriptures Infallibility upon the Testimony of the Church : That is upon the Matter , the Churches Infallibility upon the Churches Infallibility . But I labour for edification , not for destruction . And now , by what I have here said , I will weigh my Answer , and his Exception taken against it . F. The Bishop said , That the Books of Scripture are Principles to be Supposed , and needed not to be Proved . B. § . 17 Why , but did I say , That this Principle ( The Books of Scripture are the Word of God ) is to be supposed , as needing no Proof at all to a Natural man ? Or to a man newly entring upon the Faith ? yea , or perhaps to a Doubter , or Weakling in the Faith ? Can you think me so weak ? It seems you do . But sure I know , there is a great deal of difference between Ethnicks that deny , and deride the Scripture , and men that are Born in the Church . The first have a farther way about to this Principle ; The other in their very Christian Education suck it in , and are taught so soon as they are apt to learn it , That the Books , commonly called The Bible , or Scripture , are the Word of God. And I dealt with you * as with a Christian , though in Errour , while you call Catholike . The Words before spoken by me were , That the Scripture only , not any unwritten Tradition , was the Foundation of Faith. The Question between us , and you is , Whether the Scripture do contain all necessary things of Faith ? Now in this Question , as in all Nature , and Art , the Subject , the Scripture is and must be † supposed . The Quaere between the Roman-Catholicks and the Church of England , being only of the Praedicate , the thing uttered of it , Namely , Whether it contain all Fundamentals of Faith , all Necessaries for Salvation within it ? Now since the Question proposed in very form of Art , proves not , but ‖ supposes the Subject , I think I gave a satisfying Answer , That to you , and me , and in this Question , Scripture was a Supposed Principle , and needed no Proof . And I must tell you , that in this Question of the Scriptures perfect Continent , it is against all Art , yea and Equity too , in Reasoning to call for a proof of That here , which must go unavoydably supposed in this Question . And if any man will be so familiar with Impiety , to Question it , it must be tried in a preceding Question , and Dispute by it self . Yet here not you only , but * Bellarmine , and others run quite out of the way to snatch at Advantage . F. Against this I read what I had formerly written in my Reply against M. John White : Wherein I plainly shewed , that this Answer was not good , and that no other Answer could be made , but by admitting some Word of God unwritten , to assure us of this Point . ● . § . 18 Num. 1 Indeed here you read out of a Book ( which you called your own ) a large Discourse upon this Argument . But surely I so untied the knot of the Argument , that I set you to your Book again . For your self confess , that against this you read what you had formerly written . Well! what ere you read there , certain it is you do a great deal of wrong to M. Hooker * , and my self , that because we call it a Supposed or Presumed Principle among Christians , you should fall by and by into such a † Metaphysical Discourse to prove , That that which is a ‖ Praecognitum , fore-known in Science , must be of such light , that it must be known of , and by it self alone ; and that the Scripture cannot be so known to be the Word of God. Num. 2 I will not now enter again into that Discourse , having said enough already , how far the Beam , which is very glorious ( especially in some parts of Scripture ) gives light to prove it self . You see neither Hooker , nor I , nor the Church of England ( for ought I know ) leave the Scripture alone to manifest it self , by the light , which it hath in it self . No ; but when the present Church hath prepared , and led the way , like a preparing Morning-Light to Sun-shine ; then indeed we settle for our Direction , yet not upon the first opening of the morning-light , but upon the Sun it self . Nor will I make needless enquiry , how far , and in what manner a Praecognitum , or Supposed Principle in any Science , may be proved in a Higher , to which that is subordinate ; or accepted for a Prime . Nor how it may in Divinity , where Prae , as well as Post-cognita , things fore , as well as after-known , are matters , and under the manner of Faith , and not of Science strictly . Nor whether a Praecognitum , a presupposed Principle in Faith , which rests upon Divine Authority , must needs have as much , and equal Light to Natural Reason , as Prime Principles have in Nature , while they rest upon Reason . Nor whether it may justly be denied to have sufficient Light , because not equal . Your own School * grants , That in us , which are the Subjects both of Faith and Knowledge , and in regard of the Evidence given in unto us , there is less Light , less Evidence in the Principles of Faith , than in the Principles of Knowledge , upon which there can be no doubt . But I think the School will never grant , That the Principles of Faith ( even this in Question ) have not sufficient Evidence . And you ought not to do , as you did , without any Distinction , or any Limitation , deny a Praecognitum , or Prime Principle in the Faith ; because it answers not in all things to the Prime Principles in Science , in their Light and Evidence ; a thing in it self directly against Reason . Num. 3 Well , though I do none of this , yet first I must tell you , that A. C. here steps in again , and tells me , That though a Praecognitum in Faith need not be so clearly known , as a Praecognitum in Science , yet there must be this proportion between them , that , whether it be in Science , or in Faith , the Praecognitum , or thing supposed as known , must be prius cognitum , first known , and not need another thing pertaining to that Faith , or Knowledge , to be known before it . But the Scripture ( saith he ) needs Tradition to go before it , and introduce the knowledge of it . Therefore the Scripture is not to be supposed , as a Praecognitum , and a thing fore-known . Truly I am sorry to see in a man very learned such wilful mistakes . For A. C. cannot but perceive , by that which I have clearly laid down † before , That I intended not to speak precisely of a Praecognitum in this Argument . But when I said , Scriptures were Principles to be supposed ; I did not , I could not intend , they were prius cognitae , known before Tradition ; since I confess every where , That Tradition introduces the knowledge of them . But my meaning is plain ; That the Scriptures are and must be Principles supposed , before you can dispute this Question ; ‖ Whether the Scriptures contain in them all things necessary to salvation . Before which Question it must necessarily be supposed and granted on both sides , That the Scriptures are the Word of God. For if they be not , 't is instantly out of all Question , that They cannot include all Necessaries to Salvation . So 't is a Praecognitum , not to Tradition ( as A. C. would cunningly put upon the Cause ) but to the whole Question of the Scriptures sufficiencie . And yet if he could tie me to a Praecognitum in this very Question , and proveable in a Superior Science ; I think I shall go very near to prove it in the next Paragraph , and intreat A. C. to confess it too . Num. 4 And now having told A. C. this , I must secondly follow him a little farther . For I would fain make it appear as plainly , as in such a difficulty it can be made , what wrong he doth Truth and himself in this Case . And it is the common fault of them all . For when the Protestants answer to this Argument ( which , as I have shew'd , can properly have no place in the Question between us about Tradition ) † they which grant this as a Praecognitum , a thing fore-known ( as also I do ) were neither ignorant , nor forgetful , That things presupposed , as already known in a Science , are of two sorts . For either they are plain and fully manifest in their own Light : or they are proved and granted already , some former knowledge having made them Evident . This Principle then , The Scriptures are the Oracles of God , we cannot say is clear , and fully manifest to all men simply , and in self-Light , for the Reasons before given . Yet we say , after Tradition hath been our Introduction , the Soul that hath but ordinary Grace added to Reason , may discern Light sufficient to resolve our Faith , that the Sun is there . This Principle then being not absolutely , and simply evident in it self , is presumed to be taught us otherwise . And if otherwise , then it must be taught in and by some superior Science , to which Theology is subordinate . Now men may be apt to think out of Reverence , That Divinity can have no Science above it . But your own School teaches me that it hath . * The sacred Doctrine of Divinity in this sort is a Science , because it proceeds out of Principles that are known by the light of a Superior Knowledge , which is the Knowledge of God , and the Blessed in Heaven . In this Superior Science , This Principle , The Scriptures are the Oracles of God , is more than evident in full light . This Superior Science delivered this Principle in full revealed Light to the Prophets and Apostles . * This Inf●llible Light of this Principle made their Authority derivatively Divine . By the same Divine Authority they wrote , and delivered the Scripture to the Church . Therefore from them immediately the Church received the Scripture , and that uncorrupt , though not in the same clearness of Light , which they had . And yet since no sufficient Reason hath , or can be given , that in any Substantial thing it hath been * Corrupted , it remains firm at this day , and that proved in the most Supreme Science ; and therefore now to be supposed ( at least by all Christians ) That the Scripture is the Word of God. So ; my Answer is good , even in strictness , That this Principle is to be supposed in this Dispute . Num. 5 Besides , the Jews never had , nor can have any other Proof , That the Old Testament is the Word of God , than we have of the New. For theirs was delivered by Moses , and the Prophets ; and ours was delivered by the Apostles , which were Prophets too . The Jews did believe their Scripture by a Divine Authority : For so the Jews argue themselves : * S. Joh. 9. We know that God spake with Moses . † And that therefore they could no more erre in following Moses , than they could in following God himself . And our Saviour seems to infer as much , ‖ S. Joh. 5. where he expostulates with the Jews thus : If you believe not Moses his Writings , how should you believe Me ? Now how did the Jews know that God spake to Moses ? How ? Why apparently , the same way that is before set down . First , by Tradition . So S. * Chrysostome : We know why : By whose witness do you know ? By the Testimony of our Ancestors . But he speaks not of their immediate Ancestors , but their Prime , which were Prophets , and whose Testimony was Divine ; into which ( namely their Writings ) the Jews did resolve their Faith. And even that Scripture of the Old Testament was a † Light , and a shining Light too : And therefore could not but be sufficient , when Tradition had gone before . And yet though the Jews entred this way to their Belief of the Scripture , they do not say , ‖ Audivimus , We have heard that God spake to Moses , but We know it . So they Resolved their Faith higher , and into a more inward Principle , than an Ear to their immediate Ancestors , and their Tradition . And I would willingly learn of you , if you can shew it me , where ever any one Jew disputing with another about their Law , did put the other to prove , that the Old Testament was the Word of God. But they still supposed it . And when others put them to their Proof , this way they went. And yet you say : F. That no other Answer could be made , but by admitting some Word of God unwritten , to assure us of this Point . B. § . 19 Num. 1 I think , I have shewed , that my Answer is good , and that no other Answer need be made . If there were need , I make no Question , but another Answer might be made to assure us of this Point , though we did not admit of any Word of God unwritten . I say , to assure us ; and you express no more . If you had said , to assure us by Divine Faith , your Argument had been the stronger . But if you speak of Assurance only in the general , I must then tell you ( and it is the great advantage which the Church of Christ hath against Insidels ) a man may be assured , nay infallibly assured by Ecclesiastical and Humane Proof . Men that never saw Rome , may be sure , and infallibly believe , That such a City there is , by Historical , and acquired Faith. And if Consent of Humane Story can assure me this , why should not Consent of Church-story assure me the other , That Christ and his Apostles delivered this Body of Scripture as the Oracles of God ? For Jews , Enemies to Christ , they bear witness to the Old Testament ; and Christians through almost all Nations * give in evidence to both Old and New. And no Pagan , or other Enemies of Christianity , can give such a Worthy and Consenting Testimony for any Authority upon which they rely , or almost for any Principle which they have , as the Scripture hath gained to it self . And as is the Testimony which it receives , above all † Writings of all Nations ; so here is assurance in a great measure , without any Divine Authority , in a Word written or Unwritten . A great assurance , and it is Infallible too ; Only then we must distinguish Infallibility . For first , a thing may be presented as an infallible Object of Belief , when it is true ▪ and remains so . For Truth quà talis , as it is Truth , cannot deceive . Secondly , a thing is said to be Infallible , when it is not only true , and remains so , actually , but when it is of such invariable constancie , and upon such ground , as that no Degree of falshood at any time , in any respect can fall upon it . Certain it is , that by Humane Authority , Consent , and Proof , a man may be assured infallibly , that the Scripture is the Word of God , by an acquired Habit of Faith , cui non subest falsum , under which nor Error , nor falshood is : But he cannot be assured insallibly , by Divine Faith , * cui subesse non potest falsum , into which no falshood can come , but by a Divine Testimony : This Testimony is absolute in Scripture it self , delivered by the Apostles for the Word of God , and so sealed to our Souls by the operation of the Holy Ghost . That which makes way for this as an † Introduction and outward motive , is the Tradition of the present Church ; but that neither simply Divine , nor sufficient alone , into which we may resolve our Faith , but only as is ‖ before expressed . Num. 2 And now to come close to the Particular . The time was , before this miserable Rent in the Church of Christ ( which I think no true Christian can look upon , but with a bleeding heart ) that you and We were all of One Belief : That belief was tainted , in tract and corruption of times , very deeply . A Division was made ; yet so , that both Parts held the Creed , and other Common Principles of Belief . Of these , this was one of the greatest , * That the Scripture is the Word of God ; For our belief of all things contained in it , depends upon it . Since this Division , there hath been nothing done by us to discredit this Principle . Nay , We have given it all honour , and ascribed unto it more sufficiencie , even to the containing of all things necessary to salvation , with † Satis superque , enough and more than enough ; which your selves have not done , do not . And for begetting and setling a Belief of this Principle , we go the same way with you , and a better besides . The same way with you : Because we allow the Tradition of the present Church to be the first inducing Motive to embrace this Principle ; only we cannot go so far in this way as you , to make the present Tradition always an Infallible Word of God unwritten : For this is to go so far in , till you be out of the way . For Tradition is but a Lane in the Church ; it hath an end , not only to receive us in , but another after , to let us out , into more open , and richer ground . And we go a better way than you : Because after we are moved , and prepared , and induced by Tradition , we resolve our Faith into that Written Word , and God delivering it ; in which we find materially , though not in Terms , the very Tradition , that led us thither . And so we are sure by Divine Authority that we are in the way , because at the end we find the way proved . And do what can be done , you can never settle the Faith of man about this great Principle , till you rise to greater assurance , than the Present Church alone can give . And therefore once again to that known place of S. Augustine : * The words of the Father are , Nisi commoveret , Unless the Authority of the Church moved me : but not alone , but with other Motives ; else it were not commovere , to move together . And the other Motives are Resolvers , though this be Leader . Now since we go the same way with you , so far as you go right ; and a better way than you , where you go wrong ; we need not admit any other Word of God , than we do . And this ought to remain , as a Presupposed Principle among all Christians , and not so much as come into this Question , about the sufficiencie of Scripture between you , and us . But you say , that F. From this the Lady called us , and desiring to hear , Whether the Bishop would grant the Roman Church to be the Right Church ? The B. granted , That it was . B. § . 20 Num. 1 One occasion which moved Tertullian to write his Book d● Praescript . adversus Haereticos , was , That he * saw little or no Profit come by Disputations . Sure the Ground was the same then , and now . It was not to deny , that Disputation is an Opening of the Understanding , a sifting out of Truth ; it was not to affirm , that any such Disquisition is in , and of it self unprofitable . If it had , S. Stephen † would not have disputed with the Cyrenians , nor S. Paul with the ‖ Grecians first , and then with the Jews * , and all Comers . No sure : it was some Abuse in the Disputants , that frustrated the good of the Disputation . And one Abuse in the Disputants , is a Resolution to hold their own , though it be by unworthy means , and disparagement † of truth . And so I find it here . For as it is true , that this Question was asked ; so it is altogether false , that it was asked in this ‖ form , or so answered . There is a great deal of Difference ( especially as Romanists handle the Question of the Church ) between The Church , and A Church ; and there is some between a True Church and a Right Church : which is the word you use , but no man else that I know ; I am sure not I. Num. 2 For The Church may import in our Language , The only true Church ; and perhaps ( as some of you seem to make it ) the Root and the Ground of the Catholike . And this I never did grant of the Roman Church , nor ever mean to do . But A Church can imply no more , than that it is a member of the Whole . And this I never did , nor ever will deny , if it fall not absolutely away from Christ. That it is a True Church I granted also ; but not a Right ( as you impose upon me . ) For Ens and Verum , Being and True , are convertible one with another ; and every thing that hath a Being , is truly that Being , which it is , in truth of Substance . But this word Right is not so used , but is referr'd more properly to perfection in Conditions : And in this sense , every thing that hath a true , and real Being , is not by and by Right in the Conditions of it . A man that is most dishonest , and unworthy the name , a very Thief ( if you will ) is a True man , in the verity of his Essence , as he is a Creature endued with Reason ; for this none can steal from him , nor he from himself , but Death : But he is not therefore a Right , or an upright man. And a Church that is exceeding corrupt , both in Manners and Doctrine , and so a dishonour to the Name , is yet a True Church in the verity of Essence , as a Church is a Company of men , which profess the Faith of Christ , and are Baptized into his Name : But yet it is not therefore a Right Church , either in Doctrine , or Manners . It may be you meant cunningly to slip in this word Right , that I might at unawares grant it Orthodox . But I was not so to be caught ; For I know well , that Orthodox Christians are keepers of integrity , and followers of right things ( so * St. Augustine ) of which , the Church of Rome at this day is neither . In this sense then no Right , that is , no Orthodox Church at Rome . Num. 3 And yet no News it is , that I granted the Roman Church to be a True Church . For so much very learned Protestants † have acknowledged before me ; and the Truth cannot deny it . For that Church , which receives the Scripture as a Rule of Faith , though but as á partial and imperfect Rule ; and both the Sàcraments as Instrumental Causes , and Seals of Grace , though they add more , and misuse these ; yet cannot but be a True Church in essence . How it is in Manners and Doctrine , I would you would look to it with a single eye , ‖ For if Piety and a Peaceable mind be not joyned to a good understanding , nothing can be known in these great things . Num. 4 Here A. C. tells us , That the Jesuite doth not say that the Lady asked this Question in this , or any other precise form of words ; But saith , the Jesuite is sure , her desire was to know of me , whether I would grant the Roman Church to be the right Church ? And how was the Jesuite sure the Lady desired to hear this from me ? Why , A. C. tells us that too . For he adds , That the Jesuite had particularly spoken with her before , and wished her to insist upon that Point . Where you may see , and 't is fit the Clergy of England should consider with what cunning Adversaries they have to deal , who can find a way to * prepare their Disciples , and instruct them before-hand upon what Poynts to insist , that so they may with more ease slide that into their hearts and consciences , which should never come there . And this once known , I hope they will the better provide against it . But A. C. goes on , and tells us , That certainly by my Answer , the Ladies desire must needs be , to hear from me , not whether the Church of Rome were a right Church , &c. but whether I would grant , that there is but one holy Catholike Church , and whether the Roman Church ( that is , not only that which is in the City , or Diocess of Rome , but all that agreed with it ) be not it . About A Church , and The Church , I have said enough * before , and shall not repeat . Nor is there any need I should . For A. C. would have it The Church , The One , Holy , Catholike Church . But this cannot be granted , take the Roman Church , in what sense they please , in City , or Diocess , or all that agree with it . Yet howsoever before I leave this , I must acquaint the Reader with a perfect Jesuitism . In all the Primitive Times of the Church , a Man , or a Family , or a National Church were accounted Right and Orthodox , as they agreed with the Catholike Church ; But the Catholike was never then measured , or judged by Man , Family , or Nation . But now in the Jesuites new School , The One , Holy , † Catholike Church must be measured by that which is in the City or Diocess of Rome , or of them which agreed with it , and not Rome by the Catholike . For so A. C. says expresly , The Lady would know of me , not whether that were the Catholike Church to which Rome agreed ; but whether that were not the Holy Cathotholike Church , which agreed with Rome . So upon the matter , belike the Christian Faith was committed to the Custody of the Roman , not of the Catholike Church ; and a man cannot agree with the Catholike Church of Christ ( in this new Doctrine of A. C. ) unless he agree with the Church of Rome ; but if he agree with that , all 's safe , and he is as Orthodox , as he need be . Num. 5 But A. C. is yet troubled about the form of the Ladies Question . And he will not have it , That she desired to know , whether I would grant the Roman Church to be the Right Church ? Though these be her words , according to the Jesuites own setting down , but he thinks the Question was , Whether the Church of Rome was not the Right Church ? Not Be not , but was not . Was not ? That is , was not once or in time past the Right Church before Luther and others made a breach from it ? Why , truly A. C. needed not have troubled himself half so much about this . For let him take his Choice . It shall be all one to me whether the Question were asked by Be ▪ o● by Was ? For the Church of Rome neither is , nor wa● the Right Church , as the Lady desired to hear . A Particular Church , it is , and was , and in some times right , and in some times wrong ; and then in some things right and in some things wrong ▪ But The Right Church , or The Holy Catholike Church it never was , nor ever can be . And therefore was not such before Luther , and Others either left it , or were thrust from it . A particular Church it was ▪ But then A. C. is not distinct enough here neither . For the Church of Rome both was , and was not a Right , or Orthodox Church before Luther made a Breach from it . For the word An●e , Before , may look upon Rome , and that Church a great way off , or long before ; and then in the Prime times of it , it was a most Right and Orthodox Church . But it may look also nearer home , and upon the immediate times before Luther , or some Ages before that ; And then in those times * Rome was a Corrupt and a tainted Church , far from being Right . And yet both these times Before Luther made his Breach . So here A. C. should have been more distinct . For the word Before includes the whole time before Luther , in part of which time that Church of Rome was Right , and in other part whereof it was wrong . But † A. C. adds yet , That I suspected the Lady would i●ser , if once that Church were Right , what hindred it now to be ? Since that did not depart from the Protestant Church , but the Protestant Church from it . Truly , I neither suspected the Inference would be made , nor fear it , when it is made . For 't is no News that any Particular Church , Roman , as well as another , may once have been Right , and afterwards wrong , and in far worse case . And so it was in Rome after the enemy had sowed tares among the wheat . ‖ S. Mat. 13. But whether these Tares were sowen , while their Bishops slept ; or whether * They themselves did not help to sow them , is too large a Disquisition for this Place . So though it were once Right , yet the Tares which grow thick in it , are the Cause why 't is not so now . And then though that Church did not depart from the Protestants Church ; yet if it gave great , and just Cause for the Protestant Church to depart from the Errors of it , while it in some Particulars departed from the Truth of Christ , it comes all to one for this Particular , That the Roman Church which was once right , is now become wrong , by embracing Superstition and Error . F. Farther he confessed , That Protestants had made a Rent and Division from it . B. § 21 Num. 1 I confess I could here be heartily * angry , but that I have resolved in handling matters of Religion to leave all gall out of my Ink ; for I never granted that the Roman Church either is , or was the right Church . 'T is too true indeed , that there is a miserable Rent in the Church , and I make no Question but the best men do most bemoan it † ; nor is he a Christian , that would not have Unity , might he have it with Truth . But I never said , nor thought that the Protestants made this Rent . The Cause of the Schism is yours ; for you thrust us from you ; because we called for Truth , and Redress of Abuses . For a ‖ Schism must needs be theirs , whose the Cause of it is . The Woe runs full out of the mouth of * Christ , ever against him , that gives the Offence ; not against him that takes it , ever . But you have , by this carriage , given me just cause , never to treat with you , or your like , but before a Judge , or a Jury . Num. 2 But here A. C. tells me , I had no cause to be angry , either with the Jesuite , or my self . Not with the Jesuite , for he writ down my words in fresh memory , and upon special notice taken of the Passage , and that I did say either iisdem , or aequipollentibus verbis , either in these , or equivalent words , That the Protestants did make the Rent , or Division from the Roman Church . What , did the Jesuite set down my words in fresh memory , and upon special notice taken , and were they so few as these , The Protestants did make the Schism ; and yet was his memory so short , that he cannot tell , whether I uttered this iisdem , or aequipollentibus verbis ? Well , I would A. C. and his Fellows would leave this Art of theirs , and in Conferences ( which * they are so ready to call for ) impose no more upon other men , than they utter . And you may observe too , that after all this full Assertion , that I spake this iisdem , or aequipollentibus verbis , A. C. concludes thus : The Jesuite took special notice in fresh memory , and is sure he related , at least in sense , just as it was uttered . What 's this , At least in sense just as it was uttered ? Do not these two Enterfeire , and shew the Jesuite to be upon his shuffling pace ? For if it were just as it was uttered , then it was in the very form of words too , not in sense only . And if it were but At least in sense , then when A. C. hath made the most of it , it was not just as 't was uttered . Besides , at least in sense , doth not tell us in whose sense it was . For if A. C. mean the Jesuite's sense of it , he may make what sense he pleases of his own words ; but he must impose no sense of his upon my words . But as he must leave my words to my self , so when my words are uttered , or written , he must leave their sense either to me , or to that genuine Construction , which an Ingenuous Reader can make of them . And what my words of Grant were , I have before expressed , and their sense too . Num. 3 Not with my self : That 's the next . For A. C. says , 'T is truth , and that the world knows it , that the Protestants did depart from the Church of Rome , and got the name of Protestants , by protesting against it . No , A. C. by your leave , this is not truth neither ; and therefore I had reason to be angry with my self , had I granted it . For , first , the Protestants did not depart : For departure is voluntary , so was not theirs . I say , not theirs , taking their whole Body and Cause together . For that some among them were peevish , and some ignorantly zealous , is neither to be doubted , nor is there danger in confessing it . Your Body is not so perfect ( I wot well ) but that many amongst you are as pettish , and as ignorantly zealous , as any of Ours . You must not suffer for these , nor We for those ; nor should the Church of Christ for either . Next , the Protestants did not get that Name by Protesting against the Church of Rome , but by Protesting ( and that when nothing else would serve ) † against her Errors and Superstitions . Do you but remove them from the Church of Rome , and our Protestation is ended , and the Separation too . Nor is Protestation it self such an unheard-of thing in the very heart of Religion . For the Sacraments both of the Old and New Testament are called by your own School , Visible Signs protesting the Faith. Now if the Sacraments be Protestantia , Signes Protesting , why may not men also , and without all offence , be called Protestants , since by receiving the true Sacraments , and by refusing them which are corrupted , they do but Protest the sincerity of their Faith against that Doctrinal Corruption , which hath invaded the great Sacrament of the Eucharist , and other Parts of Religion ? Especially , since they are men * which must protest their Faith by these visible Signs and Sacraments . Num. 4 But A. C. goes on , and will needs have it , that the Protestants were the Cause of the Schism . For ( saith he ) though the Church of Rome did thrust them from her by Excommunication , yet they had first divided themselves by obstinate holding , and teaching Opinions contrary to the Roman Faith , and Practice of the Church ; which to do , S. Bernard thinks is Pride , and S. Augustine Madness . So then , in his Opinion ; First , Excommunication on their Part was not the Prime Cause of this Division ; but the holding and teaching of contrary Opinions . Why but then in my Opinion , That holding and teaching was not the Prime Cause neither , but the Corruptions and Superstitions of Rome , which forced many men to hold , and teach the contrary . So , the Prime Cause was theirs still . Secondly , A. C's words are very considerable . For he charges the Protestants to be the Authors of the Schism , for obstinate holding and teaching contrary Opinions . To what I pray ? Why to the † Roman Faith. To the Roman Faith ? It was wont to be the Christian Faith , to which contrary Opinions were so dangerous to the Maintainers . But all 's Roman now with A. C. and the Jesuite . And then to countenance the Business , S. Bernard and S. Augustine are brought in , whereas neither of them speak of the Roman , and S. Bernard perhaps neither of the Catholike , nor the Roman , but of a Particular Church , or Congregation . Or if he speak of the Catholike , of the Roman certainly he doth not . His words are , Quae major superbia , &c. What greater pride , than that one man should prefer his judgment before the whole Congregation of all the Christian Churches in the world ? So A. C. out of Saint Bernard . ‖ But Saint Bernard not so . For these last words ( of all the Christian Churches in the world ) are not in Saint Bernard . And whether Toti Congregationi imply more in that Place than a Particular Church , is not very manifest . Nay I think 't is plain , that he speaks both of , and to that particular Congregation to which he was then preaching . And I believe A. C. will not easily find where tota Congregatio , the whole Congregation , is used in Saint Bernard , or any other of the Fathers , for the whole Catholike Church of Christ. And howsoever the meaning of S. Bernard be , 't is one thing for a private man , Judicium suum praeferre , to prefer , and so follow his private Judgment , before the Whole Congregation ; which is indeed , Lepra proprii Consilii ( as S. Bernard there calls it ) the proud Leprosie of the Private Spirit . And quite another thing for an Intelligent man , and in some things unsatisfied , modestly to propose his doubts even to the Catholike Church . And much more may ▪ a whole National Church , nay the whole Body of the Protestants do it . And for S. Augustine , the Place alledged out of him is a known Place . And he speaks indeed of the Whole Catholike Church . And he * says ( and he says it truly ) 'T is a part of most insolent madness for any Man to dispute , whether that be to be done , which is usually done in ▪ and through the whole Catholike Church of Christ ▪ Where first here 's not a word of the Roman Church , but of that , which is tota per Orbem , all over the World , Catholike , which Rome never yet was ▪ Secondly , A. C. applies this to the Roman Faith , whereas S. Augustine speaks there expresly of the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church , and † particularly about the Manner of Offering upon Maundy ▪ Thursday , whether it be in the Morning , or after Supper , or both . Thirdly , 't is manifest , by the words themselves , that S. Augustine speaks of no Matter of Faith there , Roman , nor Catholike . For Frequentat , and ‖ Faciendum are for Things done , and to be done , not for Things believed , or to be believed . So here 's not One Word for the Roman Faith in either of these Places , And after this , I hope you will the less wonder at A. C's Boldness . Lastly , a right sober man may without the least Touch of Insolencie or Madness , dispute a Business of Religion with the Roman either Church or Prelate ▪ ( as all men know * Irenaeus did with Victor . ) so it be with Modesty , and for the finding out , or Confirming of Truth , free from Vanity , and purposed Opposition against even a Particular Church . But in any other way to dispute the Whole Catholike Church , is just that which S. Augustine calls it , Insolent Madness . Num. 5 But now were it so , that the Church of Rome were Orthodox in all things , yet the Faith , by the Jesuite's leave , is not simply to be called the Roman , but the Christian , and the Catholike Faith ▪ And yet A. C. will not understand this , but Roman and Catholike , whether Church or Faith , must be one and the same with him ; and therefore infers , That there can be no just Cause to make a Schism or Division from the whole Church . For the whole Church cannot universally erre in Doctrine of Faith. That the whole Church cannot universally erre in the Doctrine of Faith , is most true , and 't is granted by drivers * Protestants ( so you will but understand it s not erring , in Absolute Fundamental Doctrines . ) And therefore 't is true also , that there can be no just Cause to make a Schism from the whole Church . But here 's the Jesuite's Cunning. The whole Church , with him , is the Roman , and those parts of Christendom , which subject themselves to the Roman Bishop . All other parts of Christendom , are in Heresie and Schism , and what A. C. pleases . Nay soft . For another Church may separate from Rome , if Rome will separate from Christ. And so far as it separates from Him and the Faith , so far may another Church fever from it . And this is all that the Learned Protestants do or can say : And I am sure all that ever the Church of England hath either said , or done . And that the whole Church cannot erre in Doctrines absolutely Fundamental , and Necessary to all mens Salvation ( besides the Authority of thoso Protestants , most of them being of prime Rank ) seems to me to be clear by the Promise of Christ , S. Matth. 16. That the Gates of Hell shall not prevail against it . Whereas most certain it is , that the Gates of Hell prevail very far against it , if the Whole Militant Church universally taken , can Erre , from , or in the Foundation : But then this Power of not E●ring is not to be conceived , as if it were in the Church primò & per se , Originally , or by any power it hath of it self : For the Church is constituted of Men , and Humanum est errare , all men can erre . But this Power is in it , partly by the vertue of this Promise of Christ : and partly by the Matter which it teacheth , which is the unerring Word of God , so plainly and manifestly delivered to her , as that it is not possible she should universally fall from it , or teach against it in things absolutely necessary to Salvation . Besides , it would be well weighed , whether to believe or teach otherwise , will not impeach the Article of the Creed concerning the Holy Catholike Church , which we profess we believe . For the Holy Catholike Church there spoken of , contains not only the whole Militant Church on earth , but the whole Triumphant also in Heaven . For so * S. Augustine hath long since taught me . Now if the whole Catholike Church in this large extent be Holy , then certainly the whole Militant Church is Holy , as well as the Triumphant , though in a far lower degree , in as much as all † Sanctification , all Holiness is imperfect in this life , as well in Churches , as in Men ▪ Holy then the whole Militant Church is . For that which the Apostle speaks of Abraham , is true of the Church , which is a Body Collective made up of the spiritual seed of Abraham , Rom. 11. If the root be holy , so are the branches . Well then , the whole Militant Church is Holy , and so we believe . Why but , will it not follow then , That the whole Militant Church cannot possibly erre in the Foundations of the Faith ? That she may erre in Superstructures and Deductions , and other by , and unnecessary Truths , if her Curiosity , or other weakness carry her beyond , or cause her to fall short of her Rule , no doubt need be made . But if She can erre either from the Foundation , or in it , She can be no longer Holy , and that Article of the Creed is gone . For if she can erre quite from the Foundation , then She is nor Holy , nor Church , but becomes an Infidel . Now this cannot be . For ‖ all Divines , Ancient and Modern , Romanists and Reformers , agree in this , That the whole Militant Church of Christ cannot fall away into general Apostacie . And if She Erre in the Foundation , that is , in some one or more Fundamental Points of Faith , then She may be a Church of Christ still , but not Holy , but becomes Heretical : And most Certain it is , that no * Assembly ( be it never so general ) of such Hereticks , is , or can be Holy. Other Errors that are of a meaner alay take not Holiness from the Church ; but these that are dyed in grain cannot consist with Holiness , of which Faith in Christ is the very Foundation . And therefore if we will keep up our Creed , the whole Militant Church must be still Holy. For if it be not so still ; then there may be a time , that Falsum may subesse Fidei Catholicae . That falshood , and that in a high degree , in the very Article , may be the Subject of the Catholike Faith , which were no less than Blasphemy to affirm . For we must still believe the Holy Catholike Church . And if She be not still Holy , then at that time when she is not so , we believe a Falshood under the Article of the Catholike Faith. Therefore a very dangerous thing it is to cry out in general terms , That the whole Catholike Militant Church can Erre , and not limit nor distinguish in time , that it can erre indeed : for Ignorance it hath , and Ignorance can Erre . But Erre it cannot , either by falling totally from the Foundation , or by Heretical Error in it . For the Holiness of the Church consists as much , if not more , in the Verity of the Faith , as in the Integrity of Manners taught and Commanded in the Doctrine of Faith. Num. 6 Now in this Discourse A. C. thinks he hath met with me . For he tells me , That I may not only safely grant , that protestants made the Division that is now in the Church ; but further also , and that with a safe Confidence , as one did , was it not you ? saith he , That it was ill done of those , who first made the Separation . Truly I do not now remember , whether I said it or no. But because A. C. shall have full satisfaction from me , and without any Tergiversation , if I did not say it then , I do say it now ; and most true it is , That it was ill done of those , who ere they were , that first made the separation . But then A. C. must not understand me of Actual only , but of Causal separation . For ( as I said * before ) the Schism is theirs , whose the Cause of it is : And he makes the Separation , that gives the first just Cause of it ; not he that makes an Actual Separation upon a just Cause preceding . And this is so evident a Truth , that A. C. cannot deny it ; for he says , 't is most true . Neither can he deny it in this sense , in which I have expressed it ; for his very Assertion against us ( though false ) is in these Terms , That we gave the first Cause ; Therefore he must mean it of Causal , not of Actual Separation only . Num. 7 But then A. C. goes on and tells us , That after this Breach was made , yet the Church of Rome was so kind and careful to seek the Protestants ; that She invited them publikely with Safe-conduct to Rome , to a General Councel , freely to speak what they could for themselves . Indeed I think the Church of Rome did carefully seek the Protestants ; But I doubt it was to bring them within their Net. And she invited them to Rome ; A very safe place , if you mark it , for them to come to ; just as the Lyon ( in the * Apologue ) invited the Fox to his own Den. Yea , but there was Safe-Conduct offered too ? Yes , Conduct perhaps , but not safe ; or safe perhaps for going thither , but none for coming thence . Vestigia nulla retrorsum . Yea , but it should have been to a General Councel ? Perhaps so . But was the Conduct safe , that was given for coming to a Councel , which they call General , to some others before them ? No sure , * John Hus , and Jerome of Prage burnt for all their Safe-Conduct . And so long as † Jesuites write and maintain , That Faith given is not to be kept with Hereticks : And the Church of Rome leaves this lewd Doctrine uncensured ( as it hath hitherto done , and no exception put in of force and violence : ) A. C. shall pardon us , that we come not to Rome , nor within the reach of Roman Power , what freedom of Speech soever be promised us . For to what end Freedom of Speech on their part , ‖ since they are resolved to alter nothing ? And to what end Freedom of speech on our part , if after speech hath been free , life shall not ? Num. 8 And yet for all this , A. C. makes no doubt , but that the Romane Church is so far from being Cause of the continuance of the Schism , or hinderance of the Re-union , that it would yet give a free hearing with most ample Safe-Conduct , if any hope might be given , that the Protestants would sincerely seek nothing but Truth and Peace . Truly A. C. is very Resolute for the Roman Church ; yet how far he may undertake for it , I cannot tell . But for my part , I am of the same Opinion for the continuing of the Schism , that I was for the making of it . That is , that it is ill , very ill done of those , whoever they be , Papists , or Protestants , that give just Cause to continue a Separation . But for free-hearings , or Safe-Conducts , I have said enough , till that Church do not only say , but do otherwise . And as for Truth and Peace , they are in every mans mouth with you , and with us ; But lay they but half so close to the hearts of men , as they are common on their tongues , it would soon be better with Christendom , than at this day it is , or is like to be . And for the Protestants in general , I hope they seek both Truth and Peace , sincerely . The Church of England , I am sure doth , and hath taught me to † pray for both , as I most heartily do . But what Rome doth in this , if the world will not see , I will not Censure . Num. 9 And for that , which A. C. adds , That such a free hearing is more than ever the English Catholikes could obtain , though they have often offered , and desired it , and that but under the Princes word : And that no Answer hath , nor no good Answer can be given . And he cites Campian for it . How far , or how often this hath been asked by the English Romanists , I cannot tell , nor what Answer hath been given them . But surely Campian was too bold , and so is A. C. too , to say * Honestum responsum nullum , no good Answer can be given . For this , I think is a very good Answer ; That the Kings and the Church of England had no Reason to admit of a Publike Dispute with the English Romish Clergy , till they shall be able to shew it under the Seal , or Powers of Rome , That that Church will submit to a Third , who may be an Indifferent Judge between us and them ; or to such a General Councel as is after † mentioned . And this is an Honest , and I think a full Answer . And without this all Disputation must end in Clamour ; And therefore the more publike , the worse . Because as the Clamour is the greater , so perhaps will be the Schism too . F. Moreover he said , he would ingenuously acknowledge , That the Corruption of Manners in the Romish Church , was not a sufficient Cause to justifie their Departing from it . B. § . 22 I would I could say , you did as ingenously repeat , as I did Confess . For I never said , That Corruption of Manners was , or was not a sufficient Cause to justifie their Departure . How could I say this , since I did not grant that they did Depart , otherwise than is * before expressed ? ) There is difference between Departure , and causless Thrusting from you ; For out of the Church is not in your Power ( God be thanked ) to thrust us : Think on that . And so much I said expresly then , That which I did ingenuously confess , was this , That Corruption in Manners only , is no sufficient Cause to make a Separation in the Church ; † Nor is it . It is a Truth agreed on by the Fathers , and received by Divines of all sorts , save by the Cathari , to whom the Donatist , and the Anabaptist after accorded . And against whom ‖ Calvin disputes it strongly . And S. Augustine * is plain : There are bad fish in the Net of the Lord , from which there must be ever a Separation in heart , and in manners ; but a corporal separation must be expected at the Sea-shore , that is , the end of the world . And the best fish that are , must not tear and break the Net , because the bad are with them . And this is as ingenuously Confessed for you , as by me . For if Corruption in Manners were a just Cause of Actual Separation of one Church from another , in that Catholike Body of Christ , the Church of Rome hath given as great cause as any , since ( as † Stapleton grants ) there is scaree any sin that can be thought by man ( Heresie only excepted ) with which that Sea hath not been foully stained , especially from eight hundred years after Christ. And he need not except Heresie , into which ‖ Biel grants it possible the Bishops of that Sea may fall . And * Stella and Almain grant it freely , that some of them did fall , and so ceased to be Heads of the Church , and left Christ ( God be thanked ) at that time of his Vicars defection , to look to his Cure himself . F. But ( saith he ) beside Corruption of Manners , there were also Errors in Doctrine . B. § . 23 This I spake indeed . And can you prove that I spake not true in this ? But I added ( though here again you are pleased to omit it ) That some of the Errors of the Roman Church were dangerous to Salvation . For it is not every light Error in Disputable Doctrine , and Points of curious Speculation , that can be a just Cause of Separation in that Admirable Body of Christ , which is his * Church , or of one Member of it from another . For he gave his Natural Body to be rent and torn upon the Cross , that his Mystical Body might be One. And St. * Augustine infers upon it ; That he is no way partaker of Divine Charity , that is an enemy to this Unity . Now what Errors in Doctrine may give just Cause of Separation in this Body , or the Parts of it one from another , were it never so easie to determine ( as I think it is most difficult ) I would not venture to set it down in particular , lest in these times of Discord , I might be thought to open a Door for Schism ; which surely I will never do , unless it be to let it out . But that there are Errors in Doctrine , and some of them such , as most manifestly endanger Salvation , in the Church of Rome , is evident to them that will not shut their Eyes . The proof whereof runs through the Particular Points , that are between us ; and so is too long for this Discourse . Now here A. C. would fain have a Reason given him , Why I did endeavour to shew what Cause the Protestants had to make that Rent or Division , if I did not grant that they made it . Why truly in this reasonable demand I will satisfie him . I did it partly because I had granted in the general , that Corruption in Manners was no sufficient cause of Separation of one Particular Church from another ; and therefore it lay upon me , at least to Name in general what was : and partly because he , and his Party will needs have it so , that we did make the Separation : And therefore though I did not grant it , yet amiss I thought it could not be , to Declare by way of Supposition , that if the Protestants did at first Separate from the Church of Rome , they had reason so to do : For A. C. himself confesses , That Error in Doctrine of the Faith is a just Cause of Separation ; so just , as that no Cause is just , but that . Now had I leasure to descend into Particulars , or will to make the Rent in the Church wider , 't is no hard matter to prove , that the Church of Rome hath erred in the Doctrine of Faith , and dangerously too : And I doubt I shall afterwards descend to Particulars , A. C. his Importunity forcing me to it . F. Which when the General Church would not Reform , it was lawful for Particular Churches to Reform themselves . B. § 24 Num. 1 Is it then such a strange thing , that a Particular Church may reform it self , if the General will not ? I had thought , and do so still , That in Point of Reformation of ▪ either Manners , or Doctrine , it is lawful for the Church since Christ , to do as the Church before Christ did , and might do . The Church before Christ consisted of Jews and Proselytes : This Church came to have a Separation , upon a most ungodly Policie of † Jeroboam's , so that it never pieced together again . To a Common Councel , to reform all , they would not come . Was it not lawful for Judah to reform her self , when Israel would not joyn ? Sure it was , or else the Prophet deceives me , that says expresly , a Though Israel transgress , yet let not Judah sin . And S. Hierome b expounds it of this very particular sin of Heresie , and Error in Religion . Nor can you say , that c Israel from the time of the Separation was not a a Church ; for there were true Prophets in it ▪ d Elias and e Elizaeus , and others , and f thousands that had not bowed knees to 〈◊〉 And there was Salvation for these ; which cannot be in the Ordinary way , where there is no Church . And God threatens g to cast them away , to wander among ▪ the Nations , and be no Congregation , no ▪ Church : therefore he had not yet cast them away in Non Ecclesiam , into No-Church . And they are expresly called the People of the Lord in * 〈◊〉 time , and so continued long after . Nor can you plead ▪ that Judan is your part , and the Ten Tribes ours ( as some of you do ) for if that be true , you must grant that the Multitude and greater number is ours : and where then is Multitude , your ●●merous Note of the Church ? For the Ten Tribes were more than the two . But you cannot plead it . For certainly if any Calves be set up , they are in Dan and in Bethel : They are not ours . Num. 2 Besides , to reform what is amiss in Doctrine , or Manners , is as lawful for a Particular Church , as it is to publish and promulgate any thing that is Catholike in either . And your Question , Quo Judice ? lies alike against both . And yet I think it may be proved , that the Church of Rome , and that as a Particular Church , did promulgate an Orthodox Truth , which was not then Catholikely admitted in the Church ; namely , The Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son. If she erred in this Fact , confess her Error ; if she erred not , why may not another Particular Church do as she did ? A learned School-man of yours saith she may : * The Church of Rome needed not to call the Grecians to agree upon this Truth , since the Authority of publishing it was in the Church of Rome , especially since it is lawful for every particular Church to promulgate that which is Catholike . Nor can you say , he means Catholike , as fore-determined by the Church in general ; for so this Point , when Rome added Filioque to the Creed of a General Councel , was not . And how the Grecians were used in the after-Councel ( such as it was ) of Florence , is not to trouble this Dispute ; But Catholike stands there , for that which is so in the nature of it , and Fundamentally . Nor can you justly say ▪ That the Church of Rome did , or might do this , by the Pope's Authority over the Church ▪ For suppose he have that , and that his Sentence be Infallible , ( I say , suppose both , but I give neither ) yet neither his Authority , nor his Infallibility can belong unto him , as the particular Bishop of that S●a ▪ but as the * Ministerial Head of the whole Church . And you are all so lodged in this , that † Bellarmine professes he can neither tell the year when , nor the Pope under whom this Addition was made . A Particular Church then , if you judge it by the School of Rome , or the Practice of Rome , may publish any thing that is Catholike , where the whole Church is silent ; and may therefore Reform any thing that is not Catholike , where the whole Church is negligent , or will not . Num. 3 But you are as jealous of the honour of Rome , as † Capellus is , who is angry with Baronius about certain Canons in the second Milevitane Councel , and saith , That he considered not of what consequence it was , to grant to Particular Churches the Power of making Canons of Faith , without consulting the Roman Sea , which ( as he saith , and you with him ) was never lawful , nor ever done . But suppose this were so , my Speech was not , Not consulting , but in Case of Neglecting , or Refusing : Or when the difficulty of Time and Place , or other Circumstances are such , that a ‖ General Councel cannot be called , or not convene . For that the Roman Sea must be consulted with , before any Reformation be made , First , most certain it is , Capellus can never prove . And secondly as certain , that were it proved and practised , we should have no Reformation : For it would be long enough , before the Church should be cured , if that Sea alone should be her Physitian , which in truth is her Disease . Num. 4 Now if for all this you will say still , that a Provincial Councel will not suffice , but we should have born with Things , till the time of a General Councel . First , 't is true , a General Councel , free and entire , would have been the best Remedy , and most able for a Gangrene that had spread so far , and eaten so deep into Christianity . But what ? Should we have suffered this Gangrene to endanger life and all , rather than be cured in time by a Physitian of a weaker knowledge , and a less able Hand ? Secondly , We live to see since , if we had stayed and expected a General Councel , what manner of one we should have had , if any . For that at Trent was neither general , nor free . And for the Errors which Rome had contracted , it confirmed them , it cured them not . And yet I much doubt , whether ever that Councel ( such as it was ) would have been called , if some Provincial and National Synods under Supreme and Regal Power , had not first set upon this great work of Reformation ; Which I heartily wish had in all places been as Orderly and Happily pursued , as the Work was right Christian and good in it self . But humane frailty , and the Heats and Distempers of men , as well as the Cunning of the Devil , would not suffer that . For even in this sense also , The wrath of man doth not accomplish the will of God , S. James 1. But I have learned not to reject the Good , which God hath wrought , for any evil which men may fasten to it . Num. 5 And yet if for all this , you think 't is better for us to be blind , than to open our own eyes ; let me tell you , very Grave and Learned Men , and of your own Party , have taught me , That when the Universal Church will not , or for the Iniquities of the Times , cannot obtain and settle a free general Councel , 't is lawful , nay sometimes necessary to Reform gross Abuses by a National , or a Provincial . For , besides Alb. Magnus , whom I quoted * before , Gerson , the Learned and devout Chancellor of Paris tells us plainly : † That he will not deny , but that the Church may be reformed by parts . And that this is necessary , and that to effect it , Provincial Councels may suffice ; and in some things Diocesan . And again , ‖ Either you should reform all estates of the Church in a General Councel , or command them to be reformed in Provincial Councels . Now Gerson lived about two hundred years since . But this Right of Provincial Synods , that they might decree in Causes of Faith , and in Cases of Reformation , where Corruptions had crept into the Sacraments of Christ , was practised much above a thousand years ago by many , both National and Provincial Synods . For the * Councel at Rome under Pope Sylvester , An. 324. condemned Photinus and Sabellius . ( And their Heresies were of high Nature against the Faith. ) The † Councel at Gangra about the same time condemned Eustathius for his condemning of Marriage as unlawful . The ‖ first Councel at Carthage , being a Provincial , condemned Rebaptization , much about the year 348. The * Provincial Councel at Aquileia in the year 381. in which S. Ambrose was present , condemned Palladius and Secundinus for embracing the Arrian Heresie . The † second Councel of Carthage , handled and Decreed the Belief and Preaching of the Trinity ; And this a litte after the year 424. The * Councel of Milevis in Africa , in which S. Augustine was present , condemned the whole Course of the Heresie of Pelagius , that great and bewitching Heresie , in the year 416. The † second Councel at Orange , a Provincial too , handled the great Controversies about Grace and Free-will , and set the Church right in them , in the year 444. The ‖ third Councel at Toledo ( a National one ) in the year 589. determined many things against the Arrian Heresie about the very Prime Articles of Faith , under fourteen several Anathema's . The fourth Councel at Toledo did not only handle Matters of Faith for the Reformation of that People , * but even added also some things to the Creed , which were not expresly delivered in former Creeds . Nay the Bishops did not only practise this , to Condemn Heresies in National and Provincial Synods , and so Reform those several Places , and the Church it self by parts : But They did openly challenge this as their Right and Due , and that without any leave asked of the Sea of Rome . For in this Fourth Councel of Toledo † They Decree , That if there happen a Cause of Faith to be setled , a General , that is , a National Synod of all Spain and Galicia shall be held thereon . And this in the year 643. Where you see , it was then Catholike Doctrine in all Spain , that a National Synod might be a Competent Judge in a Cause of Faith. And I would fain know , what Article of the Faith doth more concern all Christians in general , than that of Filióque ? And yet the Church of Rome her self made that Addition to the Creed without a General Councel , as I have shewed ‖ already . And if this were practised so often , and in so many places , why may not a National Councel of the Church of England do the like ? as She did . For , She cast off the Pope's Usurpation , and as much as in her lay , restored the King to his right . That appears by a * Book subscribed by the Bishops in Henry the eighth's time ; And by the † Records in the Arch-bishops Office , orderly kept , and to be seen . In the Reformation which came after , our ‖ Princes had their parts , and the Clergy theirs . And to these Two principally the power and direction for Reformation belongs . That our Princes had their parts , is manifest by their Calling together of the Bishops , and others of the Clergy , to consider of that which might seem worthy Reformation . And the Clergy did their part : For being thus called together by Regal Power , they met in the National Synod of sixty two . And the Articles there agreed on , were afterwards confirmed by Acts of State , and the Royal Assent . In this Synod the Positive Truths which are delivered , are more than the Polemicks . So that a meer Calumny it is , That we profess only a Negative Religion . True it is , and we must thank Rome for it , our Confession must needs contain some Negatives . For we cannot but deny that Images are to be adored . Nor can we admit Maimed Sacraments . Nor grant Prayers in an unknown tongue . And in a corrupt time , or place , 't is as necessary in Religion to deny falshood , as to assert , and vindicate Truth . Indeed this later can hardly be well and sufficiently done , but by the former ; an Affirmative Verity being ever included in the Negative to a Falshood . As for any Error which might fall into this ( as any other Reformation ) if any such can be found , then I say , and 't is most true : Reformation , especially in Cases of Religion , is so difficult a work , and subject to so many Pretensions , that 't is almost impossible but the Reformers should step too far , or fall too short , in some smaller things or other , which in regard of the far greater benefit coming by the Reformation it self , may well be passed over , and born withal . But if there have been any wilful , and gross errors , not so much in Opinion , as in Fact , ( * Sacriledge too often pretending to reform Superstition ) that 's the Crime of the Reformers , not of the Reformation ; and they are long since gone to God to answer it , to whom I leave them . Num. 6 But now before I go off from this Point , I must put you in remembrance too , That I spake at that time ( and so must all that will speak of that Exigent ) of the General Church as it was for the most part forced under the Government of the Roman Sea. And this you understand well enough . For in your very next words you call it the Roman Church . Now I make no doubt , but that as the Universal Catholike Church would have reform'd her self , had she been in all parts freed of the Roman Yoke : so while she was for the most in these Western parts under that yoke , the Church of Rome was , if not the Only , yet the Chief Hinderance of Reformation . And then in this sense , it is more than clear , That if the Roman Church will neither Reform , nor suffer Reformation , it is lawful for any other Particular Church to Reform it self , so long as it doth it peaceably and orderly , and keeps it self to the Foundation , and free from * Sacriledge . F. I asked Quo Judice , did this appear to be so ? Which Question I asked , as not thinking it equity that Protestants in their own Cause should be Accusers , Witnesses , and Judges of the Roman Church . B. § . 25 Num. 1 You do well to tell the reason now , why you asked this Question ; For you did not discover it at the Conference : if you had , you might then have received your Answer . It is most true : No man in common equity ought to be suffered to be Accuser , Witness , and Judge in his own Cause . But is there not as little reason , and equity too , that any man that is to be accused , should be the Accused , and yet Witness , and Judge in his own Cause ? If the first may hold , no man shall be Innocent ; and if the last , none will be Nocent . And what do we here with [ in their own Cause against the Roman Church ? ] Why ? Is it not your own too , against the Protestant Church ? And if it be a Cause common to both , as certain it is , then neither Part alone may be Judge : If neither alone may judge , then either they must be judged by a * Third which stands indifferent to both , and that is the Scripture ; or if there be a jealousie or Doubt of the sense of the Scripture , they must either both repair to the Exposition of the Primitive Church , and submit to that ; or both call , and submit to a General Councel , which shall be lawfully called , and fairly , and freely held with indifferencie to all parties ; And that must judge the Difference according to Scripture , which must be their Rule as well as Private Mens . Num. 2 And here after some lowd Cry against the Pride and Insolent madness of the Protestants , A. C. adds , That the Church of Rome is the Principal , and Mother-Church : And that therefore , though it be against common equity , that Subjects and Children should be Accusers , Witnesses , Judges , and Executioners against their Prince and Mother in any case : yet it is not absurd , that in some cases , the Prince or Mother may Accuse , Witness , Judge , and if need be , execute Justice , against unjust and rebellious Subjects , or evil Children . How far forth Rome is a Prince over the whole Church , or a Mother of it , will come to be shewed at after . In the mean time , though I cannot grant her to be either , yet let 's suppose her to be both , that A. C's Argument may have all the strength it can have . Nor shall it force me ( as plausible as it seems ) to weaken the just power of Princes over their Subjects , or of Mothers over their Children , to avoid the shock of this Argument . For though A. C. may tell us 't is not absurd in some Cases ; yet I would fain have him name any one Moderate Prince that ever thought it just , or took it upon him to be Accuser , and Witness , and Judge in any Cause of moment against his Subjects , but that the Law had Liberty to Judge between them . For the great Philosopher tells us , * That the Chief Magistrate is Custos juris , the Guardian and keeper of the Law ; and if of the Law , then both of that equity and equality which is due unto them that are under him . And even Tiberius himself , in the Cause of Silanus , when Dolabella would have flatter'd him into more power than in wisdom he thought fit then to take to himself , he put him off thus : No , † the Laws grow less where such Power enlarges . Nor is absolute Power to be used , where there may be an orderly proceeding by Law. And for ‖ Parents , 't is true , when Children are young , they may chastise them without other Accuser , or Witness , than themselves ; and yet the children are to give them reverence . And 't is presumed that natural affection will prevail so far with them , that they will not punish them too much . For all experience tells us ( almost to the loss of Education ) they * punish them too little , even when there is cause . Yet when Children are grown up , and come to some full use of their own Reason ; the Apostles Rule is † Colos. 3. Parents , provoke not your Children . And if the Apostle prevail not with froward Parents , there 's a Magistrate , and a Law to relieve even a son against ‖ unnatural Parents : as it was in the Case of T. Manlius against his over-Imperious Father . And an express Law there was among the Jews , * Deut. 21. when Children were grown up and fell into great extremities , that the Parents should then bring them to the Magistrate , and not be too busie in such cases with their own Power . So suppose Rome be a Prince , yet her Subjects must be tryed by Gods Law , the Scripture : and suppose her a Mother ; yet there is , or ought to be Remedy against her for her Children that are grown up , if she forget all good Nature , and turn Stepdame to them . Num. 3 Well ; the Reason why the Jesuite asked the Question , Quo Judice ? Who should be Judge ? He says was this ; Because there 's no equity in it , that the Protestants should be Judges in their own Cause . But now upon more Deliberation A. C. tells us ( as if he knew the Jesuites mind as well as himself ; as sure I think he doth ) That the Jesuite directed this Question chiefly against that speech of mine , That there were Errors in Doctrine of Faith , and that in the General Church , as the Jesuite understood my meaning . The Jesuite here took my meaning right . For I confess I said there were Errors in Doctrine , and dangerous ones too , in the Church of Rome . I said likewise , that when the General Church could not , or would not Reform such , it was lawful for Particular Churches to Reform themselves . But then I added , That the General Church ( not universally taken , but in these Western parts ) fell into those Errors , being swayed in these later Ages by the predominant Power of the Church of Rome , under whose Government it was for the most part forced . And all men of understanding know how oft , and how easily an Over-potent . Member carries the whole with it , in any Body , Natural , Politick , or Ecclesiastical . Num. 4 Yea but A. C. tells us , That never any Competent Judge did so censure the Church ; And indeed , that no Power on Earth , or in Hell it self , can so far prevail against the General Church as to make it Erre generally in any one Point of Divine Truth , and much less to teach any thing by its full Authority to be a Matter of Faith , which is contrary to Divine Truth expressed , or involved in Scriptures rightly understood . And that therefore no Reformation of Faith can be needful in the General Church , but only in Particular Churches . And for proof of this he cites S. Mat. 16. and 28. S. Luk. 22. S. John 14. and 16. In this troublesome and quarrelling Age , I am most unwilling to meddle with the Erring of the Church in general . The Church of England is content to pass that over . And though * She tells us , That the Church of Rome hath Erred even in matters of Faith ; yet of the Erring of the Church in general She is modestly silent . But since A. C. will needs have it , That the whole Church did never generally Erre in any one Point of Faith , he should do well to Distinguish , before he be so peremptory . For if he mean no more than that the whole Universal Church of Christ cannot universally Erre in any one Point of Faith simply necessary to all mens salvation , he fights against no Adversary , that I know , but his own fiction . For the most † Lear ned Protestants grant it . But if he mean , that the whole Church cannot Erre in any one Point of Divine Truth in general , which though by sundry Consequences deduced from the Principles , is yet made a Point of Faith , and may prove dangerous to the Salvation of some , which believe it , and practise after it , ( as his words seem to import ) especially , if in these the Church shall presume to determine without her proper Guide , the Scripture , as * Bellarm. says , She may , and yet not Erre . Then perhaps it may be said , and without any wrong to the Catholike Church , that the Whole Militant Church hath erred in such a Point of Divine Truth and of Faith. Nay A. C. confesses expresly in his very next words , That the Whole Church may at some time not know all Divine Truths , which afterwards it may learn by study of Scripture , and otherwise . So then in A. C's . judgment , the Whole Militant Church may at some time not know all Divine Truths . Now that which knows not all , must be ignorant of some ; and that which is ignorant of some , may possibly erre in one Point or other ; The rather , because he confesses the knowledge of it must be got by Learning ; and Learners may mistake and erre ; especially where the Lesson is Divine Truth out of Scripture , out of Difficult Scripture . For were it of plain and easie Scripture that he speaks , the Whole Church could not at any time be without the knowledge of it . And for ought I yet see , the Whole Church Militant hath no greater warrant against Not erring in , than against Not knowing of the Points of Divine Truth . For in 8. John 16. There is as large a Promise to the Church of knowing all Points of Divine Truth , as A. C. or any Jesuite can produce for Her Not erring in any . And if She may be ignorant , or mistaken in learning of any Point of Divine Truth , Doubtless in that state of Ignorance she may both Erre , and teach her Error , yea and teach that to be Divine Truth , which is not : Nay perhaps teach that as a Matter of Divine Truth , which is contrary to Divine Truth ; Always provided it be not in any Point simply Fundamental , of which the Whole Catholike Church cannot be Ignorant , and in which it cannot Erre , as hath * before been proved . Num. 5 As for the Places of Scripture which A. C. cites to prove that the Whole Church cannot Erre Generally in any one Point of Divine Truth , be it Fundamental or not , they are known Places all of them , and are alledged by A. C. three several times in this short Tract , and to three several purposes . Here , to prove , That the Universal Church cannot Erre . Before this , to prove , that the Tradition of the present Church cannot Erre . After this , to prove , that the Pope cannot Erre . He should have done well to have added these Places a fourth time , to prove that General Councels cannot Erre . For so doth both * Stapleton and † Bellarmine . Sure A. C. and his fellows are hard driven , when they must fly to the same Places for such different purposes . For A Pope may Erre , where a Councel , doth not ; And a General Councel may Erre , where the Catholike Church cannot . And therefore it is not likely that these places should serve alike for all . The first Place is Saint Matthew 16. There Christ told Saint Peter , and we believe it most assuredly , That Hell-Gates shall never be able to prevail against his church . But that is , That they shall not prevail to make the Church Catholike Apostatize , and fall quite away from Christ , or Erre in absolute Fundamentals , which amounts to as much . But the Promise reaches not to this , that the Church shall never Erre , no not in the lightest matters of Farth , For it will not follow : Hell-Gates shall not prevail against the Church ; Therefore Hellish Devils shall not tempt , or assault , and batter it . And thus Saint * Augustine understood the place . It may fight ( yea and be wounded too ) but it cannot be wholly overcome . And Bellarmine himself applies it to prove , † That the Visible Church of Christ cannot deficere , Erre so , as quite to fall away . Therefore in his judgment , this is a true , and a safe sense of this Text of Scripture . But as for not Erring at all , in any Point of Divine Truth , and so making the Church absolutely Infallible , that 's neither a true , nor a safe sense of this Scripture . And 't is very remarkable , that whereas this Text hath been so much beaten upon by Writers of all sorts , there is no one Father of the Church for twelve hundred years after Christ ( the Counterfeit or Partial Decretals of some Popes excepted ) that ever concluded the Infallibility of the Church out of this Place : but her Non deficiencie , that hath been , and is justly deduced hence . And here I challenge A. C. and all that party to shew the contrary , if they can . The next Place of Scripture is Saint Matthew 28. The Promise of Christ that he will be with them to the end of the World. But this in the general voyce of the * Fathers of the Church is a promise of Assistance and Protection , not of an Infallibility of the Church . And † Pope Leo himself enlarges this presence and providence of Christ to all those things which he committed to the execution of his Ministers . But no word of Infallibility is to be found there . And indeed since Christ according to his Prowise is present with his Ministers in all these things , and that one and a Chief of these All is the preaching of his Word to the People ; It must follow , That Christ should be present with all his Ministers that Preach his Word , to make them Infallible ; which daily Experience tells us , is not so . The third Place urged by A. C. is S. Luke 22. Where the Prayer of Christ will effect no more than his Promise hath performed ; neither of them implying an Infallibility for , or in the Church against all Errors whatsoever . And this almost all his own side confess is spoken either of S. Peter's person only , or of him and his Successors * both . Of the Church it is not spoken , and therefore cannot prove an unerring Power in it . For how can that place prove the Church cannot Erre , which speaks not at all of the Church ? And 't is observable too , that when the Divines of Paris expounded this Place , that Christ here prayed for S. Peter , as he represented the Whole Catholike Church , and obtained for it that the Faith of the Catholike Church nunquam desiceret , should never so erre , as quite to fall away ; † Bellarmine is so stiff for the Pope , that he says expresly , This Exposition of the Parisians is false , and that this Text cannot be meant of the Catholike Church . Not be meant of it ? Then certainly it ought not to be alledged as Proof of it , as here it is by A. C. The fourth Place named by A. C. is S. John 14. And the consequent Place to it S. John 16. These Places contain another Promise of Christ concerning the coming of the Holy Ghost . Thus : That the Comforter shall abide with them for ever . That this Comforter is the Spirit of Truth . And , That this Spirit of Truth will lead them into all Truth . Now this Promise as it is applied to the Church consisting of all Believers which are and have been since Christ appeared in the Flesh , including the Apostles , is † absolute , and without any Restriction . For , the Holy Ghost did lead them into all Truth , so that no Error was to be found in that Church . But as it is appliable to the whole Church Militant in all succeeding times , so the Promise was made with a Limitation , ‖ namely , that the Blessed Spirit should abide with the Church for ever , and lead it into all Truth ; but not simply into all Curious Truth , no not in or about the Faith , but into all Truth necessary to Salvation . And against this Truth the Whole Catholike Church cannot erre , keeping her self to the direction of the Scripture , as Christ hath appointed her . For in this very Place where the Promise is made , That the Holy Ghost shall teach you all things , 't is added , that He shall bring all things to their remembrance . What ? simply all things ? No : But all things which Christ had told them , S. John 14. So there is a Limitation put upon the words by Christ himself . And if the Church will not erre , it must not ravel Curiously into unnecessary Truths , which are out of the Promise , nor follow any other Guide than the Doctrine which Christ hath lest behind him to govern it . For if it will come to the End , it must keep in the Way . And Christ who promised the Spirit should lead , hath no where promised that it shall follow its Leader into all Truth , and at least not Infallibly , unless you will Limit , as before . So , no one of these Places can make good A. C.'s Assertion , That the whole Church cannot erre Generally in any 〈◊〉 Point of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In Absolute Foundations * she cannot : in Deductions and superstructures she may . Num. 6 Now to all that I have said concerning the Right which Particular Churches have to Reform themselves ▪ when the General Church cannot for Impediments ▪ or will not for Negligence , which I have proved at large * before ▪ All the Answer that A. C. gives , is , First , Quo Judice ? Who shall be Judge ? And that shall be the Scripture , and the † Primitive Church ▪ And by the Rules of the one , and to the Integrity of the other ▪ both in Faith and Manners , any Particular Church may safely Reform it self . Num. 7 Secondly , That no Reformation in Faith can be needful in the General Church , but only in Particular Churches . In which Case also ( he saith ) Particular Churches may not take upon them to Judge and Condemn others of Errors in Faith. Well , how far forth Reformation even of Faith may be necessary in the General Church , I have expressed * already . And for Particular Churches , I do not say , that they must take upon them to Judge or Condemn others of Error in Faith. That which I say , is , They may Reform themselves . Now I hope , to Reform themselves , and to Condemn others , are two different Words , unless it fall out so , that by Reforming themselves ▪ they do by consequence Condemn any other , that is guilty in that Point , in which they Reform themselves ; and so far to Judge and Condemn others , is not only lawful , but necessary . A man that lives religiously , doth not by and by sit in Judgment , and Condemn with his mouth all Prophane Livers : But yet while he is silent , his very Life ▪ condemns them . And I hope in this way of Judicature , A. C. dares not say 't is unlawful for a particular Church or man to Condemn another . And 〈◊〉 whatsoever A. C. can say to the contrary , there are divers Cases , where Heresies are known ▪ and notorious , in which it will be hard to say ( as he doth ) That one Particular Church must not Judge or Condemn another so far forth at 〈◊〉 , as to 〈◊〉 and protest against the Heresie of it . Num. 8 Thirdly , If one Particular Church may not Judge or Condemn another , what must then be done , where Particulars need Reformation ? What ? Why then A. C. tells us , That Particular Churches must in that Case ( as Irenaeus intimateth ) have recourse to the Church of Rome , which hath more powerful sub Principality , the Principality of an Apostolike Chair : Or , if you will , the Apostolike Chair , in relation to the West and South parts of the Church , all the other four Apostolike Chairs being in the East . Now this no man denies , that understands the state and story of the Church . And * Calvin confesses it expresly . Nor is the Word Principatus so great , nor were the Bishops of those times so little , as that Principes and Principatus are not commonly given them both by the † Greek and the Latine Fathers of this great and Learnedst Age of the Church made up of the fourth and fifth hundred years , always understanding Principatus of their Spiritual Power , and within the Limits of their several ▪ Jurisdictions , which perhaps now and then they did occasionally exceed . And there is not one word in S. Augustine , That this Principality of the Apostolike Chair in the Church of Rome was then , or ought to be now exercised over the whole Church of Christ , as Bellarmine insinuates there , and as A. C. would have it here . And to prove that S. Augustine did not intend by Principatus here to give the Roman Bishop any Power out of his own Limits ( which God knows were far short of the whole Church ) I shall make it most manifest out of the very same Epistle . For afterwards ( saith S. Augustine ) when the pertinacie of the Donatists could not be restrained by the African Bishops only , ‖ they gave them leave to be beard by forein Bishops . And after that he hath these words : * And yet peradventure Melciades the Bishop of the Roman Church , with his Colleagues , the Transmarine Bishops , non debuit , ought not usurp to himself this Judgment which was determined by seventy African Bishops , Tigisitanus sitting Primate . And what will you say , if he did not usurp this Power ? For the Emperor being desired , sent Bishops Judges , which should sit with him , and determine what was just upon the whole Cause . In which Passage there are very many things Observeable . As first , that the Roman Prelate came not in , till there was leave for them to go to Transmarine Bishops . Secondly , that if the Pope had come in without this Leave , it had been an Usurpation . Thirdly , that when he did thus come in , not by his own Proper Authority , but by Leave , there were other Bishops made Judges with him . Fourthly , that these other Bishops were appointed , and sent by the Emperor and his Power ; that which the Pope will least of all indure . Lastly , lest the Pope and his Adherents should say this was an Usurpation in the Emperor , * S. Aug. tells us a little before , in the same Epistle still , that this doth chiefly belong ad Curam ejus , to the Emperors Care and charge , and that He is to give an Account to God for it . And Melciades did sit and Judge the Business with all Christian Prudence and Moderation . So at this time the Roman Prelate was not received as Pastor of the whole Church , say A. C. what he please . Nor had he any Supremacie over the other Patriarchs : And for this , were all other Records of Antiquity silent , the Civil Law is proof enough , ( And that 's a Monument of the Primitive Church . ) The Text there is , † A Patriarchâ non datur Appellatio . From a Patriarch there lies no Appeal . No Appeal . Therefore every Patriarch was alike Supreme in his own Patriarchate . Therefore the Pope then had no Supremacie over the whole Church . Therefore certainly not then received as Universal Pastor . And S. Gregory himself speaking of Appeals , and expresly citing the Laws themselves , says plainly , * That the Patriarch is to put a final end to those Causes , which come before him by Appeal from Bishops and Archbishops : but then he adds , † That where there is nor Metropolitan , nor Patriarch of that Diocess , there they are to have recourse to the Sea Apostolike , as being the Head of all Churches . Where first this implies plainly , That if there be a Metropolitan , or a Patriarch in those Churches , his Judgment is final ; and there ought to be no Appeal to Rome . Secondly , 'T is as plain , That in those Ancient times of the Church-Government , Britain was never subject to the Sea of Rome . For it was one of the ‖ Six Diocesses of the West Empire , and had a Primate of its own : Nay , * John Capgrave , one of your own , and Learned for those times , and long before him William of Malmesbury tell us , that Pope Urban the second , at the Councel held at Bar● in Apulia , accounted my Worthy Predecessor S. Anselm , as his own Compeer , and said he was as the Apostolike , and Patriarch of the other world . ( So he then termed this Island . ) Now the Britains having a Primate of their own ( which is greater than a Metropolitan ) yea a * Patriarch , if you will , He could not be Appealed from , to Rome , by S. Gregorie's own Doctrine . Thirdly , it will be hard for any man to prove , there were any Churches then in the World , which were not under some either Patriarch , or Metropolitane . Fourthly , if any such were , 't is gratis dictum , and impossible to be proved , that all such Churches , where ever seated in the world , were obliged to depend on Rome . For manifest it is , that the Bishops which were Ordained in places without the Limits of the Roman Empire ( which places they commonly called * Barbarous ) were all to be Ordained , and therefore most probable to be governed by the Patriarch of Constantinople . And for Rome's being the Head of all Churches , I have said enough to that in divers parts of this Discourse . Num. 11 And since I am thus fallen upon the Church of Africk , I shall borrow another reason from the Practice of that Church , why by Principatus , S. Augustine neither did , nor could mean any Principality of the Church , or Bishop of Rome over the Whole Church of Christ. For as the Acts of Councels and Stories go , the African Prelates finding that all succeeding Popes were not of Melciades his temper , set themselves to assert their own Liberties , and held it out stoutly against Zozimus , Boniface the first , and Coelestine the first , who were successively Popes of Rome . At last it was concluded in the sixth Councel of Carthage ( wherein were assembled two hundred and seventeen Bishops , of which S. Augustine himself was one ) that they would not give way to such a manifest incroachment upon their Rights and Liberties ; and thereupon gave present notice to Pope Coelestine to forbear sending his Officers amongst them , * lest he should seem to induce the swelling pride of the world into the Church of Christ. And this is said to have amounted into a formal Separation from the Church of Rome , and to have continued for the space of somewhat more than one hundred years . Now that such a Separation there was of the African Church from Rome , and a Reconciliation after , stands upon the Credit and Authority of two publike Instruments extant both among the Ancient Councels . The one is an † Epistle from Boniface the Second , in whose time the Reconciliation to Rome is said to be made by Eulalius then Bishop of Carthage , but the Separation , instigan●e Diabolo , by the Temptation of the Devil . The other is an * Exemplar Precum , or Copy of the Petition of the same Eulalius , in which he damns and curses all those his Predecessors which went against the Church of Rome . Amongst which Eulalius must needs Curse S. Augustine ; And Pope Boniface accepting this Submission ▪ must acknowledge that S. Augustine and the rest of that Councel deserved this Curse , and dyed under it , as violating Rectae Fidei Regulam , the Rule of the Right Faith ( so the Exemplar Precum begins ) by refusing the Popes Authority . I will not deny , but that there are divers Reasons given by the Learned Romanists and Reformed Writers for and against the Truth and Authority of both these Instruments . But because this is too long to be examin'd here , I will say but this , and then make my use of it to my present purpose , giving the Church of Rome free leave to acknowledge these Instruments to be true or false , as they please . That which I shall say , is this : These Instruments are let stand in all Editions of the Councels and Epistles Decretal . As for Example , in the Old Edition by Isidor , Anno 1524. And in another Old Edition of them Printed , Anno 1530. And in that which was published by P. Crabbe , Anno 1538. And in the Edition of Valentinus Joverius , Anno 1555. And in that by Surius , Anno 1567. And in the Edition at Venice by Nicolinus , Anno 1585. And in all of these without any Note , or Censure upon them . And they are in the Edition of Binius too , Anno 1618. but there 's a Censure upon them , to keep a quarter it may be with † Baronius , who was the first ( I think ) that ever quarrelled them , and he doth it tartly . And since ‖ Bellarmine follows the same way , but more doubtfully . This is that which I had to say . And the Use which I shall make of these Instruments , whether they be true or false , is this . They are either true or false , that is of necessity . If they be false , then Boniface the Second , and his Accomplices at Rome , or some for them , are notorious Forgers , and that of Records of great Consequence concerning the Government and Peace of the whole Church of Christ , and to the perpetual Infamy of that Sea ; and all this foolishly , and to no purpose . For if there were no such Separation , as these Records mention of the African Churches from the Roman , to what end should Boniface , or any other , counterfeit an Epistle of his own , and a Submission of Eulalius ? On the other side , if these Instruments be true ( as the sixth Councel of Carthage against all other Arguments makes me incline to believe they are , in Substance at least , though perhaps not in all Circumstances ) then 't is manifest , that the Church of Africk separated from the Church of Rome ; That this Separation continued above one hundred years ; That the Church of Africk made this Separation in a National Councel of their own , which had in it two hundred and seventeen Bishops : That this Separation was made ( for ought appears ) only because they at Rome were too ready to entertain Appeals from the Church of Africk , as appears in the Case of * Apiarius , who then appealed thither : That S. Augustine , Eugenius , Fulgentius , and all those Bishops , and other Martyrs which suffered in the Vandalike Persecution , dyed in the time of this Separation : That if this Separation were not just , but a Schism , then these Famous Fathers of the Church dyed ( for ought appears ) in Actual and unrepented Schism , † and out of the Church . And if so , then how comes S. Augustine to be , and be accounted a Saint all over the Christian world , and at Rome it self ? But if the Separation were just , then is it far more lawfull for the Church of England by a National Councel to cast off the Popes Usurpation ( as * She did ) then it was for the African Church to separate ; Because then the African Church excepted only against the Pride of Rome † in Case of Appeals , and two other Canons less material ; But the Church of England excepts ( besides this Grievance ) against many Corruptions in Doctrine belonging to the Faith , with which Rome at that time of the African Separation was not tainted . And I am out of all doubt , that S. Augustine and those other Famous men in their generations , durst not thus have separated from Rome , had the Pope had that powerful Principality over the whole Church of Christ ; And that by Christs own Ordinance and Institution , as A. C. pretends he had . Num. 12 I told you a little * before , that the Popes grew under the Emperors , till they had over-grown them . And now lest A. C. should say , I speak it without proof , I will give you a brief touch of the Church-story in that behalf : And that from the beginning of the Emperors becoming Christians , to the time of Charles the Great , which contains about five hundred years . For so soon as the Emperors became Christian , the Church ( which before was kept under by Persecutions ) began to be put in better Order . For the calling and Authority of Bishops over the Inferior Clergy , that was a thing of known use , and benefit for Preservation of Unity and Peace in the Church . And so much * S. Jerome tells us . Though being none himself , he was no great friend to Bishops . And this was so setled in the minds of men from the very Infancie of the Christian Church , as that it had not been to that time contradicted by any . So that then there was no Controversie about the Calling ; all agreed upon that . The only Difficulty was to accommodate the Places and Precedencies of Bishops , among themselves , for the very Necessity of Order and Government . To do this , the most equal and impartial way was , That as the Church is in the Common-wealth , not the Common-wealth in it ( as † Optatus tells us : ) So the Honors of the Church should ‖ follow the Honors of the State. And so it was insinuated , if not Ordered ( as appears ) by the Canons of the Councels of Chalcedon and Antioch . And this was the very fountain of Papal Greatness , the Pope having his Residence in the great Imperial City . But Precedencie is one thing , and Authority is another . It was thought fit therefore , though ( as * S. Cyprian speaks ) Episcopatus unus est ; the Calling of a Bishop be one and the same , that yet among Bishops there should be a certain Subordination and Subjection . The Empire therefore being cast into several Divisions ( which they then called Diocesses ) every Diocess contained several Provinces , every Province several Bishopricks . The Chief of a Diocess ( in that larger sense ) was called 〈◊〉 , and sometimes a Patriarch . The Chief of a Province , a Metropolitane . Next the Bishops in their several Diocesses ( as we now use that word . ) Among These there was effectual subjection respectively grounded upon Canon , and Positive Law , in their several Quarters . But over them none at all . All the Difference there , was but Honorary , not Authoritative . If the Ambition of some particular persons did attempt now and then to break these Bounds , it is no marvel . For no Calling can sanctifie all that have it . And Socrates tells us , That in this way the Bishops of Alexandria and Rome advanced themselves to a great height 〈◊〉 , even beyond the quality of Bishops . Now upon view of Story it will appear , that what advantage accrewed to Alexandria , was gotten by the violence of Theophilus , Patriarch there . A man of exceeding great Learning , and of no less violence ; and he made no little advantage , out of this , that the Empress E●doxia used his help for the casting of S. Chrysostome out of Constantinople . But the Roman Prelates grew by a steddy and constant watchfulness upon all Occasions to increase the Honour of that Sea. Interposing and * assuming to themselves to be Vindices Canonum ( as S. Gregory Nazian . speaks ) Defenders and Restorers of the Canons of the Church ; which was a fair pretence , and took extremely well . But yet the World took notice of this their aim . For in all Contestations between the East and the West , which were nor small nor few , the Western Bishops objected Levity to the Eastern ; And they again Arrogancie to the Bishops of the West , as † Bilius observes , and upon very warrantable Testimonies . For all this , the Bishop of Rome continued in good Obedience to the Emperor , enduring his Censures and Judgments . And being chosen by the Clergy and People of Rome , he accepted from the Emperor the Ratification of that choice . Insomuch that about the year 579. when all Italy was on fire with the Lombards , and * Pelagius the Second constrained through the necessity of the times , contrary to the Example of his Predecessors , to enter upon the Popedom without the Emperors leave ; S. Gregory then a Deacon was shortly after sent on Embassie to excuse it . About this time brake out the Ambition of ‖ John Patriarch of Constantinople affecting to be Universal Bishop . He was countenanced in this by Mauricius the Emperor , but sowerly opposed by Pelagius and S. Gregory . Insomuch that S. * Gregory says plainly , That this Pride of his shews that the times of Antichrist were near . So as yet ( and this was now upon the point of six hundred years after Christ ) there was no Universal Bishop , No one Monarch over the whole Militant Church . But Mauricius being deposed and murthered by Phocas ; Phocas conferred upon † Boniface the Third that very honour , which two of his Predecessors had declaimed against as ‖ Monstrous and Blasphemous , if not Antichristian . Where , by the way either those two Popes , Pelagius and S. Gregory erred in this weighty business about an Universal Bishop over the whole Church ; Or if they did not Erre , Boniface , and the rest which after him took it upon them , were in their very Predecessors judgment , Antichristian . But to proceed . * As yet the right of Election or Ratification of the Pope continued in the Emperor . But then the Lombards grew so great in Italy , and the Empire was so infested with Saracens ; and such changes hapned in all parts of the world , as that neither for the present , the Homage of the Pope was useful to the Emperor ; nor the Protection of the Emperor available for the Pope . By this means the Bishop of Rome was left to play his own game by himself . A thing which as it pleased him well enough ; So both he , and his Successors made great Advantage by it . For being grown to that Eminence by the Emperor , and the greatness of that City and Place of his abode , He found himself the more free , the greater the tempest was , that beat upon the other : And then first , † He set himself to alion●te the hearts of the Italians from the Emperor . Next he Opposed himself against him . And about the year seven hundred and ten , Pope Constantine the first did also first of all openly confront Philippicus the Emperor in defence of Images . As ‖ On●phrius tells us . After him * Gregory the Second , and the third took up his example , and did the like by Leo Isaurus . By this time the Lombards began to pinch very close , and to vex on all sides not Italy only , but Rome too . This drives the Pope to seek a new Patron . And very fitly he meets with Charles Martel in France , that famous warrior against the Saracens . * Him he implores in defence of the Church against the Lombards . This address seems very advisedly taken , at least it proves very fortunate to them both . † For in short time it dissolved the Kingdom of the Lombards in Italy , which had then stood two hundred and four years , which was the Popes security ; And it brought the Crown of France into the House of Charles , and shortly after the Western Empire . And now began the Pope to be great indeed . For by the Bounty of ‖ P●pin Son of Charles , that which was taken from the Lombards was given to the Pope . So that now of a Bishop , he became a Temporal Prince . But when Charles the Great had set up the Western Empire , then he resumed the Ancient and Original Power of the Emperor , to govern the Church , to call Councels , to order Papal Elections . And this Power continued in his Posterity . For this Right of the Emperor was in force and use in Gregory the Seventh's time , * Who was confirmed in the Popedom by Henry the fourth , whom he afterward deposed . And it might have continued longer , if the succeeding Emperors had had abilities enough to secure , or vindicate their own Right . But the Pope keeping a strong Councel about him , and meeting with some Weak Princes , and they oft-times distracted with great and dangerous Wars , grew stronger , till he got the better . So this is enough to shew how the Popes climed up by the Emperors , till they over-topped them ; which is all I said before , and have now proved . And this was about the year 1073. ( For the whole Popedom of Gregory the Seventh was begun and ended within the Reign of William the Conqueror . ) Yet was it carried in succeeding times with great changes of fortune , and different success . The Emperor sometimes plucking from the Pope , and the † Pope from the Emperor , winning and losing ground , as their Spirits , Abilities , Aids and Opportunities were , till at the last the Pope setled himself upon the Grounds laid by ‖ Gregory the Seventh , in the great power which he now uses in and over these parts of the Christian world . Num. 13 Thirdly , A. C. knowing 't is not enough to say this , That the Pope is Pastor of the whole Church , labors to prove it . And first he tells us , that Irenaeus intimates so much ; but he doth not tell us where . And he is much scanted of Ancient Proof , if Irenaeus stand alone . Besides , Irenaeus was a Bishop of the Gallicane Church , and a very unlikely man to Captivate the Liberty of that Church under the more powerful Principality of Rome . And how can we have better evidence of his Judgment touching that Principality , than the Actions of his Life ? When Pope Victor Excommunicated the Asian Churches 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * all at a blow , was not Irenaeus the Chief man that reprehended him for it ? A very unmeet and undutiful thing , sure , it had been in Irenaeus , in deeds to tax him of rashness and inconsiderateness , whom in words A. C. would have to be acknowledged by him , The Supreme and Infallible Pastor of the Universal Church . But the Place of Irenaeus , which A. C. means , ( I think ) is this , where he uses these words indeed , but short of A. C's sense of it . † To this Church ( he speaks of Rome ) propter potentiorem principalitatem , for the more powerful Principality of it , 't is necessary that every Church , that is , the faithful , undique , round about , should have recourse . Should have recourse , so A. C. translates it . And what doth this avail him ? Very great reason was there in Irenaeus his time , That upon any Disference arising in the Faith , Omnes undique Fideles , all the Faithful , or , if you will , all the Churches round about , should have recourse , that is , resort to Rome , being the Imperial City , and so a Church of more powerful Principality , than any other at that time in those parts of the world . Well : Will this exalt Rome to be the Head of the Church Universal ? What if the States and Policies of the world be much changed since , and this Conveniencie of resorting to Rome be quite ceased ? Then is not Rome devested of her more powerful Principality ? But the meaning of A. C. is , We must so have recourse to Rome , as to submit our Faith to hers : And then not only in Irenaeus his time , but through all times reform Our selves by her Rule : That is , all the Faithful , not undique , round about , but ubique , every where , must agree with Rome in point of Faith. This he means , and Rome may thank him for it . But this Irenaeus saith not , nor will his words bear it ; nor durst A. C. therefore construe him so , but was content to smooth it over with this ambiguous phrase of having recourse to Rome . Yet this is a place as much stood upon by them , as any other in all Antiquity . And should I grant them their own sense , That all the faithful every where must agree with Rome ( which I may give , but can never grant ) yet were not this saying any whit prejudicial to us now . For first , here 's a powerful Principality ascribed to the Church of Rome . And that no man of Learning doubts but the Church of Rome had within its own Patriarchate and Jurisdiction ; and that was very large , containing ‖ all the Provinces in the Diocess of Italy ( in the old sense of the word Diocess ) which Provinces the Lawyers and others term Suburbicarias . There were ten of them . The three Islands , Sicily , Corsica , and Sardinia ; and the other seven upon the firm land of Italy . And this ( I take it ) is plain in Ruffinus . For he living shortly after the Ni●●ne Connec●● , as he did , and being of Italy , as he was , he might very well know the Bounds of that Patriarchs Jurisdiction , as it was then practised : * And he says expresly , That according to the old Custome , the Roman Patriarchs Charge was confined within the Limits of the Suburbicarian Churches . To avoid the force of this Testimony , † Cardinal Peron lays load upon Ruffinus . For he charges him with Passion , Ignorance , and Rashness . And one piece of his Ignorance is , That he hath ill translated the Canon of the Councel of Nice . Now be that as it may , I neither do , nor can approve his Translation of that Canon ; nor can it be easily proved , that he purposely intended a Translation . All that I urge is , that Ruffinus living in that time and Place , was very like well to know and understand the Limits and Bounds of that Patriarchate of Rome , in which he lived . Secondly here 's , That it had potentiorem , a more powerful Principality than other Churches had . And that the Protestants grant too ; and that not only because the Roman Prelate was Ordine primus , first in Order , and Degree , which some One must be , to avoid Confusion ; ‖ But also because the Roman Sea had won a great deal of Credit , and gained a great deal of Power to it self in Church-Affairs : Because while the Greek yea , and the African Churches too , were turbulent , and distracted with many and dangerous Opinions , the Church of Rome all that while , and a good while after Irenaeus too , was more calm and constant to the Truth . Thirdly , here 's a Necessity ( say they ) required , That every Church , that is , the faithful , which are every where , agree with that Church . But what ? simply with that Church , what ever it do or believe ? No , nothing less . For Irenaeus adds , with that Church , in quâ , in which is conserved that Tradition which was delivered by the Apostles . And God forbid but it should be necessary for all Churches ; and all the faithful to agree with that Ancient Apostolike Church in all those Things , in which it keeps to the Doctrine and Discipline delivered by the Apostles . In Iraeneus his time it kept these better than any other Church , and by this in part obtained potentiorem Principalitatem , a Greater power than other Churches , but not over all other Churches . And ( as they understand Irenaeus ) a Necessity lay upon all other Churches to agree with this : but this Necessity was laid upon them by the Then Integrity of the Christian Faith there professed , not by the Universality of the Roman Jurisdiction now challenged . And let Rome reduce it self to the Observation of Tradition Apostolike , to which it then held , and I will say as Irenaeus did ; That it will be then necessary for every Church , and for the Faithful every where , to agree with it . Lastly , let me Observe too , That Irenaeus made no doubt , but that Rome might fall away from Apostolical Tradition , as well as other Particular Churches of great Name have done . For he does not say , in quâ servanda semper erit , sed in quâ servata est : Not , in which Church the Doctrine delivered from the Apostles shall ever be entirely kept : That had been home indeed : But in which , by God's Grace and Mercy , it was to that time of Irenaeus so kept and preserved . So we have here in Irenaeus his Judgment , the Church of Rome then Entire , but not Infallible . And endowed with a more powerful Principality than other Churches , but not with an Universal Dominion over all other Churches ; which is the Thing in Question . Num. 14 But to this place of Irenaeus A. C. joyns a Reason of his own . For he tells us the Bishop of Rome is S. Peter's Successor , and therefore to Him we must have recourse . The Fathers , I deny not , ascribe very much to S. Peter : But 't is to S. Peter in his own person . And among them , Epiphanius is as free , and as frequent in extolling S. Peter , as any of them : And yet did he never intend to give an Absolute Principality to Rome in S. Peter's right . There is a Noted Place in that Father , where his words are these : * For the Lord himself made S. Peter the first of the Apostles , a firm Rock , upon which the Church of God is built , and the Gates of Hell shall not prevail against it , &c. For in him the Faith is made firm every way , who received the Key of Heaven , &c. For in him all the Questions and Subtilties of the Faith are sound . This is a great Place at first sight too , and deserves a Marginal Note to call young Readers eyes to view it . And it hath this Note in the Old Latine Edition at Paris , 1564. Petri Principatus , & Praestantia ; Peters Principality , and Excellencie . This Place , as much shew as it makes for the Roman Principality , I shall easily clear , and yet do no wrong , either to S. Peter , or the Roman Church . For most manifest it is , That the Authority of S. Peter is † urged here to prove the Godhead of the Holy Ghost . And then follow the Elogies given to S. Peter , the better to set off and make good that Authority ; As that he was ‖ Princeps Apostolorum , the Prince of the Apostles , and pronounced blessed by Christ ; because as God the Father revealed to him the Godhead of the Son , so did he again the Godhead of the Holy Ghost . After this Epiphanius calls Him * solidam Petram , a solid Rock , upon which the Church of God was founded , against which the Gates of Hell should not prevail . And adds , That the Faith was rooted , and made firm in him † every way , in him who received the Key of Heaven . And after this , he gives the Reason of all : * Because in Him : ( mark I pray , 't is still in Him , as he was blessed by that Revelation from God the Father , S. Mathew 16. ) were found all the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very Nice-Cities and exactness of the Christian Faith. For he professed the Godhead of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost ; And so Omni modo every Point of Faith was rooted in Him. And this is the full meaning of that Learned Father in this passage . Now therefore Building the Church upon Saint Peter in Epiphanius his sense , is not , as if He and his Successors were to be Monarchs over it for ever : But it is the edifying and establishing the Church in the true Faith of Christ by the Confession which S. Peter made . And so † He expresses himself elsewhere most plainly : Saint Peter ( saith he ) who was made to us indeed a solid Rock firming the Faith of our Lord. On which ( Rock ) the Church is built juxta omnem modum , every way . First , that he Confessed Christ to be the Son of the Living God , and by and by he heard : Upon this Rock of solid Faith I will build my Church . And the same Confession he made of the Holy Ghost . Thus was S. Peter a solid Rock upon which the Church was founded omni modo , every way . That is , the Faith of the Church was ‖ confirmed by him in every Point . But that S. Peter was any Rock , or Foundation of the Church , so as that he and his Successors must be relied on in all matters of Faith , and govern the Church like Princes , or Monarchs , that Epiphanius never thought of . And that he did never think so , I prove it thus . For beside this apparent meaning of his Context ( as is here expressed ) how could he possibly think of a Supremacie due to S. Peter's Successor , that in most express terms , and that * twice repeated , makes S. James the Brother of our Lord , and not S. Peter , succeed our Lord in the Principality of the Church . And Epiphanius was too full both of Learning and Industry , to speak contrary to himself in a Point of this moment . Num. 15 Next , since A. C. speeds no better with Irenaeus , he will have it out of Scripture . And he still tells us , the Bishop of Rome is S. Peter's Successor . Well . Suppose that . What then ? What ? Why then he succeeded in all S. Peters * Prerogatives which are Ordinary , and belonged to him as a Bishop , though not in the Extraordinary , which belonged to him as an Apostle . For that 's it which you all say , † but no man proves . If this be so , yet then I must tell A. C. S. Peter in his Ordinary Power was never made Pastor of the whole Church : Nay , in his Extraordinary , he had no * more powerful Principality than the other Apostles had . A † Primacie of Order was never denied Him by the Protestants : And an Universal Supremacie of Power was never granted him by the Primitive Christians . Yea , but Christ promised the Keys to Saint Peter , ‖ S. Mat. 16. True , but so did he to all the rest of the Apostles , * S. Mat. 18. and S. Joh. 20. And to their Successors , as much as to His. So 't is Tibi , & Illis , not Tibi , non Illis . I give the Keys to thee and them , not to thee to exclude them . Unless any man will think Heaven-Gates so easie , that they might open and shut them without the Keys . And † S. Augustine is plain : If this were said only to S. Peter , then the Church hath no power to do it ; which God forbid ! The Keys therefore were given to S. Peter , and the rest , in a Figure of the Church , to whose power , and for whose use They were given . But there 's not one Key in all that Bunch , that can let in S. Peter's Successor , to a more powerful Principality universal than the Successors of the other Apostles had . Num. 16 Yea , but Christ prayed , That S. Peter's Faith might not fail , * S. Luke 22. That 's true . And in that sense , that Christ prayed , S. Peter's Faith failed not ; That is , in Application to his person for his Perseverance in the Faith , as † S. Prosper applies it . Which Perseverance yet he must owe and acknowledge to the Grace of Christ's Prayer for him , not to the power and ability of his own Free-Will , as * S. Jerome tells us . † Bellarmine likes not this : Because ( saith he ) Christ here obtained some special Priviledge for S. Peter , whereas Perseverance in Grace is a Gift common to all the Elect. And he is so far right . And the Special Grace which this Prayer of Christ obtained for S. Peter was , That he should not fall into a final Apostacie ; no not when Sathan had sifted him to the bran , that he fell most horribly even into a threefold Denyal of his Master , and that with a Curse . And to recover this , and Persevere , was aliquid speciale I trow , if any thing ever were . But this will not down with Bellarmine . No , The ‖ Aliquid speciale , the special Thing here obtained was ( saith he ) That neither S. Peter himself , nor any other that should sit in his Seat should teach any thing contrary to the true Faith. That S. Peter after his recovery should preach nothing either as Apostle or Bishop contrary to the Faith , will easily be granted him ; But that none of his Successors should do it , but be all Infallible , that certainly never came within the Compass of Rogavi pro te Petre , I have prayed for thee Peter . And Bellarmines Proof of this , is his just Confutation . For he proves this Exposition of that Text only by the Testimony of seven Popes in their own Cause . And then takes a leap to Theophylact , who says nothing to the purpose . So that upon the matter Bellarmine confesses there is not one Father of the Church disinteressed in the Cause , that understands this Text as Bellarmine doth , till you come down to Theophylact. So the Popes Infallibility appeared to no body but the Popes themselves , for above a thousand years after Christ. For so long it was before * Theophylact lived . And the spite of it is , Theophylact could not see it neither . For the most that Bellarmine makes him say , is but this ▪ † Because I account thee as chief of my Disciples , confirm the rest , for this becomes Thee , which art to be a Rock and Foundation of the Church after me . For this is Personal too , and of S. Peter , and that as he was an Apostle . For otherwise then as an Apostle ▪ he was not a Rock or Foundation of the Church , no not in a Secondary sense . The special priviledge therefore which Christ prayed for , was personal to S. Peter , and is that which before I mentioned . And Bellarmine himself says , That Christ ‖ obtained by this Prayer two Priviledges , especial ones for Saint Peter . The one , That he should never quite fall from the true Faith , how strongly soever he were tempted . The other , That there should never be found any sitting in his Seat , that should teach against it . Now for the first of these , * Bellarmine doubts it did not flow over to his Successors . Why then 't is true , which I here say , that this was Personal to S. Peter . But the second he says , Out of all doubt passed over to his Successors . Nay , that 's not out of all doubt neither . First , because many Learned men have challenged many Popes for teaching Heresie ; and that 's against the true Faith. And that which so many Learned Men have affirmed , is not out of all doubt . Or if it be , why does Bellarmine take so much pain● to confute and disprove them , as † he doth ? Secondly , because Christ obtained of his Father every thing that he prayed for , if he prayed for it absolutely , and not under a Condition ▪ Father , I know thou hearest me always , S. John 11. Now Christ here prayed absolutely for S. Peter ; Therefore whatsoever he asked for him was granted . Therefore if Christ 〈◊〉 his Successors as well as himself , his Prayer was granted for his Successors as well as for himself . But then , if Bellarmine will tell us absolutely , as he doth , * That the whole Gift obtained by this Prayer for S. Peter did belong to his Successors ; and then by and by after break this Gift into two parts , and call the first part into doubt , whether it belongs to his Successors or no , he cannot say the second part is out of all doubt . For if there be reason of doubting the one , there 's as much reason of doubting the other , since they stand both on the same foot , The Validity of Christ's Prayer for Saint Peter . Num. 17 Yea , but Christ charged S. Peter to govern , and feed his whole stock , S. John 21. Nay soft . ▪ T is but his Sheep and his Lambs ; and that every Apostle , and every Apostles Successor hath charge to do . * S. Matth. 28. But over the whole Flock I find no one Apostle or Successor set . And 't is a poor shift to say , as A. C. doth , That the Bishop of Rome is set over the whole Flock , because both over Lambs and Sheep . For in every Flock that is not of barren Weathers , there are Lambs and Sheep , that is , † weaker and stronger Christians ; not People and Pastors , Subjects and Governors , as A. C. expounds it , to bring the Necks of Princes under Roman Pride . And if Kings be meant , yet then the command is Pasce , feed them ; But Deponere , or Occidere , to depose , or kill them , is not Pascere in any sense ; Lanii id est , non Pastoris , that 's the Butchers , not the Shepherds part . If a a Sheep go astray never so far , 't is not the Shepherds part , to kill him ; at least if he do , non pascit , dum o●cidit , he doth not certainly feed , while he kills . Num. 18 And for the Close , That the Bishop of Rome shall never refuse to feed and govern the whole stock in such sort , as that neither particular Man , nor Church shall have just cause under pretence of Reformation in Manners or Faith to make a Separation from the whole Church . By A. C's favour , this is meer begging of the Question . He says the Pope shall ever govern the whole Whole Church , so as that there shall be no just Cause given of a Separation . And that is the very Thing , which the Protestants charge upon him ; Namely , that he hath governed , if not the Whole , yet so much of the Church as he hath been able to bring under his Power , so as that he hath given too just Cause of the present continued separation . And as the Corruptions in the Doctrine of Faith , in the Church of Rome were the Cause of the first Separation ; so are they at this present day the Cause why the separation continues . And farther , I for my part , am clear of Opinion , that the Errors in the Doctrine of Faith , which are charged upon the whole Church , at least so much of the whole , as in these parts of Europe hath been kept under the Roman Jurisdiction , have had their Original and Continuance from this , that so much of the Universal Church ( which indeed they account All ) hath forgotten her own Liberty , and submitted to the Roman Church and Bishop ; and so is in a manner forced to embrace all the Corruptions ; which the Particular Church of Rome hath contracted upon it self . And being now not able to free her self from the Roman Jurisdiction , is made to continue also in all her Corruptions . And for the Protestants , they have made no separation from the General Church properly so called ( for therein A. C. said well , the Popes Administration can give no Cause to separate from that ) but their Separation is only from the Church of Rome ; and such other Churches , as by adhering to her , have hazarded themselves , and do now miscal themselves , the Whole Catholike Church . Nay , even here the Protestants have not left the Church of Rome in her Essence , but in her Errors ; not in the Things which Constitute a Church , but only in such Abuses and Corruptions , as work toward the Dissolution of a Church . F. I also asked , who ought to judge in this Case ? The B. said , a General Councel . B. § . 26 Num. 1 And surely , What greater or surer Judgment you can have , where sense of Scripture is doubted , than a General Councel , I do not see : Nor do you doubt . And A. C. grants it to be a most Competent Judge of all Controversies of Faith , so that all Pastors be gathered together , and in the Name of Christ , and pray unanimously for the promised assistance of the Holy Ghost , and make great and diligent search and examination of the Scriptures , and other Grounds of Faith ; And then Decree what is to be held for Divine Truth . For then ( saith he ) 't is Firm , and Infallible , or else there is nothing firm upon earth . As fair as this Passage seems , and as freely as I have granted , that a General Councel is the best Judge on Earth , where the sense of Scripture is doubted ; yet even in this passage there are some things Considerable . As first , when shall the Church hope for such a General Councel , in which all Pastors shall be gathered together ? there was never any such General Councel yet , nor do I believe such can be had . So that 's supposed in vain ; and you might have learn'd this of * Bellarmine : if you will not believe me . Next ( saith he ) If all these Pastors pray unanimously for the promised Assistance of the Holy Ghost . Why , but if all Pastors cannot meet together , all cannot pray together , nor all search the Scriptures together , nor all upon that Search Decree together . So that is supposed in vain too . Yea , but Thirdly , If all that meet do pray unanimously . What then ? All that meet are not simply All. Nor doth the Holy Ghost come , and give his Assistance upon every Prayer , that is made unanimously , though by very many Prelates or other Faithful People met together , unless all other Requisites as well as Unanimity , to make their prayer to be heard and granted , be observed by them ; So that an Unanimous Prayer is not adequately supposed , and therefore Concludes not . But lastly , how far a General Councel , if all A. C's Conditions be observed , is firm , and Infallible , that shall be more fully discussed at after . † In the mean time , these two words Firm and Infallible are ill put together as Synonima's . For there are some things most Infallible in themselves , which yet could never get to be made firm among men . And there are many things made firm by Law , both in Churches and Kingdoms , which yet are not Infallible in themselves . So to draw all together ; to settle Controversies in the Church , here is a Visible Judge and Infallible , but not living . And that is the ‖ Scripture pronouncing by the Church . And there is a visible and a Living Judge , but not Infallible ; and that is a General Councel , lawfully called , and so proceeding . But I know no formal Confirmation of it needful ( though A. C. require it , * ) but only that after it is ended , the Whole Church admit it , be it never so tacitely . Num. 2 In the next Place , A. C. interposes new matter quite out of the Conference . And first in case of Distractions and Disunion in the Church , he would know , what is to be done to Re-unite , when a General Councel ( which is acknowledged a fit Judge ) cannot be had by reason of manifold impediments : Or if being called , will not be of one mind ? Hath Christ our Lord ( saith he ) in this Case provided no Rule , no Judge Infallibly to determine Controversies , and to procure Unity and Certainty of Belief ? Indeed the Protestants admit no Infallible Means , Rule , or Judge , but only Scripture , which every man may interpret , as he pleaseth , and so all shall be uncertain . Truly , I must confess , there are many Impediments to hinder the Calling of a General Councel . You know in the Ancient Church there was † hinderance enough , and what hurt it wrought . And afterward though it were long first , there was provision made for ‖ frequent calling of Councels , and yet no Age since saw them called according to that Provision in every Circumstance ; therefore Impediments there were enough , or else some declined them wilfully , though there were no Impediments . Nor will I deny , but that when they were called , there were as many * Practices to disturb or pervert the Councels . And these Practices were able to keep many Councels from being all of one mind . But if being called , they will not be of one mind , I cannot help that ; Though that very not agreeing is a shrewd sign , that the other Spirit hath a party there against the Holy Ghost . Now A. C. would know , what is to be done for Re-uniting of a Church divided in Doctrine of the Faith ; when this Remedy by a General Councel cannot be had ; Sure Christ our Lord ( saith he ) hath provided some Rule , some Judge in such and such like Cases to procure unity and certainty of Belief . I believe so too ; for he hath left an Infallible Rule , the Scripture . And that by the manifest Places in it ( which need no Dispute , no External Judge ) is * able to settle Unity and Certainty of Belief in Necessaries to Salvation ; And in Non necessariis , in and about things not necessary , there ought not to be a Contention to a † Separation . Num. 4 And therefore A. C. does not well , to make that a Crime , that the Protestants admit no Infallible Rule , but the Scripture only : Or as he ( I doubt not without some scorn ) terms it , beside only Scripture . For what need is there of another , since this is most Infallible ; and the same which the * Ancient Church of Christ admitted ? And if it were sufficient for the Antient Church to guide them , and direct their Councels , why should it be now held insufficient for us , at least , till a free General Councel may be had ? And it hath both the Conditions which † Bellarmine requires to a Rule . Namely , that it be Certain , and that it be Known ; For if it be not certain , it is no Rule ; and if it be not known , 't is no Rule to us . Now the ‖ Romanists dare not deny , but this Rule is Certain ; and that it is sufficiently Known in the manifest Places of it , and such as are necessary to Salvation , none of the Antients did ever deny ; so there 's an Infallible Rule . Num. 5 Nor need there be such fear of a Private Spirit in these manifest things , which being but read , or heard , teach themselves . Indeed you Romanists had need of some other Judge , and he a propitious one , to crush the Pope's more powerful Principality out of Pasce oves , feed my sheep . And yet this must be the meaning ( if you will have it ) whether Gideon's fleece be wet , or dry , Judg. 6. that is , whether there be dew enough in the Text , to water that sense or no. But I pray , when God hath left his Church this Infallible Rule , what warrant have you to seek another ? You have shewed us none yet , what e're you think you have . And I hope A. C. cannot think , it follows , that Christ our Lord hath provided no Rule to determine necessary Controversies , because he hath not provided the Rule , which he would have . Num. 6 Besides , let there be such a living Judge , as A. C. would have , and let the * Pope be he ; yet that is not sufficient against the malice of the Devil , and impious men , to keep the Church at all Times from Renting , even in the Doctrine of Faith ; or to soder the Rents which are made . For Oportet esse Haereses , 1 Cor. 11. Heresies there will be , and Heresies properly there cannot be , but in Doctrine of the Faith. And what will A. C. in this Case do ? Will he send Christ our Lord to provide another Rule than the Decision of the Bishop of Rome , because he can neither make Unity , nor Certainty of Belief ? And ( as 't is most apparent ) he cannot do it de facto ; so neither hath he power from Christ over the Whole Church to do it : nay out of all doubt , 't is not the least reason , why de facto he hath so little success , because de Jure he hath no power given . But since A. C. requires another Judge besides the Scripture , and in Cases , when either the time is so difficult , that a General Councel cannot be called ; or the Councel so set , that they will not agree ; Let 's see , how he proves it . Num. 7 'T is thus ; every earthly Kingdom ( saith he ) when matters cannot be composed by a Parliament ( which cannot be called upon all Occasions ; why doth he not add here , And which being called , will not always be of one mind , as he did add it in Case of the Councel ? ) hath , besides the Law-Books , some living Magistrates and Judges , and above all , one visible King , the Highest Judge , who hath Authority sufficient to end all Controversies , and settle Unity in all Temporal Affairs . And shall we think that Christ the wisest King hath provided in his Kingdom , the Church , only the Law-Books of the Holy-Scripture , and no living visible Judges , and above all , one Chief , so assisted by his Spirit as , may suffice to end all Controversies for Unity and Certainty of Faith ; which can never be , if every man may interpret Holy Scripture , the Law-Books , as he list ? This is a very plausible Argument with the Many . But the foundation of it is but a * Similitude ; and if the Similitude hold not in the main , the Argument's nothing . And so I doubt , it will prove here . I 'le observe Particulars , as they lie in order . Num. 8 And first , he will have the whole Militant Church ( for of that we speak ) a Kingdom . But this is not certain : For they are no mean ones , which think our Saviour Christ left the Church Militant in the Hands of the Apostles , and their Successors , in an Aristocratical , or rather a Mixt Government ; and that the Church is not * Monarchical otherwise than the Triumphant and Militant make one Body under Christ the Head. And in this sense indeed , and in this only , the Church is a most absolute Kingdom . And the very Expressing of this sense is a full Answer to all the Places of Scripture , and other Arguments brought by † Bellarm. to prove that the Church is a Monarchy . But the Church being as large as the world , Christ thought it fitter to govern it Aristocratically , by Divers , rather than by One Vice-Roy . And I believe this is true . For all the time of the first three hundred years , and somewhat better , it was governed Aristocratically , if we will impartially consider , how the Bishops of those times carried the whole Business of admitting any new consecrated Bishops or others to , or rejecting them from their Communion . For I have carefully Examined this for the first six hundred years , even to , and within the time of S. Gregory the great . ‖ Who in the beginning of the seventh hundred year sent such Letters to Augustine then Archbishop of Canterbury , and to * Quirinus , and other Bishops in Ireland ; And I finde , That the Literae Communicatoriae which certified from one Great Patriarch to another , who were fit or unfit to be admitted to their Communion , if they upon any Occasion repaired to their Seas , were sent mutually . And as freely , and in the same manner from Rome to the other Patriarchs , as from them to it . Out of which , I think , this will follow most directly , That the Church-Government then was Aristocratical . For had the Bishop of Rome been then accounted Sole Monarch of the Church , and been put into the Definition of the Church ( as he is now by * Bellarmine ) all these Communicatory Letters should have been directed from him to the rest , as whose admittance ought to be a Rule for all to Communicate ; but not from others to him , or at least not in that even , equal , and Brotherly way , as now they appear to be written . For it is no way probable , that the Bishops of Rome , which even then sought their own Greatness too much , would have submitted to the other Patriarchs voluntarily , had not the very Course of the Church put it upon them . Num. 9 Besides , this is a great and undoubted Rule , given by * Optatus , That wheresoever there is a Church , there the Church is in the Common-wealth , not the Common-wealth in the Church . And so also the Church was in the Roman Empire . Now from this Ground I argue thus : If the Church be within the Empire or other Kingdom , 't is impossible the Government of the Church should be Monarchical . For no Emperor or King will indure another King within his Dominion that shall be greater than himself , since the very induring it , makes him that indures it , upon the matter , no Monarch . Nor will it disturb this Argument : That two Great Kings in France and Spain permit this . For he that is not blind , may see , if he will , of what little value the Pope's power is in those Kingdoms , farther than to serve their own turns of Him , which They do to their great advantage . Nay farther , the Ancient Canons and Fathers of the Church seem to me plain for this : For the a Councel of Antioch submits Ecclesiastical Causes to the Bishops . And what was done amiss by a Bishop , was corrigible by a b Synod of Bishops , but this with the c Metropolitane . And in Case these did not agree , the d Metropolitane might call in other Bishops out of the neighbouring Provinces . And if Things setled not this way , a General Councel ( e under the Scripture , and directed by it ) was the Highest Remedy . And f S. Cyprian even to Pope Cornelius himself says plainly : That to every Bishop is ascribed a portion of the flock for him to govern . And so not all committed to One. In all this the Government of the Church seems plainly Aristocratical . And if all other Arguments fail , we have one left from Bellarmine , who opposes it as much as any , g twice for failing . And yet , where he goes to Exclude Secular Princes from Church-Government , h all his Quotations , and all his Proofs run upon this Head , to shew , That the Government of the Church was ever in the Bishops . What says i A. C. now to the Confession of this great Adversary , and in this great Point , extorted from him by force of Truth ? Now if this be true , then the whole foundation of this Argument is gone . The Church Militant is no Kingdom ; and therefore not to be Compared , or Judged by One. The Resemblance will not hold . Num. 10 Next , suppose it a Kingdom : yet the Church Militant remaining one , is spread in many Earthly Kingdoms ; and cannot well be ordered like any one particular * Kingdom . And therefore , though in one particular Kingdom there be many Visible Judges , and one Supreme : yet it follows not , That in the Universal Militant Church there must be one Supreme . For how will he enter to Execute his Office , if the Kings of those Kingdoms will not give leave ? Now here , though A. C. expresses himself no farther , yet I NUM . 11. well know , what he and his Fellows would be at . They would not be troubled to ask leave of any several Kings in their several Dominions . No : they would have one Emperor over all the Kings , as well as One Pope over all the Bishops . And then you know * who told us of two great Lights to govern the World , the Sun and the Moon , that is , the Pope and the Emperor . At the first it began with more modesty , The Emperor and the Pope . And that was somewhat Tolerable . For † S. Augustine tells us , That the Militant Church is often in Scripture called the Moon , both for the many Changes it hath , and for its obscurity in many times of its peregrination . And he tells us too , That if we will understand this place of Scripture in a Spiritual Sense : ‖ Our Saviour Christ is the Sun , and the Militant Church , as being full of changes in her estate , the Moon . But now it must be a Triumphant Church here ; Militant no longer . The Pope must be the Sun , and the Emperor but the Moon . And lest Innocents own power should not be able to make good his Decretal ; * Gasper Schioppi●● doth not only avow the Allusion or Interpretation , but is pleased to express many Circumstances , in which he would f●in make the world believe the Resemblance holds . And lest any man should not know how much the Pope is made greater than the Emperor by this Comparison ; the * Gloss furnishes us with that too : and tells us , that by this it appears , that since the Earth is seven times greater than the Moon , and the Sun eight times greater than the Earth ; it must needs follow , that the Pope's power is forty seven times greater than the Emperor's . I like him well , he will make odds enough . But what , doth Innocent the Third give no Reason of this his Decretal ? Yes . And it is ( saith he ) † because the Sun , which rules in the day , that is , in Spiritual things , is greater than the Moon , which rules but in the night , and in carnal things . But is it possible that Innocentius the Third , being so wise , and so able , as ‖ that nothing which he did , or commended , or disproved in all his life , should after his death be thought fit to be changed , could think that such an Allusion of Spiritual things to the Day , which the Sun governs , and Worldly Business to the Night , which the Moon governs , should carry weight enough with it to depress Imperial power lower than God hath made it ? Out of doubt he could not . For he well knew that Omnis Anima , every Soul was to be subject to the Higher Power , Rom. 13. And the * Higher Power there mentioned , is the Temporal . And the † Ancient Fathers come in with a full consent , That Omnis Anima , every Soul , comprehends there all without any Exception : All Spiritual men , even to the Highest Bishop ; and in Spiritual Causes too , so the Foundations of Faith and Good Manners be not shaken . And where they are shaken , there ought to be Prayer and Patience , there ought not to be Opposition by force . Nay he knew well that ‖ Emperors and Kings are Custodes utriusque Tabulae : They , to whom the custody and preservation of both Tables of the Law for worship to God , and duty to man , are committed . That a Book of the Law was by Gods own Command in Moses his time , to be given the King , * Deut. 17. That the Kings under that Law , but still according to it , did proceed to Necessary Reformations in Church-Businesses ; and therein Commanded the very Priests themselves , as appears in the Acts of † Hezekiah and ‖ Josiah , who yet were never Censured to this day for usurping the High-Priests Office. Nay , he knew full well , That the greatest Emperors for the Churches Honour , Theodosius the Elder , and Justinian , and Charles the Great , and divers other , did not only meddle now and then , but did inact Laws to the great Settlement and Increase of Religion in their several times . But then if this could not be the Reason , why Innocentius made this strange Allusion , what was ? Why truly , I 'le tell you . The Pope was now grown to a great , and a firm height . * Gregory the Seventh had set the Popedom upon a broad bottom before this Innocents time . So that now 't is the less wonder , if he make so bold with the Emperor , as to depress him as low as the Moon , upon no better ground , than a groundless Resemblance . But beside this prime Reason , there are divers other , which may easily be drawn out of the same Resemblance . For since Innocentius his main aim was to publish the Popes greatness over Kings and Emperors : Why doth he not tell us , That the Pope is as the Sun , and the Emperor as the Moon ? Because as the Moon borrows all her light from the Sun : So the Emperor borrows all his true light from the Pope . Or because as the Moon still increases in light so long as she follows the Sun , but so soon as ever she steps before the Sun she waines presently , and her light decreases : So the Emperor , so long as he is content to follow the Pope , and do all that he would have him , his light , and his power , encrease ; but if he do but offer to step before ( though that be his proper place ) then his light , and honour , and power , and all decrease . And this Pope Gregory the Seventh made too good upon the Emperour Henry the Third . And Pope Adrian the Fourth , and Alexander the Fourth , and Lucius the Third , with some others , upon Frederick Barbarossa . And some other Emperours were alike serv'd , where they did not submit . And I hope no man will blame the Popes Holiness for this . For , if the Emperours kept the Popes under for divers years together , whereas * Bellarmine tells us it was against all right they should so do , the Pope being never rightfully subject unto them , I hope the Pope having now got power enough , may keep the Emperors under , and not suffer them any more to step before the Sun , lest like Moons as they are , they lose all their Light. Or because as the Moon is but Vicaria Solis , the Vicar or Substitute of the Sun , as † Philo tells us : So the Emperor , at least in all Spiritual Causes , is but the Popes Substitute , and that for the Night , that his Holiness may sleep the quieter on the other side of the Sphere . Or lastly ( if you will abuse the Scripture , as you too often do , and as Innocentius did in the Decretal very grosly ) you may say 't is , because the Woman , which all grant represented the Church , ‖ Revel . 12. is clothed with the Sun , that is , with the glorious rays of the Pope , and had the Moon , that is , the * Emperor , under her feet . For this is as good , as literal , as proper an interpretation of these words , as that of Innocentius is of the words Gen. 1. God made two great Lights , the greater light to Rule the day , and the less to rule the night . Thus he or you may give your wits leave to play , if you will , for the Popes Decretal is a meer fancie . But the true reason indeed , why Innocentius made it , was that above mentioned . He was now in that greatness , that he thought he might pass any thing upon the Christian world , that pleased him : And was therefore resolved to bring it into the Body of the Canon , that after-times might have a Law to legitimate and make good their Predecessors usurpation over Emperors and Kings . And rather then fail of this , he would not spare the abusing of Scripture it self . Where by the way , dares A. C. say this Pope did not erre in Cathedrâ , when he was so dazled between the Sun and the Moon , that he wanted light in the midst of it , to expound Scripture ? Well , I would have the Jesuites leave their practising , and remember , First , that one Emperor will not always be able to establish and preserve one only Uniform practise and Exercise of Religion . Secondly , that supposing he both can and will so do , yet the Jesuites cannot be certain , that that one Uniform Exercise of Religion shall be the Romane Catholike . And Thirdly , That as there is a Body of Earth , a world of Confusion to Eclipse their Moon the Emperor : so in the same way , and by like interposition , the Moon when 't is grown too near in Conjunction , may Eclipse their Sun the Pope . And there is no great doubt but he will , considering what some great Kings make of the Popes Power at this day , when it pleases them . Num. 12 And since we are in this Comparison between the Sun and the Moon , give me leave a little farther to examine , who A. C. and his fellow-Jesuites with some others would have to be this one Emperor . I am not willing to meddle with any the secret Designes of Forein States : but if they will express their Designes in print , or publish them by Great and Full Authority , I hope then it shall be neither unlawful , nor unfit for me , either to take notice , or to make use of them . Why then you may be pleased to know , They would have another Translation of the Empire from Germany to Spain . They think belike this Emperors line , though in the same House , is not Catholike enough . And if you ask me , how I know this secret , I will not take it up upon any common report , though , I well know what that says . But I 'le tell you how I know it . Somewhat above four hundred years after Innocentius made his Comment upon the two great Lights , the Sun , and the Moon , the Pope and the Emperor : * a Spanish Friar follows the same resemblance between the Monarchies of Rome and Spain , in a Tract of his , intitled : The Agreement of the two Catholike Monarchies , and Printed in Spanish in Madrid , Anno 1612. In the Frontispiece or Title-page of this Book there are set out two Scutchions : The one bearing the Cross-Keys of Rome : The other the Arms of Castile and Leon , both joyned together with this Motto ; In vinculo pacis , in the bond of peace . On the one side of this there is a Portraiture resembling Rome , with the Sun shining over it , and darting his beams on S. Peters Keys , with this Inscription : † Luminare Majus , the greater Light , that it may govern the City ( that is Rome ) and the whole world . And on the other side there 's another Image designing Spain , with the Moon shining over that , and spreading forth its Rays upon the Spanish Scutchion , with this Impress : ‖ Luminare minus , the less Light , that it may be subject to the City ( of Rome he means ) and so be Lord to govern the whole world besides . And over all this in the top of the Title-page , there is Printed in Capital Letters , Fecit-Dens duo Luminaria magna , God made two great Lights . There follows after in this Author a Discovery at large of this Blazoning of these Arms ; but this is the Substance of it , and abundantly enough to shew what is aimed at , by whom , and for whom . And this Book was not stollen out without the will and consent of the State. For it hath Printed before it all manner of Licence , that a Book can well have . For it hath the approbation of Father Pedro de Buyza , of the Company of the Jesuites . Of John de Arcediano , Provincial of the Dominicans . Of Diego Granero , the Licencer appointed for the Supreme Councel of the Inquisition . And some of these revised this Book by * Order from the Lords of that Councel . And last of all the † Kings Priviledge is to it , with high Commendation of the Work. But the Spaniards had need look to it for all this , lest the French deceive them . For now lately Friar Campanella hath set out an Eclogue upon the Birth of the Dolphin , and that Permissu Superiorum , by Licence from his Superiors . In which he says expresly , ‖ That all Princes are now more afraid of France than ever , for that there is provided for it Regnum Universale , The Universal Kingdom , or Monarchy . Num. 13 But 't is time to Return . For A. C. in this passage hath been very Careful to tell us of a Parliament , and of Living Magistrates and Judges besides the Law-Books . Thirdly , therefore the Church of England ( God be thanked ) thrives happily under a Gracious Prince , and well understands that a Parliament cannot be called at all times : And that there are Visible Judges , besides the Law-Books , and One Supreme ( long may he be , and be happy ) to settle all Temporal differences ( which certainly , he might much better perform , if his Kingdoms were well rid of A. C. and his fellows . ) And she believes too , That our Saviour Christ hath left in his Church , besides his Law-book the Scripture , Visible Magistrates , and Judges , that is , Archbishops and Bishops , under a gracious King , to govern both for Truth and Peace according to the Scripture , and her own Canons and Constitutions , as also those of the Catholike Church , which cross not the Scripture , and the Just Laws of the Realm . * But she doth not believe there is any Necessity to have one Pope , or Bishop over the Whole Christian world , more than to have one Emperour over the whole world . Which were it possible , She cannot think fit . Nor are any of these intermediate Judges , or that One , which you would have Supreme , Infallible . But since a Kingdom , and a Parliament please A. C. so well to patern the Church by , I 'le follow him in the way he goes , and be bold to put him in minde , that in some Kingdoms there are divers Businesses of greatest Consequence , which cannot be finally and bindingly ordered , but in and by Parliament . And particularly the Statute-Laws which must bind all the Subjects , cannot be made , and ratified , but there . Therefore according to A. C.'s own Argument , there will be some Businesses also found , ( Is not the setling of the Divisions of Christendom one of them ? ) which can never be well setled ▪ but in a * General Councel : And particularly the making of Canons , which must binde all Particular Christians , and Churches , cannot be concluded , and established , but there . And again , as the Supreme Magistrate in the State Civil , may not abrogate the Laws made in Parliament ; though he may Dispense with the Sanction , or penalty of the Law quoad hic & nunc , as the Lawyers speak : So in the Ecclesiastical Body , no Bishop , no not the Pope ( where his Supremacie is admitted ) hath power to † disanul , or violate the true and Fundamental Decrees of a General Councel , though he may perhaps dispense in some Cases with some Decrees . By all which it appears , though somewhat may be done by the Bishops and Governors of the Church , to preserve the unity and certainty of Faith , and to keep the Church from renting , or for uniting it , when it is rent ; yet that in the ordinary way which the Church hath hitherto kept , some things there are , and upon great emergent Occasions may be , which can have no other help , than a lawful , free , and well composed General Councel . And when that cannot be had , the Church must pray that it may , and expect till it may , or else reform its self per partes , by National or Provincial Synods , ( as hath been , said * before . ) And in the mean time , it little beseems A. C. or any Christian to check at the wisdom of † Christ , if he have not taken the way they think fitting to settle Church-Differences . Or if for the Churches Sin , or Tryal , the way of Composing them be left more uncertain than they would have it , that they which are approved may be known , 1 Cor. 11. 19. But the Jesuite had told me before , that a General Councel had adjudged these things already . For so he says . F. I told him ▪ that a General Counee● ▪ to wit of Trent , had already Judged , not the Roman Church , but the Protestants to ●●l● Errours . That ( saith the B. ) was not a Lawful Councel . B. § . 27 Num. 1 It is true , that you replyed for the Councel of Trent . And my Answer was , not onely , That the Councel was not Legal , in the necessary Conditions to be observed in a General Councel , but also , That it was no General Councel : which again you are content to omit . Consider it well . First , is that Councel Legal , the Abettors whereof maintain publikely ▪ That it is lawful for them to conclude any Controversie , and shake it be deside , and so in your Judgement Fundamental , though it have not , I do not say now , the Written Word of God for Warrant ▪ either in express Letter , or necessary Sense and deduction ( as all unerring Councels have had , and as all must have that will not e●●e ) but not so much as † Probable Testimony from it , nay quite extra , without the Scripture ? Nay secondly , Is that Councel * Legal , where the Pope , the Chief Person to be Reformed , shall sit President in it , and be Chief Judge in his own Cause ▪ against all Law , Divine , Natural , and Humanein a place not free , but in , or too near his own Dominion ? To which all were not called , that had Deliberative , or Consultative Voice ? In which none had Suffrage , but such as were sworn to the Pope and the Church of Rome , and professed Enemies to all that called for ●eformation , or a free Councel ? And the ‖ Pope himself , to shew his Charity , had declared and pronounced the Appellants , Hereticks , before they were Condemned by the Councel . I hope an Assembly of Enemies are no Lawful Councel : and I think the Decrees of such a one , are omni jure nulla , and carry their Nullity with them through all Law. Num. 2 Again , Is that Councel General , that hath none of the Eastern Churches Consent , nor presence there ? Are all the Greeks so become Non Ecclesia , no Church , that they have no interest in General Councels ? It numbers indeed among the Subscribers , six Greeks : They might be so by Nation , or by Title , purposely given them ; but dare you say they were actually Bishops of , and sent from the Greek Church to the Councel ? Or is it to be accounted a General Councel , that in many Sessions had scarce Ten Archbishops , or Forty , or Fifty Bishops present ? And for the West of Christendom , nearer home , it reckons one English , S. Assaph . But Cardinal Poole was there too : And English indeed he was by Birth , but not sent to that Councel by the King ▪ and Church of England , but as one of the Popes Legates ; And so we finde him in the five first Sessions of that Councel : And at the beginning of the Councel , he was not Bishop in the Church of England ; and after he was Archbishop of Canterbury , he never went over to the Councel . And can you prove , that S. Assaph went thither by Authority ? There were but few of other Nations , and , it may be , some of them reckoned with no more truth , than the Greeks . In all the Sessions under Paul the Third , but two French-men , and sometimes none ; as in the six under Julius the third ; when Henry II of France protested against that Councel . And in the end , it is well known , how all the French ( which were then a good part ) held off , till the Cardinal of Loraigne was got to Rome . As for the Spaniards , they laboured for many things upon good grounds , and were most unworthily over-born . Num. 2 To all this A. C. hath nothing to say , but That it is not necessary to the Lawfulness , and Generalness of a Councel , that all Bishops of the World should be actually present , subscribe , or consent , but that such Promulgation be made , as i● morally sufficient to give notice , that such a Councel is called , and that all may come , if they will ; and that a major part , at least , of those that are present , give assent to the Decrees . I will forget , that it was but p. 59. in which A. C. speaks of all Pastors , and those not onely summoned , but gathered together . And I will easily grant him , that 't is not necessary that all Bishops in the Christian world be present , and subscribe : But sure 't is necessary to the Generalness of a Councel , that some be † there , and authorized for all Particular Churches . And to the freedom of a Councel , that all that come , may come safe . And to the Lawfulness of a Councel , that all may come uningaged , and not fastened to a side , before they sit down to argue , or deliberate . Nor is such a Promulgation as A. C. mentions , sufficient , but onely in case of Contumacy , and that where they which are called , and refuse to come , have no just Cause for their not coming , as too many had in the Case of Trent . And were such a Promulgation sufficient for the Generalness of a Councel ; yet for the Freedom and the Lawfulness of it , it were not . F. So ( said I ) would Arrians say of the Councel of Nice . The Bishop would not admit the Case to be like . B. § . 28 So indeed you said . And not you alone : It is the Common Objection made against all that admit not every latter Councel , as fully as that Councel of Nice , famous through all the Christian world . In the mean time , nor you nor they consider , that the Case is not alike , as I then told you . If the Case be alike in all , why do not you admit that which was held at Ariminum , and the second of Ephesus , as well as Nice ? If you say , ( as yours do ) It was because the Pope approved them not ; That 's a true Cause , but not adequate , or full . For it was , because the Whole Church refused them ; * with whom the Romane Prelate ( standing then entire in the Faith ) agreed , and so ( for his Patriarchate ) refused those Councels . But suppose it true , that these Synods were not admitted , because the Pope refused them ; yet this ground is gained , That the Case is not alike for mens Assent to all Councels . And if you look to have this granted , That the Pope must confirm , or the Councel's not lawful ; we have far more reason to look , that this be not denied , That Scripture must not be departed from , in † Letter , or necessary sense , or the Councel is not lawful . For the Co●sent and Confirmation of Scripture is of far greater Authority to make the Councel Authentical , and the Decisions of it de side , than any Confirmation of the Pope can be . Now of these two , the Councel of Nice , we are sure , had the first , the Rule of Scripture ; and you say it had the second , the Pope's Confirmation . The Councel of Trent , we are able to prove , had not the first ; and so we have no reason to respect the second . And to what end do your Learned men maintain that a Councel may make a Conclusion de fide , though it be simply * ab extra , out of all bound of Scripture ; but out of a Jealousie at least , that this of Trent , and some others , have in their Determinations left both Letter , and Sense of Scripture ? Shew this against the Councel of Nice , and I will grant so much of the Case to be like . But what will you say , if † Constantine required , That things thus brought into Question , should be answered , and solved by Testimony out of Scripture ? And the Bishops of the Nicene Councel never refused that Rule . And what will you say , if they profess they depart not from it , * but are ready by many Testimontes of divine Scripture to demonstrate their Faith ? Is the Case then alike betwixt it , and Trent ? Surely no. But you say that I pretended something else , for my not admitting the Case to be alike . F. Pretending that the Pope made Bishops of purpose , for his side . But this the Bishop proved not . B. § . 29 Num. 11 No : Nor had I reason to take on me to prove what I said not . I know it will be expected I should prove what I say . And it is hard to prove the purpose of the ▪ Pope's Heart . For if it be proved that he made Bishops at that time ; that some of them were Titular onely , and had no Livelihood to subsist , but out of his Purse ( and so must hang their Judgement at the strings of it ; ) that some of these thus made were sent to the Councel ; and sure not without their Errand : yet if the Pope will say , he neither made , nor sent them to over-rule the Holy Ghost at that Meeting , or of purpose for his side , ( as no question but it will be said ) who can prove it , that is not a Surveyor of the heart ? But though the Pope's heart cannot be seen , yet if these , and the like Presumptions be true , it is a great signe that Trent was too corrupt , and factious a Meeting for the Holy Ghost to be at . And sure the Case in this , not alike at Nice . Num. 2 That which I said was , That Trent could be no Indifferent Councel to the Church , the Pope having made himself a strong Party in it . And this I proved , though you be here not onely content to omit , but plainly to deny the Proof . For I proved it thus , ( and you ‖ answered not ) That there were more Italian Bishops there , then of all Christendom besides . More ? Yea more than double . And this I proved out of the Councel it self , which you had in your hand in Decimo sexto ; but had no great heart to look it . For , where the number of Prelates is expressed , that had Suffrage and Vote in that Councel , the Italians are set down to be 187. and all the rest make but 83. So that there were more Italian Bishops by 104 , than of all the rest of Christendom . Sure the Pope did not mean to be over-reached in this Councel . And whatsoever became of his Infallibility otherwise , he might this way be sure to be Infallible in whatsoever he would have Determined : And this , without all doubt , is all the Infallibility he hath . So I proved this sufficiently , I think . For if it were not to be sure of a side , give any satisfying Reason ; why such a potent Party of Italians , more than double to the whole Christian world , should be there ? Shew me the like for Nice , and I will give it , that the Case is alike between these two Councels . Num. 3 Here Bellarmine comes in to help : But sure it will not help you , that he hath offered at as much against the Councel of Nice , as I have urged against that at Trent . For he tells us , † That in the Councel at Nice , there were as few Bishops of the West present , as were of the East at Trent , but five in all . Be it so : Yet this will not make the Case alike between the two Councels . First , because I press not the disparity in number onely ; but with it the Pope's carriage , to be sure of a Major part . For it lay upon the Pope to make sure work at Trent , both for himself , and his Church . But neither the Greek Church in general , nor any Patriarch of the East , had any private Interest to look to , in the Councel at Nice . Secondly , because I press not so much against the Councel of Trent , That there were so exceeding many Bishops of the West , compared with those of the East , ( for that must must needs be , when a Councel is held in the West ) but that there were so many more Italians , and Bishops obnoxious to the Popes power , than of all Germany , France , Spain , and all other Parts of the West besides . Thirdly , because both Bellarmine and A. C. seek to avoid the Dint of this Argument , by comparing the Western with the Eastern Bishops , and are content to say nothing about the Excessive number of Italians , to others of the West : That will receive a fuller Answer than any of the rest . For though very few Western Bishops were at the Councel of Nice , being so remote : yet at the same time Pope Sylvester held a Councel at Rome , in which He with 275 Bishops of the West confirmed the Nicene Creed ; * and Anathematized all those which should dare to dissolve the Definition of that Holy , and Great Councel . Now let Bellarmine , or A. C. or any else shew , That when the Councel of Trent sate , there was another Councel ( though never so privately in regard of their miserable Oppression ) which sate in Greece , or any where in the East , under any Patriarch or Christian Bishop , which did confirm the Canons of the Councel of Trent , and Anathematize them which admitted them not , and I will confess they speak home to the Comparison between the Councels , else a blinde man may see the difference , and 't is a vast one . Num. 4 But here A. C. makes account he hath found a better Reply to this ; and now tells us , that neither French , nor Spanish , nor Schismatical Greeks did agree with Protestants in those Points which were defined in that Councel , especially after it was confirmed by the Pope ; as appears by the Censure of Jeremias the Greek Patriarch . Who agreed with the Protestants in the Points defined by that Councel , ( as he speaks ) or rather ( to speak properly ) against the Points there defined ; I know not . And for ought A. C. knows , many might agree with them in heart , that in such a Councel durst not open themselves . And what knows A. C. how many might have been of their Opinion , in the main before the Councel ended , had they been admitted to a fair , and a free Dispute ? And it may be too , some Decrees would have been more favourable to them , had not the care of the Popes Interest made them sowrer . For else what mean these words , Especially after it was confirmed by the Pope ? As for Jeremias , 't is true , his Censure is in many things against the Protestants : But I finde not that that Censure of his is warranted by any Authority of the Greek Church ; Or that he gave the Protestants any hearing , before he passed his Censure . And at the most , it is but the Censure of a Schismatick , in A. C's own Judgement . And for his flourish which follows , That East and West would condemn Protestants for Hereticks ; I would he would forbear Prophesying , till both parts might meet in a free General Councel , that sought Christ more than themselves . But I finde the Jesuite hath not done with me yet , but addes : F. In sine , the B. wished , That a Lawful General Councel were called to end Controversies . The persons present said , That the King was inclined thereunto , and that therefore we Catholikes might do well to concur . B. § . 30 And what say you to my Wish ? You pretend great love to the Truth , would you not have it found ? Can you , or any Christian be offended , that there should be a good end of Controversies ? Can you think of a better end , than by a General Councel ? And if you have a most Gracious King inclined unto it , ( as you say it was offered ) how can you acquit your selves , if you do not consent ? Now here A. C. marvels what kinde of General Councel I would have , and what Rules I would have observed in it , which are morally like to be observed , and make an end of Controversies better then their Catholike General Councels . Truly I am not willing to leave A. C. unsatisfied in any thing . Nor have I any meaning to trouble the Church with any New Devisings of mine . Any General Councel shall satisfie me , ( and , I presume , all good Christians ) that is lawfully called , continued , and ended according to the same course , and under the same * Conditions , which General Councels observed in the Primitive Church ; which I am sure were Councels General , and Catholike , what ever yours be . But I doubt that after all noise made about these Requisite Conditions , A. C. and his Fellows will be found as much , if not more defective in performance of the Conditions , than in the Conditions themselves . Well : the Jesuite goes on , for all this . F. I asked the B. whether he thought a General Councel might erre ? He said it might . B. § 31 I presume you do not expect I should enter into the Proof of this Controversie , Whether a General Councel may erre in Determination , or not ? Your self brought no Proof that it cannot ; and till that be brought , my speech is good that it can : and yet I hope to be found no Infringer of any Power given by Christ to his Church . But it seems by that which follows , you did by this Question ( Can a General Councel erre ? ) but seek to win ground for your other , which follows . F. If a General Councel may erre , what nearer are we then ( said I ) to unity , after a Councel hath determined ? Yes ( said he ) although it may erre ; yet we should be bound to hold with it , till another come to reverse it . B. § 32 Num. 1 Whether a General Councel may erre , or not , is a Question of great Consequence in the Church of Christ. To say it cannot erre , leaves the Church not onely without Remedy against an Errour once determined ; but also without sense that it may need a Remedy , and so without care to seek it ; which is the misery of the Church of Rome at this day . To say it can erre , seems to expose the members of the Church to an uncertainty and wavering in the Faith , to make unquiet Spirits , not onely to disrespect former Councels of the Church , but also to slight and contemn whatsoever it may now Determine ; into which Errour some Opposers of the Church of Rome have fallen . And upon this is grounded your Question , Wherein are we nearer to unity , if a Councel may erre ? But in relating my Answer to this , you are not so candid : for my words did not sound as yours seem to do , That we should hold with the Councel , erre , or not erre , till another came to reverse it . As if Grounds of Faith might vary at the Racket , and be cast of each side , as a cunning hand might lay them . Num. 5 You forget again , omit at least ( and with what minde , you best know ) the Caution which I added . For I said , The Determination of a General Councel erring was to stand in force , and to have External Obedience at the least yeelded to it , till * Evidence of Scripture , or a Demonstration to the Contrary made the Errour appear ; and until thereupon † another Councel of equal Authority did reverse it . And indeed I might have returned upon you again : If a General Councel not Confirmed by the Pope may erre ( which you affirm ) to what end then a General Councel ? And you may answer , Yes : For although a General Councel may erre , yet the Pope , as Head of the Church , cannot . An excellent means of Unity , to have all in the Church as the Pope will have it , what ever Scripture say , or the Church think . And then I pray , to what end a General Councel ? Will his Holiness be so holy , as to confirm a General Councel , if it determine against him ? And as for ‖ Bellarmines Reasons why a General Councel should be useful , if not necessary , though the Pope be Infallible ; they are so weak in part , and in part so unworthy , that I am sorry any necessity of a bad Cause should force so Learned a man to make use of them . Num. 3 Here A. C. tels me , The Caution mentioned , as omitted , makes my Answer worse then the Jesuite related it . And that in two things . First , in that the Jesuite relates it thus : Although it may erre : but the Caution makes it , as if it did actually erre . Secondly , in that the Jesuite relates , That we are bound to hold it , till another come to reverse it ; that is , we not knowing whether it do erre or not , but onely that it may erre . But the Caution puts the Case so , as if the Determination of a General Councel actually erring were not ipso jure invalid , but must stand in force , and have external Obedience yeelded to it , till not onely moral Certainty , but Evidence of Scripture , or a Demonstration to the Contrary , make the errour appear ; And when it appears , we must yeeld our Obedience , till a Councel of equal Authority reverse it , which perhaps will not be found in an whole Age. So either the Jesuite relates this speech truly , or less disgracefully . And A. C. thinks , that upon better Judgement , I will not allow this Caution . Truly I shall not thank the Jesuite for any his kindness here . And for the Caution , I must and do acknowledge it mine , even upon advisement , and that whether it make my Answer worse , or better . And I think farther , that the Jesuite hath no great Cause to thank A. C. for this Defence of his Relation . Num. 4 First then the Jesuite ( so says A. C. ) doth in his Relation make it but a supposition , That a General Councel may erre . But the Caution expresses it as actually erring . True , But yet I hope this Expression makes no General Councel actually erre . And then it comes all to one , whether I suppose that such a Councel may erre , or that it do erre . And 't is fitter for clearing the Difficulties into which the Church falls in such a Case , to suppose ( and more then a supposition it is not ) a General Councel * actually erring , then as only under a Possibility of Erring . For the Church hath much more to do to vindicate it self from such an Errour actually being , than from any the like Errour that might be . Num. 5 Secondly , A. C. thinks , he hath got great advantage by the words of the Caution ; in that I say , A General Councel erring is to stand in force , and have external Obedience , at least so far as it consists in silence , Patience , and forbearance yeelded to it , till Evidence of Scripture , or a Demonstration to the Contrary make the Error appear , and until thereupon another Councel of equal Authority did reverse it . Well! I say it again . But is there any one word of mine in the Caution , that speaks of our knowing of this Errour ? Surely not one ( that 's A. C's Addition . ) Now suppose a General Councel actually Erring in some Point of Divine Truth , I hope it will not follow that this Errour must be so gross , as that forthwith it must needs be known to private men . And doubtless till they know it , Obedience must be yeelded ; Nay when they know it ( if the Errour be not manifestly against Fundamental verity , in which case a General Councel cannot easily erre ) I would have A. C. and all wise men Consider , Whether External Obedience be not even then to be yeelded . For if Controversies arise in the Church , some end they must have , or they 'll tear all in sunder . And I am sure no wisdome can think that fit . Why then say a General Councel Erre , and an Erring Decree be ipso jure , by the very Law it self invalid ; I would have it wisely considered again , whether it be not fit to allow a General Councel that Honour and Priviledge , which all other Great Courts have . Namely , That there be a Declaration of the Invalidity of it's Decrees , as well as of the Laws of other Courts , before private men can take liberty to refuse Obedience . For till such a declaration , if the Councel stand not in force , A. C. sets up Private Spirits to control General Councels ; which is the thing he so often , and so much cryes out against in the Protestants . Therefore it may seem very fi● and necessary for the Peace of Christondome , that a General Councel thus erring should stand in force , till Evidence of Scripture , or a Demonstration make the Errour to appear , * as that another Councel of equal Authority reverse it . For as for Moral Certainty , that 's not strong enough in Points of Faith. ( which alone are spoken of here . ) And if another Councel of equal Authority cannot be gotten together in an Age , that is such an Inconvenience , as the Church must bear , when it happens . And far better is that inconvenience , than this other , † that any Authority less than a General Councel , should rescind the Decrees of it , unless it erre manifestly , and intolerably : Or that the whole Church upon peaceable , and just complaint of this Errour , neglect or refuse to call a Councel , and examine it . And there come in National or Provincial Councels to ‖ reform for themselves . But no way must lye open to private men to * Refuse obedience , till the Councel be heard , and weighed , as well as that which they say against it ; yet with † Bellarmines Exception still : so the errour be not manifestly intolerable . Nor is it fit for Private men , in such great Cases as this , upon which the whole peace of Christendome depends , to argue thus : The Error appears , Therefore the Determination of the Councel is ipso ●ure invalid . But this is far the safer way ( I say still , when the Errour is neither Fundamental , nor in it self manifest ) to argue thus : The Determination is by equal Authority , and that secundùm jus , according to Law declared to be invalid ; Therefore the Errour apears . And it is a more humble and conscientious way ▪ for any private man to suffer a Councel to go before him , then for him to out-run the Councel . But weak and Ignorant mens out-running both God , and his Church , is as bold a fault now on all sides , as the daring of the Times hath made it Common . As for that which I have added concerning the Possibility of a General Councels erring , I shall go on with it , without asking any farther leave of A. C. § 33 For upon this Occasion I shall not hold it amiss a little more at large to Consider the Poynt of General Councels , How they may , or may not erre ; And a little to look into the Romane and Protestant Opinion concerning them , which is more agreeable to the Power and Rule which Christ hath left in his Church ; and which is most preservative of Peace established , or ablest to reduce perfect unity into the Church of Christ , when that poor Ship hath her ribs dashed in sunder by the waves of Contention . And this I will adventure to the World , but only in the Nature of a Consideration , and with submission to my Mother the Church of England , and the Mother of us all , the Universal Catholick Church of Christ ; As I do most humbly All whatsoever else is herein contained . First then , I Consider , whether all the Power , that an Occumenical Councel hath to Determine , and all the Assistance it hath , not to erre in that Determination , it hath it not all from the * Catholike Universal Body of the Church , and Clergie in the Church , whose † Representative it is ? And it seems it hath . For the Government of the Church being not ‖ Monarchical , but as Christ is Head , this Principle is inviolable in Nature : Every Body Collective that represents , receives power and priviledges from the Body which is represented ; else à Representation might have force without the thing it represents ; which cannot be . So there is no Power in the Councel , no Assistance to it , but what is in , and to the Church . But yet then it may be Questioned , whether the Representing Body hath * all the Power , Strength , and Priviledge , which the Represented hath ? And suppose it hath all the Legal power , yet it hath not all the Natural , either of strength , or wisdom , that the whole hath . Now because the Representative hath power from the Whole , and the Main Body can meet no other way ; therefore the Acts , Laws , and Decrees of the Representative , be it Ecclesiastical , or Civil , are Binding in their Strength . But they are not so certain , and free from Errour , as is that Wisdom which resides in the Whole . For in Assemblies meerly Civil , or Ecclesiastical , all the able and sufficient men cannot be in the Body that Represents ; And it is as possible , so many able † and sufficient men ( for some particular business ) may be left out , as that they which are in , may miss , or mis-apply that Reason , and Ground , upon which the Determination is principally to rest . Here , for want of a clear view of this ground , the Representative Body erres ; whereas the Represented , by vertue of those Members which saw and knew the ground , may hold the Principle inviolated . Secondly , I Consider , That since it is thus in Nature , and in Civil Bodies , if it be not so in Ecclesiastical too , some reason must be given why ; ‖ For that Body also consists of men : Those men neither all equal in their perfections of Knowledge and Judgement , whether acquired by Industry , or rooted in Nature , or infused by God. Not all equal , nor any one of them perfect , and absolute , or freed from passion and humane infirmities . Nor doth their meeting together make them Infallible in all things , though the Act which is hammered out by many together , must in reason be perfecter , than that which is but the Childe of one mans sufficiency . If then a General Councel have no ground of Not erring from the Men , or the Meeting , either it must not be at all , or it must be by some assistance and power upon them , when they are so met together : And this , if it be less than the Assistance of the holy Ghost , it cannot make them secure against Errour . Num. 1 Thirdly , I Consider , That the Assistance of the Holy Ghost is without Errour ; That 's no Question ; and as little there is , That a Councel hath it . But the Doubt that troubles , is , Whether all the assistance of the Holy Ghost be afforded in such a High manner , as to cause all the Definitions of a Councel in matters Fundamental in the Faith , and in remote Deductions from it , to be alike Infallible ? Now the Romanists , to prove there is * infallible assistance , produce some places of Scripture ; but no one of them infers , much less inforces an Infallibility . The places which Stapleton there rests upon , are these : a I will send you the Spirit of Truth , which will lead you into all Truth . And , b This Spirit shall abide with you for ever . And , c Behold I am with you to the end of the world . To these , others adde : d The founding of the Church upon the Rock , against which the gates of Hell shall not prevail . And , Christ's Prayer for S. Peter , e That his Faith fail not . And Christ's Promise , That f where two or three are gathered together in his Name , he will be in the midst of them . And that in the g Acts : It seemed good to the Holy Ghost , and to us . Num. 2 For the first , which is , Leading into all truth , and that for ever . * All , is not always universally taken in Scripture . Nor is it here simply for All Truth : For then a General Councel could no more erre in matter of Fact , than in matter of Faith ; in which yet † your selves grant it may erre . But into All ‖ Truth , is a limited all : Into all Truth absolutely necessary to Salvation : And this , when they suffer themselves to be led by the Blessed Spirit , by the Word of God. And all Truth which Christ had before ( at least fundamentally ) delivered unto them : h He shall receive of mine , and shew it unto you . And again , i He shall teach you all things , and bring all things to your remembrance , which I have told you . And for this necessary Truth too , the Apostles received this Promise , not for themselves , and a Councel , but for themselves , and the * whole Catholike Church ; of which a Councel , be it never so General , is a very little part . Yea , and this very Assistance is not so absolute , not in that manner to the whole Church , as it was to the Apostles ; neither doth Christ in that place speak directly of a Councel , but of his Apostles Preaching , and Doctrine . Num. 3 As for Christ's being with them unto the end of the world , the Fathers are so various , that in the sense of the Ancient Church , we may understand him present in * Majestie , in † Power , in Ayd and ‖ Assistance , against the Difficulties they should finde for Preaching Christ ; which is the native sense , as I take it . And this Promise was made to support their weakness . As for his Presence , in teaching by the Holy Ghost , * few mention it ; and no one of them which doth , speaks of any Infallible Assistance , farther than the succeeding Church keeps to the Word of the Apostles , as the Apostles kept to the Guidance of the Spirit . Besides , the † Fathers refer their Speech to the Church Universal , not to any Councel , or Representative Body . And ‖ Maldonate addes , That this His presence by teaching , is , or may be a Collection from the place , but is not the Intention of Christ. Num. 4 For the Rock upon which the Church is founded , which is the next Place , we dare not lay any other Foundation , than * Christ : Christ laid his † Apostles , no question , but upon Himself . With these S. Peter was laid , no man questions , and in prime place of Order , ( would his claiming Successours be content with that ) as appears , and divers Fathers witness , by his particular designment , Tu es Petrus ; But yet the Rock even there spoken of , is not S. Peter's person , either onely , or properly , but the Faith which he professed . And to this , besides the Evidence , which is in Text , and Truth , the ‖ Fathers come with very full consent . And this , That the Gates of Hell shall not prevail against it , is not spoken of the Not erring of the Church principally , but of the * Not falling away of it from the Foundation . Now a Church may erre , and dangerously too , and yet not fall from the Foundation ; especially if that of † Bellarmine be true , That there are many things , even de fide , of the Faith , which yet are not necessary to Salvation . Besides , even here again , the Promise of this stable edification , is to the whole Church , not to a Councel , at least no further than a Councel builds , as a Church is built , that is , upon Christ. The next Place is Christ's Prayer for S. Peter's Faith. The native sense of which Place is , That Christ prayed , and obtained for S. Peter perseverance in the grace of God , against the strong temptation , which was to winnow him above the rest . But to conclude an Infallibility hence in the Pope , or in his Chair , or in the Romane Sea , or in a General Councel , though the Pope be President , I finde no one Ancient Father that dare adventure it . And * Bellarmine himself , beside some Popes , in their own Cause ( and that in Epistles counterfeit , or falsly alledged ) hath not a Father to name for this sense of the Place , till he come down to Chrysologus , Theophylact , and S. Bernard : of which Chrysologus his speech is but a flash of Rhetorick ; and the other two are men of yesterday , compared with Antiquity , and lived when ( it was God's great grace , and Learned mens wonder ) the corruption of the time , had not made them corrupter than they are . And † Thomas is resolute , That what is meant here beyond S. Peter's Person , is referred to the whole Church . And the Gloss upon the Canon-Law is more peremptory than he , even to the Denial , that it is ‖ meant of the Pope . And if this Place warrant not the Popes Faith , where is the Infallibility of the Councel that in your Doctrine depends upon it ? Num. 6 The next Place is Bellarmine's choice one , and his first ; and he says 't is a a proper place for Proof of the Infallibility of General Councels . This Place is Christ's Promise : Where two or three are gathered together in my Name , there am I in the midst of them , b S. Matth. 18. And he tells us , The strength of the Argument is not taken from these words alone , but as they are continued with the former ; and c that the Argument is drawn à Minori ad Majus , from the less to the greater . Thus d If two or three gathered together in my Name , do always obtain that which they ask at Gods hands , to wit , wisdom and knowledge of those things which are necessary for them : How much more shall all the Bishops gathered together ( in a Councel ) always obtain wisdom and knowledge to Judge those things , which belong to the direction of the whole Church ? I answer ; First , 't is most true , that here is little strength , in these words alone . For , though the Fathers make different interpretations of this place of Scripture , yet * most of them agree in this , That this Place is to be understood of Consent in Prayer . And this is manifest enough in the Text it self . Secondly , I think there is as little strength in them by the Argument drawn à Minori ad Majus . And that I prove two ways . First , Because though that Argument hold in Natural , and Necessary things ; yet I doubt it holds not either in Voluntary , or Promised things , or things which depend upon their Institution . For he that promises the less , doth not hereby promise the greater ; and he which will do the less , will not always do the greater . Secondly , Because this Argument from the less to the greater , can never follow , but where , and so far as the thing upon which the Argument is founded , agrees to the less . For if it do not always agree to the less , it cannot Necessarily pass from thence to the greater . Now that upon which this Argument is grounded here , is Infallible hearing , and granting the Prayers of two or three met together in the Name of Christ. But this Infallibility is not always found in this Less Congregation , where two or three are gathered together . For they often meet , and pray , yet obtain not , because there are divers other Conditions necessarily required ( as S. Chrysostom † observes ) to make the Prayers of a Congregation heard , beside their gathering together in the Name of Christ. And therefore it is not extended to a greater Congregation , or Councel , unless the same Conditions be still observed . Neither doth Christs Promise , Ero in Medio , I will be in the midst of them , infer , That they , the greater or the less , three or three hundred , have all , even ‖ necessary things infallibly granted unto them , as oft as they ask , if . they ask not as well as they ought , as what they ought . And yet most true it is , that where more or fewer are gathered together in the Name of Christ , there is he in the midst of them ; but to assist , and to grant whatsoever he shall finde fit for them , not Infallibly whatsoever they shall think fit to ask for themselves . And therefore S. Cyprian , though he use this very Argument à Minori ad Majus , from the less to the greater , yet he presumes not to extend it as Bellarmine doth , to the obtaining of Infallibility ; but onely useth it in the General way , in which there neither is , nor can be doubt of the truth of it . Thus : * If two that are of one minde to God-ward , can do so much ; what might be done , if there were Unanimity among all Christians ? Undoubtedly more , but not All what soever they should ask , unless all other Requisites were present . Thirdly , in this their own * Great Champions disagree from Bellarmine , or he from them . For Gregory de Valentia and Stapleton tell us , That this place doth not belong properly to prove an Infallible Certainty of any sentence in which more agree in the Name of Christ : but to the efficacie of Consent for obtaining that which more shall pray for in the Name of Christ , if at least that be for their souls health . For else you may prove out of this Place , That not onely the Definition of a General Councel ; but even of a Provincial , nay of two or three Bishops gathered together is valid , and that without the Popes Assent . Num. 7 The last Place mentioned for the Infallibility of General Councels is that , Acts 15. where the Apostles say of themselves , and the Councel held by them : It seems good to the Holy Ghost , and to us . And They might well say it : For They had Infallibly the Assistance of the Holy Ghost , and They kept close to his Direction . But I do not finde , that any General Councel since , though they did implore ( as they ought ) the Assistance of that Blessed Spirit , did ever take upon them to say , in terminis , in express terms , of their Definitions : Visum est Spiritui Sancto , & Nobis ; It seemed good to the Holy Ghost , and to Us. Acknowledging even thereby ( as I conceive ) a great deal of Difference in the Certainty of those things , which a General Councel at after Determined in the Church ; and those which were setled by the Apostles , when They sate in Councel . But though I do not finde , That They used this speech punctually , and in terms ; yet the Fathers , when They met in Councel , were Confident , and spake it out , That They had Assistance from the Holy Ghost ; yet so , as that They neither took Themselves , nor the Councels They sate in , as Infallibly Guided by the Holy Ghost , as the Apostles were . And Valentia is very right : † That though the Councel say they are gathered together in the Holy Ghost , yet the Fathers are neither Arrogant , in using the speech , nor yet infallible for all that . And this is true , whether the Pope approve , or disapprove their Definitions ; Though Valentia will not admit that . The Pope must be ( with him ) infallible , what ever come of it . Now though this be but an Example , and include no Precept , yet both ‖ Stapleton and * Bellarmine make this Place a proper Proof of the Infallibility of General Councels . And † Stapleton says the Decrees of Councels are the very Oracles of the Holy Ghost ; which is little short of Blasphemy . And * Bellarmine addes , that , Because all other Councels borrowed their form from this , therefore other lawful Councels may affirm also , That their Decrees are the Decrees of the Holy Ghost . Little considering therewhile , That it is one thing to borrow the Form , and another thing to borrow the Certainty , and the Infallibility of a Councel . For suppose that After-Councels did follow the Form of that first Councel exactly in all Circumstances , yet , I hope , no advised man will say , There is the like Infallibility in other Councels , where no man sate that was Inspired , as was in this , where all , that sate as Judges , were Inspired . Or if any Jesuite will be so bold as to say it , he had need bring very Good Proof for it ▪ and far better than any is brought yet . Now that all Councels are not so Infallible as was this of the Apostles , nor the Causes handled in them , as there they were , is manifest by † One of their own , who tells us plainly , That the Apostles in their Councel dealt very prudently , did not precipitate their Judgement , but weighed all things . For in Matters of Faith , and which touch the Conscience , it is not enough to say , Volumus & Mandamus , We Will and Command . And thus the Apostles met together in simplicity and singleness , seeking nothing but God , and the salvation of men . And what wonder if the Holy Ghost were present in such a Councel ? Nos alitèr . But we meet otherwise , in great pomp , and seek our selves , and promise our selves that we may do any thing out of the Plenitude of our Power . And how can the Holy Ghost allow of such Meetings ? And if not allow , or approve the Meetings , then certainly not concur to make every thing Infallible , that shall be concluded in them . Num. 8 And for all the Places togehther , weigh them with indifferency , and either they speak of the Church ( including the Apostles ) as all of them do ; And then All grant the Uoyce of the Church is Gods Voyce , Divine and Infallible . Or else they are General unlimited , and applyable to private Assemblies as well as General Councels ; which none grant to be Infallible , but some mad Enthusiasts . Or else they are limited , not simply into All truth , but All necessary to salvation ; in which I shall easily grant a General Councel cannot erre , suffering it self to be led by this Spirit of Truth in the Scripture , and not taking upon it to lead both the Scripture and the Spirit . For Suppose these Places or any other , did promise Assistance even to Infallibility , yet they granted it not to every General Councel , but to the Catholick Body of the Church it self ; and if it be in the whole Church principally , then is it in a General Councel , but by Consequent ; as the Councel represents the Whole . And that which belongs to a thing by consequent , doth not otherwise , nor longer , belong unto it , then it consents and cleaves to that , upon which it is a consequent . And therefore a General Councel hath not this Assistance , but as it keeps to the whole Church , and Spouse of Christ , whose it is to hear His word , and determine by it . And therefore if a General Councel will go out of the Churches way , it may easily go without the Churches Truth . Num. 1 Fourthly , I Consider , That All agree , That the Church in General can never erre from the Faith necessary to Salvation : No Persecution , no Temptation , no ‖ Gates of Hell ( whatsoever is meant by them ) can ever so prevail against it . For all the Members of the Militant Church cannot erre , either in the whole Faith , or in any Article of it ; it is impossible . For if all might so erre , there could be no union between them , as Members , and Christ the Head : And no Union between Head and Members , no Body , and so no Church ; which cannot be . But there is not the like consent , That * General Councels cannot erre . And it seems strange to me , the Fathers having to do with so many Hereticks , and so many of them opposing Church-Authority , that in the Condemnation of those Hereticks , this Proposition , even in terms ( A General Councel cannot erre ) should not be found in any one of them , that I can yet see . Now suppose it were true , that no General Councel had erred in any matter of moment to this day ; which will not be found true : yet this would not have followed , that it is therefore infallible , and cannot erre . I have no time to descend into Particulars , therefore to the General still . S. Augustine † puts a Difference between the Rules of Scripture , and the Definitions of men . This Difference is : Praeponitur Scriptura , That the Scripture hath the Prerogative . That Prerogative is , That whatsoever is found written in Scripture , may neither be doubted , nor disputed , whether it be true , or right . But the Letters of Bishops may not onely be disputed , but corrected by Bishops that are more learned and wise than they , or by National Councels ; and National Councels by Plenary or General : And even ‖ Plenary Councels themselves may be amended , the former by the later . It seems it was no News with S. Augustine , that a General Councel might erre , and therefore inferiour to the Scripture , which may neither be doubted , nor disputed , where it affirms . And if it be so with the Desinition of a Councel too ( as * Stapleton would have it ) That that may neither be doubted , nor disputed ; Where is then the Scriptures Prerogative ? Num. 2 I know there is much shifting about this Place ; but it cannot be wrastled off . † Stapleton says first , That S. Augustine speaks of the Rules of Manners , and Discipline : And this is Bellarmine's last Shift . Both are out , and Bellarmine in a Contradiction . Bellarmine in a Contradiction : For first he tells us , General Councels cannot erre in † Precepts of Manners ; and then , to turn off S. Augustine in this Place , he tells us , That if S. Augustine doth not speak of matter of Fact , but of Right , and of universal Questions of Right , then is he to be understood of * Precepts of Manners , not of Points of Faith : Where he hath first run himself upon a Contradiction ; and then we have gained this ground upon him , That either his Answer is nothing ; or else against his own state of the Question , A General Councel can erre in Precepts of Manners . So belike when Bellarmine is at a Shift , A General Councel can , and cannot erre in Precepts of Manners . And both are out : For the whole Dispute of S. Augustine , is against the Errour of S. Cyprian , followed by the Donatists , which was an Errour in Faith ; Namely , That true Baptism could not be given by Hereticks , and such as were out of the Church . And the Proof which Stapleton and Bellarmine draw out of the subsequent words ( † When by any experiment of things , that which was shut , is opened ) is too weak : For experiment there is not of Fact ; nor are the words , Conclusum est , as if it were of a Rule of Discipline concluded , as Stapleton cites them ; but a farther experiment or proof of the Question in hand ; and pertaining to Faith which was then shut up , and as S. Augustine after speaks , ‖ wrapped up in cloudy darkness . Num. 3 Next , Stapleton * will have it , That if S. Augustine do speak of a Cause of Faith , then his meaning is , that later General Councels can mend , that is , explicate more perfectly that Faith which lay hid in the seed of Ancient Doctrine . He makes instance , That about the Divinity of Christ , the Councel of Ephesus explicated the first of Nice ; Chalcedon , both of them ; Constantinople , Chalcedon . And then concludes : † In all which things , none of ( these ) Councels taught that which was erroneous . An excellent Conclusion : These Councels , and These , in this thing , taught no Errour , and were onely explained : Therefore no Councel can erre in any matter of Faith ; or , Therefore S. Augustine speaks not of an Emendation of Errour , but of an Explanation of Sense : whereas every eye sees , neither of these can follow . Num. 4 Now that S. Augustine meant plainly , That even a Plenary Councel might erre , and that ‖ often ( for that is his word ) and that in matter of Faith , and might and ought so to be amended in a later Councel , I think will thus appear . First , his word is , Emendari , to be amended ; which properly supposes for errour , and faultiness , not Explanation . And S. Augustine needed not to go to a word of such a * forced sense , nor sure would , especially in a Disputation against Adversaries . Next , S. Augustine's Dispute is against S. Cyprian and the Councel held at Carthage about Baptism by Hereticks ; in which Point , that National Councel erred ( as now all agree . ) And S. Augustine's Deduction goes on : Scripture cannot be other than right ; that is the Praerogative of it : but Bishops may , and be * Reprehended for it , if peradventure they † erre from the Truth ; and that either by more Learned Bishops , or by Provincial Councels . Here Reprehension , and that for deviation from the Truth , is ( I hope ) Emendation properly , and not Explanation onely . Then Provincial Councels , they must ‖ yeeld to General : And to yeeld , is not in case of Explanation onely . Then it follows , That even Plenary Councels themselves may be amended , the former by the later ; still retaining that which went before , If peradventure they erred , or made deviation from the Truth . And if this be not so , I would fain know , why in one and the same tenour of words , in one and the same continuing Argument and Deduction of S. Augustine , Reprehendi should be in proper sense , and à veritate deviatum in proper sense , and Cedere in proper sense ; and onely Emendari should not be proper , but stand for an Explanation ? If you say the Reason is , because the former words are applied to men , and National Councels , both which may erre ; but this last to General Councels , which cannot erre : This is most miserable Begging of the Principle , and thing in Question . Num. 5 Again , S. Augustine concludes there , That the General Councel preceding may be amended by General Councels that follow , ‖ When that is known which lay hid before . Not as Stapleton would have it , Lay hid as in the seed of Ancient Doctrine onely , and so needed nothing but explanation ; but hid in some darkness or ambiguity , which led the former into errour , and mistaking , as appears : For S. Augustine would have this amendment made without Sacrilegious Pride , doubtless , of insulting upon the former Councel , that was to be amended ; and without swelling Arrogancy , sure , against the weakness in the former Councel ; and without contention of envie , which uses to accompany mans frailty , where his , or his friends Errour is to be amended by the later Councel ; and in holy Humility , in Catholike Peace , in Christian Charity , no question , that a Schism be not made to tear the Church ( as here the Donatists did ) while one Councel goes to reform the lapse of another , if any be . Now to what end should this Learned Father be so zealous in this work , this highest work , that I know in the Church , Reviewing and Surveying General Councels , to keep off Pride , and Arrogance , and Envie , and to keep all in Humility , Peace , and Charity ; if after all this noise , he thought later Councels might do nothing , but amend , that is , explain the former ? Num. 6 That Shift , which * Bellarmine addes to these two of Stapleton , is poorest of all , namely , That S. Augustine speaks of unlawful Councels ; and it is no question , but they may be amended , as the second Ephesine was at Chalcedon . For this Answer hath no Foundation but a peradventure : Nor durst Bellarmine rest upon it . And most manifest it is , that S. Augustine speaks of Councels in general , that they may erre , and be amended in Doctrine of Faith ; and in case they be not amended , that then they be condemned and rejected by the Church , as this of Ephesus , and divers others were . And as for that meer Trick , of the † Popes Instruction , Approbation , or Confirmation , to preserve it from Errour , or ratifie it that it hath not erred , the most ancient Church knew it not . He had his Suffrage , as other great Patriarchs had , and his Vote was highly esteemed , not onely for his Place , but for worth too , as Popes were then . But that the Whole Councel depended upon him , and his Confirmation , was then unknown , and I verily think at this day not Believed , by the Wise and Learned of his Adherents . Num. 1 Fifthly , it must be considered , If a General Councel may erre , who shall judge it ? S. Augustine is at * priora à posterioribus , Nothing sure , that is less then a † General Councel . Why , but this yet lays all open to uncertainties , and makes way for a Whirlwind of a Private Spirit , to ruffie the Church . No , neither of these . First , all is not open to uncertainties . For General Councels lawfully called , and ordered , and lawfully proceeding , are a Great and an Awful Representation , and cannot erre in matters of Faith , keeping themselves to God's Rule , and not attempting to make a New of their own ; and are with all submission to be observed by every Christian , where Scripture , or evident Demonstration come not against them . Nor doth it make way for the Whirlwind of a private Spirit : For private Spirits are too giddy to rest upon Scripture , and to heady and shallow to be acquainted with Demonstrative Arguments . And it were happy for the Church , if she might never be troubled with Private Spirits , till they brought such Arguments . I know this is hotly objected against ‖ Hooker , the * Authour calls him a † Wise Protestant , yet turns thus upon him . If a Councel must yeeld to a Demonstrative Proof , Who shall judge , whether the Argument that is brought , be a Demonstration , or not ? For every man , that will kick ▪ against the Church , will say , the Scripture he urges , is evident , and his Reason a Demonstration . And what is this , but to leave all to the wildness of a Private Spirit ? Can any ingenuous man read this Passage in Hooker , and dream of a Private Spirit ? For to the Question , Who shall judge ? Hooker answers , as if it had been then made ; ‖ An Argument necessary and Demonstrative , is such ( saith he ) as being proposed to any man , and understood , the minde cannot chuse but inwardly assent unto it . So , it is not enough to think or say it is Demonstrative . The Light then of a Demonstrative Argument , is the Evidence which it self hath in it self to all that understand it . Well ; but because all understand it not , If a Quarrel be made , Who shall decide it ? No Question , * but a General Councel , not a Private Spirit : first , in the intent of the Authour ; for Hooker in all that Discourse makes the Sentence of the Councel † binding : and therefore that is made Judge , not a Private Spirit . And then for the Judge of the Argument , it is as plain : For if it be evident to any man , then to so many Learned men as are in a Councel , doubtless : And if they cannot but assent , it is hard to think them so impious , that they will define against it . And if that which is thought evident to any man , be not evident to such a grave Assembly , it is probable 't is no Demonstration , and the producers of it , ought to rest , and not to trouble the Church . Num. 2 Nor is this Hooker's alone , nor is it newly thought on by us . It is a Ground in Nature , which Grace doth ever set right , never undermine . And ‖ S. Augustine hath it twice in one Chapter , That S. Cyprian , and that Councel at Carthage , would have presently yelded to any one that would * demonstrate Truth . Nay , it is a Rule with † him , Consent of Nations , Authority confirmed by Miracles , and Antiquity , S. Peter's Chair , and Succession from it , Motives to keep him in the Catholike Church , must not hold him against Demonstration of Truth ; ‖ which if it be so clearly demonstrated , that it cannot come into doubt , it is to be preferred before all those things , by which a man is held in the Catholike Church . Therefore an evident Scripture , or Demonstration of Truth must take place every where ; but where these cannot be had , there must be Submission to Authority . Num. 3 And doth not Bellarmine himself grant this ? For speaking of Councels , he delivers this Proposition , That Inferiours may not judge , whether their Superiours ( and that in a Councel ) do proceed lawfully , or not . But then having bethought himself , that Inferiours at all times , and in all Causes , are not to be cast off ; he addes this Exception , * Unless it manifestly appear that an intolerable Errour be committed . So then , if such an Errour be , and be manifest , Inferiours may do their duty , and a Councel must yeeld ; unless you will accuse Bellarmine too of leaning to a Private Spirit : for neither doth he express who shall judge , whether the Errour be intolerable . Num. 4 This will not down with you ; but the Definition of a General Councel is , and must be infallible . Your Fellows tell us , ( and you can affirm no more ) That the Voice of the Church determining in Councel , is not † Humane , but Divine . That is well ; Divine , then sure Infallible : yea ; but the Proposition sticks in the throat of them that would utter it . It is not Divine simply ▪ but in a * manner Divine . Why but then sure not infallible , because it may speak loudest in that manner , in which it is not Divine . Nay more : The Church ( forsooth ) is an infallible Foundation of Faith † in an higher kinde than the Scripture : For the Scripture is but a Foundation in Testimony , and Matter to be believed ; but the Church as the efficient Cause of Faith , and in some sort the very formal . Is not this Blasphemy ? Doth not this knock against all evidence of Truth , and his own Grounds , that says it ? Against all evidence of Truth : For in all Ages , all men that once admitted the Scripture to be the Word of God ( as all Christians do ) do with the same breath grant it most undoubted and infallible . But all men have not so judged of the Churches Definitions , though they have in greatest Obedience submitted to them . And against his own Grounds , that says it : For the Scripture is absolutely , and every way Divine ; the Churches Definition is but s●o modo , in a sort , or manner Divine . But that which is but in a sort , can never be a Foundation in an Higher Degree , than that which is absolute , and every way such : Therefore neither can the Definition of the Church be so Infallible as the Scripture ; much less , in altiori genere , in a higher kinde than the Scripture . But because , when all other things fail , you flie to this , That the Churches Definition in a General Councel , is by Inspiration , and so Divine and Infallible : my haste shall not carry me from a little Consideration of that too . Num. 1 Sixthly then , If the Definition of a General Councel be infallible , then the Infallibility of it is either in the Conclusion , and in the Means that prove it ; or in the Conclusion , not the Means ; or in the Means , not the Conclusion . But it is infallible in none of these . Not in the first , The Conclusion and the Means : For there are divers Deliberations in General Councels , where the Conclusion is Catholike ; but the Means by which they prove it , not infallible . Not in the second , The Conclusion , and not the Means : For the Conclusion must follow the nature of the Premisses or Principles out of which it is deduced ; therefore if those which the Councel uses be sometimes uncertain , as is proved before , the Conclusion cannot be Infallible . Not in the third , The Means , and not the Conclusion : For that cannot be true and necessary , if the Means be so . And this I am sure you will never grant ; because if you should , you must deny the Infallibility which you seek to establish . Num. 2 To this ( for I confess the Argument is old , but can never be ▪ worn out , nor shifted off ) your great Master * Stapleton ( who is miserably hamper'd in it , and indeed so are you all ) answers , That the Infallibility of a Councel is in the second Course , that is , † It is infallible in the Conclusion , though it be uncertain and fallible in the Means , and Proof of it . How comes this to pass ? It is a thing altogether unknown in Nature , and Art too , That fallible Principles can , either father , or mother , beget , or bring forth an infallible Conclusion . Num. 3 Well , that is granted in Nature , and in all Argumentation , that causes Knowledge . But we shall have Reasons for it : ‖ First , because the Church is discursive , and uses the Weights , and Moments of Reason in the Means ; but is Prophetical , and depends upon immediate Revelation from the Spirit of God , in delivering the Conclusion . It is but the making of this appear , and all Controversie is at an end . Well , I will not discourse here , To what end there is any use of Means , if the Conclusion be Prophetical ; which yet is justly urged : for no good cause can be assigned of it . If it be Prophetical in the Conclusion , ( I speak still of the present Church ● for that which included the Apostles , which had the Spirit of Prophecie , and immediate Revelation , was ever Prophetick in the Definition , but then that was Infallible in the Means too ) That since it delivers the Conclusion not according to Nature and Art , that is , out of Principles which can bear it , there must be some Supernatural Authority which must deliver this Truth : That ( say I ) must be the Scripture . For if you flie to immediate Revelation now , the Enthusiaesm must be yours . But the Scriptures , which are brought in the very Exposition of all the Primitive Church , neither say it , nor enforce it . Therefore Scripture warrants not your Prophecie in the Conclusion . And I know no other thing , that can warrant it . If you think the Tradition of the Church can , make the world beholding to you . Produce any Father of the Church that says : This is an Universal Tradition of the Church , That her Definitions in a General Councel are Prophetical , and by immediate Revelation . Produce any one Father that says it of his own Authority , that he thinks so : Nay , make it appear , that ever any Prophet , in that which he delivered from God , as infallible Truth , was ever discursive at all in the Means . Nay , make it but probable in the ordinary course of Prophecie , ( & I hope , you go no higher , nor will I offer at God's absolute Power ) That that which is discursive in the Means , can be Prophetick in the Conclusion , & you shall be my great Apollo for ever . In the mean time , I have learnt this from * yours , That all Prophecy is by Vision , Inspiration , &c. & that no Vision admits discourse : That all Prophecie is an Illumination , not always present , but when the Word of the † Lord came to them ; & that was not by discourse . And yet you * say again , That this Prophetick Infallibility of the Church is not gotten without study and Industry . You should do well to tell us too , why God would put his Church to study for the Spirit of Prophecie , which never any Particular Prophet was put unto . † And whosoever shall studie for it , shall not do it in vain , since Prophecie is a ‖ Gift , and can never be an acquired Habit. And there is somewhat in it , that Bellarmine , in all his Dispute for the Authority of General Councels , dares not come at this Rock . † He prefers the Conclusion , and the Canon , before the Acts and the Deliberations of Councels ; and so do we : but I do not remember , that ever he speaks out , That the Conclusion is delivered by Prophecie , or Revelation . Sure he sounded the shore , and found danger here . He did sound it : For a little before he speak , plainly ( would his bad Cause let him be constant ) * Councels do deduce their Conclusions . What ? from Inspiration ? No : But out of the Word of God , and that per ratiocinationem , by Argumentation : Neither have they , nor do they write any immediate Revelations . Num. 4 The second Reason , why † Stapleton will have it Prophetick in the Conclusion , is , Because that which is determined by the Church , is matter of Faith , not of Knowledge : And that therefore the Church proposing it to be believed , though it use Means , yet it stands not upon Art , or Means , or Argument , but the Revelation of the Holy Ghost : Else when we embrace the Conclusion proposed , it should not be an Assent of Faith , but an Habit of Knowledge . This for the first Part ( That the Church uses the Means , but follows them not ) is all one in substance with the former Reason . And for the later Part , That then our admitting the Decree of a Councel , would be no Assent of Faith , but an Habit of Knowledge ; what great inconvenience is there , if it be granted ? For I think it is undoubted Truth , That one , and the same Conclusion may be Faith to the Believer , that cannot prove , and Knowledge to the Learned , that can . And ‖ S. Augustine , I am sure , in regard of one , and the same thing , even this , the very wisdom of the Church in her Doctrines , ascribes Understanding to one sort of men , and Belief to another weaker sort . And * Thomas goes with him . Num. 5 Now for farther satisfaction , if not of you , yet of others , this may well be thought on . Man lost by sin in the Integrity of his Nature , and cannot have Light enough to see the way to Heaven , but by Grace . This Grace was first merited , after given by Christ : this Grace is first kindled by Faith ; by which , if we agree not to some Supernatural Principles , which no Reason can demonstrate simply , we can never see our way . But this Light , when it hath made Reason submit it self , clears the eye of Reason , it never puts it out . In which sense , it may be , is that of * Optatus , That the very Catholike Church it self is reasonable , as well as diffused every where . By which † Reason enlightned , ( which is stronger than Reason ) the Church in all Ages hath been able , either to convert , or convince , or at least ‖ stop the mouthes of Philosophers , and the great men of Reason , in the very Point of Faith , where it is at highest . To the present occasion then . The first , immediate , Fundamental Points of Faith , without which there is no Salvation , as they cannot be proved by Reason ; so neither need they be determined by any Councel , nor ever were they attempted , they are so plain set down in the Scripture . If about the sense , and true meaning of these , or necessary deduction out of these Prime Articles of Faith , General Councels determine any thing , as they have done in Nice , and the rest ; there is no inconvenience , that one and the same Canon of the Councel should be believed , as it reflects upon the Articles and Grounds indemonstrable ; and * yet known to the Learned , by the Means and Proof , by which that Deduction is vouched , and made good . And again , the Conclusion of a Councel , suppose that in Nice , about the Consubstantiality of Christ with the Father , in it self considered , is indemonstrable by Reason ; There I believe , and assent in Faith : But the same Conclusion , ‖ if you give me ground of Scripture , and the Creed ( and somewhat must be supposed in all , whether Faith , or Knowledge ) is demonstrable by natural Reason , against any Arrian in the world . And if it be demonstrable , I may know it , and have an Habit of it . And what inconvenience in this ? For he weaker sort of Christians , which cannot deduce , when they have the Principle granted , they are to rest upon the Definition onely , and their Assent is meer Faith : yea , and the Learned too , where there is not a Demonstration evident to them , assent by Faith onely , and not by Knowledge . And what inconvenience in this ? Nay , the necessity of Nature is such , that these Principles once given , the understanding of man cannot rest , but it must be thus . And the † Apostle would never have required a man to be able to give a Reason , and an account of the hope that is in him , if he might not be able to know his account , or have lawful interest to give it , when he knew it , without prejudicing his Faith by his Knowledge . And suppose exact Knowledge and meer Belief cannot stand together in the same Person , in regard of the same thing , by the same means ; yet that doth not make void this Truth . For where is that exact knowledge , or in whom , that must not meerly , in points of Faith , believe the Article , or ground upon which they rest ? But when that is once believed , it can demonstrate many things from it . And Definitions of Councels are not Principia Fidei , Principles of Faith , but Deductions from them . Num. 1 And now because you ask , Wherein are we nearer to Unity by a Councel , if a Councel may erre ? Besides the Answer given , I promised to consider which Opinion was most agreeable with the Church , which most able to preserve , or reduce Christian Peace : The Romane , That a Councel cannot erre ; or the Protestants , That it can . And this I propose not as a Rule , but leave the Christian world to consider of it , as I do . Num. 2 First then I consider , Whether in those places of Scripture before mentioned , or any other , there be promised to the present Church an absolute Infallibility ? Or whether such an Infallibility will not serve the turn , as * Stapleton , after much wrigling , is forced to acknowledge ? One not every way exact : because it is enough , if the Church do diligently insist upon that which was once received : and there is not need of so great certainty to open and explicate that which lies hid in the seed of Faith sown , and deduce from it ; as to seek out , and teach that which was altogether unknown . And if this be so , then sure the Church of the Apostles required guidance by a greater degree of Infallibility , than the present Church ; which yet , if it follow the Scripture , is Infallible enough , though it hath not the same degree of Certainty which the Apostles had , and the Scripture hath . Nor can I tell , what to make of Bellarmine , that in a whole Chapter disputes five Prerogatives , in Certainty of Truth , † that the Scripture hath above a Councel ; and at last Concludes , That They may be said to be equally certain in Infallible Truth . Num. 3 The next thing I Consider , is : Suppose this not Exact , but congruous Infallibility in the Church ; Is it not residing according to Power , and Right of Authority in the whole Church ( always understanding the Church in this place pro Communitate Praelatorum , for Church-Governours , which have Votes in Councels ) and in a General Councel , onely by Power ‖ deputed with Mandate to determine ? The Places of Scripture , with Expositions of the Fathers upon them , make me apt to believe this . S. Peter ( saith * S. Augustine ) did not receive the Keys of the Church , but as sustaining the person of the Church . Now for this Particular , suppose the Key of Doctrine be to let in Truth , and shut out Errour ; and suppose the Key rightly used , Infallible in this : yet this Infallibility is primely in the Church Docent , in whose person ( not strictly in his own ) S. Peter received the Keys . But here Stapleton lays cross my way again , and would thrust me out of this Consideration . He † grants , that S. Peter received these Keys indeed , and in the Person of the Church ; but ( saith he ) that was , because he was Primate of the Church ; And therefore the Church received the Keys finally , but S. Peter formally : that is ( if I mistake him not ) S. Peter for himself , and his Successors received the Keys in his own Right ; but to this end , to benefit the Church , of which he was made Pastor . But I keep on in my Consideration still . For the Church here is taken pro Communitate Praelatorum , for all the Prelates , that is , for the Church as 't is Docent , and Regent , as it Teaches , and Governs . For so onely it relates to a General Councel . And so * S. Augustine , and Stapleton himself , understand it in the places before alleadged . Now in this sense S. Peter received the Keys formally for himself and his Successours at Rome , but not for them onely ; but as he received them in the person of the whole Church Docent , so he received them also in their Right , as well as his own , and for them all . And in this sense S. Peter received the Keys in the person of the Church ( by Stapleton's good leave ) both Finally and Formally . For I would have it considered also , whether it be ever read in any Classick Author , That to receive a thing in the person of another , or sustaining the person of another , is onely meant Finally to receive it , that is , to his good , and not in his right . I should think , he that receives any thing in the person of another , receives it indeed to his good , and to his use , but in his right too : And that the formal right is not in the receiver onely , but in him or them also , whose person he sustains while he receives it . I 'll take one of Stapleton's † own Instances . A Consul or prime Senator in an Aristocratical Government ( such as the Churches is Ministerially under Christ ) receives a Priviledge from the Senate , and he receives it as Primarily , and as Formally for them , as for himself , and in the Senates right as well as his own , he being but a chief part , and they the whole . And this is S. Peter's Case in Relation to the whole Church Docent and Regent , saving that his Place and Power was Perpetual , and not Annual , as the Consul 's was . This Stumbling-block then is nothing , and in my Consideration it stands still , That the Church in this Notion by the hands of S. Peter received the Keys , and all Power signified by them ; and transmitted them to their Successours , who by the assistance of Gods Spirit may be able to use them , but still in and by the same hands , and perhaps to open and shut in some things Iufallibly , when the Pope , and a General Councel too ( forgetting both her , and her Rule , the Scripture ) are to seek how to turn these Keys in their Wards . Num. 4 The third Particular , I Consider , is : Suppose in the whole Catholike Church Militant , an absolute Infallibility in the Prime Foundations of Faith , absolutely necessary to Salvation ; and that this Power of not erring so , is not * communicable to a General Councel , which represents it , but that the Councel is subject to errour : This supposition doth not onely preserve that which you desire in the Church , an Infallibility , but it † meets with all inconveniences , which usually have done , and daily do perplex the Church . And here is still a Remedy for all things . For if Private Respects , if ‖ Bandies in a Faction , if power , and favour of some parties , if weakness of them which have the managing , if any unfit mixture of State-Councels , if any departure from the Rule of the Word of God , if any thing else sway and wrench the Councel ; the Whole * Church , upon evidence found in express Scripture , or demonstration of this miscarriage , hath power to represent her self in another Body , or Councel , and to take order for what was amiss , either practised , or concluded . So here is a means without any infringing any lawful Authority of the Church , to preserve , or reduce Unity , and yet grant , as I did , and as the † Church of England doth , That a General Councel may erre . And this course the Church heretofore took ; for she did call , and represent her self in a new Councel , and define against the Heretical Conclusions of the former : as in the case at Ariminum , and the second of Ephesus , is evident : And in other Councels named by ‖ Bellarmine . Now the Church is never more cunningly abused , than when men out of this Truth , that she may erre , infer this Falshood , that she is not to be Obeyed . For it will never follow , She may Erre , Therefore She may not Govern . For he that says , Obey them which have the Rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls , * Heb. 13. commands Obedience , and expresly ascribes Rule to the Church . And that is not onely a Pastoral Power , to teach and direct , but a Praetorian also , to Control and Censure too , where Errours or Crimes are against Points Fundamental , or of great Consequence . Else S. Paul would not have given the Rule for Excommunication , 1 Cor. 5. Nor Christ himself have put the man that will not hear and obey the Church into the place and condition of an Ethnick and a Publican , as he doth , S. Mat. 18. And Solomon's Rule is general , and he hath it twice : My son , forsake not the teaching , or instruction of thy Mother . Now this is either spoken and meant of a natural Mother ; And her Authority over her Children is confirmed , Ecclus 3. And the fool will be upon him , that despiseth her , Prov. 15. Or 't is extended also to our Mystical and Spiritual Mother , the Church . And so the Geneva * Note upon the Place expresses it . And I cannot but incline to this Opinion ; Because the Blessings which accompany this Obedience are so many and great , as that they are not like to be the fruits of Obedience to a Natural Mother onely , as Solomon expresses them all , Prov. 6. And in all this , here 's no Exception of of the Mothers erring . For Mater errans , an erring Mother loses neither the right nor the power of a Mother by her errour . And I marvel what Son should shew reverence or obedience , if no Mother , that hath erred , might exact it . 'T is true , the Son is not to follow his Mothers errour , or his Mother into errour . But 't is true too , 't is a grievous crime in a Son to cast off all obedience to his Mother , because at some time , or in some things , she hath fallen into errour . And howsoever , this Consideration meets with this Inconvenience , as well as the rest . For suppose ( as I said ) in the whole Catholike Militant Church , an absolute Infallibility in the Prime Foundations of Faith absolutely necessary to Salvation : And then , though the Mother-Church , Provincial , or National , may erre ; yet if the Grand-mother , the whole Universal Church cannot in these necessary things , all remains safe , and all occasions of Disobedience taken from the possibility of the Churches erring , are quite taken away . Nor is this Mother less to be valued by her Children , because in some smaller things Age had filled her face fuller of wrinkles . For where 't is said , that Christ makes to himself a Church without spot or wrinkle , Eph. 5. that is not understood of the Church Militant , but of the Church Triumphant . † And to maintain the contrary , is a Branch of the spreading Heresie of Pelagianism . Nor is the Church on earth any freer from wrinkles in Doctrine , and Discipline , than she is from Spots in Life and Conversation . Num. 5 The next thing I Consider , is : Suppose a General Councel take it self to be infallible in all things which are of Faith : If it prove not so , but that an Errour in the Faith be concluded ; the same Erring Opinion that makes it think it self Infallible , makes the Errour of it seem irrevocable . And when Truth , which lay hid , shall be brought to light , the Church ( who was lulled asleep by the opinion of Infallibility ) is left open to all mauner of Distractions , as it appears at this day . And that a Councel may erre , ( besides all other Instances , which are not few ) appears by that Errour of the Councel of ‖ Constance . And one Instance is enough to overthrow a General , be it a Councel . * Christ instituted the Sacrament of his Body and Bloud in both kindes . To break Christs Institution , is a Damnable Errour , and so confessed by † Stapleton . The Councel is bold , and defines peremptorily , That to Communicate in both kindes , is not necessary , with a Non obstante to the Institution of Christ. Consider now with me , Is this an Errour , or not ? * Bellarmine , and Stapleton , and you too , say 't is not ; because to receive under both kindes , is not by Divine Right . No ? No sure . For it was not Christs † Precept , but his Example . Why , but I had thought , Christs Institution of a Sacrament had been more than his Example onely , and as binding for the Necessaries of a Sacrament , the Matter and Form , ‖ as a Precept : Therefore speak out , and deny it to be Christs Institution , or else grant with Stapleton , It is a damnable Errour to go against it . If you can prove , that Christs Institution is not as binding to us as a Precept , ( which you shall never be able ) take the Precept with it , * Drink ye All of this ; which though you shift as you can , yet you can never make it other than it is , A binding Precept . But Bellarmine hath yet one better Device than this , to save the Councel . He saith , It is a meer Calumny , and that the Councel hath no such thing : That the Non obstante hath no reference to Receiving under both kindes , but to the time of receiving it , after Supper ; in which the Councel saith , the Custome of the Church is to be observed , Non obstante , notwithstanding Christs Example . How foul Bellarmine is in this , must appear by the words of the Councel , which are these : † Though Christ instituted this venerable Sacrament , and gave it his Disciples after Supper under both kindes of Bread and Wine ; yet , Non obstante , notwithstanding this , it ought not to be Consecrated after Supper , nor received but fasting . And likewise , that though in the Primitive Church this Sacrament was received by the faithful under both kindes ; yet this Custom , that it should be received by Lay-men onely under the kinde of Bread , is to be held for a Law , which may not be refused . And to say , this is an unlawful Custom of Receiving under one kinde , is erroneous ; and they which persist in saying so , are to be punished , and driven out as Hereticks . Now , where is here any slander of the Councel ? The words are plain , and the Non obstante must necessarily ( for ought I can yet see ) be referred to both Clauses in the words following , because both Clauses went before it , and hath as much force against Receiving under both kindes , as against Receiving after Supper . Yea , and the after-words of the Councel couple both together , in this Reference : for it follows , Et similiter , And so likewise , that though in the Primitive Church , &c. And a man by the Definition of this Councel , may be an Heretick , for standing to Christs Institution , in the very matter of the Sacrament : And the Churches Law for One kinde may not be refused , but Christs Institution under Both kindes may . And yet this Councel did not erre ; No ; take heed of it . Num. 6 But your Opinion is more Unreasonable than this : for consider any Body Collective , be it more , or less Universal , whensoever it assembles it self , did it ever give more power to the Representing Body , of it , than binding power upon all particulars , and it self ? And did it ever give this power otherwise , than with this Reservation in Nature , That it would call again and reform , yea , and if need were , abrogate any Law , or Ordinance , upon just cause made evident , that this Representing Body , had failed in Trust , or Truth ? And this Power no Body Collective , Ecclesiastical or Civil , can put out of it self , or give away to a Parliament , or Councel , or call it what you will , that represents it . Nay , in my Consideration it holds strongest in the Church . For a Councel hath power to order , settle , and Define differences arisen concerning Faith. This Power the Councel hath not by any immediate Institution from Christ , but it was prudently taken up in the Church , from the * Apostles Example . So that to hold Councels to this end , is apparent Apostolical Tradition written : but the Power , which Councels so held have , is from the whole Catholike Church , whose members they are , and the Churches power front God. And † this Power the Church cannot farther give away to a General Councel , than that the Decrees of it shall binde all Particulars , and it self , but not binde the whole Church from calling again ; and in the After-calls , upon just Cause , to order , yea , and if need be , to abrogate former Acts. I say , upon just Cause . For if the Councel be lawfully called , and proceed orderly , and conclude according to the Rule , the Scripture , the whole Church cannot but approve the Councel , and then the Definitions of it , are Binding . And the Power of the Church hath no wrong in this , so long as no Power , but her own , may meddle , or offer to infringe any Definition of hers made in her Representative Body , a Lawful General Councel . And certain it is , no Power , but her own may do it . Nor doth this open any gap to private Spirits . For all Decisions in such a Councel , are Binding : And because the whole Church can meet no other way , the Councel shall remain the Supreme , External , Living , Temporary , Ecclesiastical Judge of all Controversies . Onely the Whole Church , and she alone hath power , when Scripture or Demonstration is found , and peaceably tendred to her , to represent her self again in a new Councel , and in it to order what was amiss . Num. 7 Nay , your Opinion is yet more unreasonable : For you do not onely make the Definition of a General Councel , but the Sentence of the Pope infallible , nay more Infallible than it . * For any General Councel may erre with you , if the Pope confirm it not . So belike this Infallibility rests not in the Representative Body , the Councel , nor in the Whole Body , the Church , but in your Head of the Church , the Pope of Rome . Now I may ask you , to what end such a trouble for a General Councel ? Or wherein are we nearer to Unity , if the Pope confirm it not ? You answer , ( though not in the Conference , yet elsewhere ) That the Pope erres not , especially giving Sentence in a General Councel . And why especially ? Doth the Deliberation of a Councel help any thing to the Conclusion ? Surely not in your Opinion : For you hold the Conclusion Prophetical , the means fallible : and fallible Deliberations cannot advance to a Prophetick Conclusion . And just as the Councel is in Stapleton's Judgement , for the Definition and the Proofs ; so is the Pope , in the Judgement of * Melch. Canus , and them which followed him , Prophetical in the Conclusion . The Councel then is called but onely in effect to hear the Pope give his Sentence in more state . Else what means this of † Stapleton : The Pope by a Councel joyned unto him , acquires no new Power , or Authority , or Certainty in Judging , no more than a Head is the wiser by joyning the Offices of the rest of the members to it , than it is without them ? Or this of ‖ Bellarmine , That the firmness and infallibility of a General Councel is onely from the Pope , not partly from the Pope , and partly from the Councel ? So belike the Presence is necessary , not the Assistance : Which opinion is the most groundless , and worthless , that ever offered to take possession of the Christian Church . And I am perswaded , many Learned men among your selves scorn it at the very heart . And I avow it , I have heard some Learned and Judicious Romane Catholikes utterly condemn it . And well they may . For no man can affirm it , but he shall make himself a scorn to all the Learned men of Christendom , whose Judgements are not Captivated by Romane power . And for my own part , I am clear of * Jacobus Almain's Opinion : And a great wonder it is to me , That they which affirm the Pope cannot erre , do not affirm likewise , that he cannot sin . And I verily believe they would be bold enough to affirm it , did not the daily Works of the Popes compel them to believe the Contrary . For very many of them have led lives quite Contrary to the Gospel of Christ. Nay , such lives , as no Epicurean Monster storied out to the world hath out-gone them in sensuality , or other gross Impiety , if their own Historians be true . Take your choice of * John the thirteenth , about the year 966. Or of Sylvester the second , about the year 999. Or John the eighteenth , about the year 1003. Or Benedict the ninth , about the year 1033. Or Boniface the eighth , about the year 1294. Or Alexander the sixth , about the year 1492. And yet these , and their like , must be Infallible in their Dictates and Conclusions of Faith. Do your own believe it ? Surely no. For † Alphonsus à Castro tells us plainly , That he doth not believe ; that any man can be so gross and impudent a flatterer of the Pope , as to attribute this unto him , that he can neither erre , nor mistake in expounding the holy Scripture . This comes home ; And therefore it may well be thought it hath taken a shrewd Purge . For these words are Express in the Edition at Paris , 1534. But they are not to be found in that at Colen , 1539. Nor in that at Antwerp , 1556. Nor in that at Paris , 1571. ‖ Harding says indeed , Alphonsus left it out , of himself , in the following Editions . Well : First , Harding says this , but proves it not ; so I may chuse whether I will believe him , or no. Secondly , be it so , that he did ; that cannot help their Cause a whit . For say he did mislike the sharpness of the Phrase , or ought else in this speech , yet he alter'd not his Judgement of the thing . For in all these later Editions he speaks as home , if not more than in the first ; and says Expresly , * That the Pope may erre , not onely as a private person , but as Pope . And in difficult Cases he addes , That the Pope ought to Consult Viros doctos , men of Learning . And this also was the Opinion of the Ancient Church of Christ concerning the Pope and his Infallibility . For thus Liberius , and he ● Pope himself , writes to Athanasius : Brother Athanasius , if you think in the presence of God , and Christ , as I do , I pray subscribe this Confession , which is thought to be the true Faith of the Holy , Catholike , and Apostolike Church , that we may be the more certain , that you think concerning the Faith , as We do . † Ut ego etiam persuasus sim inhaesitantèr , That I also may be perswaded without all doubting of those things which you shall be pleased to Command me . Now I would fain know , if the Pope at that time were , or did think himself Infallble , how he should possibly be more certainly perswaded of any Truth belonging to the Faith by Athanasius his concurring in Judgement with him . For nothing can make Infallibility more certain than it is : At least , not the concurring judgement of that is Fallible , as S. Athanasius was . Beside , the Pope Complemented exceeding low , that would submit his unerring Judgement to be commanded by Athanasius , who , he well knew , could Erre . Again , in the Case of Easter , ( which made too great a noise in the Church of old ) * Very many men called for S. Ambrose his Judgement in that Point , even after the Definition of the Church of Alexandria , and the Bishop of Rome . And this I presume they would not have done , had they then conceived either the Pope , or his Church infallible . And thus it continued down to Lyra's time : For he says expresly , † That many Popes as well as other Inferiours , have not onely erred , but even quite Apostatized from the Faith. And yet now nothing ▪ but Infallibility will serve their turns . And sometimes they have not onely taken upon them to be Infallible in Cathedrâ , in their Chair of Decision , but also to Prophesie Infallibly out of the Scripture . But Prophetical Scripture ( such as the Revelation is ) was too dangerous for men to meddle with , which would be careful of their Credit in not Erring . For it fell out in the time of Innocent the third , and Honorius the the third , ( as ‖ Aventine tells us ) That the then Popes assured the world , that Destruction was at hand to Saracens , Turks , and Mahumetans ; which , the Event shewed , were notorious untruths . And 't is remarkable which happened anno 1179. For then in a Councel held at Rome , Pope Alexander the third Condemned Peter Lombard of Hereste : And he lay under that Damnation for thirty and six years ▪ till Innocent the third restored him , and condemned his Accusers . Now Peter Lombard was then condemned for something which he had written about the humane Nature of our Saviour Christ. S● here was a great Mysterie of the Faith in hand ; something about the Incarnation . And the Pope was in Cathedrâ , and that in a Councel of three hundred Archbishops and Bishops . And in this Councel he condemned Peter Lombard , and , in him , his Opinion about the Incarnation : And therefore of necessity either Pope Alexander erred , and that in Cathedrâ , as Pope , in Condemning him ; or Pope Innocentius , in restoring him . The truth is , Pope Alexander had more of Alexander the Great , than of S. Peter in him . And being accustomed to Warlike Employments , he understood not that which Peter Lombard had written about this Mystery . And so He , and his Learned Assistants condemned him unjustly . Num. 8 And whereas you profess * after , That you hold nothing against your Conscience ; I must ever wonder much , how that can be true , since you hold this of the Pope's Infallibility , especially as being Prophetical in the Conclusion . If this be true , why do you not lay all your strength together , all of your whole Society , and make this one Proposition evident ? For all Controversies about matters of Faith are ended , and without any great trouble to the Christian World , if you can but make this one Proposition good , That the Pope is an Infallible Judge . Till then , this shame will follow you infallibly , and eternally , That you should make the Pope , a meer man , Principium Fidei , a Principle , or Author of Faith ; and make the mouth of him , whom you call Christs Vicar , sole Judge , both of Christ's Word , be it never so manifest , and of his Church , be she never so Learned , and careful of his Truth . And for Conclusion of this Point , I would fain know ( since this had been so plain , so easie a way , either to prevent all Divisions about the Faith , or to end all Controversies , did they arise ) why this brief , but most necessary Proposition , The Bishop of Rome cannot erre in his Judicial Determinations concerning the Faith , is not to be found either in letter or sense , in any Scripture , in any Councel , or in any Father of the Church , for the full space of a thousand years and more after Christ ? For had this Proposition been true , and then received in the Church , how weak were all the Primitive Fathers , to prescribe so many Rules and Cautions for avoidance of Heresie , as Tertullian , and Vincentius Lirinensis , and others do , and to endure such hard Conflicts , as they did , and with so many various Haereticks ; To see Christendom so rent , and torn by some distempered Councels , as that of Ariminum , the second of Ephesus , and others ; Nay , to see the whole world almost become Arrian , to the amazement of it self ; And yet all this time not so much as call in this Necessary Assistance of the Pope , and let the world know , That the Bishop of Rome was infallible ; that so in his Decision all Differences might cease ? For either the Fathers of the Church , Greek as well as Latine , knew this Proposition to be true , That the Pope cannot Erre Judicially in matters belonging to the Faith , or they knew it not . If you say they knew it not ; you charge them with a base , and unworthy Ignorance , no ways like to over-cloud such , and so many Learned men , in a Matter so Necessary , and of such infinite use to Christendom . If you say they knew it , and durst not deliver this Truth ; how can you charge them , which durst die for Christ , with such Cowardise towards his Church ? And if you say they knew it , and with-held it from the Church ; you lay a most unjust Load upon those Charitable souls , which loved Christ too well to imprison any Truth , but likely to make or keep peace in his Church Catholike over the world . But certainly , as no Divine of Worth did then dream of any such Infallibility in Him ; so is it a meer Dream , or worse , of those Modern Divines , who affirm it now * . And as † S. Augustine sometimes spake of the Donatists , and their absurd limiting the whole Christian Church to Africa onely ; so may I truely say of the Romanists confining all Christianity to the Romane Doctrine , governed by the Pope's Infallibility : I verily perswade my self , That even the Jesuites themselves laugh at this . And yet unless they say this , which they cannot but blush while they say , they have nothing at all to say . But what 's this to us ? we envie no man. If the Pope's Decision be infallible , Legant , Let them read it to us out of the Holy Scripture , and we 'll believe it . Num. 9 In the mean time , take this with you , That most certain it is , That the Pope hath no Infallibility to attend his Cathedral Judgement in things belonging to the Faith. For first , besides the silence of Impartial Antiquity , divers * of your Own confess it , yea and prove it too , by sundry Instances . Num. 10 Secondly , There is a great Question among the Learned , both School-men and Controversers , Whether the Pope coming to be an Heretick , may be Deposed ? And 't is Learnedly disputed by † Bellarmine . The Opinions are different . For the ‖ Canon-Law says expresly , He may be judged and deposed by the Church in case of Heresie . * Joh. de Turrecremata is of Opinion , That the Pope is to be deposed by the Church so soon as he becomes an Heretick , though as yet not a manifest one ; Because he is already deprived by Divine Right . And recites another opinion , That the Pope cannot be deposed , though he fall into secret or manifest Heresie . † Cajetan thinks that the Pope cannot be deposed , but for a manifest Heresie ; and that then he is not deposed ipso facto , but must be deposed by the Church . ‖ Bellarmine's own Opinion is , That if the Pope become a manifest Heretick , he presently ceases to be Pope and Head of the Church , and may then be Judged and punished by the Church . Bellarmine hath disputed this very Learnedly , and at large ; and I will not fill this Discourse with another mans Labours . The use I shall make of it , runs through all these Opinions , and through all alike . And truly the very Question it self supposes , that A Pope may be an Heretick . For if he cannot be an Heretick , why do they question , whether he can be Deposed for being One ? And if he can be one , then whether he can be Deposed by the Church , Before he be manifest , or not till after , or neither before nor after , or which way they will , it comes all to one for my purpose . For I question not here his Deposition for his Heresie , but his Heresie . And I hope none of these Learned men , nor any other , dare deny , but that if the Pope can be an Heretick , he can erre . For every Heresie is an Errour , and more . For 't is an Errour oft-times against the Errants knowledge , but ever with the pertinacie of his Will. Therefore out of all , even your own Grounds ; If the Pope can be an Heretick , he can erre grosly , he can erre wilfully . And he that can so Erre , cannot be Infallible in his Judgement private or publike . For if he can be an Heretick , he can , and doubtless will Judge for his Heresie , if the Church let him alone . And you your selves maintain his Deposition lawful , to prevent this . I verily believe * Alb. Pighius foresaw this Blow : And therefore he is of Opinion , That the Pope cannot become an Heretick at all . And though † Bellarmine favour him so far , as to say his Opinion is probable ; yet he is so honest as to adde , that the Common opinion of Divines is against him . Nay , though ‖ he Labour hard to excuse Pope Honorius the first from the Heresie of the Monothelites , and says , that Pope Adrian was deceived , who thought him one , yet * He confesses , That Pope Adrian the second , with the Councel then held at Rome , and the eighth General Synod , did think that the Pope might be Judged in the Cause of Heresie : And that the condition of the Church were most miserable , if it should be constrained to acknowledge a Wolf manifestly raging for her Shepherd . And here again I have a Question to ask , Whether you believe the eighth General Councel , or not ? If you believe it , then you see the Pope can erre , and so He not Infallible . If you believe it not , then in your Judgement that General Councel erres , and so that not Infallible . Num. 11 Thirdly , It is altogether in vain , and to no use , that the Pope should be Infallible , and that according to your own Principles . Now God and Nature make nothing in vain . Therefore either the Pope is not Infallible , or at least God never made him so . That the Infallibility of the Pope ( had he any in him ) is altogether vain , and useless , is manifest . For if it be of any use , 't is for the setling of Truth and Peace in the Church , in all times of her Distraction . But neither the Church , nor any member of it , can make any use of the Popes Infallibility that way ; Therefore it is of no use or benefit at all . And this also is as manifest , as the rest . For before the Church , or any particular man , can make any use of this Infallibility , to settle him and his Conscience , he must either Know or Believe that the Pope is Infallible : But a man can neither Know nor Believe it . And first for Belief : For if the Church , or any Christian man can believe it , he must believe it either by Divine , or by Humane Faith. Divine Faith cannot be had of it : For ( as is before proved ) it hath no Ground in the written Word of God. Nay ( to follow you closer ) it was never delivered by any Tradition of the Catholike Church . And for Humane Faith , no Rational man can possibly believe ( having no Word of God to over-rule his Understanding ) that he which is Fallible in the Means , as * your selves confess the Pope is , can possibly be Infallible in the Conclusion . And were it so , that a Rational man could have Humane Faith of this Infallibility ; yet that neither is , nor never can be sufficient to make the Pope , Infallible . No more than my strong Belief of another mans Honesty can make him an Honest man , if he be not so . Now secondly , for Knowledge ; and that is altogether impossible too , that either the Church , or any Member of the Church , should ever know that the Pope is Infallible . And this I shall make evident also out of your own Principles . For your * Councel of Florence had told us , That three things are necessary to every Sacrament ; the Matter , the Form of the Sacrament , and the Intention of the Priest , which administers it , that he intends to do as the Church doth . Your † Councel of Trent confirms it for the Intention of the Priest. Upon this Ground ( be it Rock or Sand , it is all one ; for you make it Rock , and build upon it ) I shall raise this Battery against the Popes Infallibility . First , the Pope if he have any Infallibility at all , he hath it as he is Bishop of Rome , and S. Peter's Successour . ‖ This is granted . Secondly , the Pope cannot be Bishop of Rome , but he must be in holy Orders first . And if any man be chosen that is not so , the Election is void ipso facto , propter errorem Personae , for the errour of the Person . * This also is granted . Thirdly , He that is to be made Pope , can never be in Holy Orders , but by receiving them from One that hath Power to Ordain . This is notoriously known ; So is it also , that with you Order is a Sacrament properly so called . And if so , then the Pope , when he did receive the Order of Deacon , or Priesthood at the hands of the Bishop , did also receive a Sacrament . Upon these Grounds I raise my Argument , thus . Neither the Church , nor any Member of the Church , can know that this Pope which now sits , or any other that hath been , or shall be , is Infallible . For he is not Infallible , unless he be Pope ; and he is not Pope , unless he be in Holy Orders ; And he cannot be so , unless he have received those Holy Orders , and that from one that had Power to Ordain ; And those Holy Orders in your Doctrine are a Sacrament ; And a Sacrament is not perfectly given , if he that Administers it have not intentionem faciendi quod facit Ecclesia , an intention to do that which the Church doth by Sacraments . Now who can possibly tell , that the Bishop which gave the Pope Orders , was first , a man qualified to give them ; and secondly , so devoutly set upon his Work , that he had , at the instant of giving them , an Intention and purpose to do therein as the Church doth ? Surely none but that Bishop himself . And his testimony of himself , and his own Act , such especially as , if faulty , he would be loth to Confess , can neither give Knowledge nor Belief sufficient , that the Pope , according to this Canon , is in Holy Orders . So upon the Whole matter , let the Romanists take which they will ( I will give them free Choice ) either this Canon of the Councel of Trent is false Divinity , and there is no such Intention necessary to the Essence and Being of a Sacrament : Or if it be true , it is impossible for any man to know , and for any advised man to Believe , That the Pope is Infallible in his Judicial Sentences in things belonging to the Faith. And so here again a General Councel , at least such a one , as that of Trent is , can Erre , or the Pope is not Infallible . Num. 12 But this is an Argument ad Hominem , good against your Party onely , which maintain this Councel . But the plain Truth is , Both are Errours . For neither is the Bishop of Rome Infallible in his Judicials about the Faith : Nor is this Intention of either Bishop or Priest of Absolute Necessity to the Essence of a Sacrament ; so , as to make void the gracious Institution of Christ , in case by any Tentation the Priests Thoughts should wander from his Work , at the instant of using the Essentials of a Sacrament , or have in him an Actual Intention to scorn the Church . And you may remember , if you please , that a Neapolitan * Bishop then present at Trent , disputed this Case very Learnedly , and made it most evident that this Opinion cannot be defended , but that it must open a way for any unworthy Priest to make infinite Nullities in Administration of the Sacraments . And his Arguments were of such strength , † ut caeteros Theologos dederint in stuporem ; as amazed the other Divines which were present . And concluded , That no Internal Intention was required in the Minister of a Sacrament , but that Intention which did appear Opere externo ; in the Work it self performed by him : And that if he had unworthily any wandring thoughts , nay more , any contrary Intention within him , yet it neither did , nor could hinder the blessed effect of any Sacrament . And most certain it is , if this be not true , besides all other Inconveniences , which are many , no man can secure himself upon any Doubt or trouble in his Conscience , that he hath truly and really been made partaker of any Sacrament whatsoever , No , not of Baptism ; and so by Consequence be left in doubt whether he be a Christian or no , even after he is Baptized . Whereas 't is most impossible , That Christ should so order his Sacraments , and so leave them to his Church , as that poor Believers in his Name , by any unworthiness of any of his Priests , should not be able to know whether they have received His Sacraments or not , even while they have received them . And yet for all this , such great lovers of Truth , and such careful Pastors over the Flock of Christ , were these Trent-Fathers , that they regarded none of this , but went on in the usual track , and made their Decree for the Internal Intention and purpose of the Priest , and that the Sacrament was invalid without it . Num. 13 Nay , one Argument more there is , and from your own Grounds too , that makes it more than manifest , That the Pope can erre , not Personally onely , but Judicially also ; and so teach false Doctrine to the Church ; which * Bellarmine tells us No Pope hath done , or can do . And a Maxime it is with you , That a General Councel can erre , if it be confirmed by the Pope ; † But if it be confirmed , then it cannot erre . Where first , this is very improper Language . For I hope no Councel is confirmed , till it be finished . And when 't is finished , even before the Popes confirmation be put to it , either it hath Erred , or not Erred . If it have Erred , the Pope ought not to confirm it ; and if he do , 't is a void act . For no power can make Falshood Truth . If it have not Erred , then it was True before the Pope confirmed it . So his Confirmation addes nothing but his own Assent : Therefore his confirmation of a General Councel ( as you will needs call it ) is at the most Signum , non Causa ; a Signe , and that such as may fail , but no Cause of the Councels not Erring . But then secondly , if a General Councel Confirmed ( as you would have it ) by the Pope have Erred , and so can Erre ; then certainly the Pope can Erre Judicially . For he never gives a more solemn Sentence for Truth , than when he decrees any thing in a General Councel . Therefore if he have Erred , and can Erre there , then certainly he can Erre in his Definitive Sentence about the Faith , and is not Infallible . Now that he hath Erred , and therefore can Erre in a General Councel confirmed , in which he takes upon him to teach all Christendom , is most clear and evident . For the Pope teaches in and by the ‖ Councel of Lateran Confirmed by Innocent the third ; Christ is present in the Sacrament by way of Transubstantiation . And in and by the * Councel of Constance , the Administration of the Blessed Sacrament to the Laity in one kinde , notwithstanding Christs Institution of it in both kindes for all . And in and by the † Councel of Trent , Invocation of Saints , and Adoration of Images , to the great Scandal of Christianity , and as great hazard of the Weak . Now that these Particulars , among Many , are Errours in Divinity , and about the Faith , is manifest both by Scripture , & the Judgement of the Primitive Church . For Transubstantiation first ; That never was heard of in the Primitive Church , nor till the Councel of Lateran ; nor can it be proved out of Scripture ; and taken properly , cannot stand with the Grounds of Christian Religion . As for Communion in one kinde ; Christs Institution is clear against that . And not onely the Primitive Church , but the Whole Church of Christ kept it so , till within less than four hundred years . For ‖ Aquinas confesses it was so in use even to his times ; And he was both born & dead during the Reign of Henry the third of England . Nay , it stands yet as a Monument in the very * Missal , against the present Practice of the Church of Rome , That then it was usually Given and received in both kindes . And for Invocation of Saints , though some of the Ancient Fathers have some Rhetorical flourishes about it , for the stirring up of Devotion ( as they thought ) yet the Church then admitted not of the Innovation of them , but onely of the Commemoration of the Martyrs , as appears clearly in * S. Augustine . And when the Church prayed to God for any thing , she desired to be heard for the Mercies and the Merits of Christ , nor for the Merits of any Saints whatsoever . For I much doubt this were to make the Saints more than Mediators of Intercession ▪ which is all that † you acknowledge you allow the Saints . For I pray , is not by the Merits , more than by the Intercession ? Did not Christ redeem us by his Merits ? And if God must hear our Prayers for the Merits of the Saints , how much fall they short of sharers in the ‖ Mediation of Redemption ? You may think of this . For such Prayers as these the Church of Rome makes at this day , and they stand ( not without great scandal to Christ , and Christianity ) used , and authorized to be used in the Missal . For instance : * Upon the Feast of S. Nicolas you pray , That God by the Merits and Prayers of S. Nicolas , would deliver you from the fire of Hell. And upon the Octaves of S. Peter and S. Paul , † you desire God that you may Obtain the Glory of Eternity by their Merits . And on the ‖ Feast of S. Bonaventure you pray , that God would absolve you from all your sins by the Interceding Merits of Bonaventure . And for Adoration of Images , the * Ancient Church knew it not . And the Modern Church of Rome is too like to Paganism in the Practice of it ; and driven to scarce Intelligible Subtilties in her Servants Writings that defend it ; And this without any Care had of Millions of Souls unable to understand her Subtilties , or shun her Practice . Did I say , the Modern Church of Rome is grown too like Paganism in this Point ? And may this speech seem too hard ? Well , if it do , I 'll give a Double Account of it . The One is : 'T is no harsher Expression than They of Rome use of the Protestants , and in Cases in which there is no shew or resemblance . For † Becanus tells us , 'T is no more lawful to receive the Sacrament as the Calvinisis receive it , than to worship Idols with the Ethnicks . And Gregory de Valentia enlarges it to more Points than one , but with no more truth . The Sectaries of our times ‖ ( saith he ) seem to Erre culpably in more things than the Gentiles . This is easily said , but here 's no Proof . Nor shall I hold it a sufficient warrant for me to sowre my Language , because these men have dipped their Pens in Gall. The Other Account therefore which I shall give of this speech , shall come vouched both by Authority and Reason . And first for Authority ; I could set Ludovicus Vives against Becanus , if I would , who says expresly , That the making of Feasts at the Oratories of the Martyrs ( which * S. Augustine tells us , The best Christians practised not ) are a kinde of † Parentalia , Funeral-feasts too much resembling the superstition of the Gentiles . Nay , Vives need not say , resembling that superstition , since ‖ Tertullian tells us plainly , that Idolatry it self is but a kinde of Parentation . And Vives dying in the Communion of the Church of Rome , is a better testimony against you , than Becanus , or Valentia , being bitter enemies to our Communion , can be against us . But I 'll come nearer home to you , and prove it by more of your own . For * Cassander , who lived and died in your Communion , says it expresly , That in this present Case of the Adoration of Images , you came full home to the Superstition of the Heathen . And secondly , for Reason , I have ( I think , too much to give , that the Modern Church of Rome is grown too like to Paganism in this Point . For the † Councel of Trent it self confesses , That to believe there 's any Divinity in Images , is to do as the Gentiles did by their Idols . And though in some words after , the Fathers of that Councel seem very religiously careful , that all ‖ Occasion of dangerous Errour be prevented ; yet the Doctrine it self is so full of danger , that it works strongly , both upon the Learned and Unlearned , to the scandal of Religion , and the perverting of Truth . For the Unlearned first , how it works upon them by whole Countries together , you may see by what happened in Asturiis , Cantabria , Galetia , no small parts of Spain . For there the People ( so * He tells me that was an Eye-witness , and that since the Councel of Trent ) are so addicted to their worm-eaten and deformed Images ; that when the Bishops commanded new , and handsomer Images to be set up in their rooms , the poor people cried for their old , would not look up to their new , as if they did not represent the same thing . And though he say , this is by little and little amended , yet I believe there 's very little Amendment . And it works upon the Learned too , more than it should . For it wrought so far upon Lamas himself , who bemoaned the former Passage , as that he delivers this Doctrine : † That the Images of Christ , the blessed Virgin , and the Saints , are not to be worshipped , as if there were any Divinity in the Images , as they are material things made by Art , but onely as they represent Christ and the Saints : for else it were Idolatry . So then belike ▪ according to the Divinity of this Casuist , a man may worship Images , and ask of them ▪ and put his trust in them , as they represent Christ , and the Sam●s . For so there is Divinity in them , though not as Things , yet as Representers . An● what I pray did , or could any Pagan Priest say more than this ? For the Proposition resolved is this : The Images of Christ and the Saints , as they represent their Exemplars , have Deity or Divinity in them . And now I pray A. C. do you be judge , whether this Proposition do not teach Idolatry ? And whether the Modern Church of Rome be not grown too like to Paganism in this Point ? For my own part , I heartily wish it were not . And that men of Learning would not strain their wits to spoil the Truth , and rent the Peace of the Church of Christ , by such dangerous , such superstitious vanities . For better they are not ; but they may be worse . Nay , these and their like have given so great a Scandal among us , to some ignorant , though , I presume , well-meaning men , that they are afraid to testifie their duty to God , even in his own House , by any outward Gesture at all . Insomuch that those very Ceremonies , which , by the Judgement of Godly and Learned men , have now long continued in the Practice of this Church , suffer hard measure for the Romish Superstitions sake . But I will conclude this Point with the saying of B. Rhenanus : Who could endure the people ( says he ) rushing into the Church like Sivine into a Stye ? Doubtless , Ceremonies do not hurt the people , but profit them , so there be a Mean kept , and the By be not put for the Main , that is , so we place not the principal part of our Piety in them . The Conference grows to an end , and I must meet it again ere we part . For you say , F. After this ( we all rising ) the Lady asked the B. whether she might be saved in the Roman Faith ? He answered , She might . B. § 34 What ? not one * Answer perfectly related ? My Answer to to this was General , for the ignorant , that could not discern the Errours of that Church ▪ so they held the Foundation , and conformed themselves to a religious life . But why do you not speak out what I added in this Particular ? That it must needs go harder with the Lady , even in point of Salvation , because she had been brought to understand very much , for one of her Condition , in these Controverted causes of Religion , And ● person that comes to know much , had need carefully bethink himself , that he oppose not known Truth against the Church that made him a Christian. For Salvation may be in the Church of Rome , and yet they not finde it , that make surest of it . Here A. C. is as confident as the Jesuite himself , That I said expresly , That the Lady might be saved in the Roman Faith. Truly , 't is too long since now for me to speak any more than I have already , upon my Memory : But this I am sure of , That whatsoever I said of her , were it never so particular , yet was it under the Conditions before expressed . F. I bad her mark that . B. § . 35 Num. 1 This Answer ( I am sure ) troubles not you . But it seems you would fain have it lay a load of envy upon me , that you profess you bad the Lady so carefully , mark that . Well , you bad her Mark that . For what ? For some great matter ? or for some new ? Not for some New sure . For the Protestants have ever been ready for Truth and in Charity to grant as much as might be . And therefore from the beginning many * Learned men granted this . So that you needed not have put such a serious Mark that upon my speech , as if none before had , or none but I would speak it . And if your Mark that were not for some New matter , was it for some Great ? Yes sure , it was . For what greater then Salvation ? But then I pray , mark this too , That might be saved , grants but a † Possibility , no sure , or safe way to Salvation . The Possibility I think cannot be denied , the Ignorants especially , because they hold the Foundation , and cannot survey the Building . And the Foundation can deceive no man that rests upon it . But a secure way they cannot go , that hold with such corruptions , when they know them . Now whether it be wisdome , in such a Point as Salvation is , to forsake a Church , in the which the Ground of Salvation is firm , to follow a Church , in which it is but possible one may be saved , but very probable he may do worse , if he look not well to the Foundation , judge ye . I am sure ‖ S. Augustine thought it was not , and judged it a great sin , in Point of Salvation , for a man to prefer incerta certis , uncertainties and naked possibilities before an evident and certain Course . And * Bellarmine is of opinion , and that in the Point of Justification : That in regard of the uncertainty of our own Righteousness , and of the danger of vain glory , tutissimum est , 't is safest to repose our whole trust in the Mercy and goodness of God. And surely , if there be One safer way than another , as he confesses there is , he is no wise man , that in a matter of so great moment will not betake himself to the safest way . And therefore even you your solves in the Point of Condignity of Merit , though you write it , and preach it boysterously to the People ; yet you are content to die , renouncing the condignity of all your own Merits , and trust to Christs . Now surely , if you will not venture to die as you live , live and believe in time , as you mean to die . Num. 2 And one thing more , because you bid Mark this , let me remember to tell you for the benefit of others . Upon this very Point ( That we acknowledge an honest ignorant Papist may be saved ) you and your like work upon the advantage of our Charitie , and your own want of it , to abuse the weak . For thus I am told you work upon them . You see the Protestants ( at least many of them ) confess there may be salvation in our Church ; We absolutely deny there is salvation in theirs : Therefore it is safer to come to Ours , than to stay in theirs ; to be where , almost all grant Salvation , than where the greater part of the world deny it . This Argument is very prevailing with men , that cannot weigh it , and with women especially , that are put in fear by † violent ( though causless ) denying Heaven unto them . And some of your party since this , have set out a Book , called Charity mistaken . But beside the Answer fully given to it , this alone is sufficient to Confute it . First , that in this our Charity ( what ever yours be ) is not mistaken , unless the Charity of the Church her self were mistaken in the Case of the Donatists , as shall ‖ after appear . Secondly , even Mistaken Charity ( if such it were ) is far better than none at all . And if the Mistaken be ours , the None is yours . Yea , but A. C. tells us , That this denial of Salvation is grounded upon Charity , as were the like threats of Christ , and the Holy Fathers . For there is but one true Faith , and one true Church , and out of that there is no Salvation . And he that will not hear the Church , S. Matth. 18. let him be as a Heathen , and a Publican , Therefore he says , 't is more Charitie to forewarn us of the danger , by these threats , than to let us run into it , through a false security . 'T is true , that there is but one true Faith , and but one true Church . But that one , both Faith , and Church , is the * Catholike Christian , not the Particular Roman . And this Catholike Christian Church , he that will not both hear , and obey ; yea , and the Particular Church , in which he lives too , so far as it in necessaries agrees with the Universal , is in as bad condition as a Heathen and a Publican , and perhaps in some respects worse . And were we in this Case , we should thank A. C. for giving us warning of our danger . But 't is not so . For he thunders out all these threats , and denial of salvation , because we joyn not with the Roman Church , in all things ; as if her Corruptions were part of the Catholike Faith of Christ. So the whole passage is a meer begging of the Question , and then threatning upon it , without all ground of Reason or Charity . In the mean time let A. C. look to himself , that in his false security , he run not into the danger , and loss of his own salvation , while he would seem to take such care of ours . But though this Argument prevails with the weak , yet it is much stronger in the cunning , than the true force of it . For all Arguments are very moving , that lay their ground upon * the Adversaries Confession ; especially if it be confessed , and avouched to be true . But if you would speak truly , and say , Many Protestants indeed confess , there is salvation possible to be attained in the Roman Church ; but yet they say withal , that the Errours of that Church are so many † ( and some so great , as weaken the Foundation ) that it is very hard to go that way to Heaven , especially to them that have had the Truth manifested ; the heart of this Argument were utterly broken . Besides , the force of this Argument lies upon two things , one directly Expressed , the other but as upon the By. Num. 3 That which is expressed , is , We and our Adversaries consent , that there is salvation to some in the Roman Church . What ? would you have us as malicious , ( at least as rash ) as your selves are to us , and deny you so much , as possibility of Salvation ? If we should , we might make you in some things strain for a Proof . But we have not so learned Christ , as either to return evil for evil in this heady course , or to deny salvation to some ignorant silly souls , whose humble peaceable obedience makes them safe among any part of men , that profess the Foundation , Christ ; And therefore seek not to help our Cause by denying this comfort to silly Christians , as you most fiercely do , where you can come to work upon them . And this was an old trick of the Donatists . For in the Point of Baptism ( whether that Sacrament was true in the Catholike Church , or in the part of Donatus ) they exhorted all to be baptized among them . Why ? Because both parts granted , that Baptism was true among the Donatists ; which that peevish Sect most unjustly denied the sound part , as * S. Augustine delivers it . I would ask now , Had not the Orthodox true Baptism among them , because the Donatists denied it injuriously ? Or should the Orthodox against Truth have denied Baptism , among the Donatists , either to cry quittance with them , or that their Argument might not be the stronger , because both parts granted ? But Mark this , how far you run from all common Principles of Christian Peace , as well as Christian Truth , while you deny salvation most unjustly to us , from which you are farther off your selves . Besides , if this were , or could be made a concluding Argument , I pray , why do not you believe with us in the Point of the Eucharist ? For all sides agree in the Faith of the Church of England , That in the most Blessed Sacrament , the Worthy receiver is by his † Faith made spiritually partaker of the true and real Body and Blood of Christ ‖ truly , and really , and of all the Benefits of his Passion . Your Roman Catholikes add a manner of this his Prefence , Transubstantiation , which many deny ; and the Lutherans a manner of this Presence , Consubstantiation , which more deny . If this Argument be good , then even for this Consent , it is safer Communicating with the Church of England , than with the Roman , or Lutheran ; Because all agree in this Truth , not in any other Opinion . Nay , * Suarez himself , and he a very Learned Adversary ( what say you to this A. C ? doth Truth force this from him ? ) Confesses plainly , That to Believe Transubstantiation is not simply necessary to Salvation . And yet he knew well the Church had determined it . And † Bellarmine , after an intricate , tedious , and almost inexplicable Discourse about an Aductive Conversion ( A thing which neither Divinity , nor Philosophy ever heard of till then ) is at last forced to come to this : * Whatsoever is concerning the manner and forms of speech , illud tenendum e●t , this is to be held , that the Conversion of the Bread and Wine into the Body and the Blood of Christ , is substantial , but after a secret and ineffable manner , and not like in all things to any natural Conversion whatsoever . Now if he had left out Conversion , and affirmed only Christs real Presence there , after a mysterious , and indeed an ineffable manner , no man could have spoke better . And therefore , if you will force the Argument always to make that the safest way of Salvation , which differing Parties agree on ; why do you not yield to the force of the same Argument , in the Belief of the Sacrament , one of the most immediate means of Salvation , where not onely the most , but all agree ; And your own greatest Clarks cannot tell what to say to the Contrary ? Num. 4 I speak here for the force of the Argument , which certainly in it self is nothing , though by A. C. made of great account ; For he says , 'T is a Confession of Adversaries extorted by Truth . Just as * Petilian the Donatist brag'd in the case of Baptism . But in truth , 't is nothing . For the Syllogism , which it frames , is this . In Point of Faith and Salvation 't is safest for a man to take that way , which the differing Parties agree on . But Papists and Protestants ( which are the differing Parties ) agree in this , that there is salvation possible to be found in the Roman Church . Therefore 't is safest for a man to be , and continue in the Roman Church . To the Minor Proposition then ; I observe this only , that though many Learned Protestants grant this , all do not . And then that Proposition is not Universally true , nor able to sustain the Conclusion . For they do not in this all agree ; nay , I doubt not , but there are some Protestants , which can , and do as stifly , and as churlishly deny them Salvation , as they do us . And A. C. should do well to consider , whether they do it not upon as good reason at least . But for the Major Proposition ; Namely , That in Point of Faith and Salvation , 't is safest for a man to take that way , which the Adversary confesses , or the Differing Parties agree on . I say , that is no Metaphysical Principle , but a bare Contingent Proposition , and being indefinitely taken , may be true or false , as the matter is to which it is applied ; but being taken universally , is false , and not able to lead in the Conclusion . Now that this Proposition ( In point of Faith and Salvation , 't is safest for a man to take that way , which the differing Parties agree on , or which the Adversary confesses ) hath no strength in it self , but is sometimes true , and sometimes false , as the Matter is , about which it is conversant , is most evident . First , by Reason : Because Consent of disagreeing Parties is neither Rule , nor Proof of Truth . For Herod and Pilate , disagreeing Parties enough , yet agreed against Truth it self . But Truth rather is , or should be the Rule to frame , if not to force Agreement . And secondly , by the two Instances † before given . For in the Instance between the Orthodox Church then , and the Donatists , this Proposition is most false ; For it was a Point of Faith , & so of Salvation , that they were upon , Namely , the right use and administration of the Sacrament of Baptism . And yet had it been safest to take up that way , which the differing Parts agreed on , or which the adverse Part Confessed , men must needs have gone with the Donatists against the Church . And this must fall out as oft as any Heretick will cunningly take that way against the Church , which the Donatists did , if this Principle shall go for currant . But in the second Instance , concerning the Eucharist , a matter of Faith , and so of Salvation too , the same Proposition is most true . And the Reason is , because here the matter is true ; Namely , The true , and real participation of the Body and Blood of Christ in that Blessed Sacrament . But in the former the matter was false , Namely , That Rebaptization was necessary after Baptism formally given by the Church . So this Proposition ( In Point of Faith and Salvation it is safest for a man to take that way , which the differing Parties agree in ; or which the Adversary confesses , ) is , you see , both true and false , as men have cunning to apply it , and as the matter is , about which it is Conversant . And is therefore no Proposition able , or fit to settle a Conclusion in any sober mans minde , till the Matter contained under it , be well scanned , and examined . And yet as much use as you would make of this Proposition to amaze the weak , your selves dare not stand to it , no not where the matter is undeniably true , as shall appear in divers Particulars beside this of the Eucharist . Num. 5 But before I add any other particular Instances ▪ I must tell you what A. C. says to the two former . For he tells us , These two are nothing like the present case . Nothing ? That is strange indeed . Why in the first of those Cases concerning the Donatists , your Proposition is false ; And so far from being safest , that it was no way safe for a man to take that way of Belief , and so of Salvation , which both parts agreed on . And is this nothing ; Nay , is not this full , and home to the present case ? For the present case is this , and no more . That it is safest taking that way of Belief which the differing Parties agree on : or which the Adversary Confesses . And in the second of those Cases concerning the Eucharist , your Proposition indeed is true , not by the Truth which it hath seen in it self , Metaphysically , and in Abstract , but onely in regard of the matter , to which it is applied ; yet there you desert your own Proposition , where it is true . And is this nothing ? Nay , is not this also full , and home to the present case , since it appears your Proposition is such as your selves dare not bide by , either when it is true , or when it is false ? For in the Case of Baptism administred by the Donatist , the Proposition is false , and you dare not bide by it , for Truths sake . And in the case of the Eucharist , the Proposition is true , and yet you dare not bide by it , for the Church of Romes sake . So that Church ( with you ) cannot erre , and yet will not suffer you to maintain Truth ; which not to do , is some degree of Errour , and that no small one . Num. 6 Well , A. C. goes on , and gives his Reasons why these two Instances are nothing like the present Case . For in these Cases ( saith he ) there are annexed other Reasons of certainly known peril of damnable Schism and Heresie , which we should in●ur by consenting to the Donatists denial of true Baptism among Catholikes : and to the Protestants denial , or doubting of the true substantial Presence of Christ in the Eucharist . But in this Case of Resolving to live and die in the Catholike Romàne Church , there is confessedly no such peril of any damnable Heresie , or Schism , or any other sin . Here I have many Particulars to observe upon A. C. and you shall have them , as briefly as I can set them down . And first , I take A. C. at his word , that in the case of the Donatist , should it be followed , there would be known peril of damnable Schism , and Heresie , by denying true Baptism to be in the Orthodox Church . For by this you may see , what a sound Proposition this is ( That where two Parties are dissenting , it is safest believing that in which both Parties agree , or which the Adversary confesses ) for here you may see by the case of the Donatist , is confessed , it may lead a man , that will universally lean to it , into known and damnable Schism and Heresie . An excellent Guide , I promise you , this , is it not ? Nor secondly , are these , though A. C. calls them so , annexed Reasons ; For he calls them so , but to blaunch the matter , as if they fell upon the Proposition ab extra , accidentally , and from without ; Whereas they are not annexed , or pinned on , but flow naturally out of the Proposition it self . For the Proposition would seem to be Metaphysical , and is appliable indifferently to any Common Belief of dissenting Parties , be the point in difference what it will. Therefore if there be any thing Heretical , Schismatical , or any way evil in the Point , this Proposition being neither Universally , nor necessarily true , must needs cast him , that relies upon it , upon all these Rocks of Heresie , Schism , or what ever else follows the matter of the Proposition . Thirdly , A. C. doth extremely ill to joyn these Cases of the Donatists for Baptism , and the Protestant for the Eucharist together , as he doth . For this Proposition in the first concerning the Donatists , leads a man ( as is confessed by himself ) into known and damnable Schism and Heresie : but by A. C's good leave , the later concerning the Protestants , and the Eucharist , nothing so . For I hope A. C. dare not say , That to believe the true * substantial Presence of Christ , is either known , or damnable Schism , or Heresie . Now as many , and as Learned † Protestants believe and maintain this , as do believe possibility of Salvation ( as before is limited ) in the Romane Church : Therefore they in that not guilty of either known , or damnable Schism , or Heresie , though the Don●tists were of both . Fourthly , whereas he imposes upon the Protestants , The denyal or doubting of the true and Real presence of Christ in the Eucharist ; he is a great deal more bold , than true , in that also : For understand them right , and they certainly , neither deny , nor doubt it . For as for the Lutheranes , as they are commonly called , their very Opinion of Consubstantiation makes it known to the world , that they neither deny , nor doubt of his true , and Real presence there . And they are Protestants . And for the Calvinists , if they might be rightly understood , they also maintain a most true and Real presence , though they cannot permit their Judgement to be Transubstantiated . And they are Protestants too . And this is so known a Truth , that ‖ Bellarmine confesses it . For he saith , Protestants do often grant , that the true and real Body of Christ is in the Eucharist . But he addes , That they never say ( so far as he hath read ) That it is there Truely and Really , unless they speak of the Supper which shall be in Heaven . Well : first , if they grant that the true and Real Body of Christ is in that Blessed Sacrament ( as Bellarmine confesses they do , and 't is most true ) then A. C. is false , who charges all the Protestants with denyal , or doubtfulness in this Point . And secondly , Bellarmine himself also shews here his Ignorance , or his Malice : Ignorance , if he knew it not ; Malice , if he would not know it . For the Calvinists , at least they which follow Calvin himself , do not onely believe that the true and real Body of Christ is received in the Eucharist , but that it is there , and that we partake of it verè & realitèr , which are † Calvins own words ; and yet Bellarmine boldly affirms , that to his reading , no one Protestant did ever affirm it . And I , for my part , cannot believe but Bellarmine had read Calvin , and very carefully , he doth so frequently and so mainly Oppose him . Nor can that Place by any Art be shifted , or by any Violence wrested from Calvin's true meaning of the Presence of Christ in and at the blessed Sacrament of the Eucharist , to any Supper in Heaven whatsoever . But most manifest it is , that Quod legerim , for ought I have read , will not serve Bellarmine to excuse him . For he himself , but in the very ‖ Chapter going before , quotes four Places out of Calvin , in which he says expresly , That we receive in the Sacrament the Body and the Bloud of Christ Verè , truly . So Calvin says it four times , and Bellarmine quotes the places ; and yet he says in the very next Chapter , That never any Protestant said so , to his Reading . And for the Church of England , nothing is more plain , than that it believes and teaches the true and Real presence of Christ in the * Eucharist , unless A. C. can make a Body no Body , and Bloud no Bloud , ( as perhaps he can by Transubstantiation ) as well as Bread no Bread , and Wine no Wine . And the Church of England is Protestant too . So Protestants of all sorts maintain a true and Real presence of Christ in the Eucharist ; and then , where 's any known , or damnable Heresie here ? As for the Learned of those zealous men that died in this Cause in Q. Maries days , they denied not the Real presence simply taken , but as their Opposites forced Transubstantiation upon them , as if that , and the Real presence had been all one . Whereas all the Ancient Christians ever believed the one , and none but Modern and Superstitious Christians believe the other ; if they do believe it : for I , for my part , doubt they do not . And as for the Unlearned in those times , and all times , their zeal ( they holding the Foundation ) may eat out their Ignorances , and leave them safe . Now that the Learned Protestants in Queen Mary's days , did not deny , nay did maintain the Real presence , will manifestly appear . For when the Commissioners obtruded to Jo. Frith the Presence of Christ's natural Body in the Sacrament , and that without all figure , or similitude : Jo. Frith acknowledges , † That the inward man doth as verily receive Christ's Body , as the outward man receives the Sacrament with his Mouth : And he addes , ‖ That neither side ought to make it a necessary Article of Faith , but leave it indifferent . Nay , Archbishop Cranmer comes more plainly , and more home to it than Frith . For if you understand ( saith * he ) by this word really , Reipsa , that is , in very deed and effectually ; so Christ by the grace and efficacie of his Passion , is indeed , and truly present , &c. But if by this word Really , you understand † Corporalitèr , Corporally , in his natural and Organical Body , under the Forms of Bread and Wine , 't is contrary to the Holy Word of God. And so likewise Bishop Ridley . Nay , Bishop Ridley addes yet farther , and speaks so fully to this Point , as I think no man can adde to his Expression : And 't is well if some Protestants except not against it . Both you and I ( faith * he ) agree in this : That in the Sacrament is the very true and natural Body and Bloud of Christ , even that which was born of the Virgin Mary ; which ascended into heaven , which sits on the right hand of God the Father , which shall come from thence to judge the quick and the dead . Onely we differ in modo , in the way and manner of being . We confess all one thing to be in the Sacrament , and dissent in the Manner of Being there . I confess Christs natural Body to be in the Sacrament by Spirit and Grace , &c. You make a grosser kinde of Being , inclosing a natural Body under the shape and form of Bread and Wine . So far , and more , Bishop Ridley . And † Archbishop Cranmer confesses , That he was indeed of another Opinion , and inclining to that of Zuinglius , till Bishop Ridley convinced his Judgement , & setled him in this Point . And for ‖ Calvin , he comes no whit short of these , against the Calumny of the Romanists on that behalf . Now after all this , with what face can A. C. say ( as he doth ) That Protestants deny , or doubt of the true , and Real presence of Christ in the Sacrament ? I cannot well tell , or am unwilling to utter . Fifthly , whereas 't is added by A. C. That in this present case , there is no peril of any damnable Heresie , Schisme , or any other Sin , in resolving to live and die in the Roman Church . That 's not so neither . For he that lives in the Roman Church , with such a Resolution , is presumed to believe as that Church believes . And he that doth so , I will not say is as guilty , but guilty 〈…〉 is , more , or less , of the Schism which that Church first caused by her Corruptions , and now continues by them , and her power together ; And of all her Damnable Opinions too , in point of Misbelief , though perhaps A. C. will not have them called Heresies , unless they have been condemned in some General Councel ; And of all other sins also , which the Doctrine and Misbelief of that Church leads him into . And mark it I pray . For 't is one thing to live in a Schismatical Church , and not Communicate with it in the Schism , or in any false Worship that attends it . For so Elias lived among the Ten Tribes , and was not Schismatical , 3 Reg. 17. And after him Elizaeus , 4 Reg. 3. But then neither of them either countenanced the Schism , or worshipped the Calves in Dan , or in Bethel . And so also beside these Prophets , did those Thousands live in a Schismatical Church ; yet never bowed their knee to Baal , 3. Reg. 19. But 't is quite another thing to live in a Schismatical Church , and Communicate with it in the Schism , and all the Superstitions and Corruptions , which that Church teaches , nay to live and die in them . For certainly here no man can so live in a Schismatical Church , but if he be of capacity enough , and understand it , he must needs be a Formal Schismatick , or an Involved One , if he understand it not . And in this case the Church of Rome is either far worse , or more cruel than the Church of Israel , even under Ahab and Jezabel , was . The Synagogue indeed was corrupted a long time , and in a great degree . But I do not finde , that this Doctrine , You must sacrifice in the high places : Or this , You may not go and worship at the one Altar in Jerusalem , was either taught by the Priests , or maintained by the Prophets , or enjoyned the people by the Sanedrim : Nay , can you shew me when any Jew living there devoutly according to the Law , was ever punished for omitting the One of these , or doing the Other ? But the Church of Rome hath solemnly decreed her Errours : And erring , hath yet decreed withal , That she cannot erre . And imposed upon Learned men , disputed and improbable Opinions , Transubstantiation , Purgatory , and Forbearance of the Cup in the blessed Eucharist , even against the express Command of our Saviour , and that for Articles of Faith. And to keep off Disobedience , what ever the Corruption be , she hath bound up her Decrees upon pain of Excommunication , and all that follows upon it . Nay , this is not enough , unless the Fagot be kindled to light them the way . This then may be enough for us to leave Rome , though the old Prophet forsook not Israel , 3. Reg. 13. And therefore in this present case there 's peril , great peril of damnable both Schism and Heresie , and other sin , by living and dying in the Roman Faith , tainted with so many superstitions , as at this day it is , and their Tyranny to boot . So that here I may answer A. C. just as * S. Augustine answered Petilian the Donatist , in the fore-named case of Baptism . For when Petilian pleaded the Concession of his Adversaries , That Baptism , as the Donatists administred it , was good and lawful , and thence inferred ( just as the Jesuite doth against me ) that it was better for men to joyn with his Congregation , than with the Church S. Augustine answers ; We do indeed approve among Hereticks Baptism , but so , not as it is the Baptism of Hereticks , but as it is the Baptism of Christ. Just as we approve the Baptism of Adulterers , Idolaters , Witches , and yet not as 't is theirs ; but as 't is Christs Baptism . For none of these , for all their Baptism , shall inherit the Kingdom of God. And the Apostle reckons Hereticks among them , * Galat. 5. And again afterwards : It is not therefore yours ( saith † Saint Augustine ) which we fear to destroy , but Christs , which even among the Sacrilegious , is of , and in it self , holy . Now you shall see how full this comes to our Petilianist A. C. ( for he is one of the Contractors of the Church of Christ to Rome , as the Donatists confined it to Asrick . ) And he cries out , That a Possibility of Salvation , is a free Confession of the Adversaries , and is of force against them , and to be thought extorted from them by force of Truth it self . I answer . I do indeed for my part ( leaving other men free to their own judgment ) acknowledge a Possibility of Salvation in the Roman Church . But so , as that which I grant to Romanists , is not as they are Romanists , but as they are Christians , that is , as they believe the Creed , and hold the Foundation Christ himself , not as they associate themselves wittingly and knowingly to the gross Superstitions of the Romish Church . Nor do I fear to destroy quod ipsorum est , that which is theirs ; but yet I dare not proceed so roughly , as with theirs , or for theirs to deny , or weaken the Foundation , which is Christs , even among them ; and which is , and remains holy even in the midst of their Superstitions ; And I am willing to hope there are many among them , which keep within that Church , and yet wish the Superstitions abolished which they know , and which pray to God to forgive their errours in what they know not , and which hold the Foundation firm , and live accordingly , and which would have all things amended that are amiss , were it in their power . And to such I dare not deny a Possibility of Salvation , for that which is Christs in them , though they hazzard themselves extremely by keeping so close to that , which is Superstition , and in the Case of Images , comes too near Idolatry . Nor can A. C. shift this off by adding , living and dying in the Romane Church . For this living and dying in the Romane Church , ( as is before expressed ) cannot take away the Possibility of Salvation from them which believe , and repent of whatsoever is errour , or sin in them , be it sin known to them , or be it not . But then perhaps A. C. will reply , that if this be so , I must then maintain , that a Donatist also , living and dying in Schism , might be saved . To which I answer two ways . First , that a plain honest Donatist , having ( as is confessed ) true Baptism , and holding the Foundation ( as for ought I know , the * Donatists did ) and repenting of what ever was sin in him , and would have repented of the Schism , had it been known to him , might be saved ▪ Secondly , that in this Particular , the Romanist and the Donatist differ much ; And that therefore it is not of necessary consequence , that if a Romanist now ( upon the Conditions before expressed ) may be saved ; Therefore a Donatist heretofore might . For in regard of the Schism the Donatist was in one respect worse , and in greater danger of damnation than the Romanist now is : And in another respect better , and in less danger . The Donatist was in greater danger of damnation , if you consider the Schism it self then ; for they brake from the Orthodox Church without any cause given them . And here it doth follow , if the Romanist have a Possibility of Salvation , therefore a Donatist hath . But if you consider the Cause of the Schism now , then the Donatist was in less danger of Damnation than the Romanist is ; Because the Church of Rome gave the first and the greatest cause of the Schism ( as is proved † before . ) And therefore here it doth not follow , That if a Donatist have possibility of Salvation , Therefore a Romanist hath ; For a lesser Offender may have that possibility of safety , which a greater hath not . And last of all , whereas A. C. adds , that confessedly there is no such Peril . That 's a most loud untruth , and an Ingenuous man would never have said it . For in the same * place , where I grant a possibility of Salvation in the Roman Church , I presently add , that it is no secure way , in regard of Roman Corruptions . And A. C. cannot plead for himself that he either knew not this , or that he overlook'd it ; for himself disputes against it as strongly as he can . What modesty , or Truth call you this ? For he that confesses a possibility of Salvation , doth not thereby confess no peril of Damnation in the same way . Yea , but if some Protestants should say there is peril of Damnation to live and die in the Roman Faith , their saying is nothing in comparison of the number or worth of those that say , there is none . So A. C. again . And beside , they which say it , are contradicted by their own more Learned Brethren . Here A. C. speaks very confusedly . But whether he speak of Protestants , or Romanists , or mixes both , the matter is not great . For as for the Number and Worth of men , they are no necessary Concluders for Truth . Not Number ; for who would be judged by the Many ? The time was when the * Arrians were too many for the Orthodox . Not Worth simply , for that once † misled , is of all other the greatest misleader . And yet God forbid , that to Worth weaker men should not yield in difficult and Perplexed Questions , yet so , as that when Matters Fundamental in the Faith come in Question they finally rest upon an higher , and clearer certainty than can be found in either Number or Weight of men . Besides , if you mean your own Party , you have not yet proved your Party more worthy for Life of Learning than the Protestants . Prove that first , and then it will be time to tell you , how worthy many of your Popes have been for either Life or Learning . As for the rest , you may blush to say it . For all Protestants unanimously agree in this , That there is great peril of Damnation for any man to live and die in the Roman perswasion . And you are not able to produce any one Protestant , that ever said the contrary . And therefore that is a most notorious slander , where you say , that they which affirm this peril of Damnation , are contradicted by their own more Learned Brethren . Num. 7 And thus having cleared the way against the Exceptions of A. C. to the two former Instances , I will now proceed ( as I ‖ promised ) to make this farther appear , that A. C. and his Fellows dare not stand to that ground , which is here laid down . Namely , That in Point of Faith and Salvation , it is safest for a man to take that way which the Adversary Confesses to be true , or whereon the differing Parties agree . And that if they do stand to it , they must be forced to maintain the Church of England in many things against the Church of Rome . And first , I Instance in the Article of our Saviour Christs Descent into Hell. I hope the Church of Rome believes this Article , and withal that Hell is the place of the Damned ; so doth the Church of England . In this then these dissenting Churches agree ; Therefore according to the former Rule ( yea and here in Truth too ) 't is safest for a man to believe this Article of the Creed , as both agree : That is , that Christ descended in Soul into the Place of the Damned ; but this the Romanists will not endure at any hand . For the * School agree in it , That the Soul of Christ in the time of his death went really no farther than in Limbum Patrum , which is not the place of the Damned ; but a Region or Quarter in the upper part of Hell , ( as they call it ) built up there by the Romanist , without Licence of either Scripture , or the Primitive Church . And a man would wonder how those Builders with untempered Mortar found light enough in that dark Place to build as they have done . Secondly , I 'll instance in the Institution of the Sacrament in both kinds . That Christ Instituted it so , is confessed by both Churches ; and the Ancient Churches received it so , is agreed by both Churches . Therefore according to the former Rule ( and here in Truth too ) 't is safest for a man to receive this Sacrament in both kinds . And yet here this Ground of A. C. must not stand for good , no not at Rome , but to receive in one kinde is enough for the Laity . And the poor † Bohemians must have a Dispensation , that it may be lawful for them to receive the Sacrament as Christ commanded them . And this must not be granted to them neither , unless they will ackdowledge ( most opposite to Truth ) that they are not bound by Divine Law to receive it in both kinds . And here their Building with untempered Mortar appears most manifestly . For they have no shew to maintain this , but the fiction of Thomas of Aquin , That he which receives the Body of Christ , receives also his Blood per ‖ concomitantiam , by concomitancy ; because the Blood goes always with the Body ; of which Term ‖ Thomas was the first Author I can yet finde . First then , if this be true , I hope Christ knew it : And then why did he so unusefully institute it in both kinds ? Next , if this be true , Concomitancy accompanies the Priest , as well as the People ; and then why may not he receive it in one kinde also ? Thirdly , this is apparently not true : For the Eucharist is a Sacrament Sanguinis effusi , of Blood shed , and poured out ; And Blood poured out , and so severed from the Body , goes not along with the Body per concomitantiam . And yet Christ must rather erre , or proceed I know not how in the Institution of the Sacrament in both kindes , rather than the Holy unerring Church of Rome may do amiss in the Determination for it , and the Administration of it in one kinde . Nor will the Distinction , That Christ instituted this as a Sacrifice , to which both kinds were necessary , serve the turn : For suppose that true , yet he instituted it , as a Sacrament also , or else that Sacrament had no Institution from Christ ; which I presume A. C. dares not affirm . And that Institution which the Sacrament had from Christ , was in both kindes . And since here 's mention happen'd of Sacrifice , my Third Instance shall be in the Sacrifice which is offer'd up to God in that Great and High Mystery of our Redemption by the death of Christ. For as Christ offer'd up * himself once for all , a full and all-sufficient Sacrifice for the sin of the whole world : So did He Institute , and Command a † Memory of this Sacrifice in a Sacrament , even till his coming again . For at , and in the Eucharist , we offer up to God three Sacrifices . One by the Priest onely , that 's the ‖ Commemorative Sacrifice of Christs Death represented in Bread broken , and Wine poured out . Another by the * Priest and the People , joyntly ; and that is the Sacrifice of Praise and Thanksgiving , for all the Benefits and Graces we receive by the precious death of Christ. The Third , † by every particular man for himself onely ; and that is the Sacrifice of every mans Body , and Soul , to serve him in both , all the rest of his life , for this blessing thus bestowed on him . Now thus far these dissenting Churches agree , that in the Eucharist , there is a Sacrifice of Duty , and a Sacrifice of Praise , and a Sacrifice of Commemoration of Christ. Therefore according to the former Rule , ( and here in truth too ) 't is safest for a man to believe the Commemorative , the the Praising , and the Performing Sacrifice , and to offer them duely to God , and leave the Church of Rome in this Particular to her Superstitions , that I may say no more . And would the Church of Rome stand to A. C's Rule , and believe dissenting Parties where they agree , were it but in this , and that before , of the Real presence , it would work far toward the Peace of Christendom . But the Truth is , They pretend the Peace of Christendom , but care no more for it , than as it may uphold at least , if not increase their own Greatness . My fourth Instance shall be in the Sacrament of Baptism , and the things required as necessary to make it effectual to the Receiver . They in the common received Doctrine of the Church of Rome are three . The Matter , the Form ; and the Intention of the Priest , to do that which the Church doth , and intends he should do . Now all other Divines , as well ancient as modern , and both the dissenting Churches also , agree in the two former ; but many deny that the Intention of the Priest is necessary . Will A. C. hold his Rule , That 't is safest to believe in a controverted Point of Faith that which the dissenting Parties agree on , or which the Adverse Part Confesses ? If he will not , then why should he press that , as a Rule to direct others , which he will not be guided by himself ? And if he will , then he must go professedly against the * Councel of Trent , which hath determined it as deside , as a Point of Faith , that the Intention of the Priest is necessary to make the Baptism true and valid . Though in the ‖ History of that Councel , 't is most apparent the Bishops and other Divines there could not tell what to answer to the Bishop of Minors , a Neapolitane , who declared his Judgement openly against it , in the face of that Councel . My fifth Instance is : We say , and can easily prove there are divers Errours , and some gross ones , in the Roman Missal . But I my self have heard some Jesuites confess , that in the Liturgie of the Church of England there 's no positive Errour . And being pressed , why then they refused to come to our Churches , and serve God with us ? They answered , they could not do it , Because though our Liturgie had in it nothing ill , yet it wanted a great deal of that which was good , and was in their Service . Now here let A. C. consider again , Here is a plain Concession of the adverse Part : And both agree , there 's nothing in our Service , but that which is holy and good . What will the Jesuite or A. C. say to this ? If he forsake his ground , then it is not safest in point of Divine Worship to joyn in Faith as the dissenting Parties agree , or to stand to the Adversaries own Confession . If he be so hardy as to maintain it , then the English Liturgy is better , and safer to worship God by , than the Roman Mass. Which yet , I presume A. C. will not confess . Num. 8 In all these Instances ( the Matter so falling out of it self , for the Argument enforces it not ) the thing is true ; but not therefore true , because the dissenting Parties agree in it , or because the adverse Part Confesses it . Yet lest the Jesuite , or A. C. for him , farther to deceive the weak , should infer that this Rule in so many Instances is true , and false in none , but that one concerning Baptism among the Donatists , and therefore the Argument is true ut plerumque , as for the most , and that therefore 't is the safest way to believe that which dissenting Parties agree on ; I will lay down some other Particulars of as great Consequence , as any can be in , or about Christian Religion . And if in them A. C. or any Jesuite dare say , that 't is safest to believe as the dissenting Parties agree , or as the adverse Party confesses , I dare say he shall be an Heretick in the highest degree , if not an Insidel . And First , where the Question was betwixt the Orthodox , and the Arrian , whether the Son of God were consubstantial with the Father . The Orthodox said he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the same substance . The Arrian came within in a Letter of the Truth , and said he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of like substance . Now he that says , he is of the same substance , confesses he is of like substance , and more , that is , Identity of Substance ; for Identity contains in it all Degrees of likeness , and more . But he that acknowledges , and believes that He is of like nature , and no more , denies the Identity : Therefore if this Rule be true , That it is safest to believe that , in which the dissenting Parties agree , or which the Adverse Part Confesses , ( which A. C. makes such great vaunt of ) then 't is safest for a Christian to believe that Christ is of like nature with God the Father , and be free from Belief , that He is Consubstantial with him ; which yet is Concluded by the * Councel of Nice as necessary to Salvation , and the Contrary Condemned for Damnable Heresie . Secondly , in the Question about the Resurrection , between the Orthodox , and diverse ●ross † Hereticks of old , and the Anabaptists and Libertines of late . For all , or most of these dissenting Parties agree , that there ought to be a Resurrection from sin to a state of Grace , and that this Resurrection only is meant in divers Passages of holy Scripture , together with the Life of the Soul , which they are content to say is Immortal . But * they utterly deny any Resurrection of the Body after Death : So with them that Article of the Creed is gone . Now then if any man will guide his Faith by this Rule of A. C. The Consent of dissenting Parties , or the Confession of the Adverse Part , he must deny the Resurrection of the Body from the Grave to Glory , and believe none but that of the Soul , from sin to Grace , which the Adversaries Confess , and in which the Dissenting Parties agree . Thirdly , in the great Dispute of all others , about the Unity of the Godhead . All dissenting Parties , Jew , Turk , and Christian : Among Christians Orthodox , and Anti-Trinitarian of old : And in these later times , Orthodox and Socinian ( that Horrid and mighty Monster of all Heresies ) agree in this , That there is but one God. And I hope it is as necessary to believe one God our Father , as one Church our Mother . Now will A. C. say here , 't is safest believing as the dissenting Parties agree , or as the Adverse Parties Confess , namely , That there is but one God , and so deny the Trinity , and therewith the Son of God the Saviour of the world ? Fourthly , in a Point as Fundamental in the Faith , as this , Namely , whether Christ be true and very God. For which very Point , most of the † Martyrs in the Primitive Church laid down their lives . The dissenting Parties here were the Orthodox Believers , who affirm He is both God and Man ; for so our Creed teaches us : And all those Hereticks , which affirm Christ to be Man , but deny him to be God , as the b Arrians , and c Carpocratians , and d Cerinthus , and e Hebion , with others : and at this day the f Socinians . These dissenting Parties agree fully and clearly , That Christ is Man. Well then . Dare A. C. stick to his Rule here , and say , 't is safest for a Christian in this great Point of Faith to govern his Belief by the Consent of these dissenting Parties , or the Confession and acknowledgment of the Adverse Party , and so settle his Belief , that Christ is a meer Man , and not God ? I hope he dares not . So then , this Rule , To Resolve a mans Faith into that , in which the Dissenting Parties agree , or which the Adverse Part confesses , is as often false , as true . And false in as Great , if not Greater Matters , than those , in which it is true . And where 't is true , A. C. and his fellows dare not govern themselves by it , the Church of Rome condemning those things which that Rule proves . And yet while they talk of Certainty , nay of Infallibility , ( less will not serve their turns ) they are driven to make use of such poor shifts as these , which have no certainty at all of Truth in them , but infer falshood and Truth alike . And yet for this also men will be so weak , or so wilful , as to be seduced by them . Num. 9 I told you * before , That the force of the preceding Argument lies upon two things . The one expressed , and that 's past ; the other upon the Bye , which comes now to be handled . And that is your continual poor Out-cry against us , That we cannot be saved , because we are out of the Church . Sure if I thought I were out , I would get in as fast as I could . For we confess as well as you , That † Out of the Catholike Church of Christ there is no Salvation . But what do you mean by Out of the Church ? Sure out of the ‖ Roman Church . Why but the Roman Church and the Church of England are but two distinct Members of that Catholike Church which is spread over the face of the Earth . Therefore Rome is not the House where the Church dwels , but Rome it self , as well as other particular Churches , dwels in this great Universal House ; unless you will shut up the Church in Rome , as the Donatists did in Africk . I come a little lower . Rome and other National Churches are in this Universal Catholike House as so many * Daughters , to whom ( under Christ ) the care of the Houshold is committed by God the Father , and the Catholike Church the Mother of all Christians . Rome , as an Elder Sister , † but not the Eldest neither , had a great Care committed unto her , in , and from the prime times of the Church , and to her Bishop in her : but at this time ( to let pass many brawls that have formerly been in the House ) England , and some other Sisters of hers are fallen out in the Family . What then ? Will the Father , and the Mother , God , and the Church , cast one Childe out , because another is angry with it ? Or when did Christ give that power to an Elder Sister , that She , and her Steward , the Bishop there , should thrust out what Childe she pleased ? Especially when she her self is justly accused to have given the Offence that is taken in the House ? Or will not both Father , and Mother be sharper to Her for this unjust and unnatural usage of her younger Sisters , but their dear Children ? Nay , is it not the next way to make them turn her out of doors , that is so unnatural to the rest ? It is well for all Christian Men and Churches , that the Father and Mother of them are not so curst as some would have them . And Salvation need not be feared of any dutiful Childe , nor Outing from the Church , because this Elder Sisters faults are discovered in the House , and she grown froward for it against them that complained . But as Children cry when they are waked out of sleep , so do you , and wrangle with all that come neer you . And * Stapleton confesses , That ye were in a dead sleep , and over-much rest , when the Protestants stole upon you . Now if you can prove that Rome is properly The † Catholick Church it self ( as you commonly call it ) speak out and prove it . In the mean time , you may Mark this too , if you will , and it seems you do ; for here you forget not what the Bishop said to you . F. The Lady which doubted ( said the Bishop to me ) may be better saved in it , than you . B. § . 36 I said so indeed . Mark that too . Where yet by the way , these words ( Than you ) do not suppose Person only . For I will Judge * no man , that hath another Master to stand or fall to . But they suppose Calling and Sufficiency in the Person . Than you , that is , Than any man of your Calling and Knowledge , of whom more is required . And then no question of the truth of this speech , That that person may better be saved ( that is , easier ) than you , than any man that knows so much of Truth , and opposes against it , as you , and others of your Calling do . How far you know Truth , other men may judge by your Proofs , and Causes of Knowledge ; but how far you oppose Truth known to you , that is within , and no man can know , but God and your selves . Howsoever , where the Foundation is but held , there for * ordinary men , it is not the vivacity of Understanding , but the simplicity of Believing , that makes them safe . For S. Augustine speaks there , of men in the Church ; and no † man can be said simply to be Out of the Visible Church , that is Baptized , and holds the Foundation . And as it is the simplicity of Believing , that makes them safe , yea safest : so is it sometimes , A quickness of Understanding , that loving it self , and some by-respects too well , makes men take up an unsafe way about the Faith. So that there 's no Question , but many were saved in corrupted times of the Church , when their ‖ Leaders , unless they repented before death , were lost . And * S. Augustine's Rule will be true , That in all Corruptions of the Church , there will ever be a difference between an Heretick , and a plain well-meaning man that is misled , and believes an Heretick . Yet here let me adde this for fuller Expression : This must be understood of such Leaders and Hereticks as † refuse to hear the Churches Instruction , or to use all the means they can , to come to the knowledge of the Truth . For else , if they do this , Erre they may , but Hereticks they are not , as is most manifest in ‖ S. Cyprian's Case of Rebaptization . For here , though he were a main Leader in that Errour , yet all the whole Church grant him safe ; and his * Followers in danger of damnation . But if any man be a Leader , and a Teaching Heretick , and will adde † Schism to Heresie , and be obstinate in both , he without Repentance must needs be lost , while many that succeed him in the Errour onely , without the Obstinacy , may be saved . For , they which are misled , and swayed with the Current of Time , hold the same Errours with their Misleaders , yet not supinely , but with all sober diligence to finde out the Truth : Not pertinaciously , but with all readiness to submit to Truth , so soon as it shall be found : Not uncharitably , but retaining an internal Communion with the Whole Visible Church of Christ in the Fundamental Points of Faith , and performance of acts of Charity , not facticusly , but with an earnest desire , and a sincere endeavour ( as their Place and Calling gives them means ) for a perfect Union , and Communion of all Christians in Truth , as well as Peace . I say these , however misled , are neither Hereticks , nor Schismaticks in the sight of God , and are therefore in a state of Salvation . And were not this true Divinity , it would go very hard with many poor Christian souls , that have been , and are misled on all sides in these and other Distracted times of the Church of Christ ; Whereas thus habituated in themselves , they are , by God's mercy , safe in the midst of those waves , in which their Misleaders perish . I pray you Mark this , and so , by God's Grace , will I. For our * Reckoning will be heavier , if we thus mislead on either side , than theirs that follow us . But I see I must look to my self ; for you are secure : For , F. D. White ( said I ) hath secured me , that none of our Errours be damnable , so long as we hold them not against our Conscience . And I hold none against my Conscience . B. § . 37 Num. 1 It seems then you have two Securities : D. White 's Assertion , and your Conscience . What Assurance D. White gave you , I cannot tell of my self ; nor , as things stand , may I rest upon your Relation . It may be you use him no better than you do me . And sure it is so . For I have since spoken with D. White the late Reverend Bishop of Ely , and he avows this , and no other Answer . He was asked in the Conference between you , Whether Popish Errours were Fundamental ? To this he gave an Answer , by distinction of the Persons which held and professed the Errours : Namely , that the Errours were Fundamental reductivè , by a Reducement , if they which embraced them did pertinaciously adhere to them , having sufficient means to be better informed : Nay farther , that they were materially , and in the very Kinde and Nature of them , Leaven , Dross , † Hay , and Stubble . Yet he thought withal , that such as were misled by Education , or long Custom , or over-valuing the Soveraignty of the Romane Church , and did in simplicity of heart embrace them , might by their general Repentance , and Faith in the Merit of Christ , attended with Charity , and other Vertues , finde mercy at God's hands . But that he should say signantèr , and expresly , That none either of yours , or your Fellows Errours were damnable , so long as you hold them not against Conscience , that he utterly disavows . You delivered nothing to extort such a Confession from him . And for your self , he could observe but small love of Truth , few signes of Grace in you ( as he told me : ) Yet he will not presume to judge you , or your Salvation ; It is the * Word of Christ that must judge you at the later day . For your Conscience , you are the happier in your Errour , that you hold nothing against it , especially if you speak not against it , while you say so . But this no man can know , but your self : † For no man knows the thoughts of a man , but the spirit of a man that is within him ; to which I leave you . Num. 2 To this A. C. replies . And first he grants , that D. White did not signanter and expresly say these precise words . So then here 's his plain Confession : Not these precise words . Secondly he saith , that neither did D. White signantèr and expresly make the Answer above mentioned . But to this I can make no Answer , since I was not present at the first or second Conference . Thirdly , he saith , that the Reason which moved the Jesuite to say D. White had secured him , was because the said Doctor had granted in his first Conference with the Jesuite these things following . First , That there must be one or other Church continually visible . Though D. White , late Bishop of Ely , was more able to Answer for himself ; yet since he is now dead , and is thus drawn into this Discourse , I shall , as well as I can , do him the right , which his Learning , and Pains for the Church deserved . And to this first , I grant as well as he , That there must be some one Church or other continually visible : Or that the Militant Church of Christ must always be visible in some Particulars , or Particular at least ( express it as you please . ) For if this be not so , then there may be a time in which there shall not any where be a Visible Profession of the Name of Christ ; which is contrary to the whole scope and promise of the Gospel . Num. 3 Well . What then ? Why then A. C. addes , That D. White confessed that this Visible Church had in all Ages taught that unchanged Faith of Christ in all Points Fundamental . D. White had reason to say that the Visible Church taught so ; but that this or that particular Visible Church did so teach , sure D. White affirmed not ; unless in case the whole Visible Church of Christ were reduced to one Particular onely . Num. 4 But suppose this . What then ? Why then A. C. tells us , that D. White being urged to assigne such a Church , expresly granted he could assigne one different from the Romane , which held in all Ages all points Fundamental . Now here I would fain know what A. C. means by a Church different from the Romane . For if he mean different in place ; 'T is easie to affirm the Greek Church ( which as hath † before been proved ) hath ever held , and taught the Foundation in the midst of all her Pressures . And if he mean different in Doctrinal things , and those about the Faith , he cannot assigne the Church of Rome for holding them in all Ages . But if he mean different in the Foundation it self , the Creed ; then his urging to assigne a Church , is void , be it Rome , or any other . For if any other Church shall thus differ from Rome , or Rome from it self , as to deny this Foundation , it doth not , it cannot remain a Differing Church , sed transit in Non Ecclesiam , but passes away into No Church , upon the Denial of the Creed . Num. 5 Now what A. C. means , he expresses not , nor can I tell ; but I may peradventure guess near it , by that which out of these Premises he would infer . For hence he tells us , He gathered that D. White 's Opinion was , That the Romane Church held and taught in all Ages unchanged Faith in all Fundamental points , and did not in any Age erre in any Point Fundamental . This is very well . For A. C. confesses , he did but gather , that this was Doctor White 's Opinion . And what if he gathered that , which grew not there , nor thence ? For suppose all the Premises true , yet no Cartrope can draw this Conclusion out of them . And then all A. C's labour 's lost . For grant some one Church or other must still be Visible : And grant that this Visible Church held all Fundamentals of the Faith in all Ages . And grant again , that D. White could not assigne any Church differing from the Romane , that did this ; Yet this will not follow , that therefore the Romane did it . And that because there 's more in the Conclusion , than in the Premises . For A. C's Conclusion is , That in D. White 's Opinion the Roman Church held and taught in all Ages unchanged Faith in all Fundamental points . And so far perhaps the Conclusion may stand , taking Fundamental points in their literal sense , as they are expressed in Creeds , and approved Councels . But then he addes : And did not in any Age erre in any Point Fundamental . Now this can never follow out of the Premises before laid down . For say some one Church or other may still be Visible ; And that Visible Church hold all Fundamental Points in all Ages ; And no man be able to name another Church different from the Church of Rome , that hath done this ; yet it follows not therefore , That the Church of Rome did not erre in any Age in any Point Fundamental . For a Church may hold the Fundamental Point literally , and as long as it stays there , be without control ; and yet erre grosly , dangerously , nay damnably in the Exposition of it . And this is the Church of Rome's Case . For most true it is , it hath in all Ages maintained the Faith unchanged in the Expression of the Articles themselves ; but it hath in the Exposition both of Creeds , and Councels , quite changed , and lost the sense , and the meaning of some of them . So the Faith is in many things Changed both for Life and Belief , and yet seems the same . Now that which deceives the World , is , That because the Bark is the same , men think this Old Decayed Tree , is as Sound as it was at first , and not Weather-beaten in any Age. But when they can make me believe that Painting is true Beauty , I 'll believe too , that Rome is not only sound , but beautiful . Num. 6 But A. C. goes on and tells us , That hereupon the Jesuite asked , whether Errours in Points not Fundamental were damnable ? And that D. White answered , they were not , unless they were held against Conscience . 'T is true , that Errour in Points not Fundamental is the more damnable , the more it is held against Conscience : But it is true too , that Errour in Points not Fundamental may be damnable to some men , though they hold it not against their Conscience . As namely , when they hold an Errour in some Dangerous Points , which grate upon the Foundation , and yet will neither seek the means to know the Truth , nor accept and believe Truth when 't is known , especially being men able to Judge ; which I fear , is the case of too many at this day in the Roman Church . Out of all which A. C. tells us , The Jesuite collected , that D. White 's Opinion was , That the Roman Church held all Points Fundamental , and only erred in Points not Fundamental , which he accounted not damnable so long as he did not hold them against his Conscience ; And that thereupon he said D. White had secured him , since he held no Faith different from the Roman , nor contrary to his Conscience . Here again , we have but A. C's and the Jesuites Collection : But if the Jesuite , or A. C. will collect amiss , who can help it ? Num. 7 I have spoken before in this very Paragraph to all the Passages of A. C. as supposing them true : and set down what is to be answered to them , in case they prove so . But now 't is most apparent by Dr. White 's Answer , set down before † at large , that he never said , that the Church of Rome erred only in Points not Fundamental , as A. C. would have it . But that he said the contrary , Namely , that some errours of thy Church were Fundamental reductivè , by a reducement , if they which embraced them , did pertinaciously adhere to them , having sufficient means of information . And again expresly , That he did not say , that none were damnable , so long as they were not held against Conscience . Now where is A. C's Collection ? For if a Jesuite , or any other may collect Propositions , which are not granted him ; nay , contrary to those which are granted him , he may infer what he please . And he is much to blame , that will not infer a strong Conclusion for himself , that may frame his own Premises , say his Adversary what he will. And just so doth A. C. bring in his Conclusion , to secure himself of salvation , because he holds no Faith but the Romane , nor that Contrary to his Conscience : Presupposing it granted , that the Church of Rome errs only in not Fundamentals , and such Errours not Damnable , which is absolutely and clearly denied by D. White . To this A. C. says nothing , but that D. White did not give this Answer at the Conference . I was not present at the Conference between them , so , to that I can say nothing as a witness . But I think all that knew D. White , will believe his affirmation as soon as the Jesuites ; To say no more . And whereas A. C. refers to the Relation of the Conference between D. White and M. Fisher , most true it is , there * D. White is charged to have made that Answer twice . But all this rests upon the credit of A. C. only ( For † he is said to have made that Relation too , as well as this ▪ ) And against his Credit I must engage D. Whites , who hath avowed another Answer , as ‖ before is set down . Num. 8 And since A. C. relates to that Conference , which it seems he makes some good account of , I shall here once for all take occasion to assure the Reader , That most of the Points of Moment in that Conference with D. White , are repeated again and again , and urged in this Conference , or the Relation of A. C. and are here answered by me . For Instance : In the Relation of the first Conference , the Jesuite takes on him to prove the Unwritten Word of God out of 2 Thes. 2. pag. 15. And so he doth in the Relation of this Conference with me , pag. 50. In the first he stands upon it , That the Protestants upon their Principles cannot hold , That all Fundamental points of Faith are contained in the Creed , pag. 19. And so he doth in this , pag. 46. In the first , he would fain through Master Roger's sides wound the Church of England , as if she were unsetled in the Article of Christs Descent into Hell , pag. 21. And he endeavours the same in this , pag. 46. In the first he is very earnest to prove , That the Schism was made by the Protestants , pag. 23. And he is as earnest for it in this , pag. 55. In the first he lays it ▪ for a Ground , That Corruption of Manners is no just Cause of separation from Faith , or Church , pag. 24. And the same Ground he lays in this , pag. 55. In the first he will have it , That the Holy Ghost gives continual , and Infallible Assistance to the Church , pag. 24. And just so will he have it in this , pag. 53. In the first he makes much adoe about the Erring of the Greek Church , pag. 28. And as much makes he in this , pag. 44. In the first , he makes a great noyse about the place in St. Augustine , Ferendus est disputator errans , &c. pag. 18. and 24. And so doth he here also , pag. 45. In the first , he would make his Proselytes believe , That he and his Cause have mighty advantage by that Sentence of S. Bernard , 'T is intolerable Pride : And that of S. Augustine , 'T is insolent madness to oppose the Doctrine , or Practice of the Catholike Church , pag. 25. And twice he is at the same Art in this , pag. 56. and 73. In the first , he tells us , That * Calvin confesses , That in the Reformation , there was a Departure from the whole world , pag. 25. And though I conceive Calvine spake this but of the Roman world , and of no Voluntary , but a forced Departure , and wrote this to Melancthon , to work Unity among the Reformers , not any way to blast the Reformation : Yet we must hear of it again in this , pag. 56. But over and above the rest , one Place with his own gloss upon it pleases him extreamly , 'T is out of S. Athanasius his Creed . That whosoever doth not hold it entire , that is , ( saith he ) in all Points : and Inviolate , that is , ( saith he ) in the true unchanged , and uncorrupted sense proposed unto us by the Pastors of his Catholike Church , without doubt he shall perish everlastingly . This he hath almost verbatim in the first , page 20. And in the Epistle of the Publisher of that Relation to the Reader , under the Name of W. I. and then agian the very same in this , if not with some more disadvantage to himself , page 70. And perhaps ( had I leasure to search after them ) more Points than these . Now the Reasons which moved me to set down these Particulars thus distinctly , are two . The One , that whereas the * Jesuite affirms , that in a second Conference all the speech was about Particular matters , and little or nothing about the main , and great general Point of a Continual , Infallible , Visible Church , in which that Lady required satisfaction , and that therefore this third Conference was held ; It may hereby appear that the most material , both Points , and Proofs are upon the matter the very same in all the three Conferences , though little be related of the second Conference by A. C. as appears in the Preface of the Publisher W. I. to the Reader . So this tends to nothing but Ostentation , and shew . The Other is , that Whereas these men boast so much of their Cause and their Ability to defend it ; It cannot but appear by this , and their handling of other Points in Divinity , that they labour indeed , but no otherwise , then like an Horse in a Mill ; round about in the same Circle ; no farther at night then at noon ; The same thing over and over again ; from Tu es Petrus , to Pasce oves ; from thou art Peter , to Do thou feed my Sheep ; And back again the same way . F. The Lady asked , Whether she might be saved in the Protestant Faith ? Upon my soul ( said the Bishop ) you may . Upon my soul ( said I , ) there is but one saving Faith , and that is the Roman . B. § . 38 Num. 1 So ( it seems ) I was consident for the Faith professed in the Church of England , else I would not have taken the salvation of another upon my soul. And sure I had reason of this my Confidence . For to believe the Scripture , and the Creeds ; to believe these in the sense of the Ancient Primitive Church ; To receive the four great General Councels , so much magnified by Antiquity ; To believe all Points of Doctrine , generally received as Fundamental in the Church of Christ , is a Faith , in which to live and die , cannot but give salvation . And therefore I went upon a sure ground in the adventure of my soul upon that Faith. Besides , in all the Points of Doctrine that are controverted between us , I would fain see any one Point maintained by the Church of England , that can be proved to depart from the Foundation . You have many dangerous Errours about the very Foundation , in that which you call the Roman Faith : But there I leave you to look to your own soul , and theirs whom you seduce . Yet this is true too , That there is but one saving Faith. But then every thing which you call De Fide , of the Faith , because some Councel or other hath defined it , is not such a Breach from that One saving Faith , as that he which expresly believes it not ; nay , as that he which believes the Contrary , is excluded from Salvation , so his * Disobedience therewhile offer no violence to the Peace of the Church , nor the Charity , which ought to be among Christians . And † Bellarmine is forced to grant this , There are many things de Fide , which are not absolutely necessary to salvation . ‖ Therefore there is a Latitude in the Faith , especially in reference to different mens salvation . To set * Bounds to this , and strictly to define it for particular men , Just thus far you must believe in every Particular , or incur Damnation , is no work for my Pen. These two things I am sure of . One , That your peremptory establishing of so many things , that are remote Deductions from the Foundation , to be believed as Matters of Faith necessary to Salvation , hath , with other Errours , lost the Peace and Unity of the Church , for which you will one day Answer . And the other , That you of Rome are gone farther from the Foundation of this One saving Faith , than can ever be proved , we of the Church of England have done . Num. 2 But here A. C. bestirs himself , finding that he is come upon the Point , which is indeed most considerable . And first he answers , That it is * not sufficient to beget a Confidence in this Case , to say we believe the Scriptures and the Creeds , in the same sense which the Ancient Primitive Church believed them , &c. Most true , if we onely say , and do not believe . And let them which believe not , while they say they do , look to it on all sides ; for on all sides I doubt not , but such there are . But if we do say it , you are bound in Charity to believe us , ( unless you can prove the Contrary ) For I know no other proof to men of any Point of Faith , but Confession of it , and Subscription to it . And for these particulars , we have made the one , and done the other . So 't is no bare saying , but you have all the proof that can be had , or that ever any Church required : For how far that Belief , or any other , sinks into a mans heart , is for none to judge but God. Num. 3 Next , A. C. Answers , That if to say this be a sufficient Cause of Considence , he marvels why I make such difficulty to be Confident of the Salvation of Romane Catholikes , who believe all this in a far better manner than Protestants do . Truly , to say this , is not a sufficient cause , but to say and believe it , is . And to take off A. C's wonder why I make difficulty , great difficulty of the salvation of Romane Catholikes , who , he says , believe all this , and in a far better manner than Protestants do ; I must be bold to tell him , That Romanists are so far from believing this in a better manner than we do , that , under favour , they believe not part of this at all . And this is most manifest : For the Romanists dare not believe , but as the Romane Church believes : And the Romane Church at this day doth not believe the Scripture and the Creeds in the sense , in the which the Ancient Primitive Church received them . For the Primitive Church never interpreted Christ's descent into Hell to be no lower than Limbus Patrum . Nor did it acknowledge a Purgatory in a side-part of Hell. Nor did it ever interpret away half the Sacrament from Christ's own Institution , which to break , † Stapleton confesses expresly , is a Damnable Errour ; Nor make the Intention of the Priest of the Essence of Baptism ; Nor believe Worship due to Images ; Nor dream of a Transubstantiation , which the Learned of the Romane party dare not understand properly , for a change of one substance into another , for then they must grant that Christ's real and true Body is made of the Bread , and the Bread changed into it ; which is properly Transubstantion . Nor yet can they express it in a credible way , as appears by * Bellarmine's Struggle about it , which yet in the end cannot be , or be called Transubstantiation , and is that , which at this day is a * scandal to both Jew and Gentile , and the Church of God. Num. 4 For all this , A. C. goes on , and tells us , That they ( of Rome ) cannot be proved to depart from the Foundation so much as Protestants do . So then , We have at last a Confession here , that they may be proved to depart from the Foundation , though not so much , or so far as the Protestants do . I do not mean to Answer this , and prove that the Romanists do depart as far , or farther from the Foundation , than the Protestants ; for then A. C. would take me at the same lift , and say I granted a departure too . Briefly therefore , I have named here more Instances than one ; In some of which they have erred in the Foundation , or very neer it . But for the Church of England , let A. C. instance , if he can , in any one Point , in which She hath departed from the Foundation . Well , that A. C. will do : For he says , The Protestants erre against the Foundation , by denying infallible Authority to a General Councel , for that is in effect to deny Infallibility to the whole Catholike Church . † No , there 's a great deal of difference between a General Councel , and the whole Body of the Church . Aud when a General Councel erres , as the second of Ephesus did , on t of that great Catholike Body another may be gathered , as was then that of Chalcedon , to do the Truth of Christ that right which belongs unto it . Now if it were all one in effect to say , a General Councel can erre , and that the Whole Church can erre , there were no Remedy left against a General Councel erring ; ‖ which is your Case now at Rome , and which hath thrust the Church of Christ into more straits than any one thing besides . But I know where you would be . A General Councel is Infallible , if it be confirmed by the Pope ; and the Pope he is Infallible , else he could not make the Councel so . And they which deny the Councels Infallibility , deny the Pope's which confirms it . And then indeed the Protestants depart a mighty way from this great Foundation of Faith , the Popes Infallibility . But God be thanked , this is onely from the Foundation of the present Romane Faith ( as A. C. and the Jesuite call it ) not from any Foundation of the Christian Faith , to which this Infallibility was ever a stranger . Num. 5 From Answering , A. C. falls to asking Questions . I think he means to try whether he can win any thing upon me , by the cunning way A multis Interrogationibus simul , by asking many things at once , to see if any one may make me slip into a Confession inconvenient . And first , he asks , How Protestants , admitting no Infallible Rule of Faith , but Scripture onely , can be infallibly sure that they believe the same entire Scripture , and Creed , and the Four first General Councels , and in the same incorrupted sense in which the Primitive Church believed ? 'T is just as I said . Here are many Questions in one , and I might easily be caught , would I answer in gross to them all together ; but I shall go more distinctly to work . Well then ; I admit no ordinary Rule left in the Church , of Divine and Infallible Verity , and so of Faith , but the Scripture . And I believe the entire Scripture , first by the Tradition of the Church ▪ Then by all other credible Motives , as is before expressed : And last of all , by the light which shines in the Scripture it self , kindled in Believers by the Spirit of God. Then I believe the entire Scripture Infallibly , and by a Divine Infallibility am sure of my Object : Then am I as sure of my Believing , which is the Act of my Faith , conversant about this Object : For no man believes , but he must needs know in himself whether he believes or no , and wherein , and how far he doubts . Then I am Infallibly assured of my Creed , the Tradition of the Church inducing , and the Scripture confirming it . And I believe both Scripture and Creed in the same uncorrupted sense which the Primitive Church believed them ; and am sure that I do so Believe them , because I cross not in my Belief any thing delivered by the Primitive Church . And this again I am sure of , because I take the Belief of the Primitive Church , as it is expressed , and delivered by the Councels , and Ancient Fathers of those times . As for the Four Councels , if A. C. ask how I have them , that is , their true and entire Copies ? I answer , I have them from the Church-Tradition onely : And that 's Assurance enough for this . And so I am fully as sure as A. C. is , or can make me . But if he ask how I know infallibly I believe them in their true and uncorrupted sense ? Then I answer , There 's no man of knowledge , but he can understand the plain and simple Decision expressed in the Canon of the Councel , where 't is necessary to Salvation . And for all other debates in the Councels , or Decisions of it in things of less moment , 't is not necessary that I , or any man else , have Infallible Assurance of them ; though I think 't is possible to attain , even in these things , as much Infallible Assurance of the uncorrupted sense of them , as A. C. or any other Jesuites have . Num. 6 A. C. asks again , What Text of Scripture tells , That Protestants now living do believe all this , or that all this is expressed in those particular Bibles , or in the Writings of the Fathers and Councels , which now are in the Protestants hands ? Good God! Whither will not a strong Bias carry even a learned Judgment ! Why , what Consequence is there in this ? The Scripture now is the onely Ordinary Infallible Rule of Divine Faith , Therefore the Protestants cannot believe all this before mentioned , unless a particular Text of Scripture can be shewed for it . Is it not made plain before , how we believe Scripture to be Scripture , and by Divine and Infallible Faith too , and yet we can shew no particular Text for it ? Beside , were a Text of Scripture necessary , yet that is for the Object and the thing which we are to believe , not for the Act of our believing , which is meerly from God , and in our selves , and for which we cannot have any Warrant from , or by Scripture , more than that we ought to believe ; but not that we in our particular do believe . The rest of the Question is far more inconsequent , VVhether all this be expressed in the Bibles which are in Protestants hands ? For first , we have the same Bibles in our hands , which the Romanists have in theirs ; Therefore either we are Infallibly sure of ours , or they are not Infallibly sure of theirs ; For we have the same Book , and delivered unto us by the same hands ; and all is expressed in ours , that is in theirs . Nor is it of moment in this Argument , that we account more Apocryphal than they do ; For I will acknowledge every Fundamental point of Faith as proveable out of the Canon , as we account it , as if the Apocryphal were added unto it . Secondly , A. C. is here extreamly out of himself , and his way ; For his Question is , VVhether all this be expressed in the Bibles which we have ? All this ? All what ? Why , before there is mention of the four General Councels ; and in this Question here 's mention of the Writings of the Fathers and the Councels . And what , will A. C. look that we must shew a Text of Scripture for all this , and an express one too ? I thought , and do so still , 't is enough to ground Belief upon * Necessary Consequence out of Scripture , as well as upon express Text. And this I am sure of , that neither I , nor any man else is bound to believe any thing as Necessary to Salvation , be it found in Councels , or Fathers , or where you will , † if it be Contrary to express Scripture , or necessary Consequence from it . And for the Copies of the Councels and Fathers which are in our hands , they are the same that are in the hands of the Romanists , and delivered to Posterity by Tradition of the Church , which is abundantly sufficient to warrant that ▪ So we are as Infallibly sure of this , as 't is possible for any of you to be . Nay , are we not more sure ? For we have used no Index Expurgatorius upon the Writings of the Fathers * as you have done : So that Posterity hereafter must thank us for true Copies both of Councels and Fathers , and not you . Num. 7 But A. C. goes on , and asks still , Whether Protestants be Infallibly sure that they rightly understand the sense of all which is expressed in their Books , according to that which was understood by the Primitive Church , and the Fathers which were present at the four first General Councels ? A. C. may ask everlastingly , if he will ask the same over and over again . For I pray wherein doth this differ from his † Question , save onely that here Scripture is not named ? For there the Question was of our Assurance of the Incorrupted sense : And therefore thither I refer you for Answer , with this , That it is not required either of us , or of them , that there should be had an Infallible assurance that we rightly understand the sense of all that is expressed in our Books . And I think I may believe without sin ▪ that there are many things expressed in these Books ( for they are theirs as well as ours ) which A. C. and his Fellows have not Infallible assurance that they rightly understand in the sense of the Primitive Church , or the Fathers present in those Councels . And if they say , Yes , they can , because when a difficulty crosses them , they believe them in the Churches sense : Yet that dry shift will not serve . For belief of them in the Churches sense is an Implicite Faith ; but it works nothing distinctly upon the understanding . For by an Implioite Faith no man can be infallibly assured that he doth rightly understand the sense ( which is A. C's Question ) whatever perhaps he may rightly believe . And an Implicite Faith , and an Infallible understanding of the same thing , under the same Considerations , cannot possibly stand together in the same man at the same time . Num. 8 A. C. hath not done asking yet : But he would farther know , Whether Protestants can be Infallibly sure that all and onely those points which Protestants account Fundamental and necessary to be expresly known by all ▪ were so accounted by the Primitive Church ? Truly , Unity in the Faith is very Considerable in the Church . And in this the Protestants agree , and as Uniformly as you , and have as Infallible Assurance as you can have , of all points which they account Fundamental ; yea , and of all , which were so accounted by the Primitive Church . And these are but the Creed , and some few , and those Immediate deductions from it . And † Tertullian and * Ruffinus upon the very Clause of the Catholike Church , to decipher it , make a recital onely of the Fundamental Points of Faith. And for the first of these , the Creed , you see what the sense of the Primitive Church was by that Famous and known place of * Irenaeus : where after he had recited the Creed , as the Epitome or Brief of the Faith , he adds , That none ▪ of the Governours of the Church , be they never so potent to Express them selves , can say alia ab his , other things from these : Nor none so weak in Expression as to diminish this Tradition . For since the Faith is One , and the same , He that can say much of it , says no more than he ought ; Nor doth he diminish it , that can say but little . And in this the Protestants all agree . And for the second , the immediate Deductions , they are not formally Fundamental for all men , but for such † as are able to make or understand them . And for others , 't is enough if they do not obstinately or Schismatically refuse them , after they are once revealed . Indeed you account many things Fundamental , which were never so accounted in any sense by the Primitive Church ; such as are all the Decrees of General Councels , which may be all true , but can never be all Fundamental in the Faith. For it is not in the power of ‖ the whole Church , much less of a General Councel , to make any thing Fundamental in the Faith , that is not contained in the Letter or sense , of that common Faith , which was once given ( and but once for all ) to the Saints , S. Jude 3. But if it be A. C's meaning to call for an Infallible Assurance of all such Points of Faith as are Decreed by General Councels : Then I must be bold to tell him : All those Decrees are not necessary to all mens salyation . Neither do the Romanisis themselves agree in all such determined Points of Faith ; Be they determined by Councels , or by Popes . For Instance . After those Books ) which we account Apocryphal were * defined to be Canonical , and an Anathema pronounced in the Case , † Sixtus Senensis makes scruple of some of them . And after ‖ Pope Leo the tenth had defined the Pope to be above a General Councel , yet many Roman Cathalikes defend the Contrary ; And so do all the Sorb●nists at this very day . Therefore if these be Fundamental in the Faith , the Romanists differ one from another in the Faith , nay , in the Fundamentals of the Faith ; And therefore cannot have Infallible Assurance of them . Nor is there that Unity in the Faith amongst them , which they so much , and so often boast of . For what Scripture is Canonical is a great point of Faith. And I believe they will not now Confess , That the Popes power over a General Councel is a small one . And so let A. C. look to his own Infallible Assurance of Fundamentals in the Faith : for ours , God be thanked , is well . And since he is pleased to call for a particular Text of Scripture to prove all and every thing of this nature , which is ridiculous in it self , and unreasonable to demand ( as hath been * shewed ) yet when he shall be pleased to bring forth but a particular known Tradition , to prove all and every thing of this on their side , it will then be perhaps time for him to call for , and for us to give farther Answer about particular Texts of Scripture . Num. 9 After all this Ouestioning A. C. infers , That I had need seek out some other Infallible Rule , and means , by which I may know these things infallibly , or else that I have no reason to be so confident , as to adventure my soul , that one may be saved living and dying in the Protestant faith . How weak this Inference is , will easily appear , by that which I have already said to the premises ; And yet I have somewhat left to say to this Inference also . And first , I have lived , and shall ( God willing ) die in the Faith of Christ , as it was professed in the Ancient Primitive Church , as it was professed in the present Church of England . And for the Rule which governs me herein , if I cannot be confident for my soul upon the Scripture , and the Primitive Church expounding and declaring it , I will be confident upon no other . And secondly , I have all the reason in the world to be confident upon this Rule ; for this can never deceive me ; Another ( that very other which A. C. proposes ) namely , the Faith of the Roman Church ) may . Therefore with A. C's leave , I will venture my salvation upon the Rule aforesaid , and not trouble my self to seek another of mans making , to the forsaking and weakening of this which God hath given me . For I know they Committed two Evils , which forsook the Fountain of Living Waters , to hew out to themselves Cisterns , broken Cisterns , that can hold no Water , Jer. 2. For here 's the Evil of Desertion of that which was Right : and the Evil of a bad Choice , of that which is hew'd out with much pains and care , and is after Useless and Unprofitable . But then Thirdly , I finde that a Romanist may make use of an Implicite Faith ( at his pleasure ) but a Protestant must know all these things Infallibly ; that 's A. C's word , Know these things ; Why , but is it not enough to believe them ? Now God forbid it should . Else what shall become of Millions of poor Christians in the world , which cannot know all these things , much less know them Infallibly ? Well , I would not have A. C. weaken the Belief of poor Christians in this fashion . But for things that may be known as well as believed , nor I , nor any other shall need forsake the Scripture , to seek another Rule to direct either our Conscience , or our Confidence . Num. 10 In the next place A. C. observes , That the Jesuite was as confident for his part , with this difference , that he had sufficient reason of his Confidence , but I had not for mine . This is said with the Confidence of a Jesuite , but as yet , but said . Therefore he goes on and tells us , That the Jesuite had reason of his Confidence , out of express Scriptures , and Fathers , and the Infallible Authority of the Church . Now truly , Express Scriptures , with A. C's patience , he hath not named one that is express , nor can he . And the few Scriptures which he hath alledged , I have * Answered , and so have others . As for Fathers , he hath named very few , and with what success , I leave to the Readers judgment . And for the Authority of the Catholike Church , I hold it † as Infallible as he , and , upon better Grounds , but not so of a General Councel , which he here means , as appears ‖ after . And for my part I must yet think ( and I doubt A. C. will not be able to disprove it ) that express Scripture , and Fathers , and the Authority of the Church will rather be found proofs to warrant my Confidence , than his . Yea , but A. C. saith , That I did not then taxe the Jesuite with any rashness . It may be so ; Nor did he me . So there we parted even . Yea , but he saith again , that I acknowledge there is but one saving Faith , and that the Lady might be saved in the Romane Faith , which was all the Jesuite took upon his soul. Why , but if this be all , I will confess it again . The first , That there is but one faith , I confess with S. Paul , Ephes. 4. And the other , that the Lady might be saved in the Romane Faith , or Church * , I confess with that charity which S. Paul teacheth me , Namely , to leave all men , especially the weaker both sex and sort , which hold the Foundation , to stand or fall to their own Master , Rom. 14. And this is no mistaken charity . As for the Inference which you would draw out of it , that 's answered at large † already . But than A. C. adds , That I say , but without any proof , that the Romanists have many dangerous errours , but that I neither tell them which they be , nor why I think them dangerous , but that I leave them to look to their own souls ; which ( he says ) they do , and have no cause to doubt . How much the Jesuite and A. C. have said in this Conference , without any solid Proof , I again submit to judgment , as also what Proofs I have made . If in this very place I have added none , 't is because I had made proof enough of the self-same thing ‖ before . Where , lest he should want and call for Proof again , I have plainly laid together some of the many Dangerous errours which are charged upon them . So I tell you which , at least , some of which they be : and their very naming will shew their danger . And if I did remit you to look to your own souls ▪ I hope there was no offence in that , if you do it , and do it so , that you have no cause to doubt . And the reason why you doubt not , A. C. tells us , is , Because you had no new device of your own , or any other mens , nor any thing contrary to Scripture , but all most conformable to Scriptures interpreted by Union , Consont of Fathers , and Definitions of Councels . Indeed if this were true , you had little cause to doubt in point of your Belief . But the truth is , you do hold new Devices of your own , which the Primitive Church was never acquainted with . And some of those so far from being conformable , as that they are little less than contradictory to Scripture . In which particulars , and divers others , the Scriptures are not interpreted by Union , or Consent of Fathers , or Definitions of Councels , unless perhaps by some late Councels , packed of purpose to do that ill service . I have given Instances enough * before ; yet some you shall have here , lest you should say again , that I affirm without proof or Instance . † I pray then whose Device was Transubstantiation ? ‖ And whose Communion under one kinde ? * And whose Deposition and Unthroning , nay Killing of Princes , and the like , if they were not yours ? For I dare say , and am able to prove , there 's none of these but are rather contrary than conformable to Scripture . Neither is A. C. or any Jesuite able to shew any † Scripture interpreted by Union or ‖ Consent of Fathers of the Primitive Church , to prove any one of these : Nor any Definition of Ancient Councels , but only * Lateran for Transubstantiation , and that of † Constance for the Eucharist in one kinde ; which two are Modern at least , far downward from the Primitive Church ; and have done more mischief to the Church , by those their Determinations , than will be cured I fear in many Generations . So whatever A. C. thinks , yet I had reason enough to leave the Jesuite to look to his own soul. Num. 11 But A. C. having as it seems little new matter , is at the same again , and over and over it must go , That there is but one saving Faith : That this one Faith was once the Romane : And that I granted , one might be saved in the Romane Faith. To all which I have abundantly answered * before . Marry then he infers , That he sees not how we can have our souls saved , without we entirely hold this Faith , being the Catholike Faith ; which S. Athanasius saith , unless a man hold entirely , he cannot be saved . Now here again is more in the Conclusion than in the Premises ; and so the Inference fails . For say there was a time in which the Catholike and the Romane Faith were one , and such a time there was , when the Romane Faith was Catholike and famous through the world , Rom. 1. Yet it doth not follow , since the † Councel of Trent hath added a new Creed , that this Romane Faith is now the Catholike . For it hath added extranea , things without the Foundation , disputable , if not false Conclusions to the Faith. So that now a man may Believe the whole and entire Catholike Faith , even as S. Athanasius requires , and yet justly refuse for dross a great part of that which is now ‖ the Romane Faith. And Athanasius himself , as if he meant to arm the Catholike Faith against all corrupting Additions , hath in the beginning of his * Creed , these words , This is the Catholike Faith , This , and no other : This and no Other , then here follows . And again at the end of his Creed , † This is the Catholike Faith , ‖ This and no more than is here delivered , ( always presupposing the Apostles Creed , as Athanasius did ) and this is the largest of all Creeds . So that if A. C. would wipe his eyes from the mist which rises about Tyber , he might see how our souls may be saved , believing the Catholike Faith , and that entire , without the Addition of Romane Leaven . But if he cannot , or , I doubt , will not see it ; 't is enough that by Gods grace we see it . And therefore once more I leave him and his , to look to their own souls . Num. 12 After this , A. C. is busie in unfolding the meaning of this great Father of the Church , S. Athanasius . And he tells us , That he says in his Creed , That without doubt every man shall perish , that holds not the Catholike Faith entire , ( that is , saith A. C. in every Point of it ) and inviolate ( that is , in the right sense ) and for the true formal reason of divine Revelation , sufficiently applied to our understanding by the Infallible Authority of the Catholike Church proposing to us by her Pastors this Revelation . Well , we shall not differ much from A. C. in expounding the meaning of S. Athanasius ; yet some few things I shall here observe . And first , I agree that he which hopes for Salvation , must believe the Catholike Faith whole and entire in every Point . Next , I agree , that he must likewise hold it inviolate , if to believe it in the right sense , be to hold it inviolate . But by A. C's leave ▪ the Believing of the Creed in the right sense , is comprehended in the first branch , The keeping of it whole and entire . For no man can properly be said to believe the Whole Creed , that believes not the Whole Sense , as well as the Letter of it , and as entirely . But thirdly , for the word inviolate , 't is indeed used by him that translated Athanasius . But the Father 's own words , following the Common Edition , are , That he that will be saved must keep the Faith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the sound and entire Faith. And it cannot be a sound Faith , unless the Sense be as whole and entire as the Letter of the Creed . And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is compounded of the Privative particle ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is reproach or infamy . So that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , the holding of the entire Faith in such holiness of life and conversation , as is without all infamy and reproach . That is , as our English renders that Creed exceeding well : Which Faith unless a man do keep whole and * undefiled , even with such a life as Monius himself shall not be able to carp at . So Athanasius ( who certainly was passing able to express himself in his own Language ) in the beginning of that his Creed requires , That we keep it entire , without diminution ; and undesiled , without blame : And at the end , that we believe it faithfully , without wavering . But [ inviolate ] is the mistaken word of the old Interpreter , and with no great knowledge made use of by A. C. And then fourthly , though this be true Divinity , That he which hopes for Salvation , must believe the Whole Creed , and in the right sense too ( if he be able to comprehend it ) yet I take the true and first meaning of inviolate ( could Athanasius his word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have signified so ) not to be the holding of the true sense , but not to offer violence , o● a forced sence or meaning upon the Creed ; which every man doth not , that yet believes it not in a true sence . For not to believe the true sence of the Creed , is one thing : But 't is quite another , to force a wrong sence upon it . Fifthly , a Reason would be given also , why A. C. is so earnest for the whole Faith , and bauks the word which goes with it , which is holy or undesiled . For Athanasius doth alike exclude from Salvation those which keep not the Catholike Faith holy , as well as these which keep it not whole . I doubt this was to spare many of his † holy Fathers , the Popes , who were as far as any ( the very ●ewd●st among men without exception ) from keeping the Catholike Faith holy . Sixthly , I agree to the next part of his Exposition , That a man that will be saved must believe the whole Creed for the true formal reason of divine Revelation . For upon the Truth of God thus revealed by Himself ▪ 〈◊〉 the infallible certainty of the Christian Faith. But I do not grant , that this is within the compass of S. Athanasius his word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor of the word Inviolate . But in that respect 't is a meer strain of A. C. And then lastly , though the whole Catholike Church be sufficient in applying this to us and our Belief , not our Understanding , which A. C. is at again ; yet Infallible She is not , in the proposal of this Revelation to us by every of her Pastors , some whereof amongst you , as well as others , neglect , or forget at least to feed Christ's sheep , as Christ and his Church hath fed them . Num. 13 But now that A. C. hath taught us ( as you see ) the meaning of S. Athanasius ; in the next place he tells us , That if we did believe any one Article , we ( finding the same formal Reason in all , and applied sufficiently by the same means to all ) would easily believe all . Why surely we do not believe any one Article onely , but all the Articles of the Christian Faith ; And we believe them for the same formal Reason in all , namely , Because they are revealed from and by God , and sufficiently applied in his Word , and by his Churches Ministration . But so long as they do not believe all in this sort ( saith A. C. ) Look you ; He tells us we do not believe all , when we profess we do . Is this man become as God , that he can better tell what we believe , than we our selves ? Surely we do believe all , and in that sort too : Though , I believe , were S. Athanasius himself alive again , and a plain man should come to him , and tell him he believed his Creed in all and every particular ; he would admit him for a good Catholike Christian , though he were not able to express to him the formal reason of that his belief . Yea but ( saith A. C. ) while they will , as all Hereticks do , make choice of what they will , and what they will not believe , without relying upon the Infallible Authority of the Catholike Church , they cannot have that one saving Faith in any one Article . Why , but whatsoever Hereticks do , we are not such , nor do we so . For they which believe all the Articles ( as once again I tell you we do ) make no choice ; And we do relie upon the Infallible Authority of the Word of God , and the whole Catholike Church ; And therefore we both can have , and have that one saving Faith which believes all the Articles entirely , though we cannot believe that any particular Church is infallible . Num. 14 And yet again A. C. will not thus be satisfied , but on he goes , and adds , That although we believe the same truth which other good Catholikes do in some Articles , yet not believing them for the same formal reason of Divine Revelation sufficiently applied by Infallible Church-Authority , &c. we cannot be said to have one and the same Infallible and Divine Faith which other good Catholike Christians have , who believe the Articles for this formal Reason , sufficiently made known to them , not by their own fancy , nor the fallible Authority of humane deductions , but by the Infallible Authority of the Church of God. If A. C. will still say the same thing , I must still give the same answer . First , he confesses we believe the same Truth in some Articles ( I pray mark his phrase ) the same Truth in some Articles with other good Catholike Christians : so far his Pen hath told Truth against his will : for he doth not ( I wot well ) intend to call us Catholikes , and yet his Pen being truer than himself , hath let it fall . For the word ( other ) cannot be so used as here it is , but that we , as well as they , must be good Catholikes : For he that shall say , the old Romans were valiant , as well as other men , supposes the Romans to be valiant men ; And he that shall say , The Protestants believe some Articles ▪ as well as other good Catholikes , must in propriety of speech suppose them to be good Catholikes . Secondly , as we do believe those some Articles , so do we believe them , and all other Articles of Faith , for the same formal reason , and so applied , as but just * before I have expressed . Nor do we believe any one Article of Faith by our own fancy , or by fallible Authority of humane deductions ; but next to the Infallible Authority of God's Word , we are guided by his Church . But then A. C. steps into a Conclusion , whither we cannot follow him : For he says , that the Article to be believed must be sufficiently made known unto us by the Infallible Authority of the Church of God , that is , of men Infallibly assisted by the Spirit of God , as all lawfully called , continued , and confirmed General Councels are assisted . That the † whole Church of God is infallibly assisted by the Spirit of God , so that it cannot by any errour fall away totally from Christ the Foundation , I make no doubt . For if it could , the gates of Hell had prevailed against it , which , our Saviour assures me , S. Matth. 16. they shall never be able to do . But that all General Councels , be they never so lawfully called , continued , and confirmed , have Infallible Assistance , I utterly deny . 'T is true , that a General Councel de post facto , after 't is ended , and admitted by the whole Church , is then Infallible ▪ for it cannot erre in that which it hath already clearly and truly determined without Errour . But that a General Councel à parte ante , when it first sits down and continues to deliberate , may truly be said to be Infallible in all its after-determinations , whatsoever they shall be , I utterly deny . And it may be it was not without cunning that A. C. shuffled these words together , Called , Continued , and Confirmed ; for be it never so lawfully called , and continued , it may erre . But after 't is confirmed , that is , admitted by the whole Church , then being found true , it is also Infallible ; that is , it deceives no man. For so all Truth is , and is to us , when 't is once known to be Truth . But then many times that Truth , which being known is necessary and Infallible , was before both contingent and fallible in the way of proving it , and to us . And so here , a General Councel is a most probable , but yet a fallible way of inducing Truth , though the Truth once induced may be ( after 't is found ) necessary and Infallible . And so likewise the very Councel it self for that particular in which it hath concluded Truth . But A. C. must both speak and mean of a Councel set down to deliberate , or else he says nothing . Num. 15 Now hence A. C. gathers ▪ That though every thing defined to be a Divine Truth in General Councels is not absolutely necessary to be expresly known and actually believed ( as some other Truths are ) by all sorts : yet no man may ( after knowledge that they are thus defined ) doubt deliberately , much less obstiuately deny the Truth of any thing so defined . Well , in this Collection of A. C. First , we have this granted , That every thing defined in General Councels is not absolutely necessary to be expresly known , and actually believed by all sorts of men ▪ And this no Protestant , that I know , denies . Secondly , it is affirmed , that after knowledge , that these Truths are thus defined , no man may doubt deliberately , much less obstinately deny any of them ▪ Truly ▪ Obstinately ( as the word is now in common use ) carries a fault along with it : And it ought to be far from the temper of a Christian , to be obstinate against the Definitions of a General Councel . But that he may not upon very probable grounds , in an humble and peaceable manner deliberately doubt ; yea , and upon Demonstrative grounds constantly deny even such Definitions , yet submitting himself and his grounds to the Church in that or another Councel , is that which was never till now imposed upon Believers . For 'T is one thing for a man deliberately to doubt , and modestly to propose his Doubt for satisfaction , which was ever lawful , and is many times necessary . And quite another thing for a man upon the pride of his own Judgment , * to refuse external Obedience to the Councel , which to do , was never Lawful , nor can ever stand with any Government . For there is all the reason in the world , the Councel should be heard for it self , as well as any such Recusant whatsoever , and that before a Judge as good as it self at least . And to what end did † S. Augustine say , That one General Councel might be amended by another , the former by the Later , if men might neither deny , nor so much as deliberately doubt of any of these Truths defined in a General Councel ? And A. C. should have done well to have named but one ancient Father of the Primitive Church , that ever affirmed this . * For the Assistance which God gives to the whole Church in general , is but in things simply necessary to eternal Salvation ; therefore more than this cannot be given to a General Councel , no nor so much ▪ But then if a General Councel shall forget it self , and take upon it to define things not absolutely necessary to be expresly known , or actually believed ( which are the things which A. C. here speaks of ) In these as neither General Councel , no● the whole Church have infallible Assistance : so have Christians liberty modestly and peaceably , and upon just grounds , both deliberately to doubt , and constantly to deny such the Councels Definitions . For instance , the Councel of Florence first defined Purgatory to be believed as a Divine Truth , and matter of Faith ( * if that Councel had Consent enough so to define it . ) This was afterwards deliberately doubted of by the Protestants ; after this as constantly denied , then confirmed by the † Councel of Trent , and an Anathema set upon the head of every man that denies it . And yet scarce any Father within the first three hundred years ever thought of it . Num. 16 I know * Bellarmine affirms it boldly , That all the Fathers , both Greek and Latine , did constantly teach Purgatory from the very Apostles times . And where he brings his Proofs out of the Fathers for this Point , he divides them into two Ranks . † In the first , he reckons them which affirm Prayer for the dead , as if that must necessarily infer Purgatory . Whereas most certain it is , that the Ancients had , and gave other Reasons of Prayer for the dead , then freeing them out of any Purgatory . And this is very Learnedly , and at large set down , by the now Learned a Primate of Armagh . But then in the second , he says , there are b most manifest places in the Fathers ▪ in which they affirm Purgatory . And he names there no fewer then two and twenty of the Fathers . A great Jury certainly , did they give their Verdict with him . But first , within the three hundred years after Christ , he names none but Tertullian , Cyprian , and Origen . And c Tertullian speaks expresly of Hell , not of Purgatory . d S. Cyprian of a Purging to Amendment , which cannot be after this Life . As for e Origen , he , I think , indeed was the first Founder of Purgatory ; But of such an One , as I believe Bellarmine dares not affirm . For he thought there was no Punishment after this life , but Purgatory ; and that not onely the most impious men , but even the Devils themselves should be saved , after they had suffered and been Purged enough . Which is directly contrary to the Word of God expounded by his f Church . In the fourth and fifth ( the great and Learned Ages of the Church ) he names more , as g S. Ambrose . But S. Ambr. says , That some shall be saved , quasi per ignem , as it were by fire , leaving it as doubtful , what was meant by that Fire , as the Place it self doth , whence it is taken . h 1 Cor. 3. i S. Hierome indeed names Purging by fire ; But 't is not very plain , that he means it after this life . And howsoever , this is most plain , That S. Hierome is at Credimus , we believe eternal Punishment ; but he goes no farther than Arbitramur , we think there is a Purging . So with him it was Arbitrary ; And therefore sure no Matter of Faith then . And again * he saith , That some Christians may be saved , post poenas , after some punishments indured , but he neither tells us Where , nor When. † S. Basil names indeed Purgatory fire ; but he relates as uncertainly , to that in 1 Cor. 3. as S. Ambrose doth . As for ‖ Paulinus , he speaks for Prayer for the dead , but not a word of Purgatory . And the Place in * S. Gregory Nazianzen is far from a manifest Place . For he speaks there of Baptism by fire ; which is no † usual phrase to signifie Purgatory . But yet say that here he doth , there 's a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fortassis , a peradventure in the words , which Bellarmine cunningly leaves out . And if it be a Peradventure ye shall then be Baptized with fire ; why then 't is at a Peradventure too , that ye shall not . Now such Casual stuff as this ; peradventure you shall , and peradventure you shall not , is no Expression for things , which are valued to be de side , and to be believed as Matters of Faith. Bellarmine goes on with ‖ Lactantius , but with no better success . For he says indeed , That some men perstringentur igne , shall be sharply touched by fire . But he speaks of such , quorum peccata praevaluerunt , whose sins have prevailed . And they in Bellarmine's Doctrine are for Hell , not Purgatory . As for * S. Hilary , he will not come home neither . 'T is true , he speaks of a Fine too , and one that must be indured ; but he tells us , 't is a punishment expiandae à peccatis animae , to purge the soul from sins . Now this will not serve Bellarmine's turn . For they of Rome teach , That the sins are forgiven here , and that the Temporal Punishment onely remains to be satisfied in Purgatory . And what need is there then of purging of sins ? Lest there should not be Fathers enough , he reckons in ‖ Boetius too . But he , though not long before a Convert , yet was so well seen in this Point , that he goes no farther than Puto , I think that after death some souls are exercised purgatoriâ clementiâ , with a Purgative Clemency . But Puto , I think 't is so , is no expression for Matter of Faith. The two pregnant Authorities which seem to come home , are those of Gregory Nyssen , and Theodoret . But for * Theodoret in Scholiis Graecis ( which is the Place Bellarmine quotes ) I can finde no such Thing : And manifest it is , Bellarmine † himself took it but upon trust . And for ‖ S. Gregory Nyssen , 't is true , some places in him seem plain . But then they are made so doubtful by other Places in him , that I dare not say simply and roundly , what his Judgment was . For he says , Men must be purged from Perturbations , and either by Prayers , and Philosophy , or the study of Wisdome , or by the furnace of Purgatory-fire after this life . And again , That a man cannot be partaker 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Divine nature , unless the Purging-fire doth take away the stains that are in his Soul. And again , That after this life a Purgatory-fire takes away the blots and propensity to evil . And I deny not , divers other like places are in him . But first , this is quite another thing from the Roman Purgatory . For S. Gregory tells us here , that the Purgatory he means , purges Perturbations , and stains , and blots , and propensity to evil . Whereas the Purgatory which Rome now teaches , purges not sin , * but is only satisfactory by way of punishment for sins already forgiven , but for which satisfaction was not made before their Death . Secondly , S. Gregory Nyssen himself seems not obscurely to relate to some other Fire . * For he says expresly , That the soul is to be punished , till the Vitiosity of it be consumed , Purgatorio igne ; So the Translation renders it ; but in the Original it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , in a fire that sleeps not , which , for ought appears , may be understood of a Fire that is eternal ; whereas the fire assigned to Purgatory shall cease . Besides , S. Gregory says plainly : The Soul cannot suffer by sire but in the Body ; and the Body cannot be with it , till the Resurrection . Therefore † he must needs speak of a fire after the Resurrection , which must be either the Fire of the General Conflagration , or Hell ; Purgatory he cannot mean ; Where , according to the Romish Tenet , the Soul suffers without the Body . The truth is : Divers of the Ancient , especially Greeks , which were a little too much acquainted with Plato's School , ‖ philosophized , and disputed upon this , and some other Points with much Obscurity , and as little Certainty . So upon the whole matter , in the fourth and fifth hundred year , you see here 's none that constantly and perspicuously affirm it . And as for S. Augustine he a said , and b unsaid it , and c at the last left it doubtful ; which had it then been received as a Point of Faith , he durst not have done . Indeed then in S. Gregory the Great 's time , in the beginning of the sixth Age , Purgatory was grown to some perfection . For S. d Gregory himself is at Scio ( 't was but at Puto a little before ) I know that some shall be Expiated in Purgatory flames . And therefore I will easily give Bellarmine all that follow . For after this time Purgatory was found too warm a business to be suffered to Cool again . And in the after Ages , more were frighted , than led by proof into the Belief of it . Num. 17 Now by this we see also , That it could not be a Tradition ; For then we might have traced it by the smoke to the Apostles times . Indeed Bellarmine would have it such a Tradition . For he tells us out of S. * Augustine , That that is rightly believed to be delivered by Apostolical Authority , which the whole Church holds , and hath ever held , and yet is not Instituted by any Councel . And he adds , That Purgatory is such a Tradition , so Constantly held in the whole Church , Greek , and Latine . And † that we do not finde any beginning of this Belief . Where I shall take the boldness to Observe these three things . First , that the Doctrine of Purgatory was not held ever in the whole Catholike Church of Christ. And this appears by the proofs of ‖ Bellarmine himself produced , and I have * before examined . For there 't is manifest , that scarce two Fathers directly affirm the belief of Purgatory for full six hundred years after Christ. Therefore Purgatory is no Matter of Faith , nor to be believed as descending from Apostolical Authority , by S. Augustine's Rule . Secondly , that we can finde a beginning of this Doctrine , and a Beginner too , namely Origen . And neither Bellarmine , nor any other is able to shew any one Father of the Church that said it before him . Therefore Purgatory is not to be believed as a Doctrine delivered by Apostolical Authority , by Bellarmine's own rule ; For it hath a Beginning . Thirdly , I observe too , that Bellarmine cannot well tell where to lay the foundation of Purgatory , that it may be safe . For first , he labours to found it upon Scripture . To that end † he brings no fewer then ten places out of the Old Testament , and nine out of the New , to prove it . And yet fearing lest these places be strained ( as indeed they are ) and so too weak to be laid under such a vast pile of Building , as Purgatory is ‖ , he flies to unwritten Tradition . And by this Word of God unwritten , he says 't is manifest , that the Doctrine of Purgatory was delivered by the Apostles . Sure if Nineteen places of Scripture cannot prove it , I would be loth to flie to Tradition . And if Recourse to Tradition be necessary , then certainly those places of Scripture made not the proof they were brought for . And once more , how can Bellarmine say here , That we finde not the Beginning , hujus dogmatis , of this Article ; when he had said before , that he had found it in the Nineteen places of Scripture ? For if in these places he could not finde the beginning of the Doctrine of Purgatory , he is false while he says he did : And if he did finde it there , then he is false here in saying , we finde no beginning of it , And for all his Brags of * Omnes Veteres , all the Ancient Greek and Latine do constantly teach Purgatory . Yet † Alphons . à Castro deals honestly and plainly , and tells us , That the mention of Purgatory in Ancient Writers is ferè nulla , almost none at all , especially in the Greoks . And he addes , That hereupon Purg●tory 〈◊〉 not believed by the Graecians to this very day ▪ And what no● , I pray , after all this , may I not so much as del●berately doubt of this ▪ because 't is now Defined ▪ and but now in a manner and thus ▪ No sure . So A. C. tells you . Doubt ▪ No ▪ For when you had fooled the Archbishop of Spalat● ▪ back to Rome ▪ there you either made him say , or said it for him ▪ ‖ ( for in Print it is , and under his Name ) That since 't is now defined by the Church , a man is as much bound to believe there is a Purgatory , as that there is a Trinity of Persons in the Godhead ▪ How far comes this short of Blasphemy ▪ to make the Trinity , and Purgatory , things alike and equally Credible ? Num. 18 Yea , but A. C. will give you a Reason , why no man may deliberately doubt , much less deny any thing that is defined by a General Councel . And his Reason is , Because every such doubt and denyal is a breach from the one saving faith . This is a very good reason , if it be true . But how appears it to be true ? How ? why it takes away ( saith A. C. ) Infallible credit from the Church , and so the Divine Revelation not being sufficiently applied , it cannot according to the ordinary course of Gods providence breed Infallible Belief in us . Why but deliberately to doubt , and constantly to deny , upon the grounds and in the manner * aforesaid , doth not take away Infallible credit from the whole Church , but onely from the Definition of a General Councel some way or other misled , And that in things not absolutely Necessary to all mens Salvation ; for of such things † A. C. here speaks expresly . Now to take away Infallible credit from some Definitions of General Councels , in things not absolutely necessary to Salvation , is no breach upon the one saving Faith which is necessary , nor upon the Credit of the Catholike Church of Christ in things absolutely necessary ▪ for which onely it had Infallible assistance promised . So that no breach being made upon the Faith , nor no Credit which ever it had being taken from the Church , the Divine Revelation may be ▪ and is as sufficiently applied as ever it was ; and in the ordinary course of Gods providence may breed as Infallible belief in things necessary to Salvation , as ever it did . Num. 19 But A. C. will prove his Reason before given , and therefore he asks out of S. Paul , Rom. 10 ▪ Now shall men believe unless they hear ? How shall they hear without a Preacher ? And how shall they preach ( to wit ▪ Infallibly ) ●●less they be sen● , that is , from God , and infallibly assisted by his Spirit ? Here 's that which I have twice at least spoken to already , namely , That A. C. by this will make every Priest in the Church of Rome that hath Learning enough to preach , and dissents not from that Church , an Infallible Preacher ; which no Father of the Primitive Church did ever assume to himself , nor the Church give him . And yet the Fathers of the Primitive Church were sent , and from God , were assisted , and by God , and did sufficiently propose to men the Divine Revelation , and did by it beget and breed up Faith , saving Faith , in the Souls of men : Though * no one among them since the Apostles , was an Infallible Preacher . And A. C. should have done very well here to have made it manifest , That this Scripture , How shall they preach ( to wit , infallibly ) is so interpreted by Union , Consent of Fathers , and Definitions of Councels , as he † bragged before , that they use to interpret Scripture : For I do not finde How shall they preach ( to wit , ‖ Infallibly ) to be the Comment of any one of the Fathers ; or any other approved Author ; And let him shew it , if he can . Num. 20 After this ( for I see the good man is troubled , and forward and backward he goes ) he falls immediately upon this Question : If a whole General Councel defining what is Divine Truth , be not believed to be sent and assisted by Gods Spirit , and consequently of Infallible Credit ; what man in the world can be said to be of Infallible Credit ? Well , first , A. C. hath very ill luck in fitting his Conclusion to his Premises , and his Consequent to his Antecedent ; And so 't is here with him . For a General Councel may be assisted by God's Spirit , and in a great measure too , and in a greater than any private man not inspired , and yet not consequently be of Infallible credit : for all assistance of God's Spirit reaches not up to Infallibility . I hope the Antient Bishops , and Fathers of the Primitive Church were assisted by God's Spirit , and in a plentiful measure too , and yet A. C. himself will not say they were Infallible . And secondly , for the Question it self , If a General Councel be not , what man in the world can be said to be of Infallible Credit ? Truly I 'll make you a ready Answer , No man. Not the Pope himself ? No : Let God and his Word be true , and every man a Lyer , Rom. 3. for so , more or less , every man will be found to be . And this is neither dammage to the Church , nor wrong to the person of any . Num. 21 But then A. C. asks a shrewder Question than this . If such a Councel lawfully called , continued and confirmed , may erre in defining any one Divine Truth , how can we be Infallibly certain of any other Truth defined by it ? For if it may erre in one , why not in another , and another , and so in all ? 'T is most true , if such a Councel may erre in one , it may in another , and another , and so in all of like nature : I say in all of like nature . And A. C. may remember he expressed himself a little before , to speak of the Defining of such Divine Truths as are not absolutely necessary to be expresly known and actually believed of all sorts of men . Now there is , there can be no necessity of an Infallible certainty in the whole Catholike Church , and much less in a General Councel , of thing not * absolutely necessary in themselves . For Christ did not intend to leave an Infallibe certainty in his Church to satisfie either Contentious , or Curious , or Presumptuous Spirits . And therefore in things not Fundamental , not Necessary , 't is no matter if Councels erre in one , and another , and a third , the whole Church having power and means enough to see that no Councel erre in Necessary things , and this is certainty enough for the Church to have ▪ or for Christians to expect ; especially since the Foundation is so strongly and so plainly laid down in Scripture and the Creed , that a modest man might justly wonder why any man should run to any later Councel , at least for any Infallible certainty . Num. 22 Yet A. C. hath more Questions to ask ; and his next is , How we can ( according to the ordinary Course ) be Infallibly assured that it erres in one , and not in another , when it equally by one and the same Authority defines both to be Divine Truth ? A. C. taking here upon him to defend M. Fisher the Jesuite , could not but see what I had formerly written concerning this difficult Question about General Councels . And to all that ( being large ) he replied little or nothing . Now when he thinks that may be forgotten , or as if he did not at all lye in his way , he here turns Questionist , to disturb that business , and indeed the Church , as much as he can . But to this Question also I answer again , If any General Councel do now erre , either it erres in things absolutely necessary to Salvation , or in things not necessary . If it erre in things Necessary , we can be infallibly assured by the Scripture , the Creeds , the four first Councels , and the whole Church , where it erres in one , and not in another . If it be in non necessariis , in things not necessary , 't is not requisite that we should have for them an infallible assurance . As for that which follows , it is notoriously both cunning , and false . 'T is false to suppose that a General Councel defining two things for Divine Truths , and erring in one , but not erring in another , doth define both equally by one , and the same Authority . And 't is cunning , because these words ( by the same Authority ) are equivocal , and must be distinguished , that the Truth , which A. C. would hide , may appear . Thus then , suppose a General Councel erring in one point , and not in another , it doth define both , and equally by the same delegated Authority which that Councel hath received from the Catholike Church , But it doth not define both , and much less equally , by the same Authority of the Scripture , ( which must be the Councels Rule , as well as private mens ) no nor by the same Authority of the whole Catholike Church ( who did not intentionally give them equal power to define Truth , and errour for Truth . ) And I hope A. C. dares not say the Scripture ( according to which all Councels , that will uphold Divine Truth , must Determine ) doth equally give either ground or power to define Errour and Truth . Num. 23 To his former Questions A. C. adds , That if we leave this to be examined by any private man , this examination not being Infallible , had need to be examined by another , and this by another without end , or ever coming to Infallible certainty necessarily required in that one faith which is necessary to salvation , and to that peace and unity which ought to be in the Church . Will this inculcating the same thing never be left ? I told the Jesuite * before , that I give no way to any private man to be Judge of a General Councel : And there also I shewed the way how an erring Councel might be rectified , and the peace of the Church either preserved or restored , without lifting any private spirit above a Councel , and without this process in Infinitum ( which A. C. so much urges ; and which is so much declined in all † Sciences . ) For as the understanding of a man must always have somewhat to rest upon , so must his Faith. But a ‖ private man , first for his own satisfaction , and after for the Churches , if he have just cause , may consider of , and examine by the * Judgment of discretion , though not of power , even the Definitions of a General Councel . But A. C. concludes well , That an Infallible certainty is necessary for that one Faith which is necessary to salvation . And of that ( as I expressed † before ) a most infallible certainty we have already in the Scripture , the Creeds , and the four first General Councels , to which for things Necessary and Fundamental in the Faith , we need no assistance from other General Councels . And some of your ‖ own , very honest and very Learned , were of the same Opinion with me . And for the peace and unity of the Church in things absolutely necessary , we have the same infallible direction that we have for Faith. But in Things not necessary , ( though they be Divine Truths also ) if about them Christian men do differ , 't is no more than they have done , more or less in all Ages of the Church ; and they may differ ▪ and yet preserve the * One necessary Faith , and † Charity too , entire , if they be so well minded . I confess it were heartily to be wished , that in these things also men might be all of one mind , and one judgment , to which the Apostle exhorts , ‖ 1 Cor. 1. But this cannot be hoped for till the Church be Triumphant over all humane frailties which here hang thick and close about her . The want both of Unity and Peace proceeding too often , even where Religion is pretended , from Men and their Humours , rather than from Things and Errours to be found in them . Num. 24 And so A. C. tells me , That it is not therefore ( as I would perswade ) the fault of Councels Definitions , but the pride of such as will prefer , and not submit their private Judgments , that lost , and continues the loss of peace and unity of the Church , and the want of certainty in that one afore-said soul-saving Faith. Once again I am bold to tell A. C. there is no want of certainty , most infallible certainty of That one soul-saving Faith. And if for other opinions which flutter about it , there be a difference , a dangerous difference , as at this day there is , yet necessary it is not , that therefore , or for prevention thereof , there should be such a Certainty , an Infallible Certainty in these things . For he understood himself well that said , Oportet esse Haereses , 1 Cor. 11. There must , there will be Heresies . And wheresoever that Necessity lies , 't is out of doubt enough to prove , that Christ never left such an Infallible Assurance as is able to prevent them : Or such a Mastering Power in his Church , as is able to over-awe them ; but they come with their Oportet about them ; and they rise and spring in all Ages very strangely . But in particular for that which first caused , and now continues the loss of Unity in the Church of Christ , as I make no doubt but that the Pride of men is one Cause , so yet can I not think that Pride is the adaequate and sole Cause thereof . But in part Pride caused it , and Pride on all sides ; Pride in some that would not at first , nor will not since submit their private judgments , where , with good Conscience , they may , and ought . And Pride in others that would not first , nor will not yet mend manifest , great , and dangerous errours , which with all good Conscience they ought to do . But 't is not Pride , not to submit to known and gross Errours : And the Definitions of some Councels ( perhaps the Lateran , Constance , and Trent ) have been greater and more urgent Causes of breach of Unity , than the Pride of men hath been ; which yet I shall never excuse , where-ere it is . Num. 25 How far this one soul-saving Faith extends , A. C. tells me I have confessed it not a work for my Pen : But , he says , it is to be learned from that One , Holy , Catholike , Apostolike , always Visible , and Infallible Romane Church ; of which the Lady , once doubting , is now fully satisfied , &c. Indeed ( though A. C. sets this down with some scorn , which I can easily pass over ) 't is true that thus * I said . There is a Latitude in Faith , especially in reference to different mens Salvation : But to set a Bound to this , and strictly to define it ; Just thus far you must Believe in every particular , or incur domnation , is no work for my Pen. Thus I said , and thus I say still . For though the Foundation be one and the same in all , yet a † Latitude there is , and a large one too , when you come to Consider not the Foundation common to all , but things necessary to many particular mens Salvation . For to whomsoever God hath given more , of him shall more be required , ‖ S. Luc. 12. as well in Belief , as in Obedience ▪ and Performance . And the gifts of God , both ordinary and extraordinary , to particular men , are so various , as that for my part I hold it impossible for the ablest Pen that is to express it . And in this respect I * said it with Humility and Reason ; That to set these Bounds , was no work for my Pen. Nor will I ever take upon me to express that Tenet , or Opinion ( the denial of the Foundation onely excepted ) which may shut any Christian out of heaven . And A. C. I believe you know very well , to what a narrow S●antling , some † Learned of your own side bring the very Foundation it self , rather than they will lose any that lay hold on Christ , the Son of God , and Redeemer of the World. And as Christ Epitomizes the whole Law of Obedrence into these two great Commandments ; The love of God , and our Neighbour , S. Mat. 22. So the Apostle Epitomizes the whole Law of Belief into these two great Assents : That God is ; and That he is a rewarder of them that seek him : Heb. 11. that seek him in Christ. And S. Peter was full of the Holy Ghost , when he exprest it , That there is no salvation to them that seek it in , or by another Name , Act. 4. Num. 26 But since this is no work for my Pen , it seems A. C. will not say 't is a work † for his . But he tells us , * 'T is to be learned of the One , Holy , Catholike , Apostolike , always Visible , and Infallible Romane Church . ' Titles enough given to the Romane Church ; and I wish she deserv'd them all , for then we should have peace . But 't is far otherwise . One she is , as a particular Church , but not The One. Holy she would be counted ; but the world may see , if it will not blinde it self , of what value Holiness is in that Court and Country . Catholike she is not , in any sense of the word ; for she is not the † Universal , and so not Catholike in extent . Nor is she sound in Doctrine , & in things w ch come neer upon the Foundation too ; so not ‖ Catholike in Belief . Nor is she the Prime Mother-Church of Christianity ; * Jerusalem was that ; and so not Catholike as a Fountain , or Original , or as the Head , or Root of the Catholike . Num. 27 And because many Romanists object here ( though A. C. doth it not ) that S. Cyprian called the † Romane Church , The Root and Matrix of the Catholike Church of Christ ; I hope I shall have leave to explain that difficult place also . First then , S. Cyprian names not Rome . That stands onely in the Margin , and was placed there as his particular judgement led ‖ him that set out S. Cyprian . Secondly , the true Story of that Epistle , and that which led S. Cyprian into this Expression , was this . Cornelius then chosen Pope , expostulates with S. Cyprian , That his Letters to Rome were directed onely to the Clergie there , and not to Him ; and takes it ill , as if S. Cyprian had thereby seemed to disapprove his Election . S. Cyprian replies , That by reason of the Schism mov'd then by Novation , it was uncertain in Africk which of the Two had the more Canonical Right to the See of Rome ; and that therefore he nam'd him not : But yet that during this uncertainty , he exhorted all that sailed thither , ut Ecclesiae Catholicae Radicem & Matricem agnoscerent & tenerent ; That in all their carriage they should acknowledge , and so hold themselves unto the Unity of the Catholike Church , which is the Root and Matrix of it , and the onely way to avoid participation in the Schism . And that this must be S. Cyprian's meaning , I shall thus prove . First , because , This could not be his meaning or Intention , That the Sea of Rome was the Root or Matrix of the Catholike Church . For if he had told them so , he had left them in as great , or greater difficulty , than he found them . For there was then an Open and an Apparent Schism in the Church of Rome . Two Bishops , Cornelius and Novation ; Two Congregations , which respectively attended and observed them . So that a perplexed Question must needs have divided their thoughts , which of these Two had been that Root and Matrix of the Catholike Church . Therefore had S. Cyprian meant to pronounce Rome the Root and Matrix of the Catholike Church , he would never have done it at such a time , when Rome it self was in Schism . Whereas in the other sense , the Counsel is good and plain , Namely , that they should hold themselves to the Unity and Communion of the Catholike Church , which is the Root of it . And then necessarily they were to suspend their Communion there , till they saw how the Catholike Church did incline , to approve , or disaprove the Election of the One , or the Other . And thus S. Cyprian frees himself to Cornelius from the very least Touch of Schism . Secondly , Because this sense comes home to * Baronius . For he affirms that S. Cyprian and his Colleagues the African Bishops did Communionem suspendere , suspend their Communion until they heard by Caldonius & Fortunatus , whose the undoubted right was . So it seems S. Cyprian gave that Counsel to these Travellers , which himself followed . For if Rome , during the Schism , and in so great uncertainty , had yet been Radix Ecclesiae Catholicae , Root of the Catholike Church of Christ , I would fain know , how S. Cyprian , so great and famous an Assertor of the Churches Unity , durst once so much as think of suspending Communion with her . Thirdly , Because this sense will be plain also by other Passages out of other Epistles of S. Cyprian . For writing to Jubaianus an Africane Bishop against the Novatians , who then infested those parts , and durst Rebaptize Catholike Christians , he saith thus . † But we who hold the Head and Root of One Church , do know for certain , and believe , that nothing of this is lawful out of the Catholike Church ; And that of Baptism , which is but One , we are the Head , where he himself was at first Baptized , when he held the Ground and Verity of Divine Unity . Now I conceive 't is all one , or at least as Argumentative to all purposes , to be Caput or Radix Baptismatis , Head or Root of Baptism , as Head or Root of the Church . For there 's but One Baptism , as well as but One Church , and that is the entrance into this . And S. Cyprian affirms and includes himself , Nos esse Caput , that we are the Head of Baptism . Where yet ( I pray observe it ) he cannot by Nos , We , mean his own Person ( though if he did , he were the more Opposite to Rome ) much less can he mean the Romane Church , as it is a Particular , and stands separate from others . For then how could he say , Nos esse Cap●t , that we are the Head ? Therefore he must needs mean the Unity and Society of the Church Catholike , which the Novatians had then left , and whereof he and his Church were still Members . Besides most manifest it is , that he calls that Church Caput Baptismatis the Head of Baptism , where Novatian was Baptized ( they are his own words ) and probable it is that was Rome , Because that Schismatick was a Roman Priest. And yet for all this S. Cyprian says , No● esse Caput Baptismatis , that we are the Head of Baptism , though he were at Carthage . By which it is plain , That as Caput is parallel to Radix , and Matrix : So also that by Caput , the head of Baptism , he includes together with Rome all the other members of the Church Universal . Again , S. * Cyprian writes to Cornelius and censures the Schismatical Carriage of the Novatians at Rome . And tells him farther , that he had sent Caldonius and Fortunatus to labour Peace in that Church , that so they might be reduced to , and composed in the Unity of the Catholike Church . But because the Obstinate , and inflexible pertinacy of the other Party had not onely refused Radicis & Matris sinum , the bosome of their Mother and embracings of their Root , but the Schism increasing and growing raw to the worse , hath set up a Bishop to it self , &c. Where 't is observable , and I think plain , That S. Cyprian employed his Legates not to bring the Catholike Church to the communion of Rome , but Rome to the Catholike Church . Or to bring the Novatians not onely to Communicate with Cornelius , but with the Church Universal , which was therefore Head and Root in S. Cyprian's judgment , even to Rome it self , as well as to all other , Great , Ancient , or even Apostolical Churches . And this is yet more plain by the sequel . For when those his Legats had laboured to bring those Schismaticks to the Unitie of the Catholike Church ; yet he complains their Labour was lost . And why ? Why ? because recusabant Radicis & Matris sinum , they refused the Bosome of the Root , and the Mother . Therefore it must needs be ▪ that in S. Cyprian's sense , these two Unit as Catholicae Ecclesiae , the unity of the Catholike Church . And Radicis , or Matricis Sinus ; or Complex●● , the Bosome , or Embracing of the Root , or the Mother , are all one . And then Radix and Matrix are not words by which he expresses the Roman Sea , in particular , but he denotes by them the Unity of the Church Catholike . Fourthly , Because † Tertullian seems to me to agree in the same sense . For saith he , these so many and great Churches founded by the Apostles , taken all of them together , are that One Church from the Apostles out of which are All. So all are First , and all Apostolike , while they all allow and prove Unam Unitatem , One Unity . Nor can any possibly understand this of any Particular Church , but subordinately . As S. Gregory Nazianzen says the Church of Caesarea was * Mater , the Mother of almost all Churches ; which must needs be understood of some Neighbouring Churches , not of the whole Catholike Church . And where † Pamelius speaks of Original and Mother-Churches , he names six , and others ▪ and Rome in the last place . Therefore certainly no Particular Church can be the Root or Matrix of the Catholike ; But she is rooted in her own Unity , down from the Apostles , and no where else extra Deum ▪ And this is farther manifest by the Irreligious act of the Emperour Adrian . For he intending to root out the Faith of Christ , took this course . He Consecrated Simulacrum Jovis ; the Image of Jupiter in the very place where Christ suffer'd , and prophaned Bethlehem with the Temple of Adonis . ‖ To this end , that the Root , as it were , and the Foundation of the Church might be taken away , if in those places Idols might be worshipped , in which Christ himself was born , and suffered , &c. By which it is most evident , That either Jerusalem was the Root of the Catholike Church , if any Particular Church were so ; Or rather , that Adrian was deceived , ( as being an Heathen he well might ) in that he thought the Universal Church had any particular or Local Root of its Being : Or that he could destroy it all by laying it waste in any one place whatsoever . And S. Augustine I think is full for this , That the Catholike Church must have a Catholike Root or Matrix too . For * he tells us , That all Herestes whatsoever went out de illâ , out of the Catholike Church . For de illâ there can be out of no other . For all Heresies did not go out of any one Particular Church . He goes on . They were cut off de Vite , from this Catholike Vine still , as unprofitable Branches . Ipsa autem , but this Catholike Church remains in Radice suâ , in in its own Root , in its own Vine , in its own Charity , which must needs be as ample , and as Catholike as it self . Or else , were it any Particular , All Heretical Branches could not be cut off from one Root . And S. Augustine says again , † That the Donatists did not consider that they were cut off from the Root of the Eastern Churches . Where you see again , 't is still but One Root of many Churches : And that if any man will have a Particular Root of the Catholike Church , he must have it in the East , not in the West at Rome . And now lastly , besides this out of S. Cyprian to prove his own meaning , ( and sure he is the best interpreter of himself ) and other assisting Proofs , 't is most evident , that in the prime and principal sence , the Catholike Church , and her Unity , is the Head , Root , or Matrix of Rome , and all other Particular Churches ; and not Rome , or any other Particular , the Head , Root , or Matrix of it . For there is a double Root of the Church , as there is of all things else : That is , Radix Essentiae ; the Root , Head , or Matrix of its Essence . And this is the prime sence . For Essence and Being is first in all things . And then there is Radix Existentiae , the Root of its Existence , and formal Being , which always presupposes Being ; And is therefore a sense less Principal . Now to apply this . The Catholike or Universal Church is , and must needs be the Root of Essence and Being to Rome , and all other Particulars . And this is the Principal Root , Head , or Matrix that gives Being . And Rome , but with all other Particular Churches , and no more then other Patriarchal Churches , was and is Radix Existentiae , the Root of The Churches Existence . And this agrees with that known and received Rule in Art : That Universals give Essence to their Particulars , and Particulars supply their Universals with Existence . For as Socrates and every Particular man borrow their Essence from the Species and Definition of a man , which is Universal , but this Universal Nature and Being of Man hath no actual Existence but in Socrates and all other particular men : so , the Church of Rome , and every other particular Church in the world , receive their very Essence and Being of a Church from the Definition of the Catholike Universal Church of Christ ; But this Universal Nature and Being of the Church hath no actual Existence but in Rome and all other Particular Churches , and equal Existence in all her particulars . And should all the Particular Churches in the world fall away from Christ , save onely One ( which God forbid ) yet the Nature , Essence , and Being of the Universal Church would both Exist and Subsist in that one Particular . Out of all which to me most clear it is , That for the Churches Being , the Catholike Church , and that in Unity ( for Ens & Unum , Being , and Being one , are Convertible ) is Radix , the Root , Head , Matrix , Fountain , or Original ( call it what you will ) of Rome , and all other Particular Churches . But Rome is no more than other Churches , the Root , or Matrix of the Catholike Churches Existence , or Place of her actual Residence . And this I say for her Existence only , not the purity or form of her Existence , which is here not considered . But if the Catholike she be not , nor the root of the Catholike Church , yet Apostolike I hope She is . Indeed Apostolike She is , as being the Sea * of One , and he a Prime Apostle . But then not Apostolike , as the Church is called in the Creed from all the Apostles , no nor the † Only Apostolike , Visible I may not deny God hath hitherto preserved Her , but for a better end doubtless than they turn it to . But Infallible She was never : Yet if that Lady did as the Jesuite in his close avows , or others will rest satisfied with it , who can help it ? Sure none but God. And by A. C's leave , this ( which I said , is no work for my Pen ) cannot be learned , no not of the One , Holy , Catholike , and Apostolike Church , much less of the Roman . For though the Foundation be one and the same , and sufficiently known by Scripture and the Creeds ; Yet for the building upon the Foundation , the adding to it ; the Detracting from it ; the Joyning other things with it ; The grating upon it : Each of these may be damnable to some , and not to others , according to the Knowledge , Wisdome , means of Information which some have , and others want : And according to the ignorance , simplicity , and want of Information , which some others have ▪ and cannot help : And according to the Negligence , Contempt , Wilfulness , and Malice , with Obstinacy , which some have against the Known Truth ; and all or some of these in different degrees in every particular man. And that in the whole Latitude of mankinde , from the most wise and learned in the School of Christ , to the simplest Idiot that hath been so happy as to be initiated into the Faith by Baptism . Now the Church hath not this knowledge of all particulars , Men , and Conditions , nor can she apply the Conditions to the Men. And therefore cannot teach just how far every man must believe , as it relates to the possibility , or impossibility of his salvation in every particular . And that which the Church cannot teach , men cannot learn of her . She can teach the Foundation , and men were happy if they would learn it , and the Church more happy would she teach nothing but that as necessary to Salvation ; for certainly nothing but that is Necessary . Now then whereas after all this , the Jesuite tells us , that F. Upon this and the precedent Conferences , the Lady rested in judgment fully satisfied ( as she told a confident Friend ) of the Truth of the Roman Churches faith . Yet upon frailty and fear to offend the King , she yielded to go to Church ; for which she was after very sorry , as some of her friends can testifie . B. § 39 Num. 1 This is all personal . And how that Honourable Lady was then setled in Conscience , how in Judgement , I know nor . This , I think , is made clear enough , That that which you said in this and the precedent Conferences could settle neither , unless in some that were setled or setling before . As little do I know what she told any confident friend of her approving the Roman cause ▪ No more whether it were frailty , or fear , or other Motive that made her yield to go to Church , nor how sorry she was for it , nor who can testifie that sorrow . This I am sure of , if she repent , and God forgive her other sins ▪ she will more easily be able to Answer for her coming to Church , than for her leaving of the Church of England , and following the superstitions and errours which the Romane Church hath added in Point of Faith , and the Worship of God. For the Lady was then living , when I answered thus . Num. 2 Now whereas I said , the Lady would far more easily be able to answer for her coming to Church , than for her leaving the Church of England ; To this A. C. excepts , and says , That I neither prove , nor can prove , that it is lawful for one ( perswaded especially as the Lady was ) to go to the Protestant Church . There 's a great deal of Cunning , and as much Malice in this passage : but I shall easily pluck the Sting out of the Tail of this Wisp . And first , I have proved it already through this whole Discourse , and therefore can prove it , That the Church of England is an Orthodox Church . And therefore with the same labour it is proved , that men may lawfully go unto it , and communicate with it ; for so a man not onely may , but ought to do with an Orthodox Church . And a Romanist may communicate with the Church of England , without any Offence in the Nature of the Thing thereby incurred . But if his Conscience , through mis-information , check at it , he should do well in that Case , rather to inform his Conscience , than forsake any Orthodox Church whatsoever . Secondly , A. C. tells me plainly ▪ That I cannot prove that a man so perswaded as the Lady was , may go to the Protestant Church ; that is , That a Romane Catholike may not go to the Protestant Church . Why , I never went about to prove that a Romane Catholike being and continuing such , might against his Conscience , go to the Protestant Church . For these words ( A man perswaded as the Lady is ) are A. C's words ; they are not mine . Mine are not simply that the Lady might , or that she might not : but Comparative they are , That she might more easily answer to God for coming to , than for going from the Church of England . And that is every way most true . For in this doubtful time of hers , when ▪ upon my Reasons given , she went again to Church ; when yet soon after ( as you say at least ) she was sorry for it . I say , at this time she was in heart and resolution a Romano Catholike , or she was not : If she were not , ( as it seems by her doubting she was not then fully resolved ) then my speech is most true , that she might more easily answer God for coming to Service in the Church of England , than for leaving it . For a Protestant she had been , and , for ought I knew , at the end of this Conference , so she was ; and then 't was no sin in it self to come to an Orthodox Church ; nor no sin against her Conscience , she continuing a Protestant , for ought which then appeared to me . But if she then were a Romane Catholike , ( as the Jesuite and A. C. seem confident she was ) yet my speech is true too . For then she might more easily answer God for coming to the Church of England , which is Orthodox , and leaving the Church of Rome , which is Superstitious , than , by leaving the Church of England , communicate with all the Superstitions of Rome . Now the cunning and the malignity of A. C. lies in this : He would fain have the world think that I am so Indifferent in Religion , as that I did maintain , the Lady , being conscientiously perswaded of the Truth of the Romish Doctrine , might yet , against both her conscience , and against open and avowed profession , come to the Protestant Church . Num. 3 Nevertheless , in hope his cunning Malice would not be discovered , against this ( his own sence , that is , and not mine ) he brings divers Reasons . As first , 't is not lawful for one affected as that Lady was ; that is , for one that is resolved of the Truth of the Romane Church , to go to the Church of England , there , and in that manner to serve and worship God ; Because ( saith A. C. ) that were to halt on both sides , to serve two Masters ; and to dissemble with God and the world . Truly , I say the same thing with him ; And that therefore neither may a Protestant , that is resolved in Conscience , that the profession of the true Faith is in the Church of England , go to the Romish Church , there , and in that manner to serve and worship God. Neither need I give other Answer , because A. C. urges this against his own fiction , not my assertion . Yet since he will so do , I shall give a particular Answer to each of them . And to this first Reason of his , I say thus , That to Believe Religion after one sort , and to practise it after another , and that in the main points of worship , the Sacrament and Invocation , is to halt on both sides , to serve two Masters , and to dissemble with God and the world . And other then this I never taught , nor ever said that which might infer the Contrary . But A. C. give me leave to tell you , your fellow Jesuite * Azorius affirms this in express terms ; And what do you think , can he prove it ? Nay , not Azorius onely , but other Priests and Jesuites here in England , either teach some of their Proselytes , or else some of them learn it without teaching , That though they be perswaded as this Lady was , that is , though they be Romane Catholikes , yet either to gain honour , or save their purse , they may go to the Protestant Church , just as the Jesuite here says , The Lady did out of frailty and fear to offend the King. Therefore I pray A. C. if this be gross dissimulation both with God and the world , speak to your fellows to leave perswading or practising of it , and leave men in the profession of Religion to be as they seem , or to seem and appear as they are ; Let 's have no Mask worn here . A. C's second Reason why one so perswaded as that Lady was , might not go to the Protestant Church , is , Because that were outwardly to profess a Religion in Conscience known to be false . To this I answer , first , that if this Reason be true , it concerns all men , as well as those that be perswaded as the Lady was . For no man may outwardly profess a Religion in conscience known to be false ; For with the heart man believeth to righteousness , and with the mouth he confesseth to salvation , Rom. 10. Now to his own salvation no man can confess a known false Religion . Secondly , if the Religion of the Protestants be in conscience a known false Religion , then the Romanists Religion is so too ; for their Religion is the same ; Nor do the Church of Rome and the Protestants set up a different Religion ( for the Christian Religion is the same to both ) but they differ in the same Religion : And the difference is in certain gross corruptions , to the very endangering of salvation , which each side says the other is guilty of . Thirdly , the Reason given is most untrue ; for it may appear by all the former Discourse to any Indifferent Reader , that Religion , as it is professed in the Church of England , is nearest of any Church now in being to the Primitive Church : And therefore not a Religion known to be false . And this I both do and can prove , were not the deafness of the Asp upon the ears of seduced Christians in all humane and divided parties whatsoever . Num. 4 After these Reasons thus given by him , A. C. tells me , That I neither do nor can prove any superstition or errour to be in the Romane * Religion . What none at all ? Now truly I would to God from my heart this were true , and that the Church of Rome wore so happy , and the whole Catholike Church thereby blessed with Truth and Peace . For I am confident such Truth as that would soon either Command Peace , or † confound Peace-Breakers . But is there no Superstition in Adoration of Images ? None in Invocation of Saints ? None in Adoration of the Sacrament ? Is there no errour in breaking Christs own Institution of the Sacrament , by giving it but in one kinde ? None about Purgatory ? About Common Prayer in an unknown tongue none ? These and many more are in the Romane Religion , ( if you will needs call it so . ) And 't is no hard work to prove every of these to be Errour , or Superstition , or both . But if A. C. think so meanly of me , that though this be no hard work in it self , yet that I ( such is my weakness ) cannot prove it , I shall leave him to enjoy that opinion of me , or what ever else he shall be pleased to entertain , and am far better content with this his opinion of my weakness , than with that which follows of my pride ; for he adds , That I cannot prove any Errour or Superstition to be in the Romane Religion , but by presuming , with intolerable pride , to make my self or some of my fellows to be Judge of Controversies ; and by taking Authority to censure all to be Superstition and Errour too , which sutes not with my fancy , although it be generally held , or practised by the Universal Church . Which ( saith he ) in S. Augustine's judgment is most insolent madness . What , not prove any Superstition , any Errour at Rome , but by Pride , and that Intolerable ? Truly I would to God A. C. saw my heart , and all the Pride that lodges therein . But wherein doth this Pride appear , that he censures me so deeply ? Why first in this , That I cannot prove any Errour or Superstition to be in the Romane Religion , unless I make my self or some of my fellows Judge of Controversies . Indeed if I took this upon me , I were guilty of great Pride . But A. C. knows well , that before in this Conference , which he undertakes to Answer , I am so far from making my self or any of my fellows Judge of Controversies , that * I absolutely make a lawful and free General Councel Judge of Controversies , by , and according to the Scriptures . And this I learned from † S. Augustine , with this , That ever the Scripture is to have the prerogative above the Councel . Nay , A. C. should remember here , that ‖ he himself taxes me for giving too much power to a General Councel , and binding men to a strict Obedience to it , even in Case of Errour . And therefore sure most innocent I am of the most intolerable pride , which he is pleased to charge upon me ; and he , of all men , most unfit to charge it . Secondly , A. C. will have my pride appear in this , that I take Authority to censure all for Errour and Superstition , which sutes not with my own fancy . But how can this possible be , since I submit my judgment in all humility to the Scripture interpreted by the Primitive Church ; and upon new and necessary doubts , to the judgment of a lawful and free General Councel ? And this I do from my very heart , and do abhor , in matters of Religion , that my own , or any private mans fancy should take any place , and least of all against things generally held or practised by the Universal Church , which , to oppose in such things , is certainly ( as * S. Augustine calls it , Insolentissimae insaniae , an Attempt of most insolent madness . But those things which the Church of England charges upon the Roman Party to be superstitious and erroneous , are not held or practised , in , or by the Universal Church generally , either for time or place . And now I would have A. C. consider how justly all this may be turned upon himself . For he hath nothing to pretend , that there are not gross Superstitions and Errours in the Romane Perswasion , unless by intolerable pride he will make himself and his Party Judge of Controversies , ( as in effect he doth ; for he will be judged by none but the Pope , and a Councel of his ordering ) or unless he will take Authority to free from Superstition and Errour whatsoever sutes with his fancy , though it be even Superstition it self , and run cross to what hath been generally held in the Catholike Church of Christ ; Yea , though to do so , be , in S. Augustine's judgment , most insolent madness . And A. C. spake in this most properly , when he called it taking of Authority ; For the Bishop and Church of Rome have in this particular of judging Controversies , indeed taken that Authority to themselves , which neither Christ , nor his Church Catholike did ever give them . Here the Conference ended with this Conclusion . Num. 5 And as I hope God hath given that Lady mercy : so I heartily pray that he will be pleased to give all of you a Light of his Truth , and a Love to it , that you may no longer be made Instruments of the Pope's boundless Ambition , and this most unchristian * brain-sick device , That in all Controversies of the Faith he is Infallible , and that by way of Inspiration and Prophecy in the Conclusion which he gives . To the due Consideration of which , and God's mercy in Christ , I leave you . Num. 6 To this Conclusion of the Conference between me and the Jesuite , A. C. says not much : But that which he doth say , is either the self same which he hath said already , or else is quite mistaken in the business . That which he hath said already , is this ; That in matters of Faith we are to submit our judgments to such Doctors and Pastors , as by Visible Continual Succession , without change , brought the Faith down from Christ and his Apostles , to these our days , and shall so carry it to the end of the world . And that this Succession is not found in any other Church differing in Doctrine from the Romane Church . Now to this I have given a full Answer * already ▪ and therefore will not trouble the Reader with needless and troublesome repetition . Then he brings certain places of Scripture to prove the Pope's Infallibility . But to all these places I have likewise answered † before . And therefore A. C. needed not to repeat them again , as if they had been unanswerable . Num. 7 One Place of Scripture onely A. C. had not urged before , either for proof of this Continued Visible Succession , or for the Pope's Infallibility . Nor doth A. C. distinctly set down by which of the two he will prove it . The Place is * Ephes. 4. Christ ascending gave some to be Apostles , some Prophets , some Evangelists , some Pastors & Teachers , &c. for the edification of the Church . Now if he do mean to prove the Pope's Infallibility by this place , in his Pastoral Judgement ; Truly I do not see how this can possibly be collected thence . * Christ gave some to be Apostles for the Edification of his Church : Therefore S. Peter , and all his Successors , are Infallible in their Pastoral Judgement . And if he mean to prove the Continued Visible Succession , which , he saith , is to be found in no Church but the Romane , there 's a little more shew ; but to no more purpose . A little more shew : Because it is added † Vers. 13. That the Apostles , and Prophets , &c. shall continue at their work ( and that must needs be by Succession ) till we all meet in unity and perfection of Christ. But , to no more purpose . For 't is not said that they , or their Successors should continue at this work in a personal , uninterrupted Succession in any one Particular Church , Romane , or other . Nor ever will A. C. be able to prove that such a Succession is necessary in any one particular place . And if he could , yet his own words tell us , the Personal Succession is nothing , if the Faith be not brought down without change from Christ and his Apostles to this day , and so to the end of the world . Now here 's a piece of Cunning too , The Faith brought down unchanged . For if A. C. mean by the Faith , the Creed , and that in Letter ; 't is true , the Church of Rome hath received and brought down the Faith unchanged from Christ and his Apostles to these our days . But then 't is apparently false , That no Church differing from the Romane in Doctrine hath kept that Faith unchanged , and that by a visible and continued Succession . For the Greek Church differs from the Romane in Doctrine , and yet hath so kept that Faith unchanged . But if he mean by the Faith unchanged , and yet brought down in a continual visible Succession , not onely the Creed in Letter , but in Sense too ; And not that onely , but all the Doctrinal Points about the Faith , which have been Determined in all such Councels as the present Church of Rome allows : ( * as most certainly he doth so mean , and 't is the Controversie between us : ) then 't is most certain , and most apparent to any understanding man that reads Antiquity with an impartial eye , that a Visible Continual Succession of Doctors and Pastors have not brought down the Faith in this sence from Christ and his Apostles to these days of ours in the Romane Church . And that I might not be thought to say , and not to prove , I give instance . And with this , that if A. C. or any Jesuite can prove , That by a Visible Continued Succession from Christ and his Apostles to this day , either Transubstantiation in the Eucharist ; Or the Eucharist in one kinde ; Or Purgatory ; Or worship of Images ; Or the Intention of the Priest of necessity in Baptism ; Or the Power of the Pope over a General Councel ; Or his Infallibility with , or without it ; Or his Power to depose Princes ; Or the publike Prayers of the Church in an unknown tongue ; with divers other Points have been so taught , I , for my part , will give the Cause . Beside , for Succession in the general I shall say this . 'T is a great happiness where it may be had Visible and Continued , and a great Conquest over the Mutability of this present world . But I do not finde any one of the Ancient Fathers that makes Local , Personal , Visible , and Continued Succession , a Necessary Signe or Mark of the true Church in any one place . And where * Vincentius Lirinensts calls for Antiquity , Universality , and Consent , as great Notes of Truth , he hath not one word of Succession . And for that great place in † Irenaeus , where that Ancient Father reckons the Succession of the Bishops of Rome to Eleutherius , ( who sate in his time ) and saith , That this is a most full and ample proof or Ostension , Vivificatricem Fidem , that the Living , and Life-giving Faith is from the Apostles to this day Conserved and delivered in Truth ; And of which place ‖ Bellarmine boasts so much . Most manifest it is in the very same place , that * Irenaeus stood as much upon the Succession of the Churches then in Asia , and of Smyrna ( though that no prime Apostolical Church ) where Polycarpus sate Bishop , as of the Succession at Rome . By which it is most manifest , that it is not Personal Succession onely , and that tyed to one Place , that the Fathers meant , but they taught , that the Faith was delivered over by Succession in some places or other still to their present time ; And so doubtless shall be , till Time be no more . I say , The Faith ; But not every Opinion , true or false , that in tract of time shall cleave to the Faith. And to the Faith it self , and all it's Fundamentals , we can shew as good , and full a Succession as you ; And we pretend no otherwise to it than you do , save that We take in the Greeks , which you do not . Only we reject your gross Superstitions , to which you can shew no Succession from the Apostles , either at Rome or else-where , much less any one uninterrupted . And therefore he might have held his peace that says , It is evident that the Roman Catholike Church only hath had a Constant and uninterrupted Succession of Pastors , and Doctors , and Tradition of Doctrine from Age to Age. For most evident it is , That the Tradition of Doctrine hath received both Addition and Alteration , since the first five hundred years in which † Bellarmine confesses , and B. Jewel maintains the Churches Doctrine was Apostolical . Num. 8 And once more , before I leave this Point . Most evident it is , That the Succession which the Fathers meant , is not tyed to Place or Person , but 't is tyed to the Verity of Doctrine . For so * Tertullian expresly . Beside the order of Bishops running down ( in Succession ) from the beginning , there is required Consanguinitas Doctrinae , that the Doctrine be allyed in blood to that of Christ and his Apostles . So that if the Doctrine be no kinn● to Christ , all the Succession become strangers , what nearness soever they pretend . And † Irenaeus speaks plainer than he . We are to obey those Presbyters , which together with the Succession of their Bishopricks have received Charisma Veritatis , the gift of truth . Now Stapleton being press'd hard with these two Authorities : first , ‖ Confesses expresly , That Succession , as it is a Note of the true Church , is neither a Succession in place onely , nor of Person onely , but it must be of true and sound Doctrine also . And had he stayed here , no man could have said better , But then he saw well he must quit his great Note of the Church-Succession ; That he durst not doe . Therefore he begins to cast about , how he may answer these Fathers , and yet maintain Succession . Secondly , therefore he tells us , That that which these Fathers say , do nothing weaken Succession , but that it shall still be a main Note of the true Church ? and in that sense which he would have it . And his Reason is . * Because sound Doctrine is indivisible from true and lawful Succession , Where you shall see this great Clerk ( for so he was ) not able to stand to himself , when he hath forsaken Truth . For 't is not long after , that he tells us , That the People are led along , and judge the Doctrine by the Pastors ; But when the Church comes to examine , she judges the Pastors by their Doctrine . And this † he says is necessary , Because a man may become of a Pastor , a Wolf. Now then let Stapleton take his choice . For either a Pastor in this Succession cannot become a Wolf , and then this Proposition's false ; Or else if he can , then sound Doctrine is not inseparable from true and Legitimate Succession : And then the former Proposition's false , as indeed it is . For that a good Pastor may become a Wolf , is no news in the Ancient Story of the Church , in which are registred the Change of many * Great men into Hereticks , I spare their Names ; And since Judas chang'd from an Apostle to a Devil , S. John 6. 't is no wonder to see others change from Shepherds into Wolves . I doubt the Church is not empty of such Changelings at this day . Yea but Stapleton will help all this . For he adds , That suppose the Pastors do forsake true Doctrine , yet Succession shall still be a true Note of the Church ; Yet not every Succession , but that which is legitimate and true . Well : And what is that ? Why , * That Succession is lawful which is of those Pastors , which hold entire the Unity and the Faith. Where you may see this Sampson's hair cut off again . For at his word I 'll take him . And if that onely be a Legitimate Succession which holds the Unity and the Faith entire , then the Succession of Pastors in the Romane Church is illegitimate ; For they have had † more Schisms among them than any other Church : Therefore they have not kept the Unity of the Church . And they have brought in gross Superstition : Therefore they have not kept the Faith entire . Now if A. C. have any minde to it , he may do well to help Stapleton out of these briars , upon which he hath torn his Credit , and I doubt his Conscience too , to uphold the Corruptions of the Sea of Rome . Num. 9 As for that in which he is quite mistaken , it is , his Inference , which is this . That I should therefore consider carefully , Whether it be not more Christian , and less brain-sick , to think that the Pope , being S. Peter's Successour , with a General Councel should be Judge of Controversies , &c. And that the Pastoral Judgment of him should be accounted Infallible , rather than to make every man that can read the Scripture , Interpreter of Scripture , Decider of Controversies , Controller of General Counsels , and Judge of his Judges : Or to have no Judge at all of Controversies of Faith , but permit every man to believe as he list . As if there were no Infallible certainty of Faith to be expected on earth ; which were , instead of one saving Faith , to induce a Babylonical Confusion of so many faiths , as fancies ; Or no true Christian Faith at all . From which Evils , Sweet Jesus deliver us ! I have considered of this very carefully ; But this Inference supposes that which I never granted , nor any Protestant that I yet know ; Namely , That if I deny the Pope to be Judge of Controversies , I must by and by either leave this supream Judicature in the hands and power of every private man that can but read the Scripture ; or else allow no Judge at all , and so let in all manner of Confusion . No , God forbid that I should grant either : For I have expresly * declared , That the Scripture interpreted by the Primitive Church , and a lawful and free General Councel determining according to these , is Judge of Controversies : And that no private man whatsoever , is , or can be Judge of these . Therefore A. C. is quite mistaken ( and I pray God it be not wilfully , to beguile poor Ladies , and other their weak adherents , with seeming to say somewhat ) I say , quite mistaken , to infer , that I am either for a private Judge , or for no Judge ; for I utterly disclaim both ▪ and that as much , if not more than he , or any Romanist , whoever he be . But these things in this passage I cannot swallow . First , That the Pope with a General Councel should be Judge ; for the Pope in Ancient Councels never had more power than any the other Pat●●●r●hs : Precedency , perhaps for Orders sake , and other respects , he had . Nor had the Pope any Negative voice against the rest in point of difference . * No nor was he held superiour to the Councel . Therefore the ancient Church never accounted or admitted him a Judge ; no , not with a Councel , much less without it . Secondly , it will not down with me , that his Pastoral Judgement should be Infallible ; especially since some of them have been as † Ignorant , as many that can but read the Scripture . Thirdly , I cannot admit this ●e●ther ( though he do most cunningly thereby abuse his Readers : ) That any thing hath been said by me , out of which it can justly be inferred , That there 's no Infallible certainty of Faith to be expected on earth . For there is most Infallible certainty of it , that is , of the Foundations of it in Scripture and the Creeds . And 't is so clearly delivered there , as that it needs no Judge at all to sit upon it , for the Articles themselves . And so entire a Body is this one Faith in it self , as that the ‖ Whole Church ( much less the Pope ) hath not power to add one Article to it , nor leave to detract any one the least from it . But when Controversies arise about the meaning of the Articles , or Superstructures upon them , which are Doctrines about the Faith , not the Faith it self ( unless where they be immediate Consequences ) then both in and of these a * Lawful and free General Councel , determining according to Scripture , is the best Judge on earth . But then suppose uncertainty in some of these superstructures , it can never be thence concluded , That there is no Infallible certainty of the Faith it self . But 't is time to end , especially for me , that have so Many Things of Weight lying upon me , and disabling me from these Polemick Discourses , beside the Burden of sixty five years compleat , which draws on apace to the period set by the Prophet David , Psal. 90. and to the Time , that I must go , and give God , and Christ an Account of the Talent committed to my Charge ; In which God , for Christ Jesus sake , be merciful to me , who knows , that however in many Weaknesses , yet I have with a faithful and single heart ( bound to his free Grace for it ) laboured the Meeting , the Blessed Meeting of Truth and Peace in his Church , and which God , in his own good time , will ( I hope ) effect . To Him be all Honour , and Praise for ever . AMEN . FINIS . A Table of the principal Contents . A AFricanes : their opposing the Romane Church , and separating from it , 112. &c. they are cursed and damned for it by Eulalius , and this accepted by the Pope , Ibid. S. Augustine involved in that curse , 113 Ja. Almain against the Popes Infallibility , 172. his absurd Tenet touching the belief of Scripture , and the Church ▪ 53 Alphonsus à Castro his confession touching the Popes fallibility , 173 his moderation touching heresie , 17. his late Editions shrewdly purged , 173 S. Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury how esteemed of by Pope Urban the second , 111 Apocrypha : some Books received by the Trent-Fathers , which are not by Sextus Senensis , 218 Of Appeals to forreign Churches , 110 , 111 , 112. no Appeal from Patriarchs or Metropolitans , ib. Aristotle falsly charged to hold the mortality of the Soul , 72 Arrians : the large spreading of them , 179. wherein they dissented from the Orthodox Christians , 201 Assistance : what promised by Christ to his Church , what not , 60 106 , &c. 151 , &c. what given to his Church and Pastors thereof , 62 , 64 , 156 , 157 , 166 , 233 Assurance infallible even by humane proof 80 , 81 S. Augustine cleared , 22 , 37 , 38 , 53 , 54 , 82 , 110 , 123 , &c. righted , 89 , 158 , 159 , 229 , his proofs of Scripture , 65 The Author bis small time to prepare for this conference , 15. his submission to the Church of England and the Church Catholike , 150 , 151. the Rule of his faith , 246. pride imputed to him , and retorted upon the imputors , 246 , 247 B BAptism : of anointing , use of spittle , and three dippings in it , 44. that of Infants how proved out of Scripture , 36 , 37. acknowledged by some Romanists that it may be proved thence , 37. the necessity of it , 36. how proved by tradition , and S. Augustine's minde therein , 37 , 38. that by Hereticks , Schismaticks , and Sinners , not theirs but Christs , 195 S. Basil explained , 59 Beatitude supreme , how to be attained , 73 Belief of some things necessary , before they be known , 51. Vid. Faith. Bellarmine : his cunning discovered and confuted , 7 , 8 , 9 , 136 , his dissent from Stapleton , 26. and from Catharinus , 32 , his absurd and impious tenet touching belief of Scripture confuted , 56 Berengarius : his gross recantation , 214 S. Bernard righted , 88 , 89 Biel : his true assertion touching things that be de Fide , 252 Bishops : their calling and authority over the Inferious Clergy , 114 , 115. their places and precedencies ordered , Ibid. the titles given them of old , 110. all of the same merit and degree , 131 Bodies representing and represented : their power , priviledges , &c. compared together , 150 , &c. 171 Britanny , of old not subject to the Sea of Rome , 111 , 112. S. Gildas his testimony concerning the Antiquity of the conversion of it , 203. and that testimony vindicated , ibid. C CAlvin and Calvinists for the Real presence , 191 , &c. 193 Campanella his late Eclogue , 138 Campian his boldness , 94 Canterbury : the ancient place and power of the Archbishops thereof , 111 , 112 Capellus : his censure of Batonius , 98 Certainty : vid. Faith. Certainty of Salvation : vid. Salvation . Christs descent into Hell : vid. Descent . Church : whereon founded , 8 , 9. wherein it differeth from a General Councel , 18 , no particular one infallible , 3 , 4 , 58 , 59 , &c. not that of Rome , 3 , 4 , 6 , 7 , &c. 11 , 12. Catholike Church : which is it , 203. &c. her declarations , what fundamental , what not , 20. how far they binde , 20 , 21. her authority not divine , 22. not in those things wherein she cannot erre , 42. wherein she cannot universally erre , 90 , 91 , 104 , 157. what can take holiness from her , 91 , 92. in what points of faith she may erre , 104 , 105. her errours & corruptions , how and by whom caused , 126. what required of her that she may not erre , 127. she in the Common-wealth , not the Common-wealth in her , 132 , &c. how she must be always visible , 207. the invisible in the visible , 90. of her double Root , 240 , 241. what the opinion of the Ancients concerning it , 237 , 238 , &c. 240. A Church , and the Church , how they differ , 82 , 83 , 84 , &c. by what assistance of the Spirit the Church can be made infallible , 58. the authority of the Primitive compared with that of the present Church , 52 Church of Caesarea her title given by Gregory Naz. 110 Greek Church , vid. G. Church of England a part of the Catholike , 104 , &c. where her Doctrine is set down , 32 , 33. her Motherly dealing with her Children , ibid. her Articles and Canons maintained , 33. of her positive and negative Articles , 34 , 35. her purity , 245. how safe to communicate with her , 243. what Judges and Rules in things spiritual she hath and acknowledgeth , 138. how she is wronged by the Romane , 204. Salvation more certain in her than in the Romane , 212 , &c. How one particular Church may judge another , 108 , &c. mutual criminations of the Eastern and Western , 116 A Church in Israel after her separation from Judah , 97 Church of Rome wherein she hath erred , 12 , 58. sometimes right , not so now , 85. though she be a true Church , yet not Right or Orthodox , 82 , 83. her want of charity , 16 , 17. her determining of too many things , the cause of many evils , 30 , 33. her severity in cursing all other Christians , 33 , 34. how f●● she extendeth the authority of her testimony , 41. her rash condemning of others , 90 , 92. how she and how other Churches Apostolike , 242. how corrupted in Doctrine and Manners , 95 , 96. she not the Catholike Church , 120 , 240 , 241. false titles given her , 237. her belief how different from that of the ancient Church , 213. other Churches as well as she called Matres and Originales Ecclesiae , 237. A Church at Jerusalem , Antioch , and ( probably ) in England before one at Rome , 103. Cardinal Peron his absurd tent that the Romane Church is the Catholike causally , 104. vid. Errours . Pope . Rome . Concomitancy in the Eucharist , vid. Eucharist . Conference : the occasion of this , 1 , 2 ▪ the Jesuites manner of dealing in this and in two former , 311 Confessions Negative , made by Churches in what case needful , 101 Controversies : that in them consent of parties is no proof of truth , 188 190 , 198 , &c. Counsels their fallibility , 150 , 158 , 162 , 163 , &c. 225. the infallibility they have is not exact but congruous infallibility , 166. whence , and where it is principally resident , 166 , 172. none of the present Church absolutely infallible , 59. confirmation of them by the Pope , a Romane novelty , 128. who may dispute against them , who not , 22 , 25. how , inferiours may judge of their decrees , 161. a general Councel the onely fit judge of the present Controversies , 136 , 139. and how that to be qualified , 99 , 101 , 127 , 145 , 146 , &c. the Bishop of Rome not always President in general Councels , 140 , 141. what impediments have been and now are of calling and continuing them , 129. what confirmation they need , 127 , 128 , 147. what of them lawful , what not , 141 , &c. what obedience to be yielded to them erring , 146 , 147 , 168 , 169 , &c. what 's the utmost they can do , 20. the words Visum est Spiritui sancto & Nobis , not used by any posteriour Councel , 155. the first and later Councels differently assisted , 156 , 166. whence they have their power and assistance , 150 , &c. the prior may be amended by the posterior , 158 , &c. what decrees of them are necessary to be believed , 161. how they are held by the Romanists to be infallible , 163. their decrees by Stapleton held to be the Oracles of the Holy Ghost , 156. that they are not Prophetical in their conclusions , 163 , 164. Of their necessity and frequency , 128. that they may erre , the whole Church not erring , 168. their errours how to be amended , 101. how made of no worth at all by the Romanists without the Pope , 17● . Councels and Fathers : how we are sure we have their true copies , ●●6 , 217. Conclusions of Councels how to be believed , 226 their determinations not all of equal authority , 234. by whom they were and ought to be called , 140 , 141. against the Popes being above a general Councel , 218 , 252. Conditions required to make a Councel lawful , 142 , 143. Protestants invited to one upon doubtful and dangerous terms , 92 Of the Councel of Florence , and the Greeks their subscribing to it , ●27 . Councel of Constance : her injurious proceeding against Husse , &c. 92 , 93. Becanus his defence of it confuted , ibid. it s great errour touching Communion in one kinde , 170 Councel of Nice : the absence of the Western Bishops from it how recompenced , 144 Councel of Africk in S. Cypri●ns time erred about Baptism by Hereticks , 158 Councel of Trent : how occasioned , and what an one it was , 99. not general nor legal , and so null . 140 , 143. compared with ancient Councels , 26 , 27 , 142 , 143 , &c. the blinde p●rtinacy of the Fathers there , 93. her dangerous and wilful errour concerning the intention of those that administer the Sacraments , 179 , 180. claimed by So●o and Vega for their contrary Tenets , 32 , of things there determined , 24. there the Pope ought not to have sate as President , 140 , 141. Bishops made of purpose to make a major part there , 143. more Italian Bishops in it than of all Christendome beside , ibid. its addition of twelve new Articles to the Creed , 222 Creed : that it is a Rule of faith , 27. that it is wholly grounded on Scripture , 29. some words added to it , why , and by whom , 9. Irem●us his famous testimony of it , 218 Athanasian Creed expounded and vindicated , 210 , 223 S. Cyprian cleared , 3 , &c. and 6 and righted , 237 S. Cyril of Alexandria vindicated , 8 , 9 D DEmonstrative reasons of greater force than any other humane proof , 161. direct proof and demonstrative how they differ , 35 Descent of Christ into Hall , how h●ld by the Church of England , and how by those of Rome , 29 , 30 , 198 Dissent and difference in opinion , what may stand with the peace of the Church , 234 , 235 Disputations : their use , 82. when and how lawful for a private man to dispute with the whole Church , ●4 . publike disputations how safe or available , 94 , 95. in what case to be admitted between the English and the Romish Clergy , 94 Divinity : that it hath a science above it , and what , 79. the Principles of it otherwise confirmed than those of any other Art , 67 , 68 , 78 , 79 Donatus : two of that name , 196 Donatists compared with the Romanists , 194 , 195 , 196 , whether any of them living and dying so had possibility of salvation , and which , 195 , 196. whether they were guilty of H●resie , ibid. E EMperour : whom the Jesuites would have to be , 233 , 137 vid. Pope . Epiphanius cleared and vindicated , 121 , 122 Errours not fundamental to whom and in what case damnable , 208 , 209 , 242. Errours of Councels : vid. Councels . Errours of the Romane Church wanting all proof from ancient Councels and Fathers , 221 , &c. 250. what be the most dangerous of them , 245. Errours of Papists , to whom fundamental , 217. vid. Church of Rome . Eucharist : a threefold Sacrifice in it , 199 , 200. mutilated by the Romane Church , 12 , 170 , 171. upon what hard terms the Bohemians were dispens'd with to have it in both kinds , 198. the Papists tyed by their own grounds to believe of it as the Church of England doth , 187 , &c. the Church of England and other Protestants believe Christs real presence in it , 188 , 289 , &c. 191 , 192 , 193. Conco●itancy in it . Thomas of Aquin's fiction confuted , 198. Bellarmines notorious contradiction of Christs being in it corporally present , 192 193. his new and intricate Doctrine touching Tran substantiation , 213 , 214. of the unbloody Sacrifice and the bloody how they differ , 199 , 200. the propitiatory and gratulatory Sacrifice how they differ , 199 , 200 Expositions : such only right , as the thing expounded containeth , 20 The Extravagants censured , 139 F FAith : how it is unchangable , and yet hath been changed , 7. what is certain by the certainty of it , 25 , 26. not to be terme● the Romane , but the Christian or Catholike Faith , 88 , &c. the two Regular precepts of it , 27. of its prime Principles , and how they differ from the Articles of it , 28. the last Resolution of it , into what it should be , 41 , 42 , &c. 57 , 65 , 66 , 215 , 223 , 224 , &c. Faith acquired & faith in sus'd , wherein either or both required , 233. how few things are essential to the Faith , 234 , 235. how its Principles differ from those of sciences , 67. its foundation the Scripture , 34. by it man brought to his last happiness , 68 , 70 , 71. how by it the understanding is captivated , 72. that it is an act produced by the will , 48 , 68. the Principles of it have sufficient evidence of proof , 77. It and Reason compared in their objects , &c. 164 , &c. a latitude in it in reference to different mens salvation , 212 , 236. things of two sorts belonging to it , 24. what by it to be believ'd explicitly , what not , 217 , 218. of the perfection and certainty of it , 252. of things not necessary to salvation no infallible Faith can be among men , 233. foundation of Faith how shaken 25. how fretted by those of Rome , 59. the Catholike and now Romane Faith , ●ot both one , 220. Faith of Scripture to be Gods Word , infused by the Holy Ghost , 47 , 48. the true grounds of it , 71 , 72 , 73 , 74. our Faith of it , how it differs from that of those who wrote Scripture , 70 , 71. Faith of Scripture that it hath all perfections necessary 73 , 74. how firm and invincible it is , 74 , 75 Felicity : what it is , and that the soul of man is capable of it , 72 Ferus his acknowledgment of the difference 'twixt the first Councels and the late ones , 156 Fundamental : what maketh a point to be such , 19 , 20 , 22. that decrees of Councels are not such , 87. what points be so , and what not , 17 , 18. 21 , 22 , 27 , &c. 217 , 218. not all of a like primeness , 28. all Fundamentals held by the whole Church , 18. Points not Fundamental , how and to whom necessary to salvation , 18 , 19. Firm and Fundamental how they differ , 23 G GErson his ingenuity , 99 Holy Ghost how said to be lost , 14. his procession from the Son added to the Creed by the Romane Church , 16 , 97. the Greek Church her errour touching this , 14. what and how dangerous , 16 God : proof of the true one by testimony of the false ones , 50 Government of the Church in what sense Monarchical , in what Aristocratical , 130 , 131 , &c. how a Monarchical not needful , 138 S. Gregory Naz. vindicated , 8 his humility and mildness , 110 Pope Gregory VII . the raiser of the Papacy to the height , 135 , 136. his XXVII . Con●lusions the Basis of the Papal greatness , 118 Creek Church notwithstanding her errour , still a true Church , 16. and justified by some Romanists ▪ ibid. her hard usage by the Church of Rome , 17. of her Bishops their subscription to the Councel of Florence , 227 H HEresies : what maketh them , 20. the occasion of their first springing up , 128. how , and by whom began at Rome , 10 , 11 Hereticks who , and who not , 105. none to be rashly condemned for such , 17. that some may pertain to the Church , 105. who they be that teach that faith given to Hereticks is not to be kept , 92 , 93 S. Hierome explained , 6 , 88. in what esteem he had Bishops , 115 Hooker righted , 56 , 57 , 158 I St. James believed to have been Successor of our Lord in the Principality of the Church , 122 Idolaters : their gods how put down by Christian Religion , 50 , 51. Idolatry how maintained in the Church of Rome , and with what evil consequents , 181 , &c. Of Jeremias the Greek Patriarch 〈◊〉 Cens●●e , 145 Jesuites● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of dealing in this Conference , 211. their cunning in expounding the Fathers to their own purpose , 7. their confidence , 15. their arrogancy , 111. their subtile malignity , 244. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to themselves infallibility , 61. their desire of having one King 〈◊〉 one Pope , 65 , 66. their late cunning argument to draw Protestants to them answered , &c. 194. their falsification of the Authors words , 86 , 87. A perfect Jesuitism , 84 Jews the ground of their belief of the old Testament , 79 Images : how worshipped by the Church of Rome , 12. against adoration of them , 181. Cassander his complaint of it , 182. The flying from Image-worship should not make 〈◊〉 to run into prophaneness and irreverence against God , 183 Infallible : two acceptions of it , 80 Infallible and Firm how they differ , 127. the evils ensuing the opinion of the Churches and the Popes Infallibility , 143 , &c. 170 , 175. what an Infallibilty of the Church Stapleton is forced to acknowledge , 166 , 167 Vid. Councels : and Pope : and Church . Innocent the third : ●●● extolling the Pope above the Emperour , 134 , &c. Against Invocation of Sain●t , 181 Iren●●● vindicated , 118 , &c. 249 , 250 , 251 Israel a Church after her separation from Judah , 97 Judge : who to be in controversies touching faith and manners , 101 , 102 , &c. 108 , 253. what Judges of this kinde the Church hath , 127 , 253. who to judge when a general Councel cannot be had , 129. that no visible Judge can prevent or remedy all Heresie and Schism , 130. A visible living Judge of all Controversies whether always necessary , 130. &c. wherein private men may judge , and wherein not , 2 , 149 , 160 K THe Keys to whom given , and how , 123 , 167 Kings : Custodes utriúsque tabulae , 134. not to be tyranniz'd over by the Pope , 125. their supremacy in things spiritual , 134. some Romanists for the deposing and killing of them , 221 Knowledge of God , how difficult , 71 , 72. what Knowledge needful to breed faith , 55 , 56. what degree of it is necessary to salvation , hard to determine , 212 , 236. the Apostles Knowledge how different from that of their hearers , 69 L AGainst Limbus Patrum , 198 213 Literae Communicatoriae what they were , and of what use , 132 Peter Lombard condemned of Heresie by the Pope , 174 M MAldonate answered , 147 Manichees : their soul Heresie , and what stumbled them , 151 Manners : Corruption in them no sufficient cause of separation , 94 , 95 Martyrs : of the Feasts made of old at their Oratories , 182 Mass : the English Liturgy better and safer than it , 201. what manner of sacrifice it is made by them of Rome , 200 Matrix and Radix in S. Cyprian not the Roman Church , 238 , 240 Merits : against their condignity , 185 Miracles : what proofs of Divine truth , 48 , 69. not wrought by all the Writers of Scripture , 69. what kind of assent is commonly given to them , ibid. Multitude : no sure mark of the truth , 198 N NOvatians , their original , 3 , 10. Novatian : how dealt with by Saint Cyprian , 23 , 239 , &c. O OBedience : of that which is due to the Church & her Pastors , 155 Occham : his true Resolution touching that which maketh an Article of faith , 254 Origen : his Errours obtruded by Ruffinus , 6. he the first Founder of Purgatory , 227 , 231 P PApists : their denying possibility of salvation to Protestants confuted , and their reasons answered , 185 , 186 , 187. of their going to Protestant Churches , and joyning themselves to their Assemblies , 244 Parents : their power over their children , 103 Parliaments : what matters they treat of and decree , 138 , 139 Pastors lawfully sent , what assistance promised to them , 61 , 62. their Embassie of what authority ▪ 64 Patriarchs all alike supream , 111 , 112 , 116. no appeal from them , 117 , 111 , 1●2 People , the unlearned of them saved by the simplicity of faith 105 Perfidia , the different significations of it , 4 , 5 , 6 S. Peter : of Christs prayer for him , 106 , 107 , 124 , 125. of his Primacy , Preeminency and Power , 121 , &c. 123 , 152. in what sense the Church is said to be built upon him , 122. that he fell , but not from the faith , 123 , 124. whether he were universal Pastor , 125. the highest power Ecclesiastical how given to him , and how to the rest of the Apostles , 109 , 110 , 247 , 248 Pope not infallible , 2 , 3 ▪ 4 , 5 , 6 , 11 , 12 , 58 , 59 , 124 ▪ 147 ▪ 253. how improbable and absurd it is to say he is so , 174 , 175 , &c. he made more infallible by the Romanists than a general Councel , 172. his infallibility held by some against Conscience , 174 , 175. if he had any , it were useless , 177. how opposed by Alphonsus à Castro , 172 , 173. the belief and knowledge of it both of them impossible , 177. that he may erre , and hath erred , 136. that he may erre as Pope , 174 , 175. prefer'd by some before a general Councel , 172. not Monarch of the Church , 132. he hath not a negative voice in Councels , 253. made by some as infallible without , as with a general Councel , 172 , 173. his confirmation of general Councels , of what avail , 180. of his power in France and Spain , 132 , 133 , 136. how much greater he is made by some than the Emperour , 132 , 133 , &c. 137. his power slighted by some great Princes , 132 , 133 , 136. whether he may be an Heretick , and being one how to be dealt with , 176. all his power , prerogatives , &c. indirectly denied by Stapleton , 30 Popes : the fall of some of them , and the consequents thereof , 95 Of their Power and Principality , 109 , 110 , &c. 253. their subjection to the Emperour , 115 , 116. and how lost by the Emperor , 117. and how recovered , 118. primacy of order granted them by Ecclesiastical Constitutions , but no Principality of power from Christ , 109 , 110. some of them opposed by the African Church , 112. some of them Hereticks , 124. some Apostates , 173. some false Prophets , 174. how unfit Judges of Controversies , 162 , 163 , 254. the l●wd lives of many of them , 172. Pope Liberius his clear testimony against the Popes Infallibility , 173 Prayer : what requisite that it may be heard , 127 , 154 , 155. Prayer for the dead , that it presupposeth not Purgatory , 162 Preachers : how their Preaching to be esteemed of , 64. none since the Apostles infallible , 232 Precisians : their opposition to lawful Ceremonies occasioned by the Romanists , 183. that there be of them in the Romane Church no less then in the Protestant , 87. their agreement in many things , 64 Princes : the moderation and equiquity of all that are good , 103 the power of Soveraign Princes in matters Ecclesiastical , 111. all of the Clergy subject to them , 134 Prophecy : the spirit of it not to be attained by study , 163 , 164 Protestants : why so called , 87 of their departing from the errours of the Roman Church , 86 , 87. On what terms invited by Rome to a general Councel , 92 , 93 their charitable grant of possibility of salvation in the Romane Church , met with uncharitableness by the Roman party , 184 , 185. they that deny possibility of salvation to them confuted , 186 , 187. their Faith sufficient to salvation , 212 Purgatory : not thought on by any Father within the three first hundred years , 227. not presupposed by Prayer for the dead , ibid. Origen the first Founder of it , 226 , 230. proofs of it examined ibid. the Purgatories mentioned by the Fathers different from that believ'd by Rome , 228 , 229. the Fathers alledg'd for it , cleared , 227 , &c. the Papists their Blasphemous assertion touching the necessity of believing it , 231. Bellarmines contradiction touching the beginning of it , ibid. R REason , not excluded or blemished by grace , 48 , 49. the chief use of it , 51. what place it hath in the proof of divine supernatural truths , 39 , 48. how high it can go in proving the truth of Christian Religion , 49 , 165 Reformation : in what case it 's lawful for a particular Church to Reform her self , 96 , &c. and to publish any thing that 's Catholike in faith or manners , 97 , 108. Examples of it ▪ 99 , 100. Reformation by Protestants how to be judged of , 99 , faults incident to Reformation and Reformers of Religion , 101. who the chief hinderers of a general Reformation , 101. Reformation of the Church of England justified , 114. the manner of it , 100 , 101. what places Princes have in the Reformation of the Church , ibid. Christian Religion : how the truth of it proved by the Ancients , 49. the propagation of it , and the firmness where it 's once received , 50 , 51. the evil of believing it in one sort , and practising it in another , 243 , 244. yet this taught by some Jesuites and Romish Priests , ibid. one Christian Religion of Protestants and Romanists , though they differ in it , 245. private mens opinions in Religion not to be esteemed the Churches , 20. Religion as it is professed in the Church of England , nearest , of any Church now being , to the Primitive Church , 245. Resurrection : what believed by all Christians , what by some Hereticks denied , 201 , 202 Private Revelation , in what case to be admitted , 49 Divine Revelation the necessity of it , 73 B. Rhenanus purged on behalf of Rome , 239 B. Ridley , his full confession of the Real Presence , 193. his conviction of Archbishop Cranmers judgment touching it , 192 Romanes : who truly such , and their true priviledge ▪ 4. Rome : her praeter ▪ and super-structures in the ●aith , 7. 8. She and Spain compared in their two Monarchies , 137. Heresies both begun and maintained in her , 9. 10. wherein she hath erred , 12. whether impossible for the Apostolike Sea to be removed thence , 12 , 13. that she may Apostatize , 13. her definitions of things not necessary , 21. She the chief hinderance of a general Reformation , 110. of her pretended Soveraignty , and the bad effects of it , 102 , 103 , &c. what Principality and Power She hath , and whence , 109 , 110 , 114 , &c. 120. She not the head of the Church , nor did all Churches depend on her , 111 , 112 , 119. that she hath kept , nor faith nor unity inviolated , 253. whether all Christians be bound to agree with her in faith , 119. and in what case they are so , 120. the ancient bounds of her jurisdiction , 120. possibility of Salvation in her , and to whom , 118 , 105 , &c. the danger of living and dying in her Communion , 193 , 195 , 196 , 197. her rigour and cruelty beyond that of Schismatical Israel , 194. her fundamental errours of what nature , 208. the Catholike Church her Head and Root , not she of it , 240 , &c. Roman Sea : in what case a particular Church may make Canons with out consulting it , 98 , 99 , &c. 109. Romanists their cunning dealing with their Converts in fieri , 83. of their calling for a free hearing , 94 , 95. their agreement with the Donatists in contracting the Church to their side , 188 , 189. their danger in different respects lesser or greater than that of the Donatists , 196 Ruffinus , his pernicious cunning , 6 his dissent from the Romane Church , 10. branded by the Pope with Heresie , 11. his words explained , 8 , 9 , 10 S SAcraments : against the necessity of his intention who administers them , 178 , 179 , &c. 200 , 213 Sacriledge and Schism usually go together , 101 Saints : against the Invocation of them , 181. they are made by Bellarmine to be Numina , and in some sort our Redeemers , ibid. Salvation : controversies amongst the Romanists about the certainty of it , 32 Schism : the heinousness of it , 95 who the cause of it at this day , 86 88 , 126. the continuance of it whence , 94 Schismatical Church : to live in one and to communicate in the Schism how different , 194. the Protestants their leaving Rome , no Schism , 126. of the Schism of Israel , and those that lived there in the time of it , 97 , 194 Science supream , what , 78 Scotus righted , 20 Scripture : that it was received and hath continued uncorrupt , 79 what books make up the Canon of it , 11. all parts of it alike firm , not alike fundamental , 27. that it is the Word of God , is a prime principle of faith , 28 , &c. 75 , 76 , 80 , the sufficiency of it , 34 , 75 , 76 , &c. 81. how known to be Gods Word , 38 , &c. Of the Circular probation of Scripture by Tradition , and Tradition by Scripture , 38 , 75 the different ways of proving it , 39. it is a higher proof than the Churches Tradition , 40. the testimony proving it must be Divine and Infallible , 43 , 45 , 47 whether it can be known to be Gods Word by its own light , 45 , 46. and that the Roman Church by her own Tenet ought so to hold , 46. what the chief and what the first inducement to the credibility of it , 53 , 54 , 57 , 65 , 66 , 68. the Divine light thereof , and what light the natural man sees in it , 53 , 54. Confirmation by double divine authority , 54 , 65 , 66. what measure of light is or can be required in it , 55 , 56 as now set forth and printed , of what authority it is , 59 , 63 Scripture and Tradition confirm either other mutually , not equally , 63 The way of the Ancient Church of proving Scripture to be Gods Word , 65. four proofs brought for it , ibid. the seeming contradiction of Fathers touching Scripture and Tradition , reconciled , 66. belief of Scripture the true grounds of it , 71 , 72 , 73. rules of finding the true sense of it , 41. how rich a store-house it is , 73 , 74. the writers of it , what certainty we have who they were , 69. proof of its Divine Authority to whom necessary , 75 infallible assurance of that Authority by humane proof , 8. that it is a Rule sufficient and infallible , 129 , 130. three things observable in that Rule , 129. its prerogative above general Councels , 157. compared with Church-definitions , 162. what assurance that we have the true sense of Scriptures , Councels , Fathers , &c. 215 , 216 , &c. some Books of Scripture anciently doubted of , and some not Canonical received by some into the Canon , 46 Separation Actual and Causal , 92 , 93 for what one Church may lawfully Separate from another , 90 , 94 , 95. Corruption in manners no sufficient cause of Separation , 94 , 95. what Separation necessary . 86 Sermons exalted to too great a height both by Jesuites and Precistans , 64. their true worth and use , ibid. Simanca : his soul tenet concerning ●aith given to Hereticks , 93 Sixtus Senensis : his doubting of some of the Apocryphal Books received by the Councel of Trent , 218 Socinianism : the monster of Heresies , 202 Archbishop of Spalato made to speak for Rome , 231 Of the Private Spirit , 46 , 47 , 161 Succession : what a one a note of the Church , 249 , 250 , not to be found in Rome , 251. Stapleton his inconstancy concerning it , 250 T TEstimony of the Church , whether Divine or Humane , 39 The Testimony of it alone cannot make good the Infallibility of the Scripture , 42 , 43 Theophilus of Alexandria , his worth and his violent Spirit , 115 Traditions : what to be approved , 29 , 30 ▪ 34 , 43 , 44. Tradition and Scripture-proofs of the same things , 38. is not a sufficient proof of Scripture , 39 , 40. it and Gods unwritten Word , not terms convertible , 43 , 44. Tradition of the present Church what uses it hath , 52 , 53 , 55 , 81. how it differeth from the Tradition of the Primitive Church , 52 , 63. Tradition of the Church meer humane Authority , 58. what Tradition the Fathers meant , by saying we have the Scriptures by Tradition , 66 , 67. Tradition Apostolical , the necessity and use of it , 66 , 67. Tradition how known before Scripture , 77. what most likely to be a Tradition Apostolical , 38 , 39. the danger of leaning too much upon Tradition , 78. Against Transubstantiation , 180 , 188 , 189 , 192 , 212. Suarez his plain confession , that it is not of necessary belief , 188. Cajetane and Alphonsus à Castro their opinion concerning it , 221. Scandal taken by Averroes at the Doctrine of it , 213. vid. Eucharist . True , and Right , their difference , 82 , 83 V VIctor Pope taxed by Irenaeus , 118. Vincentius Lirinensis cleared , 25 Union of Christendome , how little regarded , and how hindered by Rome , 200 , 212 Unity : the causes of the breaches thereof , 235 , &c. Not that Unity in the Faith amongst the Romanists , which they so much boast of , 218 Universal Bishop : a title condemned by S. Gregory , yet usurped by his Successors , 116 W WOrd of God : that it may be written and unwritten , 43. why written , 44. uttered mediately or immediately , 43. many of Gods unwritten Words , not delivered to the Church , 44 , 45 Vid. Scripture and Tradition . Worth of men , of what weight in proving truth , 197 A Table of the places of Scripture which are explained or vindicated . Genesis . Cap. 1. vers . 16. pag. 136. Deuteronomy . Cap. 4. v. 2. p. 21. c. 13. v. 1 , 2 , 3. p. 69. c. 21. v. 19. 103. p. c. 17. v. 18. p. 135. 1 Samuel . Chap. 3. v. 13. p. 103. c. 8. v. 3 , 5 , ibid. 3 Kings . Cap. 12. v. 27. p. 96. c. 13. v. 11. p. 194. c. 17. p. 193. c. 19. v. 18. p. 194. 4 Kings . Cap. 3. p. 97 , 193. c. 23. p. 100. 135. 2 Chron. Cap. 29. v. 4. p. 100 , 135. Psalms . Psal. 1. v. 2. p. 73. Proverbs . Cap. 1. v. 8. c. 15. v. 20. c. 6. v. 20 , 22. p. 169 , 170. Isaiah . Cap. 44. & passim . p. 71. c. 53. v. 1. p. 70. Jeremiah . Cap. 2. v. 13. p. 219. c. 5. v. 31. p. 78. c. 20. v. 7. &c. 38. v. 17. p. 70. S. Matthew . Cap. 9. v. 12. p. 37. c. 12. v. 22 , &c. 16. v. 17. p. 50. c. 16. v. 18. p. 9 106. 123. 240. c. 16. v. 19. p. 47. c. 18. v. 18. p. 123. c. 18. v. 20. p. 152 , 154 c. 18. v. 17. p. 168 , 185. c. 22. v. 37 , p. 236. c. 28. v. 19 , 20. p. 61 , 106. c. 28 , v. 21. p. 106. c. 28. v. 29. p. 125. c. 28. v. 20. p. 151. c. 26. v. 27. p. 169. S. Mark. Cap. 10. v. 14. p. 38. c. 13. v. 22. p. 69. S. Luke . Cap. 10. v. 16. p. 61. c. 12. v. 48. p. 236. c. 22. v. 35. p. 30. c. 9. v. 23. p. 71. c. 22. v. 37. p. 100. c. 12. v. 32. p. 123 , 151. c. 24. v. 47. p. 104. S. John. Cap. 5. v. 47. p. 79. c. 6. v. 70. p. 251. c. 9. v. 29. p. 79. c. 10. v. 4. p. 65. c. 10. v. 41. p. 70. c. 11. v. 42. p. 124. c. 14. v. 16. p. 62. 151. c. 14. v. 26. p. 107 , 151. c. 16 ▪ v. 13. p. 62 , 151. c. 16. v. 14. p. 151. c. 17. v. 3. p. 72. c. 19. v. 35. p. 69. c. 20. v. 22. p. 123. c. 21. v. 15. p. 30 , 125. c. 5. v. 31. p. 57. c. 2. v. 19. p. 105. Acts. Cap. 4. v. 12. p. 136. c. 6. v. 9. p. 82. c. 9. v. 29. &c. 19. v. 17. p. 82. c. 11. v. 26. p. 103. c. 15. v. 28. p. 46 , 151 , 155 , 171. Romans . Cap. 5. v. 15. p. 22. c. 1. v. 20. p. 29 , 72. c. 1. v. 8. p. 88. c. 1. v. 18. p. 222. c. 10. v. 10. p. 245. c. 10. v. 14 , 15. p. 231. c. 3. v. 4. p. 232. c. 11. v. 16. p. 91. c. 13. v. 1. p. 134 ▪ 1 Corinth . Cap. 1. v. 10. p. 235. c. 2. v. 11. p. 207. c. 3. v. 2. p. 125. c. 3. v. 11. p. 152. c. 2. v. 14. p. 48. c. 5. v. 5. p. 166. c. 11. v. 1. p. 61. c. 11. v. 23. p. 169. c. 11. v. 19. p. 235 , 236. c. 12. v. 3 , 4. p. 47. & 12 , 10. p. 70. & 12 , 28. p. 247. c. 13. v. 1. p. 134. Galath . Cap. 3. v. 19. p. 43. Ephesians . Cap. 2. v. 20. p. 152. c. 4. v. 11. p. 247. c. 4. v. 13. p. 248. c. 5. v. 2. p. 199. c. 5. v. 27. p. 169. 2 Thes. Cap. 2. p. 39. c. 2. v. 9. p. 70. c. 2. v. 15. p. 46. 1 Tim. Cap. 3. v. 15. p. 22. c. 6. v. 20. p. 44. 2 Tim. Cap. 1. v. 14. p. 44. c. 6. v. 16. p. 72. Hebr. Cap. 5. v. 12. p. 125. c. 9. v. 12. p. 199. c. 11. v. 6. p. 28 , 236. c. 11. v. 1. p. 56 , 68. c. 12. v. 9. p. 103. c. 13. v. 17. p. 168. S. James . Cap. 1. v. 20. p. 99. 1 S. Peter . Cap. 5. v. 3. p. 59. 2 S. Peter . Cap. 1. v. 16. p. 73. 1 S. John. Cap. 4. v. 2. p. 28. c. 2. v. 19. p. 105. S. Jude . V. 3. p. 46. p. 218. Apocal. Cap. 12. v. 1. p. 136. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A49714-e150 a May 24. 1622. b One of these Biasses is an Aversion from all such Truth as fits not our Ends. And Aversus à Veritatis luce , ab hoc luci Veritatis adversus ( fit ) &c. S. Aug. l. 2. cont . Adversarium Legis & Prophet . And 't is an easie Transition , for a man that is Averse from , to become adverse to the Truth . c In the Epistle to the Reader . a Ibid. c These words were in my former Epistle . And A. C. checks at them , in defence of the Jesuite , and says : That the Jesuite did not at all so much as in Speech , and much less in Papers publish this , or either of the other two Conferences with Dr. White , till he was forc'd unto it by false reports given out to his private disgrace , and the prejudice of the Catholike Cause . Nor then did he spread Papers abroad , but onely delivered a very few Copies to special friends , and this not with an intent to calumniate the Bishop , &c. A. C. in his Preface before his Relation of this Conference . Truly , I knew of no Reports then given out to the prejudice of the Jesuit's either Person or Cause . I was in a Corner of the Kingdom ▪ where I heard little . But howsoever , here 's a most plain Confession by A. C. of that which he struggles to deny . He says he did not spread Papers . What then ? What ? Why he did but deliver Copies . Why but doth not he that delivers Copies ( for instance , of a Libel ) spread it ? Yea , but he delivered but a very few Copies . Be it so ▪ I do not say , how many he spread . He confesses the Jesuite delivered some , though very few ; And he that delivers any , spreads it abroad . For what can he tell , when the Copies are once out of his power , how many may copie them out , and spread them farther ? Yea , but he delivered them to special friends . Be it so too : The more special friends they were to him , the less indifferent would they be to me , perhaps my more special enemies . Yea , but all this was without an intent to calumniate me . Well : Be that so too . But if I be calumniated thereby , his intention will not help it . And whether the Copies , which he delivered , have not in them Calumny against me , I leave to the Indifferent Reader of this Discourse to judge . Psal. 50. 19. 20. * S. Aug. S 〈…〉 63. De Diversis , c. 10. He speaks of Christ disputing in the Temple with the Elders of the Jews . And they heard Christ the Essential Word of the Father with admiration to astonishment ▪ yet believed him not : S. Luk. 2. 47. And the Word then spake to th●● by a means they thought not of , namely per F●l●um De● in puero , by the Son of God himself under the Vail of our human nature . A. C. p. 67. * Preface to the Relation of this Conference by A. C. * And S. Aug. is very full against the use of Mala retid , unlawful Nets . And saith , the Fishermen themselves have greatest cause to take heed of them . S. Aug. L. de Fid : & Oper. c. 17. Rom. 3. 8. 1 Cor. 9. 16. Judg. 5. 23. Judg. 17. 6. Psal. 118. 12. * Apum Similitudine ardorem notat vesanum ; Non est enim in illis multum roboris sed mira Excandescentia : Calv : in Psal. 118. Revel . 22. 12. * Gen. 15. 1. Rom. 8. 18. * There is no other difference between Us and Rome , than betwixt a Church miserably Corrupted , and happily purged , &c. Jos. Hall. B. of Exon. In his Apologetical Advertisement to the Reader , p. 192. Approved by Tho. Morton , B. then of Cov. & Lich. now of D●resm . in the Letters printed by the B. of Ex●ter , in this Treatise called , The Reco●scile● , p. 68. And D. Field . in this Appen to the third part . c. 2. where he cites Calv. to the sa●●t purpose , L. 4. Inst. c. 2. ● . 11. * S. Matth. 15. 14. Phil. 2. 21. * S. A●g . Epist. 48. S. Jud. 3. * 1 S. Pet. 3. 15. Notes for div A49714-e5740 a 1 Cor. 10. 15. b Quis non sine ullo Magistro , aut interprete ex se facilè cognoscat , &c. Novat . de Trin. c. 23. Et loquitur de Mysterio Passionis Christs . Dijudicare est Mensurare , &c. Unde & Mens dicitur à Metiendo . Tho. p. 1. q. 79. à 9. ad 4. To what end then is a Minde and an Understanding given a man , if he may not apply it to measure Truth ? Et 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. ab to quod considerat , & discernit . Quia decernit inter verum & salsum . Damase . l. 2. Fid. Orth. c. 22. And A. C. himself , p. 41. denies not all Judgment to private men ; but says , They are not so to rely absolutely upon their private judgment , as to adventure Salvation upon it alone , or chiefly : which no man will deny . A. C. p. 42. † Veritas vincat necesse est , sive Negantem , sive con●itentem , &c. S. Aug. Epist. 174. Occultari potest ad tempus veritas , vinci non potest . S. Aug. in Psal. 61. * L. 4. de Rom. Pont. Cap. 4. §. 1. Romana particularis Ecclesia non potest errare in Fide. * Ibid §. 2. † Navigare audent ad Petri Cathedram , & Ecclesiam Principalem , &c. Nec cogitare eos esse Romanos , ad quos Persidia habere non potest accessum . Cyprian . L. 1. Epist. 3. * Bin. Concil . Tom. 1. p. 152. Edit . Paris . 1636. Baron . Annal. 253 , 254 , 255. * Rom. 1. 8. † Ego tibi istam scelestam , Scelus , linguam abscindam : Plaut . Amphit . Ex hac enim parte pudor pugnat , illinc petulantia , &c. Cic. — Latuit plebeio tectus amictu Omnis Honos . Nullos comitata est purpura fasces . Lucan . L. 2. † Nec cogitare eos esse Romanos , quorum fides Apostolo praedicante , &c * Epist. 67. * For so S. Cyprian begins his Epistle to Cornelius . Legi literas tuas frater , &c. And after : Sed enim lectâ alia Epistolâ tuâ frater , &c. S. Cypr. L. 1. Epist. 3. * Stephanus Frater noster Haereticorum causam contra Christianos , & contra Ecclesiam Dei asserere conatur . Cypr. ad Pompeium contra Epist. Stephani Edit . per Erasmum Basil p. 327. † Stephani fratris nostri obstinatio dura . Ibid. p. 329. And it would be marked by the Jesuite and his A. C. that still it is Stephani fratris nostri , and not Capitis , or summi Pastoris nostri . * Caranza in Coucil . Carthag . sub Cornel . fine . † Can. 1. * Attamen scito Romanam fidem Apostolicâ voce laudat●m ejusmodi praestigias non recipere , etiamsi Angelus aliter an●●nciet , quàm semel praedicatum est , Pauli Authoritate munitam non posse mutari . S. Hieron . L. 3. Apol. contra Ruffinum . Tom. 2. Edit . Paris . 1534. sol . 84. K. Peradventure it is here to be read ( & jam st ) For so the place is more plain , and more strong , but the Answer is the same . † Deinde ut Epistolas contra te ad Crientem mitteret , & cauterium tibi Harescos in●reret . Diceretque libros Originis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , à te translatos , & simplici Ecclesiae Romanae ple●i traditos , ut fidei veritatem quam ab Apostolo didicerant , per te perderent . S. Hieron . ibid. fol. 85. K. * Qui cum Fidei dux esse non potuit , perfidiae existat . S. Cyprian . L. 1. Epist. 7. Fidem perfidi , &c. Ibid. Facti sunt ex Ovibus Vulpes , ex ●idelibus perfidi . Optatus . L. 7. Quomodo iis pro●it q●●m baptizantur Parentum Fides , quorum iis non potest obesse perfidia . S. Aug. Epist. 23. Quanto potiùs Fides aliena potest consulere parvulo , cui sua perfidia , &c. S. Aug. L. 3. de lib. Arbit . c. 23. † Ne fidei veritatem quam ab Apostolo didicerant , per te perderent , ut suprà . * Muta titulum , & Romanam simplicitatem tanto periculo libera . Ibid. fol. 84. K. * Vetus Roma ab antiquis temporibus habet rectam Fidem , & semper eam retinet , sicut decet Urbtm , quae toti Orbi praesidet , semper de Deo integram fidem habere . Greg. Naz. in Carmine de vitâ suâ . Ante medium . p. 9. Edit . Paris . 1609. † The words in the Greek are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Haec quidem fuit diu , & nunc adhuc est rectigrada . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Est ; So S. Gregory says ; but of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a retinebit , he says nothing : Nor is semper in the Text of Nazianzen . * Petram o●inor per agnominationem nihil aliud , quàm inconcussam & firmissimam Discipuli fidem vocavit . In quâ , Ecclesia Christi ita fundata & firmata esset , ut non laberetur , & esset inexpugnabilis inferorum portis , in perpetuum manens . S. Cyril . Alex. Dial. de Trin. l. 4. p. 278. Paris●●s , An. 1604. † Et ego dico tibi ] i tuae Confessioni , quâ mihi dixisti , Tu es Christus , &c. Dion . Carthus . in S. Mat. 16. 18. Et super hanc Petram ] i. Fidei hujus firmitatem & sundamentum . Vel super hanc Petram quam confessus 〈◊〉 , i. super M●ipsum Lapidem Angularem , &c. Ibid. † Et ego dico tibi ] i tuae Confessioni , quâ mihi dixisti , Tu es Christus , &c. Dion . Carthus . in S. Mat. 16. 18. Et super hanc Petram ] i. Fidei hujus firmitatem & sundamentum . Vel super hanc Petram quam confessus 〈◊〉 , i. super M●ipsum Lapidem Angularem , &c. Ibid. S. Mat. 16. 18. * Bellar. L. 4. de Rom. Pont. Cap. 3. §. penult . † Illud non importun● commonendum puto , quod in diversis Ecclesiis aliqua in his verbis inveniuntur adjecta . In Ecclesiâ tamen Urbis Romae hoc non deprebenditur factum . Pro eo arbitror , quod neque Heresis u●●a illic sumpsit exordium , & mos ibi servatur antiquus , eos qui gratiam Baptismi suscepturi sunt , publicò , id est , Fidelium populo audiente , Symbolum reddere : Et utique adjectionem unius saltem Sermonis , eorum qui praecesserunt in Fide , non admittit auditus . In caeteris autem Locis , quantum intelligi datur , propter nonnullos Haereticos addita quaedam videntur , per quae novellae Doctrinae sensus crederetur excludi , &c. Ruffin . in Exposit. Symbol . ( ut habetur inter Opera S. Cypriani ) Prae●at . Expos. a Baron . ●b . 2. A● . 254. Num. 62. b Pamel . in Cyprian . Epist . 41. & 73. c Petavius in Epiphan . Haeres . 59. d Onuph . in Notis ad Plat. in vita Cornelii . * Haeretici alii in morem venenatorum serpentum in Asiam & Phrygiam irre●serunt , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quorum Dux Florinus . Euseb. L. 5. cap. 14. And in Ruffinus his Translation , c. 15. And then afterwards , c. 19. & 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Now these taught that God was the Author of Sin. † Ruff. in Exposit . Symb. p. 188. In which reckoning he plainly agrees with the Church of England . Art. 6 * Novi & Veteris Testamenti Volumina , &c. sicut ex Patrum Monumentis accepimus . Ruff. in Symb. p. 188. et haec sunt quae Patres intra Canonem concluserunt . Et ex quibus Fidei ●ostrae Assertiones constare voluerunt . Ib. p. 189. † Si Episcopi Romani est , stultè facis ab eo Exemplar Epistolae petere , cui missa non est , &c. Vade potiùs Romam , & praesens apud eum expostula , cur tibi & absenti & innocenti fecerit injuriam . Primùm , ut non reciperet Expositionem Fidei tuae , quam omnis ( ut scribis ) Italia comprobavit , &c. Deinde , ut Canterium tibi Haereseos , dum nescis , inureret . S. Hieron . Apol. 3. advers . Ruffin . sol . 85. K. * Quum quis se velle personas testium post publicationem repellere fuerit protestatus , Si quid pro ipso dixerint , iis non creditur . Extra . Tex . & ibi Gloss. c. Praesentium 31. de Testibus . a Lib. 4. c. 3. §. De altero ergo . b Quae et si ab Haereticis contemnentur . L. 4. c. 4. §. Addo etiam . * Nemini in sua causa credendum , nisi conformiter ad Legem Divinam , Naturalem & Canonicam ●oquatur . So Jo. Gerson , and the Doctors of Paris , cited in Lib. Anon. de Ecclesiastica & Politica Potestate . c. 16. Ed. Paris . 1612. Now these Popes do not speak here conformably to these Laws . † Lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 3. in initio . A. C. p. 42. * §. 33. Consid . 7. Num. 5. & 12. † Romana Ecclesia Particularis non potest errare , persistente Romae Apostolicâ sede . Propositio haec est verissima , & fortasse tam vera quàm illa prima de Pontifi●e . ● . 4 de Rom. Pont. c. 4. §. 2. Edit . ●ugdun . 1596. And that first Proposition is this : Summus Pontifex ●●m totam Ecclesiam docet , in ●is quae ad sidem pertinent ●ullo casu errare potest . Ibid. c. 3. §. 1. † Pia & probabilissima Sententia est , Cathedram Petri non posse separari , à Roma , & proiude Romanam Ecclesiam absolutè non posse errare , vel deficere . ● . 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 4. §. Quod nihilominus . * Contraria sententia nec est Haeretica , nec manifestè erronea . L. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 4. §. At secundum . A. C. p. 42. * De util . Credendi . c. 2. † Non ex Filio , sed Spiritum Filii esse dicimus . Damascen ▪ L. 1. Fid. Orth. c. 11. Et Patris per Filium . Ibid. b Pluralitas in Voce , salvat â unitate in re , non repugnat unitati Fidei . Durand . ●●b . 3. d. 25. ● . 2. c Magist. 1. Sent. d. 11. D. Sa●è sciend●m est , q ò ● lic t in praesenti Articulo à nobis Graeci verbo discordent , tamen sensu non differ●nt , &c. Bandinus L. 1. de Tri● . d. 11. & Bonavent . in 1 Sent. d. 11. A. 1. q. 1. §. 12. Licet Graecis in●e●sissimus , qu●m dixit Graecos ob●icere curiositatem Romanis , addendo ( Filióque ) Quia sine hujus Articuli prosessione salus er at ; non Respondet ●●gando salutem esse , sed dicit tan●ùm opportunam fuisse Determinationem propter periculum . Et postea , §. 1● . Sunt qui volunt susti●ere opinionem Graecorum , & Latinorum , distinguendo duplicem modum Procedendi . Se● fortè si duo sapie●tes , unus Graecus , alter Latinus , uterque verus amato● Veritatis , & non propriae dictionis , &c. de hac vis● contrarietate disquirerent , pateret utiqùe tandem ipsam Contrarietatem non esse veraciter realem , sl●●t est Vocalis . Scotus in 1. Sent. d. 11. q. 1. Antiquorum Graecorum à Latinis discrepa●tia in voce poti●s est , & ▪ modo explicandi Emanationem Sp. S. quàm in ipsâ re , &c. Jodocus Clictoveus in Damasc. ● . 1. Fid. Orth. c. 11. Et quidam ex Graecis co●cedunt , quòd sit à Filio , vel ab ●o profluat . Thom. p. 1. q. 36. A. 2. C. Et Thomas ipse dicit , Sp. S. procedere mediatè à Filio . Ib. A. 3. ad 1. saltem ratione Personarum Spirantium . Respond●● cum Bestarione , & Gennadio , Damascenum non negâsse Sp. S. procedere ex Filio , quod ●d rem attinet , qu●● dixerit Spiritum esse Imaginem Filii , & per Filium , sed existimâssè tutiùs dici per Filium , qud●n ex Filio , quantum ad modum loquen●i , &c. Bellarm. L. 2. de Christo , c. 27. §. Respondeo igitur . Et Tollet . in S. John 15. Ar. 25. & Lutheran . Resp. ad Resp. 2. Jeremiae Patriarchae . d Eadem penitùs Sententia , ubi suprà , Clictov . e Bellarm. 4. de Notis Eccl. cap. 8. §. Quod autem apud Graecos . * Lib. 3. cont . Haeres . fol. 93. A. ut videant ●i , qui sacilè de Haeresi pronuntiant , quam facilè etiam ipsi errent : Et intelligant , non esse tam levitèr de Haeresi censendum , &c. In verbo [ Beatitudo . ] † Junius Animad in Bellar. cont . 2. L. 3. c. 23. * F. First righting the Sentence of S. Austine : Fere●dus est Disputator errans , &c. Here A. C. p. 44. tells us very learnedly , that my corrupt Copy hath righting instead of reading the Sentence of S. Austine . Whereas I here use the word righting , not as it is opposed to reading ( as any man may discern A. C. palpably mistakes ) but for doing right to S. Austine . And if I had meant it for writing , I should not have spelled it so . † By which is proved , That all Points defined by the Church are Fundamental . a Your own word . b Inconcussá side ab omnibus . Thom. 2. 2ae q. 1. Art. 10. C. c Scotus 1. Sent. a. 11. q. 1. d Eccles●● voces etiam extra Scripturam . Stap. ●elect . Con. 4. q. 1. Ar. 3. Quae maturo judicio definivit , &c. Solidum est , & etiamsi null● Scripturarum , aut evidenti , aut probabili testimonie confirmaretur . Ibid. e Et penes Cercopes Victoria sit , Greg. Naz. de Disseren . vitae . Cercopes 1. Astutos , & veteratori● improbitatis Episcopos , qui artibus suis ac dolis omnia Concilia perturbabant . Schol. ib. * Quum enim una & eadem fides sit , neque is qui multum de ipsâ dicere potest , plusqu●m oportet , dicit ; neque qui parùm , ipsam imminuit . Iren. L. 1. advers . Haeres . c. 3. * Resolutio Occhami est , quòd nec tota Ecclesia , nec Concilium Generale , nec summus Ponti●ex potest facere Articulum , quod non ●uit Articulus . Sed in dubiis Propositionibus potest Ecclesia determinare , an sint Catholicae , &c. Tamen sic determinando non facit quod sint Catholicae , quum prius essent ante Ecclesie Determinationem , &c. Almain . in 3. D 25. Q. 1. † Regul● Fidei una omninò est , sola illa immobilis , & irreformabilis . Tertul. de Virg. v●l . cap. 1. In ●ac ●ide , &c. Nihil transmutar● , &c. Athan. Epist. ad Jovin . de Fide. * Oceham . Almain . in 3. Sent. D. 25. q. 1 * Thom. 2. 2. q. 1. Ar. 7. C. † Fides Divina non ideo habet certitadinem , quia toti Ecclesiae communis est : sed quia nititur Authoritate Dei , qui nec falli , nec fallere potest , quum sit ipsa Veritas . L. 3. de Justif. c. 3. §. Quod verò Concilium . Probatio Ecclesiae facit ut omnibus innotes●at Objectum ( Fidei Divinae ) esse revelatum à Deo , & propter hoc certum & indubitatum ; non autem tribuit firmitatem verbo Dei aliquid revelantis . Ibid. §. At inquit . * Scotus in 1. Sent. D. 11. q. 1. † Bellarm. L. 2. d● Conc. Auth c. 12. Concilia cùn definiunt , non faciunt aliquid esse infallibilis veritatis , sed declarant . Explicare , Bonavent . in 1. d. 11. A. 1. q. 1. ad finem . Explanare , declarare . Tho. 1. q. 36. A. 2. ad . 2. & 2. 2. q. 1. A. 10. ad . 1. Quid unquam aliud ( Ecclesia ) Conciliorum decr●tis enisa est , nisi ut quod antea simplicitè● Credebatur , hoc idem posted diligentiùs crederetur . Vin. Lyr. cont . ●●r . c. 32. a Sent. 1. D. 11 b Alb. Mag. in 1. Sent. D. 11. Art. 7. c Hoc semper , nec quicquam praeterea . Vin. Lyr. c. 32. d In novâ Haeresi Veritas priùs erat de Fide , et si non ita declarata . Scotus in 1. D. 11. q. 1. in fine . Haeretici multa quae erant implicita fidei nostrae , compulerunt explicare . Bonavent . in 1. D. 11. A. 1. ● . 1. ad finem . Tho. 1. q. 36. A. 2. ad . 2. Quamvis Apostolica Sedes , aut Generale Concilium de Haeresi censere possit , no● tamen ide● Assertio aliqua erit Haeresis , quia Ecclesia definivit , sed quia Fidei Catholic● repug●at . Ecclesia siquidem suâ definitione non facit talem Assertionem esse Haeresin , quàm etiamsi ipsa non definivisset , esset Haeresis ; sed id efficit ut pateat , &c. Alphon. à Castro ▪ L. 1. Advers . Haeres . c. 8. ●ol . ●1 . D. † Ecclesia non amputat necessaria , non apponit supers●●a . Vin. Lyr. c. 32. * Deut. 4. 2. * Thom. Supp . q. 6. A. 6. C. * August . Serm. 14. de verb. Apost . c. 12. Fundata res ▪ est . In aliis . Quaestionibu● non diligen●èr digestis , nondum plenâ Ecclesiae Authoritate firmatis serendus est Disputator errans : ibi serendus est error ; non tantum progredi debet , ut etiam Fundamentum ipsum Ecclesiae quate●e mo●iatur . a Ibid. c. 20. b Origine Peccati . c Ex eâ re , unde nu●●a erat Quaestio , soluta est exorta Quaestio . d Hoc de Fundamento Ecclesi● sumpsit ad confirmandum Lapidem nutantem . e Concil . Mi●●vit c. 2. f Rom. 5. 15. g Ut Fundamentum ipsum Ecclesiae quat●re moliatur . h 1 Tim. 3. 15 i Mos fundatissimus S. Aug E● . 28. k Staple . Relect . cont . 4. q 3. A. 1. l Q●● quidem , si tam manifesta monstratur , ut in dubium venire non possit , pr●ponenda est omnibus illis rebu● , quibus in Catholicâ ten●or . Ita si aliquid apertissimum in Evangelio . S. August . contra Fund . c. 4. a Ezek. 13. 11 b Plenâ Ecclesiae Authoritate . c L. 2. de Author . Concil . c. ● §. A solis particularibus . d Can. 1. & 4. e Concil . Milevit . Can. 2. f Nay if your own Capellus be true , De Appell . Eccl. A●ric . c. 2. n. 5. it was but a Provincial of Numidia , not a Plenary of Africk . A. C. p. 45. g Almain . in 3. Sent. Di● . 25. q. 1. A Fide enim 〈◊〉 Ecclesia dicitur un● . * Aliquid pertinet ad Fidem dupliciter . u●● modo directè , sicut t● que nobis sunt principali●●● divirit●s tradita , ut Deum esse Trinum , &c. Et circa haec opinari fallum hoc ●p●● inducit Haeresin , &c. Alio modo indirectè . Ex quibus consequitur aliquid contrarium Fidei , &c. Et in his aliquis potest falsum opinari absque periculo Haeresis , donec Sequela illa ti innotescat , &c. Tho. p. 1. q. 32. A. 4. C. There are things necessary to the Faith ; and things which are but accessory , &c. Hooker L. 3. Eccl. Pol. §. 3. † Si quis Dixerit Ordines ab Episcopis collatos sine populi vel potestatis saecularis conse●su aut vocatione irritos esse ; Anathema sit . Con. Trid. Sess. 23. Can. 7. A. C. p. 45. * Co●t . Haeres . c. 31. Abdicatri enim qualibet parte Catholici Dogmatis , alia quoque atque item alia , &c. Quid aliud ad extremum sequtur ; nisi ut totum paritèr repu●ietur ? §. 38. N. 21. † Ecclesia Depositorum apud se Dogmatum Custos , &c. Denique quid unquam Conciliorum Decretis enisa est , nisi , ut quod a●tea simpliciter credebatur , hoc idem postea diligentiùs crederetur , &c. Vin. Lir. cont . Haeres . c. 32. * Vin. Lir. cont . Haeres . c. 31. Impiorum & turpium Errorum Lupanar : ubi erat antè caste & incorruptae Sacrarium Veritatis . A. C. p. 46. † Vin. Lir. cont . Haer. c. 32. † Relect. cont . 4. q. 1. Art. 3. Etiamsi nùllo Scripturarum , aut evidenti , aut pro●àbili Testimonio , &c. * Non potest aliquid certum esse certitudint fidei , nisi aut immediatè contineatur in Verbo Dei , aut èx Verbe Dei per evidentem consequentiam deducatur . Bellar. L. 3. de Justificat . c. 8. §. Prima Ratio . * S. Mat. 4. 19. † S. Mat. 16. 21. a Tertull. Apol. contra Gentes , c. 47. de v●land . virg . c. 1. S. August . Serm. 15. de Temp. cap. 2. Ruffin . in Symb. apud Cyprian . p. 357. b Alb. Mag. in 1. Sent. D. 11. A. 7. c Concil . Trident. Sess. 3. d Bonavent . ibid. Dub. 2. & 3. in lite●am . e Thom. 2. 2●● q. 1. Art. 7. c. f Bellar. L. 4. de Verb. Dei non Script . c. 11. §. Primum est . g Tho. 2. 2. e. q. 1. A. 7. C. h 1 S. Joh ▪ 4. 2 〈◊〉 i Heb. 11. 6. A. C. p. 40. * Conc. Trident. Sess. 3. † I● 1. Sent. D. 11. A. 7. Regula Fidei est concors Scripturarum sensus cum Articulis Fide● : Quia illis duobus regularibus Praeceptis regitur The●logus . * §. 16. N. 1. † Art. 3. a Scotus in 1. D. 11. q. 1. b Stapleton Kelect . Con. 5. q. 5. Art. 1. c Bellar. 4. de Christo. c. 6. & 12. Scripturae passin hoc docent . d Thom. 2. 2ae . q. 1. A. 9. ad 1. e S. Aug. Ep. ' 99. f Tho. p. 3. q. 52. A. 2. c. per suam essentiam . g Durand ▪ in 3. d. 22. q. q. 3. h Bellar. L. 4. de Christo. c. 16 ▪ i Bellar. Recog . p. 11. k Sequuntur enim . Tho. p. 3. Q. 52. A. 2. * Non est pertinaciter asserendum , quin Ani●a Christi per alium modum nobis ignotum potuerit descendere ad Insernum : Nec nos negamus alium modum esse forsitan veriorem ; sed fatemur nos illum ignorare . Durand . in 3. Sent. Dist. 22. q. 3. Nu. 9. † And this was an Ancient fault too , for S. Augustine Checks at it in his time . Noli colligere calumnias ex Episcoporum scriptis , sive Hillarii , sive Cypriani & Agrippini . Primò , quia hoc genus literarum ab Authoritate Ca●o●●s distinguendum est . Non enim sic leguntur tanquam ita ex iis testimonium proferatur , ut contrà sentire non liceat , sicubi fortè aliter sentirent , quà● veritas postulat . S. Aug. Ep. 48. &c. And yet these were far greater men in their generations , than M. Rogers was . ‖ Stapl. Cont. 5. q. 5. A. 1. * Mat. 16. 9. † S. Joh. 21. 16. ‖ ● . Luk. 22. 32. * Rogers in Art. Eccles. Angl. Art. 3. † Ibid. A. C. p. 47. * Angelici D. S. Tho. Summa . † Celebratissimi Patris Dom. Bonaventurae Doctoris Seraphici in 3. L. Sent. Disputata . A. C. p. 47. * Bellar. Lib. 3. de Justific . c. 1. & 14. † Huic Concilio Catho●ici omnes ingenia sua , & judicia sponte subjiciunt . Bellar. L. 3. de Justif. c. 3. S. Sed Concilii Tridentini . ‖ Hist Concil . Trident. Lib. 2. p. 245. Edit . Lat. Leidae , 1622. A. C. p. 47. * Bellar L. 3. de Justif. c. 3. A. C. p. 47. † And therefore A. C. needs not make such a Noise about it , as he doth , page 48. A. C. p. 48. * Can. 5. † Can. 5. * Concil . Trident . A. C. p. 45. * S. Basil. de ver . ● & pi● fide . Manifesta defectio . Fidei est importare quicquam eorum que scripta non sunt . S. Hilar. L. 2. ad Const. Aug. Fidem ta●●●n secuad●● ea que scripta sunt deside● antem , & hoc qui repudiat , Antichristus est , & qui simulat , Anathema est . S. Aug. L. 2. de Doctr. Christian. c. 9. In iis quae apertè in Scripturâ posita sunt , inveniuntur illa omnia quae continent fidem , morésque vivendi . And to this place Bellarm. L 4. de verbo Dei non script● , cap. 11. saith , that S. Augustine speaks de illis Dogmatibus quae necessaria sunt omnibus simplicit●r , of those Points of Faith , which are necessary simply for all men . So far then he grants the Question . And that you may know , it fell not from him on the sudden , he had said as much before , in the beginning of the same Chapter , and here he confirma it again . † Scotus Prolog . in sent . q. 2. Scriptura sufficient●r conti●●t Doctrinam necessariam Viatori . Thom. 2. 2● q. 1. A. 10. ad 1. In Doctrin● Christi & Apostolorum , veritas fidei est sufficientèr explicata . And he speaks there of the written Word . ‖ Scripturam Fundamentum esse , & Columnam Fidei fatemur in suo genere , i. e. in genere Testimoniorum , & in mater●● Credendorum . Relect. Con. 4. q. 1. Ar. 3. in fine . A. C. p. 48. A. C. p. 4. * Habitus enim Fidei it● se habet in in or●ine ad Theologiam , sicut se habet Habitus intellectus ad Scientias humanas . M. Canus . L. 2. de Loc. c. 8. A. C. p. 49. † S. Aug. expresly of the Baptism of Infants . L. 1. de Peccato . Mer. & Remiss . c. 30 Et L. 2. c. 27. Et L. 3. de Animà & ejus Origine . c. 13. Nay they of the Romane Party which : urge the Baptism of Infants , as a matter of Faith , and yet not to be concluded out of Scripture ; when they are not in eager pursuit of this Controversie , but look upon truth with a more indifferent eye , consess as much ( even the Leaundist of them ) as we ask . Advertendum autem Salvatorem dum dicit [ Nisi quis renatus , &c. ] necessitatem imponere omnibus , ac proinde Parvulos debire renasci ex aquâ & Spiritu . Jansen . Harm . in Evang . c. 20. So hereis Baptism Necessary for Infants , and that Necessity imposed by our Saviour , and not by the Church only . Haeretici nulld alio quàm hoc Scripturae testimonio probare pollunt , Infantes esse baptizandos . Mald. in S. ] oh . 3. 5. So Maldonat confesses that the Hereticks ( we know whom he means ) can prove the Baptism of Infants by no Testimony of Scripture but this : which speech implies . That by this Testimony of Scripture it is , and can be proved , and therefore not by Church-Tradition only . And I would fain know , why Bellarmine , L. 1. de Baptism . cap. 8. §. 5. should bring three Arguments out of Scripture to prove the Baptism of Infants [ Habemus in Scripturie tria Argumenta , &c. ] if Baptism cannot be proved at all out of Scripture , but only by the Tradition of the Church And yet , this is not Bellarmine's way alone , but Suarez's in Tho. p. 3. q. 68. Disput. 25. Sect. 1. §. 2. Ex Scripturá possant varia Argumenta sumi ad confirmandum Paedobaptismum . Et similitèr , &c. And Greg. de Valentià , L. de Baptis . Far●ulorum , c. 2. §. 1. And the Pope himself , Innocent . 3. L. 3. Decretal . Tit. 42. Cap. Majores . And they all jump with S. Am●● L. 10. Epist. 84. 〈◊〉 Demetriadem Virginem , who expresly affirms it , Paedobaptismum esse Constitutionem Salvatoris . And proves it out of S. Joh. 3. 5. * Infantes reos esse Originalis peccati , & ideo baptizandos esse , Antiquam Fidei Regula● vocat . S. Aug. Ser 8. de verb. Apost . c. 8. Et nemo vobis susurret doctrinas alienas , hoc Ecclesia semper babuit , semper tenuit , hoc à majorum sid● recepit , &c. S. Aug. Serm. 10. de verb ▪ Apost . c. 2. & . S. Ambros. E. 10. Ep ▪ 84. circa medium . Et S. Chrysost. Hom. de Adam & Eva. Hoc praedicat Ecclesia Catholica ubique diffusa . † Egi causam eorum qui pro se loqui non possunt , &c. S. Aug. Serm. 8. de verb. Apost . c. 8. * Act ▪ 2. 38 , 39. * Nullum excipit , non Judeum , non Gentilem , non Adultum , non Puerum , &c. Ferus in Act. 2. 39. † Et ad Filios vestros : quare debent consentire , quum ad usum rationis perveniunt , ad implenda promissa in Baptismo , &c. Salm. Tract . 14. upon the place . * Bellar. L. 4. de Verbo Dei. c. 9. §. 5. † S. Aug. Gen. ad Lit. c. 23. Consuetudo Matris Ecclesiae in Baptizandis parvulis nequaquam spernenda est , nec omnind credenda , nisi Apostolica esset Traditio . * Cur Antiquam fidei Regulam frangere conaris ? S. Aug. Ser. 8. de ver . Apost . c. 8. Hoc Ecclesia semper tenuit . Ib. Ser. 10. c. 2. † Quid necessarium babuit Infans Christum , si non aegrotat ? S. Matth. 9. 12. Quid est quod dicis , nist ut non accedant ad Jesum ? Sed tibi clamat Jesus , Sine Parvulos venire ad me . S. Aug. in the fore cited places . * S. Marc. 10. 14. † Nullus est Scriptor tam vetustus , qui non ejus Originem ad Apostolorum seculum pro certe referat . Calv. 4. Iust. c. 16. §. 8. ‖ Miserrimum asylum soret , si pro Defensione Paedobaptismi ad nudam Ecclisia authoritatem fugere cogeremur . Cal. 4. Inst. c. 8. §. 16. * §. 15. Num. 1. A. C. p. 49. NUM . 6. ● † Orig. i● Rom. 6. 8. 〈◊〉 . 2. p. 543. Pro hoc Ecclesia ab Apostolis Traditionem s●scepit , etiam parvulis Baptis ▪ mum dare . Et S. Aug. Ser. 10. de verb. Apost . c. 2. Hoc Ecclesia à Majorum fide percepit . And it is to be observed , that neither of these Fathers ( nor I believe any other ) say that the Church received it à Traditione solâ , or à Majorum fide solâ : as if Tradition did exclude collection of it out of Scripture . ‖ Yea , and B. slarmine himself avers , Onnes Traditiones , &c. contineri in Scripturis in universall . Lib. 4. de verb. Dei non scripto . c. 10. §. Sic etiam . And S. Basil. Serm. de fide approves only those Agrapha , quae non sunt aliena à piâ secundum Scripturam Sententiâ . * Qui conantur fidem destruere sub specie Quaestionis difficible , aut sortè indissolubilis , &c. Orig. Q. 35. in . S. Matth. * To know that Scriptures are Divine , and insallible in every part , is a Foundation so necessary , as if it be doubtfully question'd , all the Faith built upon Scripture falls to the ground . A. C. p. 47. Necesse est nosse ext are libros aliquos verè Divinos . Bellatm . L. 4. de verb. Dei non scripto . c. 4. §. Quartò necesse . Et etiam libros qui sunt in manibus esse illos . ibid. §. Sextò oportet . ( 1. ) ( 2. ) ( 3. ) ( 4. ) Rom. 1. 20. * Esse aliquas veras Traditiones demonstratur ex Scripturis . Bellar. L. 4. de verbe Dei non scripto . c. 5. and A. C. p. 50. proves Tradition out of 2 Thes. 2. * Arist. 1. Post. ● . 2. T. 16. Per Pacium . Quòcirca si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , propter prima scimus & credimus , illa quoque scimus & credimus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 magis , quia per illa scimus , & credimus etiam posteriora . † Eorum errorem dissimulare non possum , qui asserunt fidem Nostram , 〈◊〉 tanquàm in ultimam credendi causam reducendam esse . Ut Credamus Ecclesiam esse Veracem , &c. M. Canus . L. 2. de Locis . c. 8. §. Cui , & tertium . * Vox Ecclesiae non est Formale Objectum Fidei . Stapl. Relect . Cont. 4. q. 3. A. 2. Licet in Articulo Fid●● [ Credo Ecclesiam ] fortè contineatur hoc totum , Credo ea , quae docet Ecclesia : tamen non intelligitur necessario , quòd Credo docenti Ecclesiae tanquam Teste infallabili . ibid. tibi etiam rejicit Opinionem . Durandl & Gabr. Et Waldens . L. 2. Doctr. Fidei Art. 2. c. 21. Num. 4. Testimonium Ecclesiae Catholicae est Objectum Fidei Christianae , & Legistatio Scripturae Canonicae , subjicitur tamen ipsi , sicut Testis Judici , & Testimonium Veritati , &c. Canus Loc. Lib. 2. cap. 8. Nec si Ecclesia aditum nobis praebet ad hujusmodi Libros Sacros cognoscendos , protinus ibi acquiescendum est , sed ultr● oportet progredi , & Solida Dei veritate niti , &c. * Omnis ergo Ecclesiastica Authoritas , ●●m sit ad Testificandum de Christo , & Legibus ejus : vilior est Christi legibus , & Scripturis Sanctis necessariò postponenda . Wald. ● . ▪ 2. Doct. Fidei Art. 2. cap. 21. Numb . 1. * Totum est majus suâ parte . Etiamsi Axioma sit apud Euclydem , non tamen id●ò Geometricum putandum est , quia Geometres eo utitur . Utitur enim & tota Logica . Ram. in Schol. Matth. And Aristotle vindicates such Propositions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , From being usurped by Particular Sciences : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Quia conveniunt omni ●ati , & non alicui Generi separatim . 4. Metaph. c. 3. T. 7. * Intelligentia dictorum ex causis est assumenda dicendi , quia non Sermoni res , sed Rei Sermo est subjectus . S. Hilar. 1. 4. de Trin. Ex materiâ dicti ▪ di rigendus est sensus . Tert. l. de Resur . carnis , c. 37. † Videndo differentias Similium ad Similia . Orig. Tract . 19. in S. Matth. ‖ Recolendum est unde venerit ista Sententia , & quae illam superiora pe●ererint , quibúsque connexa dependeat . S. Aug. Ep. 29. Soiet circumstantia Scripturae illuminare Sententiam . S. Aug. L. 83. Quaest. q. 69. * Quae ambiguè & obscurè in nonnullis Scripturae Sacrae locis dicta videntur , per ea quae alibi certa , & indubitata habentur declarantur . S. Basil. in Regulis contractis , Reg. 267. Manifestiora quaeque praevaleant , & de incertis certiora praescribant . Tert. L de Resur . c. 19 & 21. S. Aug. L. 3. De Doct. Christ. c. 26. Moris est Scripturarum obscuris Manifesta subnectere , & quod prius sub aeuigmatibus dixerint , apert●● voce proferre . S Hieron . in Esa. 19. princ . Vid. §. 26. Nu. 4. † S. Aug. L. 3. de Doctr. Christianâ . * And this is so necessary , that Bellarmine confes●es , that if Tradition ( which he rel●es upon ) be not Divine : He and his can have no Faith. Non habemus fidem . Fides 〈…〉 verbo Dei nititur . L. 4. de verbo Dei. c 4. §. At si ita est . And A. C. tells us , p. 47. To know that Scripture is Divine and Infallible in every part , is a Foundation so necessary , as if it be doubtfully questioned , all the Faith built upon Scripture falls to the ground . And he gives the same reason for it , p. 50. which Bellarmine doth . * Ecclesiaem spiritu a●flatam esse , certè credo . Non ut veritatem , authoritatemve Libris Canonicis tribuat , sed ut doceat illos , 〈◊〉 alios esse Canonicos . Nec si aditum nobis praebet ad hujusmodi sacros Libros cognoscendos , protinus ibi acquiescendum est , sed ultra oportet progredi , & solid● Dei veritate ●iti . Qu● ex re intelligitur quid sibi voluerit Augustinus , quum ait , Evangelio non creder●m , nisi , &c M. Canus L. 2. de Lacis , c. 8. fol. 3a . b. Non docet fun●●tam esse Evangilii fidem in Ecclesiae Authoritate , sed , &c. Ibid. † Hook. l. 3. §. 9. * Stapl. Relect . Co● . 4. q. 3. A. 1 & 2. A. C. p. 51. A. C. p. 49. A. C. p. 50. A. C. p. 51. * Verbum Dei non est tale , nec habet ullam Authoritatem , quia scriptum est in membr●ni● , sed quia à Deo profectum est . Bellar. l. 4. de Verb. Dei. c. 2. §. Ecclesiasticae Traditiones . * Lex ordinata per Angelos in man● Mediatoris , Gal. 3. 19. † S. Luk. 1. 30. ‖ The Holy Ghost , &c. which spake by the Prophets , in Symb. Nicen. * Nam Pseudoprophetae etiam viventibus adhuc Apostolis , multas fingebant corruptelas sub hoc praetextu & titulo , quasi ab Apostolis vivâ voce essent traditae : & propter hanc ipsam causam Apostoli Doctrinam suam coeperunt Literis comprehendere , & Ecclesiit commendare . Chem. Exam. Concil . Third . de Traditionibus sub octavo genere Tradit . And so also Jausen . Comment . in S. Joh. 5. 47. Sicut enim firmius est quod mandatur Literis , ita est culpabilius & majus non credere Scriptis , quam non credere Verbis . † Labilis est memoria , & ideo indigemus Scripturâ : Dicendum quod verum est , sed hoc non habet , nisi ex inundantia peccatorum . Henr. a Gand. Sum. p. 1. Ar. 8. q. 4. fine . Christus ipse de pectore morit●ro Testamentum transfert in tabulas di● duraturas . Optat. L. 5. Christus ipse non transtulis , sed ex Optati sententià , Ejus Inspiratione , si non Jussu , Apostoli transtulerunt . * Bellar. L. 4. de Verbo Dei non sc●ipt . * Act. 1. 3. * Annunciare aliquid Christianis Catholici● ▪ pra●er id quod acceperunt , nunquam licuit , nusquam licet , nunquam lic●bit . Vincent . Lit. c. 14. Et pr●cipit nihil aliud in●●vari , nisi quod traditum est , S , Cypri . ad Pompelum c●nt . Epist. Stephan . princ . † 1 Tim. 6. 20 and 2 Tim. 1. 14. ‖ Si ipsa ( Ecclesia ) contraria Scripturae diceret ( Fidelis ) ipsi non crederet , &c. He● ▪ ● Gand. S●● . p. 1. A. 10. q. 1. And Bellarmine himself ▪ that he might the more safely defend himself in the Cause of Traditions , says , ( but how truly let other men judge ) Nullam Traditionem admittimu● contr● Scripturam . L. 4. de Verb● Dei. cap. 3. ● . Deinde commune . * S. Aug. Tom. 96. in S. Joh. in illa Verba , Multa ●abeo dicere , sed non potestis portare modd . A. C. p. 49. A. C. p. 50. * Hook. l. 2. §. 4. * Euseb. L. 2. c. 27. fi●e . Edit . Basil. 1549. † Euseb L. 3 c. 25. † Except A. C. whose boldness herein I cannot but pity . For he denies this light to the Scripture , and gives it to Tradition ▪ His words are , p. 52. Tradition of the Church is of a company , which by its own light shews it self to be infallibly assisted , &c. * Isa. 44. & passim . * Act. 28. 25. ‖ 2 Thess. 2. 15. Jude , vers . ● . * In your Articles delivered to D. W. to be answered . And A. C. p. 52. * A Jesuite , under the name of T. S. set out a Book , An. 1630. which he called , The Trial of the Protestant private Spirit . † Ut Testimonia Scripturae certam & indubitatam fidem pr●stent , necessarium videtur ostendere , quod ips● Divin● Scripturae sint Dei Spiritu inspirata . Orig. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 1 Cor. 1. 2. 3 4. Datur nobis à Deo , &c. S. Aug. in Psal. 87. † Quia homo assentiendo eis quae sunt fidei , elevatur supra Naturam suam , oportet quòd hoc insit ei ex supernaturali principio interius movente , quod est Deus . Tho. 2. 2● . ● . 6. A. 1. c. And your own Divines agree in this , That Fides acquisit● is not sufficient for any Article , but there must be Fides i●●●sa , before there can be Divine Certainty . Fides acquisita in●ititur 〈◊〉 humanis . Ad quem modum & Saraceni suis Pr●ceptoribus ; & Jud●● suis Rabinis , & Gentes suis Philosophis , & omnes suis Majoribus inherent : non sic Christiani , sed per interi●s lumen infusum à Spirit● San●to , qu● firmissimè & certissimè moventur ad credendum , &c. Canus . L. 2. Locor . c. 8. §. Jam si haec . ‖ Symb. Nicen. The Holy Ghost spake by the Prophets , &c. Et 1 S. Pet. 2. 21. Quis modus est , quo doces animas ea quae f●tura sunt ? Docuist● enim Prophetas t●os . S. Aug. L. 11. Co●●ess . c. 19. * Nec enim Ecclesiae Testimonium , aut Judicium predi●amus , Dei Spiritum , vel ab Ecclesià docente , vel à nobis a●aientibus , excludimus , sed utrobique dis●rtè includimus , &c. Stapl. trip . contr . Whitak . c. 3. † Fides qué c●pit ab Ecclesiae Testimoni● , quatenus proponit & inducit ad Fidem , desinit in Deo intùs revelante , & intùs docente quod s●r●s Ecclesia pr●dicavit . Sapl . Relect. Cont. ● . q. 3. a. 2. When grave and learned men do sometimes hold , that of this Principle there is no proof , but by the Testimony of the Spirit , &c. I think it is not their meaning , to exclude all outward Proofs , &c. but rather this , That all other means are uneffectual of themselves to work Faith , without the special Grace of God. Hook. &c. Lib. 3. §. 8. ‖ De habita Fidei quoad fieri ej●s , & generationem , quùm à Deo immediatè solo Do●o gratuito 〈◊〉 est , Nihil ad Qu●stionem , nisi quoad hoc quod per Scripturae inspectionem , &c. Henr. à Gand. Sum. ● . 10. q. 1. lit . D. * Stapl. Relect. Cont. 4. Q. 3. A. 2. Doth not only affirm it , but proves it too , à paritate ratio●●s , in case of necessity , where there is no Contempt of the external means . * Quid cum singulis agitur , Deus scit qui agit , & ipsi cum quibus agitur , sciunt . Quid autem agatur cum genere Humano , per Historiam commendari voluit , & per Prop●●tiam . S. Aug. de vera R●lig . c. 25. † Gal. 1. 8. A. C. p. 52. * Utitur tamen sacra Doctrina Ratione Humana , Non quidem ad proba●dum Fidem ipsam , sed ad manifestandum aliqua alia , qu● traduntut 〈◊〉 hac Doctrind . Tho. p. 1. q. ● . A. 8. ad 2. Passibus rationis novus bo●● tendit in Deum . S. Aug. de vera Relig. c. 26. ( Passibus , verum est , sed nec aequis , nec solis . ) Nam Invisibilia Dei altiori modo quantum ad plura percipit Fides , quàm Ratio natur●lis ●x Creaturis in Deum procede●s . Tho. 2. 2. q. 2. A. 3. ad 3. † Animalis homo non percipit . 1 Cor. 2. 14. ‖ Quia sci●ati● certitudinem habent ex naturali lu●ine Rationis human● , qu● potest er●are : Theologi● autem ( quae docet & Objectum & Notitiam Fidet , sicut & Fidem ipsam ) certitudinem habit ex lumine Divin● scientie , quae decipi non potest . Tho. p. 1. q. 1. A. 5. c. ut ipsa fide valentiores ●acti , quod credimus intelligere mereamur . S. Aug. cont . Ep. Ma●ichaej , dictam , Fundamentum . c. 14. Hoc autem ita intelligendum est , ut scientia certior sit Certitudine Evidentiae ; Fides verò certior Firmitate Adh●sionis . Majus lumen in Scientia , majus R●b●r in Fide. Et hoc , quia in Fide , & ad Fidem Actus imperatus Voluntatis conc●rrit . Credere enim est Actus Intellectus Vero assentientis productus ex Voluntatis Imperio . Biel. in 3. Se●● . d. 23. q. 2. A. 1. Unde Tho. Intellectus Credentis determinatur ad Unum , non per Rationem , sed per Voluntatem ; & ideo Assensus hic accipitur pro Actu Intellectus , secundum quod à Voluntate determinatur ad Unum ▪ 2. 2. q. 2. A. 1. ad 3. * Si vobis , rationi , & veritati consentanea videntur , in pretio habete , &c. de mysteriis Religionis , Justin. Mart. Apol. 2. Igitur , si fuit dispositio Rationis , &c. Tertull . L. de Carne Christi , c. 18. Rationabile est credere Deum esse Autorem Scripturae . Henr. à Gand. Sum. To. 1. Ar. 9. q. 3. * Hook. L. 3. ● . 8. Si Plato ipse viv●veret , & me interro●a●tem non aspernaretur , &c. S. Aug. de vera Kelig . c. 3. Videamus quatenus Ratio potest progredi à visibilibus ad invisibilia , &c. Ibid. c. 29. † Si vim spe●●es , Deus Valentissimus est , Arist. de Mundo , c. ● . Domini & Moderatores omnium . Cic. 2. d● L●g . ‖ Ipse S●turnus , & Serapis , & Jupiter , & q●●●quid Daemonum colitis , victi dolore q●od sunt , eloquuntur . Nec utique in turpit●dinem sui nonnullis praesertim vestrorum assistentibus , mentiuntur . It sis testibus esse eos Daemones de se verum con●●te●●●bus credite . Adjurati enim per Deum verum , & so●●n invi●i , &c. Arnob. 8. contra Gent. Or 〈◊〉 Foelix , as is now thought . * S. Mat. 12. 22. † S. Mat. 16. 17. * Si Libri quoquo modo se habent sancti tamen Divinarum rerum pleni propè totius generis humani confessione di●●ama●tur , &c. S. Aug. de util . Cred. c. 7. Scriptura summ● dispositione Providenti● super omnes omnium Gentium Literas , omnia ●ibi genera inguni●rum humanorum Divin● Excellens Authoritate subjecit . S. Aug. 11. de Civit. Dei , c. 1. At in omni orbe terr●rum , in omni Gr●cid , & universis Nationibus , innumeri s●nt , & immensi , qui relictis Patriis Legibus , &c. ad observantiam Mosis , & Christi , &c. Origen . 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cap. 1. * Irridere in Catholicae Fidei disciplinà , quod juberentur homines credere , non autem , &c. S. Aug. 1. Retract . c. 14. * And therefore S. Aug. 2. de Doctr. Christ. c. 8. would have men make themselves perfect in reading the Letter of the Scripture , even before they understood it . Eas notas habeat , etsi nondum intellectu , tamen lectione duntaxat ; No question but to make them ready against they understood it . And as School-Masters make their Scholars conne their Grammar-Rules by heart , that they may be ready for their use , when they better understand them . NUM . ●0 . * L. 1. cont . Epis. 〈◊〉 . c. ● . 〈…〉 non cred●r●m E 〈…〉 , ●isi me catholi●● Ecclesi● comm●veret Authorit●● . † Occham . Dia● . p. 1 L. ● . c. 4. Intelligitur solum d● Ecclesi● 〈◊〉 ●uit ●●●pore Apostolorum . ‖ B●el . lect . 22. in C. Miss● . A tempore Christi & Apostolorum , &c. And so doth S. Aug. take ●ccles . 〈…〉 a F●●d . * ● . 16. N● . 6. * S●ve In●ideles , ●ive in Fide Novitii . Can. Loc. L. 2. c. 8. Neganti , aut omninò nēsci●●ti Scripturam . Stapl. Relect. Cont. 4. q. 1. A. 3. † Quid si fateamur Fideles etiam , Ecclesiae Authoritate comm●ueri , ut Scriptur as recipiant : Non tamen inde sequitur ●o● hoc modo penitus persuaderi : aut null● ali● fortioré●ue ratione induci ? Quis antem Christianus est , quem Ecclesia Christi ▪ commendans Scripturam Coristi , non comm●●●at ? Whitaker . D●sp . de sacrâ Scripturâ . Contr● . 1. ● . 3. ● , 8. ubi citat locum ●anc , S. Aug. ‖ Et 〈◊〉 Quibus ●●●empera●● dicentibus Credite Evang●●io . Therefore he speaks of himself , when he did not believe . * ●●●tum est quod tene●●● credere omnibus 〈…〉 in Sacro Canon● , quia Ecclesia credit ●x ea ratione solum ▪ Ergo per prius & magis t●●●●u● Credere Ecclesiae , quàm Evang●●●● . A●tt 〈…〉 n. in 3 ▪ Dist. 24. Conclus . 6. ●●● . 6. And to make a shew of proof for this , he ●alsifies S. August . most notoriously , and reads that known place , not Ni●● 〈◊〉 commo●●r●● ( at all read it ) ●●● r●m●elleret . Pate● . quiae dicit Augustinus , Evangelio non Credere● , nisi ad ●o● me compell●ret Ecclesi● Authoritas . Ibid. And so also Gerson reads it , in Declarat . veritatum , qu● cr●dend● sunt , &c. part . 1. p. 414. §. 3. But in a most ancient Manuscript in Corp. Chr. Colledge Library in Cambridge , the words are , Nisi me commov●r●t , &c. † C●●●n L. ● . de L●c●● c. 8. fol. 34. ● . §. 16. Num. 6. * Psal. 119 10● . S●●ctarum Scripturarum Lumen , S. Aug. L. de verâ Relig. c. ● . Quid 〈◊〉 Scripturum vanis umbris ? &c. S. August . ● . d● M●r. Eccl. Cathol . ●35 . * 1 Cor. 2. 14. † Orig. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c. 1. went this way ; yet was he a great deal nearer the prime Tradition , than we are . For being to prove that the Scriptures were inspired from God , he saith , D●●oc ●ssig●abimus ●x ipsis Divi●is Scripturis , qu● nos comp●●●●t●r mo●●ri●t , &c. ‖ Princip 〈…〉 ( ●●●●m & hîc ) credimus propter D●●m , non Apostol●s , &c. H●nr à ●and . Sum. A. 9. q. 3. Now , if where the Apostoles themselves spake , ultimate resolutio Fidei , was in Deum , not in ipsos per se , much more shall it be in Deum , than in pr●sentem Ecclesi●● : and into the writings of the Apostles , than into the words of their Successors , made up into a Tradition . * Calv. Instit. 1. c. 5. §. 2. Christiana Ecclesia Prophetarum scriptis , & Apostolorum praedicatione initio fundata ●uit , ●●icunque reperietur e● Doctrina , &c. * And where Hooker uses this very Argument , as he doth , L. 3. §. 8. his words are not , If there be sufficient Light ; But , if that Light be Evident . † 1 Cor. 2. 14. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Heb. 11. 1. † §. 16. N● . 13. ‖ Heb. 11. 1. * 1 Cor. 13. 12. And A. C. confesies , p. 52. That this very thing in Question may be known infallible , when 't is known but obscurely . Et Scotus in 3. Dist. 23. q. 1 fol. 41. B. Hoc modo facile est videre quomocò Fides est cum aenigmate , & obscuritate . Quis Habitus Fidei non credit Articulum esse verum ex Evidenti● Objecti , sed propter boc , quod assentit veratitati infundentis Habitum , & in hoc revelantis Credibilia . † Bellar. l. 3. de Eccles. c. 14. Credere ullas esse divinas Scripturas , non est omninò necessarium ad salutem . I will not break my Discourse , to ●i●●e this speech of Bellarmine ; it is bad enough in the best sense , that favour it self can give it . For if he mean by omninò , that it is not altogether , or simply necessary to believe there is Divine Scripture , and a written Word of God ; that 's false , that being granted , which is among all Christians , That there is a Scripture : And God would never have given a Supernatural unnecessary thing . And if he means by omninò , that it is not in any wise necessary , then it is sensibly false . For the greatest upholders of Tradition that ever were , made the Scripture very ncessary in all the Ages of the Church . So it was necessary , because it was given ; and given , because God thought it necessary . Besides , upon Roman Grounds , this I think will follow : That which the Tradition of the present Church delivers , as necessary to believe , is omninò necessary to salvation : But that there are Divine Scriptures , the Tradition of the present Church delivers , as necessary to believe : Therefore to believe there are Divine Scriptures , is omninò ( be the sense of the word what it can ) necessary to Salvation . So Bellarmine is herein ●oul , and unable to stand upon his own ground . And he is the more , partly , because he avouches this Proposition for truth after the New Testament written . And partly , because he might have seen the state of this Proposition carefully examined by Gandavo , and distinguished by times . Sum. p. 1. A. 8. q. 4. sine . * Lib. 1. §. 14. † Protest . Apol. Tract . 1. §. 10. N. 3. * L. 2. §. 4. † L. 2. §. 7. & L. 3. §. 8. ‖ S. Joh. 5. 31. He speaks of himself as man. S. Joh. 8. 13. * L. 2. §. 7. * L. 3. §. 8. A. C. p. 52. A. C. p. 52. A. C. p. 52. * S. Luke 16. 8. † 1 S. Pet. 5. 3. ‖ S. Basil goes as far for Traditions as any . For he says : Parem vim habent ad pietatem L. de Sp. Sanct. c. 27. But first , he speaks of Apostolical Tradition , not of the Tradition of the present Church . Secondly , the Learned take exceptions to this Book of S. Basil , as corrupted . Bp. A●dr . Opuse . cont . Peron . p. 9. Thirdly , S. Basil himself , Ser. de Fido , prosesses that he uses sometimes Agrapha , sed ea solùm quae non sunt aliena à piâ secundum Scripturam sententiá . So he makes the Scripture their Touch-stone , or tryal . And therefore must of Necessity make Scripture superior , in as much as that which is able to try another , is of greater force , and superior Dignity in that use , than the thing tried by it . And Stapleton himself confesses , Traditionem recentiorem & posteriorem , sicut & particularem , nullo modo cum Scripturâ , vel cum Traditionibus priùs à se explicatis comparand●m esse . Stapleton . Relect. Controv. 5. q. 5. A. 2. A. C. p. 52. * Ut § 18. Nu. 4. Ex S. Aug. L. 32. cont . Fanstum . c. 16. A. C. p. 53. A. C. p. 53. * Nam multe sunt Decretales h●r●ticae , sicut dicit Ocham . Et firmiter hoc Credo , sed non licet dogmatis are Oppositum , quo●iam sunt determinatae , nisi manifest● constet , &c. Ja. Almain . in 3. St●t . D. 24. q. unic . i. Conclus . 6. Dub. 6. ●●●● . And Alphons à Castro also both says and proves , Caelestinum Papam errasse , non ut privatam Personam , sed ut Papam . L. 1. advers . Har. c. 4. and the Gloss Confesses . Eum errare posse ●●● . 24. q. 1. C. A. Recta ergo . * Nam in side quidem Jesuitam errare non posse , atque adeo esse hoc unicum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , caeteris , quae solent à Poëtis plurim● commemorari , post●d● annumerandum , si nescis , mi Fronto , & puto nescire , doceb● te , ab Apologista doctus , hoc ipsum disertis verbis affirma●te . Sic ille , cap. 3. Ejus exemplaris quod ad Sereniss . Regem fuit miss●m , paginâ 119. Jungantur in unum , ait , dies cum nocte , tenebrae cum luce , calidum cum frigido , sanitas cum morbo , vita cum morte : & erit tum spes aliqua posse in caput Jesuitae haeresin cadere . Isa. Casaubon . Ep. ad Front. Ducaeum . Lond. 1611. A. C. p. 53. S. Luk. 10. 16. * Per quod docet quicquid per Sanctos Apostolos dicitur , acciptandum esse , quia qui illos audit , Christum audit , &c. S. Cyrillus apud Thom. in Catena . Et Dominus dedit Apostolis suis , potestatem Evangelii , per quos & Veritatem , id est , Dei Filium cogno●imus , &c. Quibus & disit Dominus , Qui vos audit , &c. Iraeneus praesat . in L. 3. edvers . Haer. fine . † Dicit ad Apostolos , ac per hoc ad Omnes Praepositos , qui Apostolis Vicari à Ordinatione succedunt . S. Cyprian . L. 4. Epist. 9. But S. Cyprian doth not say , that this speech of our Saviours was aequaliter dictum , alike and equally spoken and promised to the Apostles , and the succeeding Bishops . And I believe A. C. will not dare to say in plain and express Terms , That this speech , He that heareth you , ●earath me , doth as amply belong to every Roman Priest , as to Peter , and the Apostles . No , a great deal of Difference will become them well . ‖ Be ye followers of me , even as I am of Christ , 1 Cor. 11. 1. and 1 Thess. 1. 6. * And so V●●●r . Beda expresly , both for hearing the word , and for contemning it ▪ For neither of these ( saith he ) belong only to them which saw our Saviour in the flesh ; but to all hodiè quoque : but with this limitation ; if they hear , or despise Evangelii verba : not the Preachers own . Beda in S. Luke 10. 15 , 16. † S. Mat. 28. 20. ‖ S Mat. 2● . 19 , 20. * R●banus Maur. goes no farther , then that to the End some will always be in the world fit for Christ by his Spirit and Grace to inhabit : Divinâ mansione & inhabitatione digni . Rab. in S. Matth. 28. 19 , ●0 . Pergatis habentes Dominum Protectorem , & Ducem , saith S. Cypr. L. 4. Epistl . 1. But he doth not say , How far forth . And , Loquitur Fidelibus sicut uni Corperi . S. Chrysost. Homil. in S. Matth. And if S. Chrysostome inlarge it so far , I hope A. C. will not extend the Assistance given or promised here to the whole Body of the Faithful , to an Infallible , and Divine Assistance in every of them , as well as in the Pastors and Doctors . † In illis donis quibus salus aliorum queritur ( quali a sunt Prophetiae , & interpretationes Sermonum , &c. ) Spiritus Sanctus nequaquam semper in Praedicatoribus permanet . S. Greg. L. 2. Moral . c. 29. prin . Edit . Basil. 1551. S. John 14. 16. ‖ Iste Consolator non a●feretur à Vobis , sicut subtra●itur Humanitas mea per mortem , sed aeternalitèr erit Vobiscum , ●îc per Gratiam , in futuro per Gloriam . Lyra , in S. John 14. 16. You see there the Holy Ghost shall be present by Consolation and Grace , not by Infallible Assistance . * S. Joh. 16. 13. † Omnem veritatem : Non arbitror in hac vita in cujusquam mente compleri , &c. S. August . in S. Joh. Tract . 96. versus ●in . ‖ Spiritus Sanctius , &c. qui eos doceret Omnem Veritatem , quam tunc , cùm iis loquebatur , portare non poterant . S. Joh. 16. 12 , 13. & S. August . Tract . 97. in S. Joh. prin . † Omnes vel ins●pientissimi Haeretici , qui se Christianos vocari volunt , ●●daci as sigmentorum suorum , quas maximè exhorret sensus humanus , hac Occasione Evan●●licae sententiae color are conentur , &c. S. August . T. 97. in S. Joh. circa med . * Nam . 26. A. C. p. 52. A. C. p. 53. * Will A. C. maintain , that any Legate ● Latere is of as great Credit , as the Pope himself ? S. Joh. 13. 13. A. C. p. 52. * For this A. C. says expresly of Tradition , p. 52. And then he adds , That the Promise for this was no less , but rather more Expresly made to the lawfully sent Pastors and Doctors of the Church in all ages in their teaching by word of mouth , than in writing , &c. p. 53. † For the freeing of factious and silenced Ministers , is ●●●●ed , the Restoring of Gods Word to its Liberty . In the Godly Author of the late News from Ipswich , P. 5. * And S. Aug. himself . L. 13. contra Faustum , c. 5. proves by an Internal Argument the fulfilling of the Prophets . Scriptura ( saith he ) quae fidem suam rebus ipsis probat quae per temporum successiones haec impleri , &c. And Hen. à Gand. Par. 1. Sum. A. 9. q. 3. cites S. August . Book de vera Religione . In which Book , though these four Arguments are not found in Terms together , yet they fill up the scope of the whole Book . † Duplici modo muniri fidem , &c. Primò Divinae Legis Authoritate , tum deinde Ecclesiae Catholicae Traditione . cont . Haer. c. 1. ‖ S. Joh. 4. * Hen. à. Gand. Sum. Par. 1. A. 10. q. 1. Sic quotidie apud illos qui foris sunt , intrat Christus per mulierem , i. Ecclesiam , & credunt per istam fa●am , &c. Gloss. in S. Joh. cap. 4. † Ibid. Plus verbis Christi in Scriptur â credit , quàm Ecclesiae testificanti . Quia propter illam jam credit Ecclesiae . Et si ipsa quidem contraria Scripture diceret , ipsi non crederet , &c. Prima● fidem tribuamus Scripturis Canonicis , secundam , sub ista , Definitionibus & Consuetudinibus Ecclesiae Catholicae , post istas studiosis viris non sub poe● a perfidiae , sed proterviae , &c. Walden . D●ct . Fid. To. 1. L. 2. Art. 2. c. 23. Nu. 9. ‖ In sacr â Scriptur â Ipse immediatè loquitur fidelibus . Ibid. * S. John 10. 4. * Quod autem credimus posterioribus , circa quos non apparent virtutes Divinae , hoc est , Quia non praedicant al●a , quàm quae illi in Scriptis certissimis reliquerunt . Que constat per medios in nullo fuisse vitiata ex consenstone concordi in eis omnium succedentium usque ad tempora nostra . Hen. à Gand. Sum. P. 1. A. 9. q. 3. † Scriptur . as babemus ex Traditione . S. Cyril . Hier. Catech. 4. Multa que non inveniuntur in Literis Apostolorum , &c. nonnisi ab illis tradita & commendata creduntur . S. Aug. 2. de Baptism . contra D●●at . c. 7. * Non aliundè scientia Coelestium . S. Hilar ▪ l. 4. de Trinit . Si Angelus de Coelo annanciaverit praeterquam quod in Scripturis , &c. S. Aug. L. 3. cont . Petil. c. 6. † Quùm sit perfectus Scripturarum Canon , sibique ad omnia satis superque sufficiat , &c. Vin. Lir. contra Haeres . c. 2. And if it be sibi ad omnia , then to this , to prove it self , at least after Tradition hath prepared us to receive it . Pun. 1. ‖ Omnis Scientia praesupponit fidem aliquam . S. Prosper . in Psalm . 123. And S. Cyril . Hierosol . Ca●ches . 5. shews how all things in the world do fide consistere . Therefore most unreasonable to deny that to Divinity , which all Sciences , nay all things challenge : Namely , some things to be presupposed , and believed . Pun. 2. Pun. 3. * Si vis credere manifestis , invisibilibus , magis quàm visibilibius oportet credere . Litet dictum sit admirabile , verum est , &c. S. Chrysostom . Hom. 46. ad Pop. And there he proves it . Aliae Scientiae certitudinem baben● ex Naturali Lumint Rationis Humane , que decipi potest : Hec autem ex Lumine Divin● Scientiae , quae decipi non potest . Thom. p. 1. q. 1. ● . 5. c. * Psal. 94. 10. Our old English Translation reads it , Shall not be punish ? That is , shall not he know when , and why , and how to punish ? Heb. 11. 1. † Si sit Ratio convincens , & propter eam quis credat , ali●s non crediturus , tollitur meritum fidei . Biel. 3. D. 25. q. unic . fi●e . Non est dicendus credere , cujus judicium subigitur , aut cogitur , &c. Scapl . Triplicet . c●ntr● Whitaker , cap. 6. p. 64. ‖ Fides non fit in nobis nisi volentibus . Tolet in . S. Joh. 16. Annot. 33. Et qui voluerunt , crediderunt . S. Aug. Se●● . 60. de verb. Dom. c 5. Fides Actus est , non solius Intellectus , sed etiam Voluntatis , quae cogi non potest . I●● magis Voluntatis quàm Intellectus , quatenus illa Operationis principium est , & Assensum ( qui propriè Actus fidei est ) sola elicit . Nec ab Intellectu Volu● 〈◊〉 , ●●d à Voluntate Intellectus in Actu fidei determinatur . Stap. Triolic . cont . Whitak . c. 6. p. 64. Crodere enim est Actus Intellectus determinati ad unum ex Imperio Voluntatis . Tho. 2. 2. q. 4 A●● . c. Non potest dart aliquis Assensus Fidei , quicunque ille ●it , qui non dependet in suis Causis mediatè vel immediatè ab ●●tu Voluntatis . A●● . in 3. Sent. D. 24. Conclus . 6. Dub. 4. And S. Aug. says : Fidei locum esse Cor. Tract . 52. in S. Job . Where the Heart is put for the whole Soul , which equally comprehends both the Will and the Understanding . And so doth Bi●● ▪ also , in 3. Sent. D. 25. q. unic . Art. 1. F. * Mat. 11. 25. Pun. 4. Pun. 5. * The Apostles indeed they knew , for they had clear Revelation : They to whom they preached , might believe , but they could not know without the like Revelation . So S. Job . 19. 35. He that saw , knows that he says true , that you , which saw not , might believe . D●●s is Prophe●●● & sic in Apostolis ) quos immediatè illuminabat , causabat evidentiam . Jac. Almain . in 3. Sent. Dis. 24. q. unic ● . Conclus . 6. But for the refu●●e of men , 't is no more , but as Thomas hath it : Oportet quod credatur Authoritati eorum , quibus Revelatio facta est . Tho. p. 1. q. 1. A. 8. ad 8. † Non est ●●idens vel ista esse vera miracula : vel ista fieri ad illam Veritatem comprobandam . Ja. Almain . i●● . 〈◊〉 . D. 24. q. un●c● Concl. 6. Therefore the Miracles which Christ and his Apostles did , were fully sufficient to beget Faith to Assent , but not Evidence to Convince . ‖ Cautos nos fecit Sponsus , quia & Miraculis decipi non debe●us . S. Aug. T. 13. in S. Joh. And he that says ●●e ought not to be deceived , acknowledges that we may be deceived even by Miracles . And Arguments which can deceive , are not sufficient to Convince . Though they be sometimes too full of efficacie to pervert . And so plainly Almain , out of Ocham . Nunquam acquiritur ●videntia per Medium quod 〈◊〉 ●● general falsum assensum , sicut ver●● . Ja. Alma . in 3. Sent. Di. 24. q. unic . Concl. ● . And therefore that Learned Roman Catholiks , who tells us , the Apost●●● Miracles made it evident , that their Doctrine was true and Divine , went too far . Credible they made it , but not Evident . And therefore he is after forced to confess , That the Soul sometimes assents not to the Miracles , but in great timidity , which cannot stand with clear Evidence . And after again , That the Soul may renounce the Doctrine formerly confirmed by Miracles , unless some inward and supernatural Light be given , &c. And neither can this possibly stand with Evidence . And therefore Bellarmine goes no farther than this : Miracula esse 〈◊〉 , & efficacia ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . L. 4. de Nobis 〈◊〉 . c. 14. ● . 1. To induce and perswade , but not to Convince . And Thomas will not grant so much , for he says expresse : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est sufficient caus● inducens Fidem . Quia videntium unum & idem Miraculum , quidam credunt , & quidam non . Tho. ● . 2. q. 6. A. 1. c. And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rom. 10. 15. is down-right at Nulla fides , est habenda signo . ●xaminand● sunt , &c. Anastasius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apud 〈◊〉 ad A● . 36●● 〈◊〉 ●1 . Non sunt necessaria signa vera fidei , &c. Suarez , 〈◊〉 . Fidei Cathol . L. 1. cap. 7. Num. 3. * Deut. 〈◊〉 . 1 , 2 , 3. 2 Thes. 2. 9. S. Marc. 13. 22. † 〈◊〉 Virtutum alteri datur , 1 ▪ Cor. 1● . 10. ( to one and another , he saith , not to all . ) Daemoniâ fu●●r● , Mortuos 〈◊〉 , &c. dedit quibusdam Discip●●i● 〈◊〉 , quibusdam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ ( That is , to do Miracles . ) 〈◊〉 Aug. Serm. 22. ●t Verbis Apost . c. ● . * S. Joh. 10. 41. ‖ Here it may be observed how warily A. C. carries himself . For when he hath said , That a clear Revelation was made to the Apostles , which is most true ; And so the Apostles knew that which they taught simplicitèr à priori , most Demonstratively from the Prime Cause , God himself : Then he adds , p. 51. I say , clear in attestante . That is , the Revelation of this Truth was clear in the Apostles that witnessed it . But to make it knowledge in the Auditors , the same , or like Revelation , and as clear must be made to them . For they could have no other knowing Assurance ; Credible they might , and had . So A. C. is wary there , but comes not home to the Business , and so might have held his peace . For the Question is not , what clear Evidence the Apostles had ? but what Evidence they had , which heard them ? * Esay 53. 1. † Jer. 20. 7. ‖ Acts 17. 32. And had Zedechiah and the people seen it as clearly as Jeremy himself did , that the word he spake was Gods word , and Infallible , Jerusalem , for ought we know , had not been laid desolate by the Chaldean . But because they could not see this by the way of knowledge , and would not believe it by way of Faith , they , and that City perished together . Jer. 38. 17. * Nemo pius , nisi qui Scripturae credit . S. Aug. L. 26. cont . Fanstum , c. 6. Now no Man believes the Scripture , that doth not believe that it is the Word of God. I say , which doth not believe , I do not say , which doth not know . Oportet quod Credatur Authoritati eorum quibus Revelatio facta est . Tho. p. 1. q. 1. A. 8. ad secundum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Quod vero Animam habemus , unde manifestum ? Si enim Visibilibus credere velis , & de Deo , & de Angelis , & de meute , & de Animâ dubitabis : & sic tibi omnia veritatis dogmata deperibunt . Et certé si manifestis credere velis , Invisibilious magis quàm Visibilibus credere oportet . Licet enim admirabile sit dictum , verum tamen , & apud mentem habentes valde certum , vel in confesso . Ex homil . 13. S. Chrysost. in S. Mat. To. 1. Edit . Fronto : Paris . 1636. * Nemo pius , nisi qui Scripturae credit . S. Aug. L. 26. cont . Fanstum , c. 6. Now no Man believes the Scripture , that doth not believe that it is the Word of God. I say , which doth not believe , I do not say , which doth not know . Oportet quod Credatur Authoritati eorum quibus Revelatio facta est . Tho. p. 1. q. 1. A. 8. ad secundum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Quod vero Animam habemus , unde manifestum ? Si enim Visibilibus credere velis , & de Deo , & de Angelis , & de me●te , & de Animâ dubitabis : & sic tibi omnia veritatis dogmata deperibunt . Et certé si manifestis credere velis , Invisibilious magis quàm Visibilibus credere oportet . Licet enim admirabile sit dictum , verum tamen , & apud mentem habentes valde certum , vel in confesso . Ex homil . 13. S. Chrysost. in S. Mat. To. 1. Edit . Fronto : Paris . 1636. Pun. 6. † And this is the Ground of that which I said before , §. 15. Nu. 1. That the Scripture only , and not any unwritten Tradition , was the Foundation of our Faith. Namely , when the Authority of Scripture is first yeelded unto . S. Luke 9. 23. ‖ Intellectus Credentis determinatur per Voluntatem , non per Rationem . Tho. 2. 2. q. 2. A. 1. ad tertium . And what power the Will hath in Case of mens Believing , or not Believing , is manifest , Jer. 44. But this is spoken of the Will compared with the Understanding only , leaving the Operations of Grace free over both . Pun. 7. b Co●●n ●ijis enim sententia est Patrum & Theologorum aliorum , demonstrari posse naturali ratione Deum esse ; Sed à posteriori & per effectus . Sic Tho. p. 1. q. 2. A. 2. Et Damasc. I. 1 Ortho. Fid. c. 3. & Almain . in 3. sent . D. 24. q. 1. But what may be demonstrated by natural reason , by natural light may the same be known . And so the Apostle himself , Rom. 1. 20. Invisibilia Dei a Creaturâ mundi per ea quae facta sunt , intellecta conspiciuntut . And so Calvin most clearly , I. 1. Instit. c. ● . §. 1. Aperire oculos nequeunt , quin aspicere eum coguntur , though Bellarmine would needs be girding at him , L. 4. de Grat. & Lib. Arbit . cap. 2. Videtur autem & Ratio iis quae apparent attestari : Omnes enim homines de Diis ( ut ille loquitur ) habent existimationem , Arist. I. 1. de Coelo , T. 22. c Damasc. L. 1. Ortho. Fid. c. 4. d 1 Tim. 6. 16. Et u● Vestiglum sic accedendi relinquit . S. Aug. nisi dugeas imaginatione cogitationis lucem solis innumerabiliter vel quid aliud , &c. ● . 8. de Trin. c. 2. Solus modus accedendi , Preces sunt . Boet. de Consolat . Philos. L. 5. prosa . 3. e Prates Scientias Philosophicas ; necesse est ut ponatur alia Scientia divinit●s revelata de iis quae hominis captum excedunt . Tho. p. 1. q. 1. A. 1. f And therefore Biel is express , That God could not reveal any thing that is to come , nisi illud esset ● Deo praescitum seu praevisum ( i. e. unless God did fully comprehend that which he doth reveal ) Bi●l in 3. sent . D. 23. q. 2. A. 1. g Nullus Intellectus Creatus videndo Deum , potest cognoscere Omnia que Deus facit , vel potest facere . Hoc enim esset Comprehendere ejus virtutem , &c. Tho. p. 1. q. 12. A. 8. C. Ad Argumentum : Quod Deus ut Speculum est : Et quod omnia quae fieri possunt , in eo resplendent . Respondet Thom. Quod non est necessarium , quod videns speculum , omnia in speculo videat , nisi speculum vtsu suo comprehendat . Tho. p. 1. q. 12. A. 8. ad 2. ( Now no man can comprehend this Glass which is God Himself . ) h Deus enim est Speculum voluntarium revelans quae & quot vult alicui beato : non est Speculum naturaliter repraesentans omnia . Biel. Suppl . in 4. Sent. D. 49. q. 3. propos . 3. i For if Reason well put to its search did not find this out , how came Arist. to affirm this by rational disquisition ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Restat , ut mens sola extrinsecùs acc●dat , eaque sola divina sit , nihil enim cum ejus Actione communicat Actio corporalis . Arist. l. 2. de gen . Anim. c. 3. This cannot be spoken of the Soul , were it mortal . And therefore I must needs be of Paulus Benius his opinion , who says plainly , and proves it too , Turpiter affixam à quibusdam Aristottli Mortalitatis Animae Opinionem . Benius in Timaeum Platonis , Decad. 2 ● . L. 3. k For if Reason did not dictate this also , whence is it that Aristotle disputes of the way and means of attaining it ? L. 1. Moral . c. 9. And takes on him to prove , That Felicity is rather an Honourable than a Commendable thing , c. 12. And after all this , he adds , Deo beata tota vita est , hominibus autem catenus , quatenus similitudo quaedam ejusmodi Operationis ipsis inest , Arist. L. 10. Moral . c. 8. l S. John 17. 3. Ultima Beatitudo hominis Consistit in quadam : supernaturali visione Dei. Ad hanc autem visionem Homo . ●●r●●●gere non potest , nisi per modum Addiscentis à Deo Doctore , Omnis qui audit à Patre & didicit . S. John 6. 45. Thom. 2. 2. q. 2. A. 3. in c. * Deus & Natura nihil frustra faciunt , Arist. ● . 1. de Coelo . T. 32. Frustrà autem est quod non potest habere suum usunt , Thom. ibid. Pun. 8. * 2 Pet. 1. 1● * Quasi quidam fluvius est , planus , & Altus , in quo & Agnus ambulet , & Elephas natet , S. Greg. Praesat . in Lib. Moralium , c. 4. † In Lege Domini voluntas ejus , Psal. 1. 2. Dulcior super mel & fa●nm , Psal. 18. 11. & passim . ‖ Multa dicuntur submissis & bumi repentibus animis , ut aecommodati●s pir humana in Divina consurgant . Multa etiam figuratè , ut studiosa mens , & quaesitis exerceatur utili●s & uberiùs laetetur inven●● S. Aug. de Mor. Ec. Cat. c. 17. Sed nihil sub spirituali sensu continetur . Fidei necessarium , quod Scriptura per Literalem sensum alicubi manifestè non tradat . Tho. p. 1. q. 1. A. 10. ad 1. * Credimus , &c. sicut ob alia multa certiora Argument● quam est Testimonium Ecclesiae ) tum propter hoc potiffsmum , q●òd Spiritus Sanctus nobis intùs has esse Dei voces persuadeat . Whitaker . Disput. de Sac. Scrip. Controvers . 1. q. 3. c. 8. † Gal. 1. 8. Pun. 9. ‖ Cum Fides insallibili veritati innitatur : Et ideo cum impossibile sit de vero demonstrari Contrarium 1 sequitur omnes Probationes qua contra fidem inducuntur , non posse esse Demonstrationes , sed solubilia Argumenta . Tho. p. 1. q. A. 1. 8. c. * Fidei ultima Resolutio est in Deum illuminantem . S. Aug. cont . Fund . c. 14. A. C. p. 53. Et vid. §. 16. N. 28. * Dixi sicut 〈◊〉 congruebat , ad quem scribebam , S. Aug. l. 1. Retract . c. 13. † Nor is it such a strange thing to hear that Scripture is such a supposed Principle among Christians . Quod à Scriptura evidenter deducitur , est evidenter verum , suppositis Scripturis . Bellarm. L. 4. de Eccl. Milit. c. 3. ● . 3. ‖ De Subjecto enim queritur semper , non Subjectum ipsum . * L. 4. de verb. Dei , c. 4. §. Quartò necesse est . And the ●esuite here , op●d A , C. p. 49. * L. ● . ● . 8. † Whereas Bellarm. says expresly , that in the Controversies between you and us , Non agitur de Metaphysicis subtilit atibus , qu● sine periculo ignorari , & interdum c●●● Laude opp●●nari poss●●● , &c. Bellarm. Praesat . Ope●●●us pr●●●x . ● . 3. ‖ His omnibus 〈…〉 est Controversia de Verbo Dei. Neque enim disputari potest , nisi prius in aliquo Communi Principio cum Adversariis 〈…〉 nos & omnes omni●● H●reticos , Verbum Dei esse Regulum fidei , ex quâ de Dogmatibus judicandum sit , esse commune Pri 〈…〉 ab omnibus concessum , 〈…〉 , &c. Bellarm. Praesat . Operib . prafix . §. ult . And if it be Com 〈…〉 Pri 〈…〉 ab omnibus 〈◊〉 , then I hope it must be taken as a thing supposed , or as a Praecognitum in this Dispute between us . * Colligitur apert● ex Tho. p. 1. q. 1. A●g : ad 1. Et Articulotum Fidei veritas non potest nobis esse evidens absolute . Bellar. L. 4. de Eccles. Mit. c. 3. §. 3. † §. 17 & 18. N● . 2. ‖ And my immediate Words in the Conference , upon which the ●esuite a●●ed , How I knew Scripture to be Scripture ? were ( as the ●esuite himself relates it , apud ● . c. p●● ▪ 8. ) That the Scripture only , not any unwritten Tradition ▪ was the Foundation of our Faith. Now the Scripture cannot be the only F●●●dation of F●●●h , if it contain not all things necessary to Salvation ; Which the Church of Rome denying against all Antiquity , makes it now become a Question . And in regard of this ▪ my Answer was , That the Scriptures are and must be Principles supposed , and praecognit●● , before the handling of this Question . † Hook. L. 3. §. 8. * Hoc modo sacra Doctrina est Scientia ; quia procedit ex Principiis notis Lumine superioris Scientiae , qu● scilic●● est Scientia Dei & Beatorum . Tho. p. 1. q. 1. a. 2. And what says A. C. now to this of Aquinas ? Is it not clear in him , that this Principle , The Scripturis are the word of God , of Divine and most infallible Credit , is a Praecognitum in the knowledge of Divinity , and proveable in a superior Science , namely , the Knowledge of God , and 〈◊〉 ●lessed in Heaven ? Yes ; so clear , that ( as I told you he would ) A. C. cons●ll●● it , p. 51. But he adds ? That because no man ordinarily sees this Proof , therefore we must go either to Christ , who saw it cle 〈…〉 Of to the Apostles , to whom it was clearly revealed ; or to them , who by Succession received it from the prime Seers . So now , because Christ is ascended , and the Apostles gone into the number of the 〈◊〉 , and made in a higher Degree partakers of their knowledge ; therefore we must now only go unto their Successors , and borrow light from the Tradition of the present Church . For that we must do ; And 〈◊〉 so far well . ●●t that we must rely upon this Tradition , as Divine , and Infallible , and able to breed in us 〈◊〉 , and inf●●●●ble Pa●th , as A. C. adds , p. 51 , 52. is a Proposition , which in the times of the Pri 〈…〉 Church would have been accounted very dangerous , as indeed it is . For I would fain know , why ●e●●●ing too 〈◊〉 upon Tradition may not mislead Christians , as well as it did the Jews . But 〈◊〉 , with 〈…〉 , Traditionis favore Legis praec●pta transgressi sunt . Can. 14. in ● . Mat. Yet to this 〈◊〉 are They of 〈◊〉 now grown , Th●● the Traditions of the present Church are infallible : And by out 〈…〉 the Truth , told many after them . And as it is Jer. 5. 31. The Prophets prophesit untruths , and the Priests recei●● gifts , and my people delight therein , what will become of this in the end ? * Non ●teditur Deus esse Author hujus Scienti● , qui● Homines hoc testati sunt in quantum Homines nudo Testimonio Humano ; sed in quantum circa eos effulsit virtus Divina . Et ita Deus iis , & sibi ipsi in eis Testimonium perhibuit . Hen. ● Gand. Sum. P. 1. A. 9. q. 3. * Corrumpi non possunt , quia in manibus sunt omnium Christianorum ; Et quisquts hoc primitùs ausus esset , multorum Codicum vetustiorum collation● confut●r●tur . Maximè , quia non una linguâ , sed multis continetur Scriptura . Nonnullae autem Codicum mendositates , vel de Antiquioribus , vel de Linguâ praecedente emendantur . S. Aug. L. 32. cont . Faustum , c. 16. * S. John 9. 29. † Maldonat . in S. Joh. 9. Itaque non magis errare posse eum sequentes , quàm si Deam ipsam sequerentur . ‖ S. Joh. 5. 47. * Hom. 57. in S. Joh. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † a S. Pet. 1. 19. ‖ S. Chrysost. ubi suprd . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Tantâ hominum , & temporam consensione firmatum . S. Aug. L. de Mor. Eccles. Cath. c. 29. Ii Libri quoquo modo se habent , sancti tamen Divinarum Rerum pleni propè totius generis humani Confessione diffamantur , &c. S. Aug. de util . Cred. c. 7. & L. 13. cont . Faust. c. 15. † Super omnes omnium Gentium Liter as . S. Aug. 11. de Civit. Dei , c. 1. * Incertum esse non potest hos esse Libros Canonicos . Wal. Doct. sid . l. 2. a. 2. c. 20. † Canus Loc. l. 2. c. 8. facit Ecclesiam Causam sine qua non . ‖ §. 16. * Inter omnes penè constat aut certè id quod satis est , inter me & illos , cum quibus nunc agitur , convenit hoc , &c. Sic in aliâ Causâ cont . Manichaeos , S. Aug. L. de Mor. Eccl : Cath. c. 4. † Vin. Lir. cont . Haeres . c. 2. * Contra Epist. Fund . c. 5. * Pamel . in Summar . Lib ... Videns Disputationibus nihil aut par●m profici . † Acts 6. 9. ‖ Acts 9. 29. * Acts 19. 17. † Debilitatur generosa indoles conject a in argutias . Sen. Ep. 48. ‖ Here A. C. hath nothing to say , but that the Jesuite did not affirm , That the Lady asked this Question in this or any other precise form . No ? why , the words preceding are the Jesuites own . Therefore if these were not the Ladies words , he wrongs her , not I him . * Integritat● custodes , & rect a sectantes . De vera Relig. c. 5. † Hooker l. 3. §. 1. Junius l. de Ec. c. 17. Falluntur qui Ecclesiam negant , quia Papatus in eâ est . Reynold . Thes. 5. Negat tantum esse Catholicam , vel sanum ejus membrum . Nay the very Separatists grant it . Fr. Johnson in his Treatise , called , A Christian Plea , Printed 1617. p. 123 , &c. ‖ Si tamen bono ingenio Pietas & Pa● quaedam mentis accedat , fine quà de sanctis rebus nihil prorsus intelligi potest . S. Aug. de Util. Cred. c. 18. A. C. p. 53. A. C. p. 54. * And after A. C. saith again , p. 54. That the Lady did not ask the Question , as if she meant to be satisfied with bearing what I said . So belike they take Caution before-hand for that too ▪ That whatever we say ( unless we grant what they would have ) their Proselytes shall not be satisfied with it . A. C. p. 54. * §. 20. N. 1. † And though Stapleton to magnifie the Church of Rome , is pleased to say : Apud vet●r●s pro eod●m habita fuit Ecclesia Romana & Ecclesia Catholica : yet he is so modest as to give this Reason of it : Quia ejus Communio ●rat evidentèr & certi●●●●● cum to●d Catholied . Relect. Con. 1. q. 5. A. 3 ▪ ( Lo , The Communion of the Roman was then with the Catholike Church , not of the Catholike with it . ) And S. Cyprian imployed his Legates Caldonius and Fortunatus , not to bring the Catholike Church to the Communion of Rome , but Rome to the Catholike Church : El●borar●nt , ●t ad Catholica Ecclessae unitatem s●iss● Corporis membr● c●●p●●erent , &c. Now the Members of this Rent and torn Body were they of Rome , then in an open Schism between Corneliu● and N●vatian . S. Cypr. L. 2. Epist. 10. A. C. p. 54. * C●m infiniti Abusus , Schismata quoque & Haereses per totum nunc Christianum Orbem invalescant , Ecclesiam Dei legitimâ indigere Reformatione nemi●● 〈◊〉 ●ertum ●rit . Pe● . de Ali●co Card. Camer● ▪ ce●●i● L. de Refor . Ecclesiae . And if Schisms and Heresies did then invade the whole Christian world , let A. C. consider how Rome s●aped free ▪ And I think Ca●erac●●sis was in this Prophetical . For sixty years and more before Luther was born , and so before the great troubles which have since fallen upon all Christendom , he used these words in the Book which himself delivered up in the Councel of Constance : Nisi celerite● fiat Reformatio , audeo dicere quod licet magna si●t , quae videmus , tamen in brevi incomparabiliter majora vid●bimus . Et post istae ●on●●rua tam ●●rre●●a , majora alia audi●mus , &c. Camet . l. de Refor . Eccles. And it will hardly sink into any mans judgment , that so great a man , as Pet. ●s , Aliac● was in that Church ▪ should speak thus , if he did not see some Errors in the Doctrine of that Church , as well as in Manners . Nay Cassander , though he lived and dyed in the Communion of the Church of Rome , yet found fault with some of her Doctrines . Consult . Arti● . 21 & 22. And Pope ●uli●●● the third Professed ●e Bononi● , 〈◊〉 Sacramentorum Ecclesiae ministerium i●●umerabiles Abusus irrep●isse . Espencaeus in Tit. 1. and yet he was on● of the Bishops , nay the chief Legat in the Councel of Trent . † A. C. p. ●4 . ‖ S. Mat. 13. 25. * For A. C. knows well , what strange Doctrines are charged upon some Popes . And all Bellarmines labour , though great and full of Art , is not able to wish them clean . 〈◊〉 ● . 4. de R●m . Pont. c. 8 , &c. Et Papas quosdam graves errores semin●ss● in Ecclesid Christi lu●e cla●●●s est . Et pro●●tu●●d ●aco . Almain . Opus● . de Author . Ecclesiae , c. 10. And Cassander speaks it out more plainly : Uti●am 〈◊〉 ( He speaks of the Bishops and Rectors in the Roman Church ) ● 〈◊〉 haec Informa●●● 〈◊〉 ess●● , non Ipsi ●arum Superstitionum Auctores essent : vel certè 〈◊〉 i● Animi● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●l●quand● 〈◊〉 ca●sâ nutrir●●● . Cassand . Consult● . Art. 21. versus finem . * Grave omni●● crimen , s●● desensionem longinquam non requirit , satis est enim negare ; sicut pro Ecclesiâ olim . S. Aug. de ●til . Cred. c. ● . ● † Hanc quae respect● hominum Ecclesia dicitur , observare , ejusque Communionem co●ere debemus . Calv. Inst. 4. c. 1. ● . 7. ‖ Rect●●cia● not ●e●iss● re●●d●udo ● vobis , &c. Lucif . L. d● non co●●●nitud● cum ●aereticis . He speaks of the Arrians , and I shall not compare you with them , nor give any Offence that way . I shall only draw the general Argument from it , thus : If the Orthodox did well in departing from the Arrians , then the Schism was to be imputed to the Arrians , although the Orthodox did depart from them . Otherwise if the Orthodox had been guilty of the Schism , he could not have said , Rectè scias nos fecisse recede●do . For it cannot be that a man should do well in making a Schism . There may be therefore a necessary separation , which yet incurs not the blame of Schism ; and that is , when Doctrines are taught contrary to the Catholike Faith. † S. Matth. 18. 7. A. C. ● . 55 , 56. * A. C. p. 57. A. C. p. 55. A. C. p. 56. † Conventus fuit Ordinum Imperii Spirae ▪ ●bi Decretum factum est , ut Edictum Wormatiense observaretur contra Novatores , ( sic appellare placuit ) & ut omnia in integrum restituantur ( & sic nulla omnind Reformatio . ) Contra hoc Edictum solennis fuit protes●atio , Aprilis 16. An. Chr. 1529. Et hinc ortum pervulgatum illud Protestantium nomen . Sc. Calvis . Chro. ad Anne 1529. This Protestation therefore was not simply against the Roman Church , but against the Edict which was for the restoring of all things to their former estate , without any Reformation . * Quibus homo fidem suam protestaretur , Tho p. 3. q. 61. A. 3. 4. C. A. C. p. 56. † I know Bellarm. quotes S. Jerome : Scito Romanam Fidem , &c. suprà §. 3. Nu. 9. But there S. Jerome doth not call it Fidem Romanam , as if Fides Romana and Fides Catholica were convertible : but he speaks of it in the Concrete . Romana Fides , i. Romanorum Fides , quae laudata fuit ab Apostolo , &c. Rom. 1. 8. S. Hieron . Apol. 3. cont . Ruffin . That is , that Faith which was then at Rome when S. Paul commended it . But the Apostles commending of it in the Romans at one time , passes no deed of Assurance , that it shall continue worthy of Commendations among the Romans through all times . ‖ Que major superbia , quàm ut unus homo toti Congregationi judicium su●m praeferat , tanquam ipse solus Spiritum Dei habeat ? S. Bern. Serm. 3. de Resur . * Similiter etiam siquid horum tota per Orbem frequentat Ecclesia ? Nam & hinc quin ita faciendum fit disputare , Insolentissimae Insaniae est . S. Aug. Epist. 118. c. 5. A. C. p. 56. † Quaris quid per quintam Feriam ultimae hebadomadis Quadragesimae fieri debet , An offerendum sit manè ? &c. S. Aug. Ibid. ‖ And so Bellarmine most expresly . But then he adds , Universam Ecclesiam non posse errare , non solùm in Credendo , sed nec in Operando : & praesertim in Ritu & Cultu Divino , L. 4. de Verb. Dei , c. 9. § 4. And if this be true , what is it to Rome ? * Euseb. 1 ▪ 5. Hist. Eccl. c. 26. Et Socrat. L. 5. Hist. c. 22. A. C. p. 56. * Questio est , An Ecclesia totalis totaliter considerat● , ● . pr● omnibus simul Electis , dum sunt Membra Militantis Ecclesia , possint errare , v●l i● tot●●ide , v●l in grav● atiquo fidei p●n●to ? Et respondemus simplicit●● ▪ id ●sse impossibile , Keckerm . Sy●● . Theol ▪ p. 387. Edit . Ha●novia ▪ An. 1602 ▪ Calvinus & 〈◊〉 Har●ti●i concedunt Ecclesiam absolute ●o● posse deficere ; Sed dicunt intelligi debere de Ecclesia invisib 〈…〉 Bellar. L. 3. de Eccl●s● Milit. c. 13. §. 1. But this Exception of Bellarmine's , that the Protestants , whom , out of his Liberality , he calls Hereticks , speak of the Invisible Church , is ●●●●●ly frivolous . For the Church of the Elect is in the Church of them that are Called , and the Invisible Church in the Visible . Therefore if the whole Church of the Elect cannot erre in Fundamentals , the whole Visible Church , in which the same Elect are , cannot 〈◊〉 . Now that the Invisible Church of the Elect is in the Visible , i● manifest out of S. August . Ipsa est Ecclesta , quae intra sagenam Dominicam cum malis piscibus na●a● . S. Aug. Epist. 48. Grana sunt inter illam paleant , quando Area cum videretur tota , palea putabatur . S. Aug. in Psal. 121. And this is proved at large by Hooker , L. 3. Eccles. Pol. §. 1. For else the Elect or Invisible Church is tied to no duty of Christianity . For all such Duties are required of the Church , as 't is Visible ▪ and performed in the Church , as 't is Visible . As we hold it impossible , that the Church should ever by Apostasie and Misbelief , wholly depart from God , &c. So we hold , that it never falls into Heresie . So that Bellarmine is as much to be blamed for idle and needless busying himself to prove , That the Visible Church never falls into Heresie , which we most willingly grant . Field . L. 4. de Eccles. c. 2. Taking the Church for all the Believers now living , and in things necessary to be known expresly . Ibid. Calvinus dicit hanc Propositionem [ Ecclesia no● potest errare ] ●●r●● esse si intelligatur dum duplici restriction● . Prima est , si non pr●●onat Dogmata extra Scripturam , ●o● . ( And indeed Calvin doth say so , L. 4. Instit. c. 8. §. 13. ) Secunde est , si intelligatur de solâ Ecclesiâ Universali , non autem de Representa●ivâ . Bellar. L. 3. de Eccl. Milit. c. 14. §. 2. And I hope it is as good and a better Restriction in Calvin , To say the Catholike Church cannot erre , if it keep to the Scripture : than for Bellarmine to say , The particular Church of Rome cannot erre , because of the Pope's residing there ; or the Pope cannot erre , if he keep his Chair : which yet he affirms , L. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 4. §. 2. S. Mat. 16. 18. * Ecclesia hic tota accipienda est , non solùm ex part● quâ peregrinatur in terris , &c. verumetiam ex illa parte quae in coelis , &c. S. Aug. Enchir. c. 56. † Nemo ex toto Sanctus , Optat . L. 7. contr● Parme● . Rom. 11. 16. ‖ Dum Christus orat in Exc●lso , Navicula ( id est , Ecclesia ) turbatur fluctibus in profundo , &c. sed quia Christus orat , non potest mergi . S. August . Serm. 14. de Verb. Dom. c. 2. Et. Bellar. L. 3. de Eccles . Milit. c. 13. Praesidi● Christi fulcitur Ecclesi● perpetuitas , ut inter turbulentas agitationes , & formidabiles motus , &c. salva tamen man●at . Calvin . L. 2. Instit . c. 15. §. 3. Ipsa Symboli disposition● admonemu● perpetuam residere in Ecclesiâ Christi remissionem Peccatorum . Calv. L. 4. Instit. c. 1. §. 17. Now remission of sins cannot be perpetual in the Church , if the Church it self be not perpetual . But the Church it self cannot be perpetual , if it fall away . * Spiritus Sanctificationis non potest inven●●● in Haereticorum mentibus , S. Hierom. in Jerem. 10. ● . C. p. 56. * §. 21. Nu. 1. A. C. p. 56. A. C. p. 57. * Olim quod vulpes agroto cauta Leoni Respondit , referam , Qui a me vestigia terrent Omnia te adversum spectantia , nulla retrorsum . Hor. L. 1. ●p . ●1 . ex Aesop. * Though I cannot justifie all which these two men said , yet safe Conduct being given , that Publike Faith ought not to have been violated . † Affirmant uno censensu omnes Catholici , debere Haereticis servar● fidem , sive salvus conductus concedatur Jure communi sive speciali . Bec. Dis. Theol. de Fide Haereticis servandā , c. 1● . §. 5. But for all this Brag of ( Affirmant un● consensu omnes Catholiti ) Becanus shuffies pitifully , to desend the Councel of Constance . For thus he argues : Fides non est violata Hussio . Non à Patribus : Illi enim fidem non dederunt . Non ab Imperatore Sigismundo : Ille enim dedit fidem , sed non violavit . Ibid. §. 7. But all men know that the Emperor was used by the Fathers at Constance to bring Husse thither . Sigismundus Hussum Constantiam vocat , & missis Litaris publicâ fide cavet , mense Octob. Anno 1414. &c. Edit . in 16. Et etiamsi Primò graviter tulit Hussi in carcerationem , tamen cum dicerent Fidem Haereticis non esse servandam , non modò ●●mi sit Offensionem , sed & primus ●●●rbè in eum pronunci avit . Ibid. This is a mockery . And Beca●us his Argument is easily turned upon himself . For if the Fathers did it in cunning , that the Emperor should give Safe-conduct which themselves meant not to keep , then they broke Faith. And if the Emperor knew , they would not keep it , then he himself broke faith , in giving a Safe-Conduct , which he knew to be invalid . And as easie it is to answer what Becanus adds to save that Councels Act , could I stay upon it . Fides Haereticis data servanda non est , sicut nec Tyrannis , Piratis & caeteris publicis praedonibus , &c. Simanca , Iustit . Tit. 46. §. 51. And although Becanus in the place above cited , §. 13. confidently denies , that the Fathers at Constance decreod , No saith to be kept with Hereticks , and cites the words of the Councel , Sess. 19. yet there the very words themselves ●ave it thus : Posse Concitium eos punire , &c. etiamsi de salvo conductu confisi ad locum vinerint Judicii , &c. And much more plainly Simanca , Instit. 46. §. 52. Jure igitur Haeretici quidam gravissimo Concilii Constantiensis Judicio legitimâ flammâ concremati sunt , quamvis promissa illis securit as fuisset . So they are not only Protestants which charge the Councel of Constance with this . Nor can Becanus say as he doth , Affer●ant uno consensu omnes Catholici , fidem Hae●eticis servandam esse : For Simanca denies it ; And he quotes others for it , which ▪ A. C. would be ●oath should not be accounted Catholikes . But how faithfully Simanca says the one , or Becanus the other , let them take it between them , and the Reader be judge . In the mean time the very Title of the Canon of the Councel of Constance , Sess. 19. is this : Quod non abstantibus salvis conductibus Imperatoris Regum , &c. possit per Judicem competentem de Haeretica pravitate inquiri . ‖ For so much A. C. confesses , p. 4● . For if they should give way to the altering of one , then why not of another , and another , and so of all ? And ●he Trent-Fathers in a great point of Doctrine being amazed , and not knowing what to answer to a Bishop of their own , yet were resolved not to part with their common error . Certum tamen erat Doctrinam eam non probare , sed quam antea didicissent firmitèr te●ere ▪ &c. Hist. Con. Trid. L. 2 p. 277 ▪ Edit . Leyd . ●6●2 . A. C. p. 57. † Biseeching God to inspire continually the Universal Church with the Spirit of Truth , Unity , and Concord , &c. In the Prayer for the Militant Church . And in the third Collect on Good-Friday . A. C. p. 57. * Campian , Praesat . Rationibus praefixâ . † §. 26. Nu. 1. * §. 21. N. 6. † Modo ea quae ad Cathedram pertinent , recta praecipiant , S. Hier. Ep. 236. ‖ L. 4. Instit. c. 1. § 13 , &c. * Ep. 48. A malis piscibus corde semper & moribus se●arant●● ▪ &c. corporalem separationem in littore marie , hoc est , in fine saetuli expectant . † Vix ullum peccatum ( sola Haerest exceptâ ) cogitati potest ▪ quo illa Sedes turpiter maculata non fuerit , maximè ab Anno 800. Relect. Cont. 1. q 5. Art. 3. ‖ Biel. in Can. Miss . Lect. 23. * Stel ▪ in S. Luc. c. 22. Almain . in 3. Sent. d. 24. q. 1. fine . Multae sunt Decretales ber●ticae , &c. And so they erred as Popes . * Eph. 1. 23. * S. Aug. Epist. 50. Et it●rum Columbae non sunt qui Ecclesiam dissipant . Accipitres sunt , Milvi sunt : N●●●ani●● Columba , &c. S. Aug. tract ▪ 5. i● S. John. A. C. p. 55. A. C. p. 56. † 3 Reg. 12. 27. a Hos. 4. 15. b Super Haereticis prona intelligentia est . S. Hier. Ibid. c Non tam●● cessavit Deus & populum hunc argu●r● ▪ per Prophetas . Nam ibi ▪ extiterunt Magni ill● & insignes Prophetae Elias & Elizaeus , &c. S ▪ Aug. L. 17. de Civit. Dei , ● . 22. Multi religiosè intra se D●i ▪ cultum ▪ babebant , &c. De quo numero ●●●●mve Posteris septem illa ●illi● fuiss●●tatuo , q●● i● ▪ Persecutione sub A●hab● Deum si●i a● Id●lolatr●● ▪ immunes ▪ reservârunt , nec genua ante Baal flexerunt . Fran. Monceius , L. 1. de Vit. Aureo , c. 12. d 3 Reg. 17. sub Acha●o . e 4 Reg. 3. sub Jehoram ●ilio Achabi . f 3 Reg. 19 ▪ 18. g Hos. 9. 17. * 4 Reg. 9. 6. * Non ●portuit ad hoc e●s vocare , q●um Authoritas fu●rit publica●di apud Ecclesiam Romanam , pr●●ip●è cum unicuique etiam particulari Ecclesiae li●●at , id quod Catholicum est , prom●lgare . Alb. Magn. in 1. Dest . 11. A. 9. * Non ●●rare , conv●●it Popae , ●t est Caput . ●●●●a● . L. ● . de Rom. Po●t . c. 3. † L. 2. de C●ri●t● , c. 〈◊〉 . ● . Quande au●●m . So you cannot find Records of your own Truthe , which are far more likely to be kept : but when Errors are e●ept 〈◊〉 , w● must be bound to tell the place , and the time , and I know not what , of their Beginnings , or else they are ▪ ●ot Errors . As if some Errors might ▪ not want a Record , as well as some Truth . † Omninò rectè , nisi excepisset , &c. Net consideravit quanti referat concederi Ecclesiis particularibus jus condendorum Canonum de Fide , inconsultâ Romanâ Sede , quod nunquam licuit , nunquant factum est , &c. Capel . de Appellat . Eccl. Africanae , c. 2. Nu. 12. ‖ Rex co●●itetur se voensse Concilium tertium Tolet anum ; Quia d●●●rs●s retro temporibus Haeresis immine●s in tota Eclesia Catholica agere Synodica Negotia denegabat , &c. Conc●l . Tole●an . tertium . Can. 1. S. James 1. 20. * §. 24. Nu. 2. † Nole tamen dicere , quin in multis partibus possit Ecclesia per suas partes reformari . Imò hoc necesse esset , sed ad hoc agendum sufficerent Concilia Provincialia , &c. Gerson . Tract de Gen. Concil . unius obedientiae , parte 1. p. 222. F. ‖ Omnes Ecclesiae status aut in Generali Concilio reformetis , aut in Concilus Provincialibus reformari mandet●s . Gerson . Declarat . Defectuum Virorum Ecclesiasticorum , par . 1. pag. 209. B. * Concil . Rom. 2. sub Sylvestro . † Concil . Gang. Can. 1. ‖ Con. Carth. 1. Can. 1. * Con. Aquiliens . † Con. Carth. 2. Can. 1. * Quaedam de causis fidei , unde nunc Quaestio Pelagianorum imminet , in hoc Coetu sanctissimo primisus tractentur , &c. Aurel . Carthaginensis in Praefat. Conc. Milivit . apud Caranzam . † Conc. Aurausican 2. Can. 1 , 2 , &c. ‖ Conc. Tolet. 3. * Quae omnia in aliis Symbolis explicitè tradit a non sunt , Concil . Tolet. 4. Can. 1. † Statuimus , ut saltem semel in Anno à Nobis Concilium celebretur , it à tamen , ut si Fidei Causa est , aut quaelibet alia Ecclesiae communis , Generalis Hispaniae & Galléciae Synodus celebretur , &c. Concil . Tolet. 4. Can. 3. ‖ ● . 24. Nu. 2. * The Institution of a Christian man : Printed An. 1534. † In Synodo Londinensi , Sess. 8. Die Veneris . 29 Januarii A● . 1562. ‖ And so in the Reformation under Hezekiah , 2 Chron. 29. and under Josia , 4 Reg. 23. And in the time of Reccaredus King of Spain , the Reformation there proceeded thus : Quùm gloriosissimus Princeps omnes Regiminis sui Pontifices in unum convenire mandâsset , &c. Concil . Tolet. 3. Can. 1. Can convenissemus Sacerdotes Domini apud urbem Toletanum , ut Regiis imperi is atque jussis commoniti , &c. Concil . Tolet. 4. in princ . apud ●ara●zam . And both these Synods did treat of Matters of Faith. * Quisquis occasione hujus Legis , quam Reges terrae Christo servientes ad emendandam vestram impietatem promulgaverunt , res proprias vestras cupidè appetit , displicet nobis . Quisquis donique ipsas res pauperum , vel Basilicas Congregationum , &c. non per Justietam , sed per Avaritiam tenet , displicet nobis . S. Aug. Epist. 48. versus finem . * And this a Particular Church may do , but not a Schism . For a Schism can never be peaceable , nor orderly , and seldom free from Sacriledge . Out of which respects , ( it may be ) as well as for the grievousness of the Crime , S. Aug. calls it Sacrilegium Schismatis , L. 1. de Bapt. cont . Donat. c. 8. For usually they go together . * ● . 21. Nu. 9. A. C. p. 58. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arist. Eth. c. 6. † Minni Jur● quoties gliscat Potestas , nec utendum Imperio , ●●i ▪ Legibus agi possit . Tacit. L. 3. Annal. ‖ Heb. 12. 9. * God used Samuel as a Messenger against ●li for his over-much indulgence to his sons , 1 Sam. 3. 13. And yet Samuel himself committed the very same fault concerning his own sons , 1 Sam. 8. 3. 5. And this Indulgence occasioned the Change of the Civil Government , as the former was the loss of the Priesthood . † Colos. 3. 21. ‖ Crimini ei tribunus inter caetera dabat , quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mallius probri compertum , extorrem urbe , domo , penatibus , soro , lu●e , congressu aequalium prohibitum , in opus servile , prope in carcerem , atque in ergastulum dederit . Liv. dec . 1. l. 7. * Deut. 21. 19. A. C. p. 57. A. C. p. 57. * Art. 19. † Si demus errare non posse Ecclesiam in rebus ad salutem necessariis , hic sensus noster est : Ideo hoc . esse , quia abdicarâ omni suâ sapientiâ , a Spiritu Sancto doceri se per Verbum Dei patitur . Calv. L. 4. Inst. c. 8. S. 13. And this also is our sense . Vide sup . S. 21. Nu. 5. * Nostra sententia est , Ecclesiam absolutè non posse errart , nec in rebus absolutè necessariie , nec in aliis quae credenda vel facienda nobis proponit , sive babeantur expressè in Scripturis , sive non , Bellar. L. 3. de Eccl. Mil. c. 14 §. 5. A. C. p. 58. S. Joh. 16. 13. * §. 21. N. 5. A. C. p. 57. A. C. p. 57. A. C. p. 53. A. C. p. 58 & 73. * Stapl Relect. praef . ad Lectorem . † Bellar. ● . 2. de Concil . c. 2. S. Mat. 16. 18. * Puguare potest , Expugnari non potest , S. Aug. L. de Symb. ad Catecum , c. 6. † Bellar. L. 3. de Eccl. Milit. c. 13. §. 1. &c. S Mat. 28. 21. * S. Hil. in Psal. 124. Prosp. L. 2. de vocat . Gent. c. 2. Leo Ser. 2. de Resur , Dom. c. 3. & Ep. 31. Isidor . in Jos. 1● . † In omnibus que Ministris suis commisit exequenda , S. Leo , Epist. 91. c. 2. S. Luk. 22. 32. * Bellar. L. 4. de Rom. P●nt . c. 3. S. Est igitur tertia . He understood the place of both S. Peter and his Successors . † Que Expositio falsa est , Primò quia , &c. Bell. ibid. §. 2. And he says 't is false because the Parisians expounded it of the Church only . Volunt enim pro sold Ecclesi● esse eratum , Ibid. §. 1. A. C. p. 57. S. John 14. 16 , 17. S. Joh. 16. 13. † Field , L 4. de Eccles. c. 2. free from all error and ignorance of Divine things . ‖ And Theodoret proceeds father , and says , Neque divini Prophetae , neque mirabiles Apostoli omnia praesciverunt . Quaecunque enim expediebant , ea illis significavit gratid Spiritûs . Theod. in 1 Tim. 3. v. 14 , 15. S. Joh. 14. 26. * §. 21. Nu. 5. * §. 24. Nu. 1 , 2 , &c. † Si de 〈…〉 set , nonne oporteret in 〈◊〉 recur●ere Ecclesias , Traditionis ? &c. 〈◊〉 L. ● . advers . Haeres . c. 4. A. C. p. ●7 . ● A. C. p. 58. * §. 25. Nu. 4. A. C. p. 58. A. C. p. 58. * Quia Opinio inval●it ●undatam esse hanc Ecclesiam ● S. Petro ●taque in Occidente Sedes Apostolica Hon●ris caus● vo●abatur . Calv. L. 4. c. 6. §. 16. † Princeps Ecclesiae , S. Hilar. l. 8. de Trin. Prin. And he speaks of a Bishop in gener●● . Greg. Nazianz. Orat. 17. Ascribuntur Episcopo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Imperium , Thronus , & Principatus ad regimen 〈◊〉 ▪ Et ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hujus●odi Imp●rium . And he also speaks of a Bishop , Greg. Nazianz. Grat. 20. Nor were these any Titles of pride in Bishops then . For S. Greg. Nazianz. who challenges these Titles to himself , Orat. 17. was so devout , so mild , and so humble , that rather than the Peace of the Church should be broken , he freely resigned the Great Patriarchate of Constantinople , and retired ; and this in the First Councel of Constantinople , and the Second General . ‖ 〈◊〉 ad ●ratres & Colleg●s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ecclesiarum Episcopos , &c. S. Aug. Ep. 16● . * An fort● non deb●it Roman● Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 Episcopus cum Collegis transmarinis Episcopis illud sibi usurpar● judicium quod ab Afris 〈◊〉 , ubi Pri●as Tigisitanus pr●sedit , fuerit terminatum ? Quid quod nec ipse usurpavit ▪ Rogatus quipp● Imperator , Judices ●is●t 〈◊〉 , qui cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & d● tot● ill● 〈◊〉 , quod jus●●● vider●tur , 〈◊〉 , &c. S. Aug. Ibid. * Ad cujus Curam , de quâ rationem Deo r●ddit●rus est , res illa maximè pertinebat . S. Aug. Epist. 162. † Nam contra horum Antistitum ( de Patriarchis loquitur ) Sententias , non esse locum Appellation●● Majoribus nostris constitutum est . Co● . L. 1. Tit. 4. L. 29. ex editione Gothofredi . Si non rata habuerit utraque Pars , que Judicata sunt , tun● Beatissimus Patriarcha Diocese●s illius , inter eos audiat , &c. Nulla parte ejus Sententiae contradi●ere valente . Authen . Collat. 9. Tit. 1● . C. 22. * Et ille ( scilicet Patriarcha ) secundum Canones , & Leges praebeat finem . And there he cites the Novel its self . S. Greg L. 11. Indict . ● . Epist. 54. † Si dictum fuerit , quod nec Metropolita●um habeat , nec Patriarcham : dicendum est , quòd à Sede Apostolicà , quae omnium Ecclesiarum Caput est , causa a●dienda est , &c. S. Greg. Ibid. ‖ Notitia Provinciarum Occidentalium , per Guidum Pancirolum , l. 2. c. 48. * Hunc cunctis Liberalium Artium disciplinis eraditum pro Magistro t●●eamus , & quasi Comparem , velut alterius Orbis Apostolic●m & Patriarcham , &c. Jo. Capgravius de Vitis Sanctorum , in vitâ S. Anselm● . Et Guil. Malmesburiens . de Gestis Po●●ificum Anglorum , p. 223. Edit . Franco● . 1601. * Ibi ( Cantuaria id est ) prima Sedes Arcniepiscopi habetur , qui est totius Angliae Prima● & Patriarcha . Guil. Malmesburiensis in Prolog . Lib. 1. de Gestis Ponti●icum Anglorum , p. 195. * Praeterea & qui sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Barbarico , Episcopi à Sanctissim● Thro●o Sanctissi●● Constantinopolit●●● Ecclesiae Ordinintur . Codex Canonum Ecclesiae universae , Can. 206. And Justellus proves it there at large , that by in Barbarico , in that Canon , is meant in Solo Barbarorum . Annot. Ibid. * N●●umosum typhum seculi in Ecclesiam Christi videatur inducere , &c. Epist. Concil . Asric . ad Papam Coelestinum Primum . Apud Nicolin . Tom. 1. Concil . p. 844. † Epist. Bonifacii 2. apud ●col . Tom. 2. Concil . p. 544. * Exemp . Precum apud Nicolin . Ibid. p. 525. † Baron . Annal . An. ad 49. Nu. 93 , 94. ‖ Valde mihi illae Epistolae suspect● sunt ▪ Bellar. L. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 2● . §. Respondeo primùm . Sed si fortè illae Epistolae ver● sunt , nihil enim affirmo , &c. Ibid. §. ult . * And so the Councel of Carthage sent word to Pope Coelestint plainly , that in admitting such Appeals , he brake the Decrees of the Councel of Ni●t . Epist. Concil . Africa . ad Caelestinum , c. 105. Apud Nicolin . Tom. 1. Concil . p. 844. † Planè ex Ecclesia Catholicae albo Expung●nda fuissent Sanctorum Africanorum Martyrum Agm●na , qui in persecutione Vandalica pro Fide Catholica ▪ &c. Baron . An. 419. Num. 93. Et Binius , In Notis ad Epist. Bonifacii 2. ad Eulalium . * §. 24. Nu. 5. † Bel. l. 2. de Rom. Po●● . c. 25. §. 2. A. C. p. 58. * §. 25. Nu. 10. * Quod autem postea Unus electus est qui caeteris praepon●retur , in Schismatis remedium , factum est , ●e unus quisque ad se tra●●●s Christi Ecclesiam ru●peret . Nam & Alexandriae à Marco Evangelista Presbyteri semper unum ex●se ▪ electum in excellentiori gradu collocatum . Episcopum nominabant , &c. S. Hieron . in Epist. ad Evagrium . So even according to S. Hierom , Bishops had a very ancient and honourable descent in the Church from S. Mark the Evangelist . And about the end of the same Epistle , he acknowledges it . Traditionem esse Apostolicam . Nay , more then so , He affirms plainly ▪ That Ubi non est Sacerdos , non est Ecclesia . S. Hieron . advers . Luciferian . And in that place most manifest it is that S. Jerom by Sacerdos means a Bishop . For he speaks de Sacerdote qui potestatem habet Ordinandi , which in S. Jeroms own Judgment no meer Priest had , but a Bishop only . S. Hier. Epist. ad Evagrium So even with him , no Bishop , and no Church . † Non enim Resp. est in Ecclesia : sed Ecclesia in Repub. Optat. ● . 3. ‖ Conc. Calced . Can. 9. & Actio 16. * S. Cyprian . L. de Simp. Praelat . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sive se 〈◊〉 esse . Greg. Naz. Car● . de vita sua , p. 26. † Orientalibus levitas , Occidentalibus arrogantia invicem objecta est . Bilius Ann●t . in S. Gregor . Naz. Vitam . Num. 153. Quid opus est Occidentali supercitio ? ex 〈◊〉 Basil , &c. * Hec una suit causa quare Pelagius inju●●● Principis Pontifex creatus sit , q 〈…〉 obsessam ab hoste urbem mitti quispiam non posset , &c. Postea itaque ad placandum Imperatorem Gregorius Diaconus , &c. Platina in vitâ Pelagi● 2. & Onuph . ibid. ‖ Onuph . In Plat. in vita Boni● . 3. * In hac ejus 〈◊〉 quid aliud nisi propinqua jam Antichristi esse tempora designatur . S. Greg. L. 4. Epist. ●8 . † It may be they will say S. Gregory did not inveigh against the Thing , but the Person . That John of Constantinople should take that upon him , which belonged to the Pope . But it is manifest by S. Grego●●s own Text , that he speaks against the Thing it self , that neither the Bishop of Rome , nor any other , ought to take on him that 〈◊〉 . Cura totius Ecclesiae & Principatus S. Petro 〈◊〉 , & tamen Universalis Apostolus non vocatur . S. Greg. L. 4. Epist. 76. ( Therefore neither is his Successor , Universal Bishop . ) Nu●quid ego hac in re propriam causam defendo ? ●●●quid spec●alem injuriam Vindi●o ? & non magis causam Omni 〈…〉 Dei & Universalis Ecclesiae ? where ●e plainly denies , that he speaks in his own Cause , or in the Cause of his Sea , Per Ven●randam Chalcedonensem Synodum hoc Nomen Rom. Pontifici oblatum est , sed nullus eorum unquam hoc 〈◊〉 Vocabulum assumpsit , nec ●ti consens●● , ne dum privatum aliquid daretur Uni , ●onore debito Sacerdotes privarentur Universi , &c. Where he plainly says , the Roman Bishops rejected this Title . Ibid. And yet for all this Pope Gregory the Seventh delivers it as one of his Dictates in a Councel held at Rome about the year 1●76 . Quod 〈◊〉 Romanus Pontifex jure dicatur Universalis . Baron . a● An. ●076 . Num. 31 & 32. ‖ Absit à Cordibus Christianorum Nomen istud Blasphemi● . S. Greg. L. 4. Epist. 76. In isto scelesto vocabulo consentire , nihil est aliud quam fidem p●rdere . S. Greg. L. 4. Epist. 83. * Vana tunc ●abebatur Cleri & Populi Electio , nisi aut Imperatores , aut eorum Exarchi confirmassent . Plat. in vita Severini 1. † Quum Theophylactus Exarchus Imperatoris Itali am peteret , Milites Itali , veriti ne quid mali ejus Adventus portenderet , quod superioribus temporibus fer● magis cum Pontificibus quam cum Imperatoribus sensissent , ingressurum Romam interficere constituerant . ( And the Emperors own Governor was fain to be defended from the Emperors own Souldiers by the Popes power , who had gotten Interest in them against their own Master . ) Platina in vita Johan . 6. Absimarus was then Emperor . ‖ Primus omnium Rom. Pontificum Imperatori Gr●●o Philippico in os resistere palam ausus est . Onuph . in Plat. in vit● Constantini 1. * Platina in vita Gregor . 2 & 3. * Ut laboranti Romae & Ecclesiae primo quoque tempore auxilium ●erret , &c. Platin. in vita Greg. 3. † Quaeres semel incoepta cum ●ongobardici Regni excidio fi●ita est . Onuph . in Plat. in vita Constantini Primi . ‖ Reddi●us ita●ue Roma●●● Exarc●atus est , quicquid Pa●um & Apenninum interjacet , &c. Plat. in vita Stephan . Secundi . * Imperator in gratiam cum Gregorio rediit , eundèmque in Pontificatu confirmavit , ut tum Imperatorum mos erat . Plat. in vitá Gregor . septim . † Multi deinde fuerunt Imperatores Hen. similiores , quàm Jul. Caesari , quos subigere non fuit difficile , dum domi rerum omnium securi , &c. Calv. L. 4. Iustit . c. 11. §. 13. ‖ For in a Synod at Rome about the year 1076. Pope Gregory the Seventh established certain brief Conclusions , twenty seven in number , upon which stands almost all the Greatness of the Papacie . These Conclusions are called Dictatus Papae . And they are reckoned up by Baronius in the year 1076. Nu. 31 , 32 , &c. But whether this Dictatorship did now first invade the Church , I cannot certainly say . The chief of these Propositions follow here . Quòd solus Rom. Pontifex jure dicatur Universalis . Quòd solius Papae pedes omnes Principes deosculentur . Quòd liceat illi Imperatores Deponere . Quòd nulla Synodus absque praecepto ejus deb●t Generalis vocari . Quòd nullum Capitulum , null●sque Liber Ca●onicus habeatur absque illius Authoritate . Quòd sententia illius à nullo debet retractari , & ipse omnium solus retractare potest . Quòd Rom. Ecclesia nunquam erravit , nec in perpetuum , Scriptur● testante , errabit . Quòd Rom. Pontifex , si Ca●onicè fuerit ordinatus , meritis B. Petri indubitantèr efficitur sanctus . Quòd à fidelitate Iniquorum subdit●s potest abso●●●re . * Euseb. L. 5. c. 25. † Ad hanc Ecclesiam , propter potentiorem Principalitatem , necesse est omnem convenire Ecclesiam ; i. e. eos qui sunt undique fideles : In quâ semper ab his qui sunt undique , conservata est ea quae est ab Apostolis Traditio . Iren. L. 3. c. 3. A. C. p. 58. ‖ Ed. Brierwood , of the Jurisdiction and Limits of the Patriarchs , in the time of the Nicen Councel , Ad. Qu. 1. M. S. * Apud Alexandriam , ut in urbe Româ vetusta consuetudo servetur , ut ille Aegypti , ut hic Suburbicariarum Ecclesiarum solicitudinem gerat . Ruffin . L. 1. Eccles. Hist. c. 6. † Peron L. 2. of his Reply , c. 6. ‖ Quia cùm Orientales & Graecae Ecclesiae , & Africanae etiam , multis inter se Opinionum dissentionibus tumultuare●tur , haec sedatior aliis , & minùs turbulenta fuerit . Calv. L. 4. Iustit c. 6. §. 16. A. C. p. 58. * Ipse autem Dominus constituit eum Primum Apostolorum , Petram firmam super quam Ecclesia Dei aedificata est ; & portae inferorum non valebunt adversus illam , &c. Juxta omnem enim modum in Ipso firmata est fides , qui accepit Clavem Coelorum , &c. In hoc enim omnes Quaestiones ac Subtilitates fidei inveniuntur . Epiphan . in Ancorato . Edit . Paris . Lat. 1564. fol. 497. A. Edit . verò Graec● . Latin. Tom. 2. p. 14. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For there begins the Argument of Epiphanius . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. S. Mat : 16. 17. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Qui factus est nobis reverâ solida Petra firmans fidem Domini . In quâ ( Petra ) aedificata est Ecclesia juxta omnem modum . Primo , quòd confessus est Christum esse Filium Dei vivi , & statim audivit , Super hanc Petram solidae fidei aedificabo Ecclesiam meam . — Etiam de Spiritu Sancto idem , &c. Epiphan . L. 2. Haeres . 59. contra Catharos . Tom. 1. p. 500. Edit . Graeco-Lat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. * Ille primus ( speaking of S. James the Lords Brother ) Episcopalem Cathedram coepit , quum ei ante caeteros omnes suum in terris Thronum Dominus tradidisset . Epipham L. 3. Haeres . 78. Tom. 2. p. 1039. Et serè similitèr , Tom. 1. L. 1. Haeres . 29. A. C. p. 58. * Bellar. L. 1. de Rom. Pont. c. 9. §. Respondeo Pontifica●um . † ● . 25. N. 10. * Bellar. Ibid. † The Fathers gave three Prerogatives to S. Peter . Of Authority . Of Primacie . And of Principality . But not of Supremacit of Power . Raynold contra Hart. cap. 5. Divis. 3. And he proves it at large . ‖ S. Mat. 16. 18. * S. Mat. 18. 18. S. Joh. 20. 22. † Si hoc Petro tantum dictum est , non facit hoc Ecclesia , &c. S. Aug. Tract . 50. in S. Joh. A. C. p. 58. * S. Luk. 22. 32. † Deum dare , ut in side perseveretur . S. Prosper . L. 1. de Vocat . Gent. c. 24. * Rogavi ut non deficeret , &c. Et certè juxta vos in Apostoli erat positum potestate si voluisset , ut non deficeret fides ejus ; &c. S. Hieron . l. 2. adversus Pelagianos . † Aliquid speciale . Bellarm. L. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 3. §. Secundò , quia sine . ‖ Ut nec ipse ut Pontisex doceret unquam aliquid contra fidem , sive ut in Side ejus inveniretur qui doceret . Bellar. L. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 3. §. Alterum Privilegium est . * Theophylactus floruit circa An. Dom. 1072. † Qui● 〈◊〉 habeo Princip●m Discipulorum , confirma caeteros . Hoc enim decet's● qui post me Ecclesia Petra es & Fundamentum . Bellarm. L. 4. de Rom. Pontif. cap. 3. §. Praeter hos . Ex Theophyl . in 21. S. Luc. ‖ 〈◊〉 , & ibid §. Est igitur tertia . * Ex quibus privilegiis primum fortasse non ●●●●vit ad p●st●res , at secundum sine d●bi●●●●●vit ad Poster●s sive Successores . 〈◊〉 . ibid. ● . Alterum Privilegium . † Bellar. ● . ● . de Rom. 〈◊〉 c. ● . S. Joh. 11. 〈◊〉 . * Donum hoc loco Petro impetratum , etiam ad Successores pertinet , Bell. L. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 3. ● . Quartò , donum hoc . S. Joh. 29. 151 * Mat. 28. 21. & S. Mat. 10. 17. The same power and charge is given to them all . A. C. p. 58. † And this seems to me to allude to that of S. Paul , 1 Cor. 3. 2. and Heb. 5. 12. Some are fed with milk , and some with stronger meat . The Lambs with milk , and the Sheep with stronger meat . But here A. C. follows Pope Hildebran● close , who in the Case of the Emperor then , asked this Question : Quando Christus Ecclesiam suam Petro commisit , & dixit ▪ P●s●●●ves 〈◊〉 , excep●t●● Reges ? Platin. in vita Greg. 7. And certainly Kings are not exempted from being ●ed by the Church ▪ But from being spoiled of their Kingdoms by any Church-men , that they are . A. C. p. 58. A. C. p. 58. A. C. p. 59. * Si omnes , nullum fuit hactenus Concilium Generale , neque etiam videtur deinceps futurum . Bellarm. 1. de Conc. cap. 17. §. 1. † §. 33. Consi● . 1. ‖ And this was thought a sufficient Judge too , when Christians were as humble as Learned . I am sure Optatus thought so . Querendi sunt Judices . Si Christiani de utraque parte dari non possunt , q●ia ●●●liis veritas impeditur , De foris qu●rendus est Judex . Si Paganus , non potest nosse Christiana Secreta . Si Judaeus , inimicus est Christiani Baptismatis . Ergo in terris de hac re nullum poterit reperiri Judicium . De Coelo quaerendus est Judex . Sed ut quid pulsamus ad Coelum qu●m habemus hic in Evangelio ? Testamentum ( inquam quia hoc loco recte possunt terrena coelestibus comparari ) tale est , quod quivis hominum habens numerosos filios , his quamdiu pater praesens est , ipse imperat singulis ; non est adhuc necessarium Testamentum . Sic & Christus , quamdiu praesens in terris fuit , ( quamvis nec modo desit ) pro tempore quicquid necessarium erat , Apostolis Imperavit . Sed quomodo terrenus Pater dum se in consinio senserit mortis , timens ne post mortem suam , ruptâ pace litigent fratres , adhibitis Testibus Voluntatem suam de Pectore morituro transfert in Tabulas diu duraturas . Et si fuerit inter fratres contentio nata , non itur ad Tumulum , sed q●●ritur . Testamentum ; & qui Tumulo quiescit , tacitus de Tabulis loquitur . Vivus , cujus est Testamentum , in Coelo est . Ergo voluntas ejus , velut in Testamento , sic in Evangelio inquiratur . Opt. l. 5. adv . Parm. This pregnant Place of Optatus , ( That the Scripture is the Judge of Divine Truth , when ever it is questioned ) though Baldwin dare not deny both , yet he would fain slide by it , and by a parallel place as full in S. Augin Psal. 21. Exposition● 2. with this shift , that S. Augustine in another place had rather use the Testimony of Tradition , that is , the Testimony Nuncupativi potiùs quàm Scripti Testamenti , of the Nuncupative , tather than the Written Will of Christ. Baldwin . in Optat. L. 5. But this is a meer shift . First , because it is Petitio principii , the meer begging of the Question . For we deny any Testament of Christ , but that which is written . And A. C. cannot shew it in any one Father of the Church , that Christ ever left behim a Nuncupative obligatory Will. Secondly , because nothing is more plain in these two Fathers , Optatus and S. Augustine , than that both of them appeal to the Written Will , and make that the Judge without any Exception , when a matter of Faith comes in Question . In Optat. the words are : Habemus in E●●ngelio , we have it in the Gospel . And in Evangelio inquiratur , Let it be inquired in the Gospel : And Christ put it in tabulas diu duraturas , into Written and lasting Instruments . In S. Augustine the words are : Our Father did not dye intestate , &c. And Tabul● aperiantur , Let his Will , his written Instruments be opened . And Legantur Verba mortui , Let the words of him that dyed , be read . And again , Aperi , Legamus , Open the Will , and let us read . And Legamus , quid litigamus ? Why do we strive ? Let 's read the Will. And again , Aperi Testamentum , lege , Open the Will , read . All which Passages are most express and full for his Written Will , and not for any Nuncupative Will , as Baldwin would put upon us . And Hart who takes the same way with Baldwin , is not able to make it out , as appears by Dr. Reynolds in his Conference with Hart , c. 8. divis . 1. p. 396 , &c. * §. 28. Num. 1. And so plainly S. Augustine speaking of S. Cyprians Error about Rebaptization , &c. says , Illis temporibus antequàm Plenarii Concilii sententia quid in hac ●e sequendum esset , totius Ecclesiae Consensio confirmasset , Visum est ei cum , &c. L. 1. de Bapt. cont . Donatist . ● . 18. So , here is first Sententia Conci●i : And then the Confirmation of it is totius Ecclesiae Consensio , the Consent of the whole Church yeelding unto it . And so Gerson . Concurrente universali totius Ecclesiae consensu , &c. In Declaratione Veritatum quae credendae sunt , &c. §. 4. For this , that the Pope must confirm it , or else the General Councel is invalid , is one of the Roman Novelties . For this cannot be shewed in any Antiquity void of just Exception . The truth is , the Pope as other Patriarchs and great Bishops used to do , did give his assent to such Councels as he approved . But that is no Corroboration of the Councel , as if it were invalid without it : but a Declaration of his consenting with the rest . §. 33. Consid. 4 Num. 6. A. C. p. 59 , 60. † Christian●tas in diversas Haereses sc●ssa est , quia non erat licentia Episcopis in unum convenire , persecutione saeviente usque ad tempora Constantini , &c. Isidor . praefat . in Concil . Edit . Venet. 1585. ‖ Prequens Generalium Conciliorum celebratio est praecipua cultura Agri Dominici , &c. Et illorum neglectus Errores , Haereses , & Schismata disseminat . Hec praeteritorum temporum recordatio & praesentium consideratio ante oculos nostros ponunt . Itaque sancimus , ut à modò Concilia Generalia celebrentur ; ita quod Primum à fine hujus Concilii in quinquennium immediatè sequens , Secundum verò à fine illius in septen●ium , & dei●ceps de decennio in decennium perpetuò celebrantur , &c. Concil . Constant. Sess. 39. Et apud Gerson , Tom. 1. p. 230. Et Pet. de Aliaco Card. Cameracensis lib●llum obtulit in Concil . Constant. de Reformatione Ecclesi● contra ●●inionem eorum qui putarunt Concilia Generalia minus necessaria esse , quia Omnia benè à Patribus nostris ordinata s●●t , &c. In fascic . Rerum expetendarum . sol . 28. Et Schismatibus debet Ecclesia citò per Concilia Generalia provideri , ut in Primitiva Ecclesia docuerunt Apostoli , ut Act. 6. & Act. 15. Ibid. fol. 204. A. * In Concil . Ariminensi multis pa●corum fraude deceptis , &c. S. Aug L. 3. contra Maximinum , ● . 〈◊〉 . NUM . 3 * Non per difficiles nos Deus ad Beatam vitam Quaestiones vocat , &c. In absoluto nobis & facili est aeter●itas ; Jesum suscitatum à mortuis per Deum Credere , & Ipsum esse Dominum confiteri , &c. S. Hilar. L. 10. de Trin. ad finem . † Cyprianus & Collegae ipsi●● credentes Haereticos & Schismaticos Baptismum non habere , sint Baptismo re●●●tis , &c. iis tamen communicare quam separari ab ●nitate maluerunt . S. Aug. ● . 2 de Baptis . contra Donatist . c. 6. Et bi non contaminabant Cyprianum . Ibid. sine . * Recensuit cuncta sanctis Scripturis consona . Euseb. L. 5. Hist. c. 20. De Irenaeo . Regula Principalis de qu● Paracletus agnitus . Tert. de Monogam , c. 2. And this is true , though the Author spake it , when he was Lapsed . Ipsas Scripturas apprimè tenens . S. Hieron . ad Marcellum adversus Montanum . Tom. 2. Hoc quia de Scripturis non habet authoritatem , eâdem sacilitate non contemnitur , quâ probatur . S. Hieron . in S. Matth. 23. Manifestus est fidei lapsus , & liquidum superbiae vitium , vel respu●re aliquid corum quae Scriptura habet , vel inducere quicquam quod scriptum non est . S. Basil. Serm. de Fide. Tom. 2. p. 154. Edit . Basileae , 1565. Contra insurgentes Hereses s●pe pugnavi Agraphis , verum non alienis à piâ secun●●● Scripturam sententiâ . Ibid . p. 153. And before Basil , Tertul. Adoro Scripturae plenitudinem , &c. si non est scriptum , timeat Hermogenes . 〈◊〉 illud adjicientibus vel detrabeatibus destinatum . Tertul advers . Hermog . c. 22. And Paulinus plainly calls it Regulam Directionis , Epist. 23. De ●●c Regul● tria observanda sunt . 1. Regula est , sed à tempore quo scripta . 2. Regula est , sed per Ecclesiam applicanda , non per privatum Spiritum . 3. Regula est , & mensurat omnia quae continet : continet autem , omnia necessaria ad salutem vel mediatè vel immediatè . Et hoc tertium habet . Biel. ●● 3. D. 25. q. ●●ic● . ●onclus . 4. M. And this is all we say . Hook. L. 5. Eccles. Pol. §. 22. † Regula Catholicae fidei debet esse certa & nota . Si certa non sit , non erit Regula . Si nota non sit , non erit Regula nobis . Bellar. L. 1. de Verbo Dei , c. 2. §. 5. Sed nihil est vel certius vel no●●●s Sacrâ Scriptur● . Bellarm . ibid. §. 6. Therefore the Holy Scripture is the Rule of Catholike Faith , both in it self , and to us also ; For in things simply necessary to Salvation , it is abundantly known and manifest , as §. 16. Nu. 5. ‖ Convenit inter nos & omnes omninò Haereticos , Verbum Dei esse Regulam sidei , ex quâ de D●g●natibus judicandum sit . Bellarm. Praefat. Tom. 1. fine . And although there perhaps he includes Traditions , yet that was never proved yet . Neither indeed can he include Traditions . For he speaks of that Word of God , upon which all Hereticks consent : But concerning Traditions , they all consent not , That they are a Rule of Faith. Therefore he speaks not of them . Judg. 6. * For so he affirms , p. 58. 1 Cor. 11. 19. A. C. p. 60. * Qu● subtilissi●● de hoc disputari possunt , ità ut non similitudinibus quae plerunque fallunt , sed rebus ipsis satisfiat , &c. S. August . L. de Quant . Animae , cap. 32. Whereupon the Logicians tell us rightly , that this is a Fallacie , unless it be taken reduplicativè , i. e. de similibus qua similia sunt : And hence Aristotle himself 2 sop . Loc. 32. says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Rursum in Similibus , si similitèr se habent . * When Gerson writ his Tract De Auseribilitate Papae , sure he thought the Church might continue in a very good Being , without a Monarchical Head ; Therefore , in his Judgment , the Church is not by any Command or Institution of Christ , Monarchical . Gerson . par . 1. pag. 154. When S. Hierome wrote thus : [ Ubicunque fuerit Episcopus , sive Romae , sive Eugubii , sive Constantinopoli , sive Rhegii , sive Alexandriae , sive Tanis ; ejusdem meriti , ejusdem est & Sacerdotil . S. Hieron . Epist. ad Evagrium , ] doubtless he thought not of the Roman Bishops Monarchy . For what Bishop is of the same Merir , or of the same Degree in the Priesthood with the Pope , as things are now carried at Rome ? Affirma●●ls etiam , Patribus & Graecis & Latinis , ignotas esse voces de Petro aut Papa Monarcha & Monarchia . Nam quod in superioribus observabamus reperiri eas dictiones positas pro Episcopo , & Episcopatu , nihil hoc ad rem sacit . Isa Casaub. Exercitatione 15. ad Annales Eccles. Baron . §. 12. p. 378. & §. 11. p. 360. disertè asserit & probat Ecclesie Regimen Aristocraticum fuisse . † Bellar. L. 2. de Concil . c. 16. §. 1 , 2 , 3. ‖ S. Greg. L. 9. Epist. 58. & L. 12. Epist . 15. * S. Greg. L. 9. Epist. 61. * ●●●lar . L. ● . de Eccles. ● . ● . § Nostr● a●●●●● . * Non enim Respublica est in Ecclesiâ : sed Ecclesia in Republic● : ● . ci●● Imperis R 〈…〉 . Optat . L. ● . a Concil . Antioch . ● . 9. p. 507. b Concil . 〈◊〉 . 1. ● . ● . & Antioch . ● ▪ 12. c Concil . Nic. 1. ● . 4. & Antioch . Can. 9. d Concil . Antioch . ● . 14. e Sed ▪ praep●●itur Scriptura . S. Aug. L. ● . de Bapti●●●● . Donat. c. 3. f Nam cum Statutum si● omnibus nobis . &c. & singulis Pastoribus portio gregis , &c. S. Cypr. L. 1. Ep. 3. g Bellar. L. 1. de Rom. Pont. c. 8. & L. 2. de Concil . c. 16. h Bellar. L. 1. de Rom. Pont. c. 7. i A. C. p. 64 , 65. * Licèt sit Expediens quòd uni Populo partiali fideli praesit unus Episcopus ; non expedit tamen quod toti populo fideli praesit unus solus . Tum quia omnia Negotia unius populi partialis potest sustineve unus solus : Nullus autem unus potest ●●sti●ere omnia Negotia etiam majora omnium Christianorum . Tum ▪ quia minus malum est , ut populus partialis & parvus inficiatur ab uno Episcopo , quàm ut totus , vel ferè totus populus Christianus inficiatur ab uno Capite , quod omnibus praefit . Ockam , L. 2. Dial. Tract . 1. p. 3. c. 30. ad 8. And besides this of Ockam : To that Common Argument , That Monarchieal Government is the best , and therefore undoubtedly that which Christ instituted for his Church ▪ 't is sufficient to Answer , That a Monarchy is the best form of Government in one City or Country . Arist. L. 8. Moral . c. 10. But it follows not , That it is the best in respect of the whole world ; where the Parts are to remote , and the dispositions of men so various . And therefore Bellarm. himself confesses : Monarchiam Aristocratiae & Democratiae admi●●tam utiliorem esse in hác vitâ , quam simplex Monarchia ● . ● . L. 1. de Rom. Pout . c. 3. §. 1. * In the first Gloss ascribed to Isidore , in Gen. 1. 16. 't is Per Solem intelligitur Regnum ; per Lunam , Sacerdotium . But Innoceu● the Third , almost six hundred years after Isidore's death , perverts both Text and Gloss. Thus : Ad firmamentum Coeli , ● . ● . Universalis Ecclesiae , fecit Deus duo magna I●mi●aria , hoc est , duas instituit Potestates , Pontificalem , & Regalem , &c. Ut quanta inter Sole● & Lunam , tanta inter Pountifices & Reges differentia cognoscatur . Epist. ad Imperat. Constantinopolitanum . Decret . L. 1. de Majoritate & Obedientia . Tit. 33 , cap. Solitae . † Ecclesia Militans s●pt in Scripturis dicitur Luna , propter Mutabilitatem , &c. S. Aug. Epist. 119. c. 6. ‖ Intelligimus spiritualiter Ecclesiam , &c. Et hîc quis est S●● , ●is● Sol Justitiae ● &c. S. Aug. in Psal. 103. * Gasp. Schiop . L. dicto Ecclesiasticus , c. 145. * Igitur cùm terra sit septies major Lun● , Sol autem octies major terrâ , restat ergo ut Pontificalis dignitas quadragesles septies sit major Regali diguitate . Gloss. in Decret . praedict , Where first the Gloss is out in his Latine . He might have said Quadragies : for Quadragesies is no word . Next , he is out in his Arithmetick . For eight times seven makes not forty seven , but fifty six . And then he is much to blame for drawing down the Pope's power from fifty six to forty seven . And lastly , this Allusion hath no ground of Truth at all . For the Emperor , being Solo Deo minor , Tertul. ad Scap. cannot be a Moon to any other Sun. † Sed illa Potestas , quae praeest diebus , i. c. in Spiritualibus , major est ; quae verò Carnalibus , minor . Innocent . 3. ubi supra . ‖ Ut post ejus mortem , nihil eorum quae in hac vita egerit , la●daverit , aut improbaverit , immutatum sit . Platina in vita ejus . Rom. 13. 1. * Patres veteres , & praecipuè August . Epist. 54. Apostolum interpretantur de Potestate seculari tantum loqui , quod & ipse Textus subindicat , &c. Salmeron , Disput. 4. in Rom. 13. §. Porr● per Potestatem . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Omnibus ista imperantur , & Sacerdotibus & Monachis , &c. Et postea . Etiamsi Apostolus s●s , si Evangelesta , si Propheta , sive quisquis tandem fueris . S. Chrysost. Hom. 23. in Rom. Sive est Sacerdos , sive Antistes , &c. Theodoret. in Rom. 13. Si omnis Anima , & vestra . Quis vos ex●ipit ab Universitate ? &c. Ipsi sunt qu● vobis dicere solent , servate vestrae Sedis bonorem , &c. Sed Christus aliter & Jussit , & Gessit , &c. S. Bern. Epist. 42. ad Henricum Senonensem Archiepiscopum . Et Theophylact . in Rom. 13. Where it is very observable , that Theophylact lived in the time of Pope Gregory the Seventh ; And S. Bernard after it , and yet this Truth obtained then . And this was about the year 1130. ‖ An fortè de Religione fas non est ut dicat Imperator , vel quos miserit Imperator ? Cur ergo ad Imperatorem vistri venere Legati ? Cur enim secerunt causae suae Judicem , noa secutari quod ille judicaret ? &c. S. Aug. L. 1. cont . Epist. Parmen . c. 9. Et Quaestio fuit , an pertineret ad Imperatorem adversus eos aliquid statuere qui prava in Religione sectantur . Ibid Nor can this be said to be usurpation in the Emperor . Nam S. August . alibi sic . Ad Imperatoris curam , de ▪ quâ rationem Deo redditurus est , Res illa maximè pertinebat . S. Aug. Epist. 162. & Epist. 50. Quis mente sobrius Regibus dicat : Nolite cu●are in Regno vestro ● quo tentatur , vel opp●g●etur Ecclesia Domini vestri ? &c. Antiquitas rectè dixit , Magistratus est custos Legis , scilicet Primae & Secundae Tabulae , quod ad disciplinam 〈◊〉 . Confessio Saxonica , §. 23. & Gerardus , Tom. 6. Locorum , c. 6. §. 5. Membro 1. probat ex Deut. 17. 18. * Deut. 17. 18. † 2 Chron. 29. 4. ‖ 4 Reg. 23. 2. * Hic Maximus Pontifex totius Ecclesiasticae Libertatis ●●nicus Assertor . Onuph . in Plat. in Greg 7. For taking Occasion by the War which Henry the Fourth had with the Saxons and their neighbours , and the complaint of the Saxons made to the Pope ( of which Platina in the life of Gregory the Seventh ) the Pope wise enough for his own advantages , sought not only to free himself from the Emperor , but to make the Emperor subject to him ; and for this the History is plain enough . * Papa utpote Regis Regum Vicarius nunquam erat de jure subditus Imperatoribus terrenis . sed quia tum Potestas ejus non erat nota : — & quia viribus temporalibus destitutus erat , vellet , nollet , subjectus esse cogebatur . Bellar. in Apologia , c. 15. Respous . ad Me●dacium . 10. And Bellarmine is at the same Argument for Deposing of Kings too : Quia deerant vires temporales Christiants . Bellar. L. 5. de Rom. Pont. c. 7. §. Quod si Christiani . Now this is a most lowd untruth , as appears in Tertullian , who lived about the year 200 under Severus . And the Christians then had strength enough against the Emperor , had they had right enough with it . † L. de Monar . ‖ Revel . 12. 1. * Sic enim Alexander Tertius collum Frederici Primi pede comprimebat , & dixit , Scriptum est , Super aspidem & basiliscum , &c. Jo. Nauclerus , Chron. Generatione 40. circa An. 1170. Gen. 1. 16. * John de Puente , La Convenientia de las des Monarquias Catolicas la de la Iglesia Romana , y la del Imperio Espaniol , y defensa de la precedentia de los Reyes Catolicos de Espania à ●odos los Reyes del mundo . † Luminare Majus , ut praesit ●rbi & Orbi . ‖ Luminare Minus , ut subdatur Urbi , & dominetur Orbi . * Por Orden de los Seniores del Cons●io Supremo . † Por Mandado del Rey nuestro Senior . ‖ Quum Gallia al at 20000000 bominum . Ex singulis centenis sumendo unum colligit 200000 strenuorum militum ●●ipend●atorum , commodè , 〈◊〉 . Propterea omnes terrae Principes met●●●●t n●●e magis d Galli● , quàm 〈◊〉 ab aliis ; Paratur enim illi Regnum Universale . ● . The. Campanellae Ecloga in Principis Galliarum Delphini Nativitatem , cum Annot. Discip. Parisiis . 1639. Cum Permissu Superiorum . A. C. p. 60. * Non est necesse , ut sub Christo fit u●us Rector totius Ecclesiae , sed sufficit quod sint plures regentes divers as Provincias , sicut sunt plures Reges gubernantes plura regna . Ocham . Di●l . L. 2. Tract . 1. p. 1. c. 30. ad 1. NUM . 14 : A. C. p. 60. * Propter difectam Conciliorum Generalium totius Ecclesiae , que sola audet intrepicè corrigere omnes , ea mala quae Universalem tangunt Ecclesiam , manentia diu incorrecta crescunt , &c. Gerson . Declarat . Defectuum V●●orum Ecclesiasticorum , Tom. 1. p. 209. † Sunt enim Indissolubilia Decreta , quibus reverentia debita est . Prosper cont . Collatorem , c. 1. And Turrecremata , who says every thing that may be said for the Popes Supremacie , yet dares not say , Papam posse revocare & tollere omnia Statuta Generalium Conciliorum , sed Aliqua tantum . Jo. de Turr●●r . Summae de Ecclesiâ , L. 3. c. 55. Et postea . Papa non potest revocare Decreta primorum quatuor Conciliorum , quia non sunt nisi Declarativa Articulorum Fidei . Ibid. c. 57. ad 2. * §. 24. Nu. 1. † And shall we think that Christ the wisest King hath not provided , & c. A. C. p. 60. Where I cannot but commend either A. C. his Modesty , that he doth not , or his Cunning , that he will not go so far as some have done before him ; though in these words [ Shall we think , &c. ] he goes too far . Non videretur Dominus discretus fuisse ( ut cum reverentiâ ejus ●oquar ) nisi unicum post se talem Vicarium reliquisset , qui haec omnia potest . Fuit autem ejus Vicarius Petrus . Et idem dicendum est de Successoribus Petri , cum eadém absurdit as sequèretur , si post mortem Petri , Humanam Naturam à se creatam sine regimine Unius Personae reliquisset . Extravagant . Com. Tit. de Majoritate & Obedientiâ c. Unam Sanctam . In addition . D. P. Bertrandi Edit . Paris . 1585. † Test●●●nio 〈◊〉 Stapl. ●otest . Cont. 4. ● . ● . A●● . 3. * ●●●● ● . ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ that doubtless the Arri●●● also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that at Nice the Pope had 〈◊〉 to carry his Messages , and that 〈◊〉 of them in his place sa●e as President . Why but first ▪ 't is manifest , that Hosius was President at the Councel of Nice , and not the Bishop of Rome , either by himself or his Legates . And so much Athanasius himself , ( who was present , and surely understood ▪ the Councel of Nice , & who presided there , as well as A. C. ) tells us ● H●sius b●e est Princeps Synodor●● ▪ ( So belike He presided in other Councels as well as at Nice . ) Hic formulam Fidei in Nicaena Synodo concepit . And this the Arrians themselves confess to Constantius the Emperour , then seduced to be theirs . Ap●● S. Athanas. Epist. ad solitar ▪ ●ita●agentes . But then secondly , I do not except against the Popes sitting as President , either at Nice , or Trent . For that no might do , when called , or chosen to it , as well as any other Patriarch , if you consider no more but his 〈◊〉 as President . But at Nice the Cause was not his own , but Christs , against the Arrian : wher●●s a● 〈◊〉 , it was ●●erly his 〈◊〉 , his own Supremacy , and his Churches Corruptions , against the Protestants . And therefore 〈◊〉 not to sit President at the Trial of his own Cause , though in other Causes he might sit as will as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ And for that of Bellarmine , 〈◊〉 . de 〈◊〉 c. ●●● §. T●●tia c●●di●●● , namely ▪ That 't is ●●just 〈◊〉 ●●●● the Roman● Pr●lat●is Right ( jus suum ) in calling General Countels , and Presiding in them , in possession of which ●ight be hath 〈◊〉 for 1500 years ; That 's but a bold A●●ertion of the Cardina●● , by his ●●●ve . For he gives us no proof of ie , but his bare word . Whereas the very A●thentick Copies of the Counc●ls , published and princed by the Romanists themselves affirm clearly , they were called by Emperors ▪ not by the Pope ▪ And that the Pope did not preside in all of them . And I hope Bellar●●●● will not expect we should take his ●●●e word against the Councels . And most certain it is , that even as Hosius Presided the Councel 〈◊〉 Nice , and no way that , as the Popes Legate ▪ so also in the second General Councel ▪ which was the first of 〈…〉 , N●ctarius Bishop of Constanti●●ple Presided . Concil , Chal●ed ▪ Act. 6 ▪ p. 136. a●ud 〈…〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 , which was the first at Ephesus , S. C●●●● of Alexandria Presided . And though Pope C●l●sti●● was joyned with him , yet he sent none out of the West to that Councel , ●till many things were therein finished , as appears a●●● Act. Co●cil . Tom. 2. ● . 16 ▪ 17. In the fourth , at Chal●●● , the Legates of the Bishop of Rome ▪ had the Pr●●● place . In the fifth , 〈◊〉 Bishop of Constanti●●●● was President . In the sixth , and seventh , the Legates of the Pope were president ; yet so , as that almost all the duty of a Moderator or President was performed in the seventh by Tharas●us Bishop of Constantinople ; as appears manifestly in the Acts of that Councel . And since these seven are all the General Councels , which the Greeks and Latines joyntly acknowledge ; And that in these other Patriarchs and Bishops Presided , as o●t at lea●● as the Bishops of Rome ; What 's become of Bellarmine's Brag , That the Pope hath been possest of this Right of Presiding in General Councels for the space of 1500 years ? ‖ Leo 10. ●●ll . Jun. 8. 1520. A. C. p. 61. A. C. p. 59. † Ut aliqui ●ittantur , & adveniant , & conveniant , &c Bell. ● . 1. de Concil . c. 17. ● Quarta , ●● saltem . * §. 26. Nu. 1. † Here A. C. tells us , that the Arrians thought so of the Councel of Nice , p. 61. Namely , that they departed from Letter , and Sense of Scripture . They said so indeed . But the Testimony of the whole Church , both then , and since , went with the Councel against the Arrian . So is it not here against the Protestant for Trent . For they offer to be tried by that very Councel of Nice , and all the Ancient Councels and Fathers of the Church , within the first four hundred years , and somewhat farther . * So Stapleton often , but the Fathers quite otherwise . Que ●xtra Evangelium sunt , non desendam . ●Hilar . L. 2. ad Cohst . † Literarum divinitùs inspiratarum testimoniis . L. 2. in Syn. Nic. Tom. 1. per Nicolinum . * Ib in Osi● sententiâ . p. 517. Parati ex S. Spiritus arbitrio per plurima Divinarum Scripturarum testimonia demonstrare hac it a se babere . ‖ Here A. C. is angry , and says : This was no Proof , nor worthy of any Answer , or looking into the Book for it . First , because 't is onely a Surmise of Adversaries , who are apt to interpret to the worst . Secondly , because there might be more Italian Bishops there , as bring ●earer , yet without any factious Combination with the Pope : As in the Greek Councels more Grecians were present . A. C. p. 62. No proof , or a weak one . Let the Reader Judge that . But why 〈◊〉 Proof ? Because a Surmise of Adversaries . Is that a Surmise of Adversaries , that is taken out of the Councel it self ? Is that Councel then become Regaum divisum , and apt to interpret the worst of it self ? Yea but there were more Italian Bishops , as being nearer . Most true . Nearer a great deal than the Gre●ian Bishops . But the Bishops of France and of some parts of Germany were almost as near as the Italians themselves . And why then came no more of These , that were near enough ? Well : A. C. may say what he will. But the Pope remembred well the Councels of Constance , and Bas●l , and thought it wisdom to make sure work at Trent . For in later times , ( for their own fears , no doubt ) the Bishops of Rome have been no great friends to General Councels , especially Free o●es : Multi suspicantur , quod haec dissim●laverit Romana Curia , & Concilia ●●●i neglexerit , ut possit ad sue voluntatis libitum plenius dominari , & Jura aliaru● Ecclesiarum liberius usurpare . Quod non asser● esse verum , sed quia bujusmodi laborat infamia , id●● , &c. Pet. de Aliaco , Car● Cam●ra●●nsis L. de Reformat . ●●●les . in ●asci● . rerum expe●end . sol . 204. A. † In Concilio Nicaeno prim● ex Occidente solùm fu●unt duo Presbyteri missi ex Italiâ , unus Episcopus ex Galliâ , unus ex Hispaniâ , & unus ex Africâ . Bellarm. L. 1. de Concil . c. 17. § Antepenult . * Omnes qui ausi fuerint dissolvere ●esinitionem Sancti & Mag●i Concilii quod apud Ni●●am congregatum est , Anathematizamus . Concil . Rom. 3 sub Sylvestro . Apud Binium , p. 449. A. C. p. 62. A. C. p. 62● * Ex iis Conciliis quae omnium consensu Generalia fuerunt , qualia sunt quatuor prima : Et ex consuetudine Ecclesiae colligimus quatuor Conditiones requiri , & sufficere . Bellar. 1. de Concil . c. 17. § 2. * § 33. Consid. 5. Num. 1 , 2. And the Reason of this is , Because to have a General Councel deceived , is not impossible ; But altogether impossible it is , that Demonstrative Reason , or Testimony Divine , should deceive . Hook. L. 2. Eccl. Pol. § 7. † In which Case Maldonat puts in the shrewdest Argument : Namely , that this way we should never have a certain end of Controversies . For to try whether any thing were Decreed according to the Word of God by one General Councel , we should need another Councel ; and then another to try that ; and so in infinitum . So our faith should never have where to settle and rest it self . Maldon . in S. Matth. 18 20. But to this I answer , That the Ancient Church took this way , as will afterward appear in S. Augustine . Next , there is no uncertainty at all : For no General Councel lawfully called , and so proceeding , can be questioned in another , unless it so fall out , that Evident Scripture , or a Demonstration appear against it . But either of these are so clear and manifest , that there need be no fear of proceeding in infinitum , and leaving the Faith in uncertainty , in necessaries to salvation . And in curious Speculations , it is no matter , whether there be certainty or no , with or without a Councel . § 33. Consid. 5. Num. 1. & 2. ‖ Bellar. L. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 7. § 3. &c. A. C. p. 63 , 64. A. C. p. 63. * Synodum Generalem aliquoties errásse perce●i●●s . Wald. L. 2. de Doctri● . Fidei , Art. 2. c. 19. § 1. A. C. p. 63. * It is not long since A. C. compared Councels to Parliaments ; it was but p. 60. And I hope a Parliament and the Acts of it must stand in force , though something be mistaken in them , or found bur●sul , till another Parliament of equal Authority reverse it and them . For I presume you will not have any inferiour Authority to abrogate Acts of Parliament . † § 33. Consid . 4. Num. 1. ‖ § 24. Num. ● . * § 38. Nu. 15. † Non est inferio●um judicare an Superiores legitimè procedant nec●e , nisi manifestiss●● è cons●ct intolerabilem Errorem committi . Bel. L. 2. de Concil . c. 8. § Alii dicunt Concilium . Nisi manifestè constet . Jacob. Almain in 3 sent . D. 24. q. unic● , fine . Consid. 1. * Si Ecclesia Universitati non est data ulla Authoritas , Ergo nequt Concilio Generali , quatenus Ecclesiam Universalem repraesentat . Bellarm. Lib. 2. de Concil . c. 16. § Quòd si Ecclesia . † Concilium Generale Ecclesiam repraesentans . Ja. Almain . in 3 Sent. D. 24. Q. unied . Episcopi sunt Ecclesia repraesentativè , ut nostri loquuntur . Bellarm. Lib. 3. de Eccles. Milit. c. 14. § 3. ‖ § 26. Num. 8. * Omnis repraesentatio virtute minor est Re ipsâ , vel Veritate , cujus Repraesentatio est . Colligitur apertè ex Thom. 1. 2. q. 101. A. 2. ad 2. † Posset enim contingere quòd Congregati in Concilio Generali essent pauci & viles , tam in re , quàm in hominum reputatione , respectu illorum qui ad illud Concilium Generale mini●è convenissent , &c. Ockam . Dial. par . 3. lib. 3. c. 13. Consid. 2. ‖ Ecclesia est unum Corpus mysticum per Similitudinem ad Naturale . Durand . 3. D. 14. Q. 2. N. 5. Biel. Lect. 23. in Can. Miss . Consid. 3. * Omnem veritatem infallibiliter docendi , &c. Stapl. Relect . Praes . ad Lectorem . a S. Joh. 16. 1● b S. Joh. 14. 16 c S. Mat. 28. 20 d S. Mat. 16. 18 e S. Luk. 22. 32 f S. Mat. 18. 20. g Acts 15. 28. * Prosp. de vocat . Gent. L. 1. c. 10. † Bellarm. 2. de Concil . c. 8. § Respondeo quidam ▪ Where he saith , ●bi Questio est de Facto , non de Jure &c. In ejusmodi Judicius Concilium errave posie non est dubium . ‖ Dubium est a● illud docebit omnia , S. Joh. 14. 26. referendum sit ad illud , Quaecunque dixi vobis : quasi non aliud doctu●um Spiritum Sanctum dicat , quàm quod ipse ante● docuisset , non repug●abo , si quis it● velit interpretari , &c. Maldonat . in S. Joh. 14. h S. Joh. 16. 14 i S. Joh. 14. 26 * Bellarm. 2. de Conc. c. 9. § Alteram . Assistentia Sp. Sancti non est propter Concil . sed ●nivers●m Ecclesiam . * S. Aug. Tr. 50. in S. Joh. Isidor . 1. Sent. cap. 14. † S. Hilar. in Psal. 124. Justin , Martyr . Dial. cum Tryphone . Prosp. Epist. ad Demetriadem . ‖ S. Hilar. in Psal. 124. Prosp. Lib. 2. de vocat . Gent. cap. 2. Leo Serm. 2. de Resurrect . Dom. cap. 3. Isidor . in Jos. c. 21. * S. Cyril . lib. 7. Dial. de Trin. Prosp. Epist. ad Demetriadem . † S. Hilar. in Psal. 124. S. Cyril L. 7. Dial. de T●in . S. Aug. 6. de Gen. ad ●it . c. 8. S. Leo Serm. 10. de Nat. Dom. c. 5. Isid. in Jos. c. 12. In all which places , Vobiscum is either interpreted cum suis , or Fidelibus , or Universâ Ecclesiâ . ‖ Hoc colligitur , sed quaeritur non quid colligitur , sed quid dicere voluit . Maldonat . in S. Mat. 28. * 1 Cor. 3. 11. † Ephes. 2. 20. ‖ S. Ignat. Epist. ad Philadelph . Qui suam firmavit Ecclesiam super Petram , aedificatione spirituali . S. Hilar. l. 6. de Tria . Super hanc igitur Confessionis Petram Ecclesiae aedificatio est . Et paulò ●ost : Haec Fides Ecclesiae fundamentum est . S. Greg. Nyss. a● Trin. adversus Judaeos : Super hanc Petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam ▪ super Confessionem videlice● Christi . S. Isid. Pelus . Epist. l. 1. Epist. 235. Ut hac ratione certam omnibus Confessionem traderet , quam ab ●o inspiratus Pernis tanquam Basin , ac Fundamentum jecit , super quod Dominus Ecclesiam suam extru●it . S. Cyril . Alexand. de Trin. l. 4 Petram opinor per agnominationem , aliud nihil quàm inconcussam & firmissimam Discipuli fidem vocavit , in quâ Ecclesia Christi it a fundata , & firmata esset , ut non laberetur , &c. P. ▪ Theodor. in Cant. Petram appellat fidei pietatem , veritatis professionem , &c. Et super hanc Petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam . S. Greg. Epist. l. 3. Ep. 33. In vera fide persistite , & vitam vestram in Petram Ecclesiae , hoc est , in Confessione B Petri Apostolorum Principis solidate . Theophylact . in Matth. 16. Super cum aedificavit Ecclesiam , quia enim confessus erat , &c. quòd haec Confessio fundamentum erit , &c. S. Aug. in 1 Epist. S. Johan . tract . 10. Quid est , Super hanc Petram ? Super hanc Fidem , super id quod dictum est , Tu es , &c. S. Bas. Seleuc. Orat. 25. Hanc Confessionem ●ùm nominâsset Christus Petram , Petrum nuncupat eum qui primùm illam est confessus , do●a●s illi hanc appellationem tanquam infign● , & monumentum hujus confessionis . Haec enim est reverâ Pietatis Petra , haec salutis basis , &c. S. Jacob. Liturg. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 26. &c. And some which joyn the person of S. Peter , profess it is propter robur Confessionis . Justin. Mart. Dial. cum Tryph. S. Chrysost. Hom. 2. in Psal. 50. S. Ambros. L. 10. in S. Luc. c. 24. And S. Greg. gives it for a Rule , when Petra is read in the singular number , ( and so it is here ) Christus est , Christ is signified . * Non deficit . S. Bern. Serm. 79. in Cant. And Bellarmine himself going to prove Ecclesiam non posse deficere , begins with this very place of Scripture , L. 3. de Eccles. c. 13. † L. 3. de Eccl. c. 14. § Quintò , si esset . Multa sunt de Fide , quae ▪ non sunt absolutè necessaria ad salutem . NUM . ● . * Lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 3. † 2. 2ae , q. 2. A. 3. Probat enim ex his verbis , Fidem Ecclesiae Universalis non posse deficere . ‖ Causa . 24. q. 1 c. A Recta . Non d● Papa , quia Papa potest errare . a Testimonia propria sunt tria . Primum est Mat. 18. &c. Bellarm. L. 2. de Concil . c. 2. § 4. Sed contrà , Firmitas Conciliorum propriè non innititur his verbis . Stapl. Relect. Controvers . 6. q. 4. A. 4. ad 4. Locus hic non debet huc propriè accommodari . Valentia in Tho. Tom. 3. Disput. 1. R. 1. Punctò 7. § 45. b S. Matth. 18. 19 , 20. c Additâ Argumentatione à Minori ad Majus , &c. Bellarm. L. 2. de Concil . c. 2. § 4. Et Stapl. Relect. Cont. 6. q. 3. A. 4. d Si duo vel tres congregati in nomine meo obtinent semper quod petunt à Deo , &c. Bellarm. ibid. § 5. * S. Chrys. Hom 61. in S. Mat. 18. Ubi duo vel tres pari spiritu & voluntate collecti sunt , &c. Theoph. in S. Mat. 18. S. Cyprian . L. 4. Epist. 4. S. Hilar. ●● S. Matth. 18. † Quomodo igitur à Patre cuncta non consequentur ? Quia multae sunt Causae non impetrandi , &c. S Chrysost. Hom. in S. Matth. 18. Et Bellarm. ipse . Si congregari in Nomine Christi sit Nota Ecclesi● , non erit quomodocunque congregari . Sic enim omnes Haereses , & Schismata congregantur in nomine Christi . Sed , &c. L. 4. de Notis Ecclesiae , c. 2. § Tertius non . ‖ Etsi Christus adsit in medio talium , non adest tamen ad omnem effectum , aut ad hunc qui est Judicare de fide . Stapl. Relect. Controv. 6. q. 3. A. 4. Sed nec illi semper ad Deum respiciunt qui in medio eorum est . Nec Deus sic adest ●is qui respiciunt ad Ipsum , ut omnem veritatem doceat in Instanti & omni tempore simul , &c. Junius in Bellar. L. 2. de Concil . c. 2. * Si duo Unanimes tantum possunt ; Quid , si Unanimitas apud omnes esset ? S. Cypr. ● . 4. Epist. 4. * Non ad Infallibilem certitudinem a●●cujus Senten●i● , in quam plures in Nomine Christi consentiunt , locus hic ▪ Evangelii propriè accommodari debet , sed ad efficaciam consensionis plurium ad id impet●andum , quod unanimiter in Christi Nomine petunt , si id , quidem ad eorum salutem expediat . Sec●s enim non mod● ex illo loco probabitur , &c. Greg. de Valen. Tom. 2. in Thom. Disput. 1. Q. 1. Punct . 7. § 45. And although Stapleton approves this Argument à Minori ad Majus , yet withal he says , Firmitas Conciliorum illis Christi verbis propriè non innititur ; Quia nec Christus ibi de Conciliis Episcoporum loquitur , sed de quâvis Fidelium unanimi Congregation● . Nec etsi , &c. Stapl. Relect. Controv. 6. q. 6. A. 4. Act. 15. 28. † Quintum Argumentum , &c. Aut sunt ergo Arrogantes , quod putandum non est , Aut infallibilit●r definiunt . Respondet Valentia concedendo neutrum , Tom. 3. in Tho. Disp. 1. Q. 1. Punct . 7. § 45. ‖ Firmitas eo●um nititur Exemplo primi Concilii . Stap. Rel. Cont. 6. q. 3. A. 4. ad 3. * Et Bellarm. dicit locum hunc esse tertium ● Propri● . L. 2. de Concil . c. 2. § Tertius Locus . † Conciliorum Decreta sunt Spiritus Sancti Oracula . Stapl. ibid. Sententia Orthodoxa prima . * Si illud Concilium ex quo formam acceper●●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concilia asserit Decreta su● esse Decreta 〈◊〉 . Sa●cti , certè idem a●●ere poss●nt caet●ra ligitima Concilia , &c. Bellar ibid. † Vide qudm prudentèr agunt , non praecipiat Sententiam , sed singula expendunt . Ia rebus 〈◊〉 ▪ Fid●i & quae conscientiam tangunt , non satis est , dicere , Volumus Mandamus . Vides igitur quomodo Conveniunt Apostoli , simplicitèr Conveniunt , nihil nisi Deum quaerunt , & aliorum salutem expetunt , &c. Quid igitur mirum si in hoc Concilio fu●rit Spiritus Sanctus ? &c. Nos aliter Convenimus , N●m●e cum mag●d pompâ , nosque ipsos q●aerimus ▪ atq●e nobis pollicemur nihil nobis non licere de Plenitudine Potestatis . Et quomodo Sp. Sanctus ejusmodi Concilia probare possit ? Ferus in Act. 15. 7. Consid. 4. ‖ S. Mat. 16. 28 * Ecclesia Universalis fidem hab●t indefectibilem , &c. Non quidem in Generali Synodo congregata , quam aliquoties errâsse percepimus , &c. Wald. Lib. 2. Doct. Fid. Ar. 2. ● . 19. § 1. § 38. Num. 4. † Aug. ● . ● . de Bapt. Contra Donat. cap. 3. ‖ Ipsáque plenaria saepè priora à posterioribus emendart . * Vox Ecclesiae talis est , ut non de eâjudicemus recté●e ansecus docuerit . So. Stapl. Relect. c. 4. q. 1. A. 1. † De Regulis Morum & Disciplinâ . ●●lect . Cont. 6. q. 3. A. ● . † L 2. de Conc. c. 2. Princip . * Ibid. cap. 7. § Potest etiam . † Quando aliquo rerum experimento , quod clausum erat , ●peritur . ‖ Ibid. c. 4. Nebulis involuta . * Sensus est , quod Concilia posteriora emendant , id est , perfectiùs explicant fidem in semine antiqua Doctrinae latentem , &c. Stapl. Relect. Contr. 6. q. 3. A. 4. † Quâ in re nihil erroneum ul●um Concilium docuit , &c. ‖ Saep● . * Not used but either for Corrigere , or A●serre ; And so S. Augustine uses the word , ● . 20. contr . Faust. c. 21. And Bellarmine , though he interpret it in matter of Fact , yet equals the word with Correxit . 2 de Conc. c. 8. § Respond . Quaest. * Reprehendi . † Si quid in iis fortè à veritate deviatum est . ‖ Cedere . ‖ Quùm cognoscitur quod latebat . * Bellar. L. 2. de Concil . c. 7. § Respondeo primò sortè . † §. 26. Nu. 1. Consid. 5. * Ibid. † § 32. Num. 5 ‖ Praefat. p. 29. * Dial. dictus , Deus & Rex . † Cordatus Protestans . ‖ Praefat. p. 29. And therefore A. C. is much to blame after all this , to talk of a pretext of seeming evident Scripture , or Demonstration ; as he doth , p. 59. * § 32. Num. 2 † Praefat. p. 28. ‖ 2 de Bapt. cont . Don. cap. 4. * ●●ni verum dicenti , & demonstra●ti . † Cont. Fund . cap. 4. ‖ Quae quidem si tam manifesta monstratur , utin dubium venire non possit , praeponenda est omnibus illis reous , quibus in Catholica teneor : Ita si aliquid apertissi● ū in Evangelio . Ib. c. 4. * L. 2. de Concil . c. 8. § Alii dicunt Concilium . Nisi manifestissimè conste● intolerabilem Errorem committi . † Stapl. Relect. Cont. 4. Q. 3. Art. 1. * Divina suo modo . Ibid. And so A. C. too , who hath opened his mouth very wide to prove the Succession of Pastors in the Church , to be of Divine and Infallible Authority ; yet in the close is forced to adde , Atleast in some sort , p. ●1 . † Iu altiori genere , viz. in genere causae efficientis , atque 〈◊〉 aliqud ex par●e formalis . Ibid. Q. A. Ar. 3. Consid. 6. * Re●ect . Cont. ● q. 2. a● Arg. 11 † And herein ▪ I must needs commend your Wisdom . For you have had many Popes so ignorant , grosly ignorant , as that they have been no way able to ●i●t , and examine the Means . And therefore you do most advisedly make them infallible in the Conclusion without the Means . § 39. Num 8. ‖ Ibid. Not. 4. * Prophete audi●ba●t à Des interiùs inspirante . Tho. 2. 2● . q. 5. A. 1. ad . 3. † The Word of the Lord came unto me , is common in the Prophets . * Stapl. Relect. Cont. 4. q. 2. ● . 473. † Propheticam Revelationem ●●●●o pacto ha●●●● posse , vel 〈◊〉 Naturae , vel ●●udio , contra Avi●e●nam , Alg●● a●em , Averr●em , &c. Fran. Picus , 2. Praenot . c. 4. ‖ 1 Cor. 12. 10. † L. 2. de Conc. c. 12. * Concilia non habent , neque scribunt immediatas Revelationes , &c. sed ex verbo Dei per ratiocinationem deducunt Conclusiones . Bellar. Lib. 2. de Concil . cap. 12. S Dicuntur . † Stapl. Ibid. 374. ‖ Cont. Fund . c. 4. * Tho. p. 1. q. 2. A. 2. ad 1. Nihil prohibet illud , quod secundùm se demonstrabile est , & scibile , ab aliquo accipi ut Credibilt , qui Demonstrationem non capit . * L. 3. Rationabi●is & ubique diffusa . † ut ipsa fide valentiores facti , quod cre 〈…〉 intelligere ●●ereamur , non jam hominibus , sed Deo intriasecùs mentem nostr●m 〈◊〉 & illuminante . S. Aug. cont . epist. Fundament . c. 14. ‖ Omnia generà Ingeniorum subdita Scripturae . S. Aug. L 22. cont . Faust. c●● . 96. * Almain . 3. D. 24. q. 1. & Tho. 2. 2. e. q 1. A. 5. C. Id quod est scitum ab uno homine etiam in flatu vi . c , est ab alio Creditum , qui hoc Demonstrare non novit . ‖ Concilium Nicaenum deduxit Conclusionem ex Scripturis . Bellar . L. 2. de Concil . c. 12. § Sic etiam . † S. Pet. 3. 15 Consid. 7. * Relect. cont . 4. q. 2. Notab . 3. Exact● & Omni modâ Infallibilitate non indiget , sed satis est semel acceptis , &c. † L. 2. de Conc. c 12. § ult . Cùm utraque sint infallibilis veritatis , ●què certa dici possunt . ‖ Quòd si Ecclesiae Universitati non est data ulla Authoritas ; ergo nec Concilio Generali , quatenus Ecclisiam Universalem repraesentat . Bellar. L 2. de Concil . c. 16. § Ex his habemus . * Petrus Personam Ecclesiae Catholicae sustinet , & huic datae sunt Claves , quùm Petro datae . De Ag●n . Chr. c. 30. † R●l . Cont. 6. q. 3. A. 5. Sed propter Primatum quem gerebat Ecclesiae , id●bque etsi finalitèr Ecclesia accepit , tamen formalitèr Petrus accepit . * Ad omnes dicitur , Pasce oves , &c. S. Aug. de Ag one Christian. c. 30. which cannot be spoken or meant of the Laitie . Et Bilson . Perpet . Gover. c. 8. fine . † Stapl. Relect. Cont. 3. q. 1. A. 1. ad 2. * Non omnia illa quae tradit Ecclesia sub Definitione Judiciali ( i. in Concilio ) sunt de Necessitate Salutis credenda , sed illa duntaxat quae sic tradit concurrente Universali totius Ecclesiae consensu , implicitè , vel explicitè , verè , vel interpretativè . Gerson . Tract . de Declaratione veritatum quae credendae sunt , &c. § 4. par . 1. p. 414. † Possit tamen contingere quòd quamvis Generale Concilium definiret aliquid contra Fidem , Ecclesia Dei non exponeretur periculo . Quia possit contingere quòd congregati in Concilio Generali essent pauci & viles tam in r● , quàm in hominum reputatione , respectu illorum qui ad illud Concilium Generale minimè convenissent . Et tunc illorum levitèr Error extirparet●● per multitudinem meliorum & sapientiorum & ●amosiorum illis . Quious etiam multitudo simplicium adhaereret magis , &c. Och. Dial. p. 3. l. 3. c. 13. ‖ Many of these were potent at Ariminum , and S●l●ucia . * Determinationibus quae à Concilio , vel Pontifice Summo fiunt super iis dubitationibus , quae substantiam fidei concernunt , necessariò credendum est , dum Universalis Ecclesia non reclamet . Fr. P. Mirand . Theor. 8. † Artic. 21. ‖ Bellar. L. 2. de Concil c. 16. § Tertiò , Concilium sine Papâ * Heb. 13. 17. 1 Cor. 5. 5. S. Mat 18. 17. Prov. 1. ●8 . Vid. S. Aug. 2. Conf. c. 3. and Prov. 6. 20. Ecclus 3. 3. Prov. 15. 20. * Forsake not thy Mothers instruction , that is , the Teaching of the Church , wherein the faithful are begotten by the incorruptible seed of Gods Word . Annot. in Prov. 1. 8. Prov. 6. 22. Ephes. 5. 27. † In id progrediuntur ( Pelagiani ) ut dicant vitam Justorum in hoc seculo nullum omnino habere peccatum , & ex his Ecclesiam Christi in hac mortalitate perfici , ut sit omnino sine maculâ & rugâ . Quasi nou sit Christi Ecclesia , quae in toto terrarum orbe clamat ad Deum : Dimitte nobis debita nostra , &c. S. Aug. lde Haeresibus , Haer. 88. ‖ Sess. 13. * S. Matth. 26. 1 Cor. 11. 23. † Return of Untruths upon Mr. Jewel . Ar. a. Untruth 49. * 4. De Eucharist . c. 26. † Bellar. Ibid. § Vicesimo proferunt . ‖ And now lately in a Catechism Printed at Paris , 1637. without the Authors name , 't is twice affirmed thus : The Institution of a Sacrament is of it self a Command . Conference 14. p. 244. And again , p. 260. Institution is a Precept . * S. Matth. 26 1 Cor. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Liturg . S. Chrys. † Licet Christus post Caenam institucrit , & suis Discipulis administraverit sub utrâque specie Panis & Vini hoc venerabile Sacramentum , tamen hoc Non obstante , non d●bet confi●i post Coenam , nec recipt nisi à 〈◊〉 . [ Here Bellarmine stays , and goes no farther ; but the Councel goes on . ] R● similitèr quòd licèt in Primitiva Ecclestâ Sacramenta reciperentur sub utráque Speci● à fidelibus , tamen haec Consuetudo , ut à Laicis sub speci● Panis tantum susciptatur , habenda est pro Lege , quam non licet reprobare . Et asserere hanc esse illicitam , est Erroneum , Et per●in●cit●r asseren●es sunt arcen●i tanquam Haeretici . Sess. 13. * Acts 15. In Novo Testamento Exemplum celebrationis Conciliorum , ab Apostolis babemus , &c. Joh. de Turrecremata Sum. de Eccles. Lib. 3. c. 2. Et firmitas Conciliorum nititur Exemplo primi Concilii . Stapl. Relect. Cont. 6. q. 3. A. 4. ad 3. † This is more reasonable a great deal than that of Bellarmine , 2. de Concil . c. 18. Pontificem non posse se subjicere sententiae coactivae Concilior●m . * Bellar. ● . 2. de Concil . c. 16 & 17. * Canus lib. 6. de Locis , cap. 8. § Et quidem in . Pontifices Summi in Conclusione errar● nequeunt , Rationes autem , &c. † Relect. Co●t . 6. q. 3. Art. 5. & ibid. Quia ad co●p●●cendos importunos Haer●ticos Concilii Generalis Definitio illustrior est , &c. Et vulgo hominum magis satisfacit , &c. ‖ 4. d● Rom. Pont. c. 3. § At contra , Nam . Ex quo apparet tota● firmitatem ▪ Conciliorum Legitimorum esse ● Pontific● , non partim à Pontifice , partim à Concilio . * Et ●●●rum est quod Adversarii non asserant cum Impeccabilem : Et credo assererent , nisi quotidiana summorum Pontificum Opera ad ●●●dendum Oppositum compell●rent . Almain . de Author . Eccles . c. 10. fi●● . * Platina & Onuphrius is Vitis corum . † Non enim credo aliquem esse adeo impudentem P●p● Assentatorem , ut ei tribuere hoc velit , ut nec errare , nec in Interpretatione S. S. Literarum ha●●●ci●ari possit . Alphons . à Castro , Lib. 1. advers . Haeres . c. 4. And the Gloss confesses it plainly , in c. 24. q. ● . c. A recta ergo . ‖ Harding his Detection of Errors against Jewel , p. 64. * Coelestinus erravit non solùm ut privata persona , sed ut Papa , &c. Alph. à Castro , L. 1. adv . Haeres . c. 4. ibid. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Liberius in Epist. ad 〈…〉 than●f . 〈…〉 than 〈…〉 . p. 〈◊〉 . ●●it . Parisiens . 1608. Et E●it . Paris . Latine-Gr . 1627. * Post Aegypti●●●●●pputationes & Alexandrin● Ecclesie definitionem , Epoisco●i quoque Romanae Ecclesiae per Literas plerique meam adhuc expectant sententiam , quid existimem de die Paschae . S ▪ Ambr. L. 10. Epist. 83. † Ex hoc patet quòd Ecclesi● non consistit in hominibus ratione Potestatis vel Dignitatis Ecclesiasticae , vel Saecularis , quià multi Principes & Summi Pontifices , & alii inferiores inventi sunt Apostatasse à Fide , &c. Lyra in S. Matth. 16. 18. ‖ Rom. Pontifices ex Historid , &c. Quae mendacissima esse exitus probavit . Aventin . Annal. Bo●orum , L. 7. p. 529. Edit . Basil. 1580. Baron . An. 1179. N. 13. * Apud A. C. p. 68. * The wilde Extent of the Popes Infallibility and Jurisdiction is a Mistake . These are the words of a Great Romane Catholike uttered to my self . But I will spare his Name , because he is living ; and I will not draw your Envie upon him . † ●uto quòd ipsi etiam rideant , quum hoc audiunt , & tamen nisi hoc dicant , quod erubescant si dicant , non habent omni●ò quod dicant . Sed quid ad nos ? No●●●● invidemus . ●egant nobis ●●o de Scripturis Sanctis , & ●●edimus . S. August . de ●nit . Eccles. cap. 17. * Papa non solùm Errore Personali , sed & Errore Judiciali potest errare in Materiâ Fidei . Almain . L. de Author . Eccles. c. 10. † L. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 30. ‖ Si sit à Fide devius . Dist. 40 Can. Si Papa . * Jure Divino Papatu privatus est , &c. Jo. de Turrecr . l. 4 Par. 2. c. 20. Et Bellar. L. 2. de Ro. Pont. c. 30. † Papa factus Haereticus non est ipso facto , vel jure Divino , vel humano depositus , sed deponendus . Cajet . Tract . de Author . Papae & Concilii , c. 20. ‖ Papa Haereticus manifestus per se desinit esse Papa & Capat , &c. Et tum potest ab Ecclesiâ Judicari , & puniri . Bellar. L. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 30. § Est ergo quinta . * Pighius L. 4. Ecclesiasticae Hierarchiae , c. 8 † Communis Opinio est in contrarium . Ecll. L. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 30. § 2. ‖ Lib 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 11. * Tamen non possumus negare , quin Adrianus cum Romano Concilio , imò & tota Sy●odus octava Generalis senserit , in causd Haeresis posse Rom. Pontificem judicari . Adde quod esset miserrima conditio Ecclesiae , si Lupum manifestè grassantem pro Pastore agnoscere cogevetur . Bel. L. 2. de . Ro. Pont. c. 30. §. 5. * Stapl. Relect. cont . 4. q. 2. N●tab . 4. * Om●ia Sacramenta tribus perficiantur , &c. Decret . Eugenli 4. in Concil . Florent . † Conc. Trid. Ses. 7. Can. 1. ‖ Bellar. L. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 3. § Alterum Privilegium est . * Constantinut ex Laico Papa circa An. 767. ejectus Papatu . Et Steph. 3. qui successit , habito Concilio statuit , ne quis nisi per Gradus Ecclesiasticos ascendens Pontificatum occupare a●deret sub poenâ Anathematis . Decret . Dist. 79. c. Nullus . * Minovensis Episcopus fuit . † L. 2. Hist. Trident . p. 276 , 277. Leidae , An. 1622. * Summus Pontifex quùm totam Ecclesiam docet , in his quae ad Fidem pertinent , null ocasu errare potest . Bellar. L. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 3. § 1. † Concilia Generalia à Pontifice Confirmata errare non possunt Bellar. L. 2 de Concil . c. 2. § 1. ‖ Concil . Later . Can. 1. * Concil . Const. Sess ▪ 13. † Concil . Trid. Sess. 25 Decret . de Invocation● . ‖ Providè in quib●●d●m Ecclesiis observatur , ut Popul● Sanguis non deti● . Thom. p. 3. q. 80. A. 12. c. So it was but in some Churches in his time . Negare non possumu● etiam in Ecclesiâ L●tinâ fuisse usum utriusque speciei , & usque ad Tempora S. T●om● durasse . Vasq. in ● Disput. 216. c. 3. ● . 38. * Refecti cibo pot●● ▪ c●lesti , Deus ●oster , Te●supplices ex●ramu● , &c. In proprio Missarum de Sa 〈…〉 , Jan. 15. Orat. post Communionem . 〈◊〉 Jan. ●1 . * Ad quod Sac●●ficium suo loco & ordine Homines Dei nomind●tur , non tamen a Sa●●rdo●● , qu● Sa●r●●●ca● , Invocantur . S. Aug. L. 22. Civ . Dei , c. 10. † Bellarm. L. 1 de Sanctor . Bedtitud . c. 20. § Ad primum ergo locū , &c. ‖ Sunt Redemptores nostri aliquo modo & secun 〈…〉 aliquid . Bellar. L. 1. de Indulgen● . c. 4. Et Sanctos appellat Numina , L. 2. de Imagin . Sanctorum , c. 20. § 3. Now if this word ( Numen ) signifie any thing else besides God himself , or the power of God , or the Oraole of God , let Bellarmine shew it ; or A. C for him . * Ut eju● Meritis & Precibus ● Gehe●ne ●●cendiis liberemur . In proprio Missarum de Sanctis , Decemb. 6. † Ut A●borum Meritis aeternitatis Glor●am consequam●● . Ibid. Julii 6. ‖ Ejus intercedentibus Meritis ab Omnibus nos absolve peccatis . Ibid. Julli 14. * In Optatus his time , the Christians were much troubled upon but a false report , That an Image was to be placed upon the Altar . What would they have done , if Adoration had been Commanded ? &c. Et rectè dictum erat , si tasem famam similis veritas sequeretur . Optat. L. 3. ad finem . † Sicut non licet cum Ethnicis Idola colere . Becan . L. de side Haeret. servunda , c. 8. ‖ Co●●i●git aliq●a●do H●retic●s ●ir●a plura errare quàm Gentiles , ut Manich●os , inquit Thomas . Quòd nos possumus verè dicere ●e nostri temporis Sectariis , qui culpabil●●èr in pluribus videntur errare . Valentia in 2. 2 ● . Disp. 1. ● . 1● . Punct . 3. * Quod quidem à Christianis m●lioribus non ●it . S ▪ Aug. L. 8. de Civ . Dei , c. 27. † Illa quasi Par●u●alia superstitioni Gentilium simillima . Lud. Vives Ibid. ‖ Quod ergo mortuis litabatur , utique Parentationi deputabatur , qu● species proinde Idololatriae est , quoniam & Idololatri● Parentationis ●●t species . Tert. L. de Spe●●acu●is , c. 12. * Manifestus est , quàm ut multis verbis explicari de●eat ▪ Imaginum & simulachrorum Cultum nimium invaluisse , & affectioni , se● potiùs superstitioni populi plus sa●●● indultum esse , it à ut ad summam adorationem , quae vel à Paganis suis simulachris ●xbibert consutvit , &c. Cassand Consult . Art. 21. C. de Imagibibu● . Where he names divers of your own , ●s namely , ●urant●s Minatensis Episco●us , John Billet , Gerson , Durand , Holkot , and Biel , rejecting the Opinion of Thomas , and other superstitions concerning Images . Ibid. † Non quod Credatur ●nesse aliqua in iis Divinitas , & velut● olim fiebat à Gentibus . Conc. Trid. Sess. 25. Decret . de Invocat . ‖ Et ●●dibus periculosi Erroris Occasiouem , &c. Ibid. * Et ad●ò Gens affecta est trancis corrosis & deformibus Imaginibus , ut me teste , quo●●es Episcopi , decentiores ponere jubent , veteres suas petant plorantes , &c. Hieron . Lamas S●mma ▪ p. 3. c. 3 † Imagines Christi & S. Matris ●j●●s , & Sanctorum non sunt v●nerand● , acsi in ipsis Imaginibus esset Divinit a● , seeundùm quod sunt Materia Arte ●ffigiata , & non secundùm quod repraesentant Christum , & Sanctos , &c. Sic enim adorare , vel petere aliquid ab iis , esset Idololatria . Lam. ibid. Quis ferat populum in Templum irruentem , 〈◊〉 haram sues ? Certè non obs●●t populo C●●●moni● , sed prosunt , si modus in ●is servet●r , & caveamus●è 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 loco habeaatur , hoc est , nè precipuam pietatem in illis collocemus . Rhen. Annot. in T●rtul . de Cor. ●●il . * Cave nè dum v●s alium notare Culpae , ipse uoteris Calum 〈…〉 . S. Hier. ● . 3. advers . Pelagianos . A. C. p. 64. * Nos fatemur sub Papatu plu●imum esse boni , imò omne bonum Christianum , atque etiam illinc ad nos devenisse , &c. Luther . contra Anabaptist . citante Bellarmino , L. 4. de Notis Eccles. c. 16. §. penult . Et ●●●eld . Appendic● , par . 3. c. 2. Et Jos. Hall Bishop of Exeter , L. Of the Old Religion , c. 1. Many holding Christ the Foundation aright , and groaning under the burden of Popish trash , &c. by a general repentance , and assured Faith in their Saviour , did finde favour with the Lord. D. Gro. Abbot late Archbishop of Cant. Answer to Hill. ad Ration . 1. §. 30. For my part I dare not deny the possibility of their Salvation , who have been the chiefest Instruments of ours , &c. Hooker in his Discourse of Justificat . §. 17. In former times a man might hold the general Doctrine of those Churches , wherein our Fathers lived , and be saved . And yet since the Councel of Trent some are found in it in such degree of Orthodoxy , as we may well hope of their Salvation . Field . l. 3. Eccl. c 47. The Latine , or Western Church subject to the Romish Tyranny , was a true Church , in which a saving profession of the Truth of Christ was found . Jos. Hall Bishop of Exeter . L. Of the Old Religion , fine . in his Advertisement to the Reader , p. 202. Non pauci retinuerunt Christum Fundamentum , &c. Mornaeus Tract . de Ecclesia c. 9. fine . Inter sordes istas , ista quae summo cum periculo expectetur salus , non ipsorum Additamentis , sed iis , quae nobiscum habent communia , Fundamentis est attribuenda . Jo. Prideaux Lectione 9. fine . Papa aliquam adhuc Religionis formam relinquit , spem vitae aeternae non tollit , &c. Calv. Instruct. advers . Libertinos , c. 4. † Here A. C. gets another snatch , and tells us , That to grant a Possibility of Salvation in the Romane Church , is the free Confession of an Adversary , and therefore is of force against us , and extorted by Truth : But to say that salvation is more securely , and easily to be bad in the Protestant Faith , that 's but their partial Opinion in their own behalf , and of no force , especially with Romane Catholikes . I easily believe this latter part , That this , as A. C. and the rest use the matter with their Proselytes , shall be of little , or no force with Romane Catholikes . But it will behove them , that it be of Force . For let any indifferent man weigh the Necessary Requisites to Salvation , and he shall finde this no partial Opinion , but very plain and real Verity , That the Protestant living according to his belief , is upon the safer way to Heaven . And as for my Confession , let them enforce it as far as they can against me , so they observe my Limitations ; which if they do , A. C. and his fellows will ( of all the rest ) have but little comfort in such a limited Possibility . ‖ L. 1. De Bapt. cont . D●n . c. 3. Graviter peccarent in rebus ad salutem animae pertinentibus , &c. eo solo , quod certis incerta praeponerent . * Propter incertitudinem propriae Justitiae , & periculum inanis gloriae , tutissimum est fiduciam totam in solâ Dei misericordiâ & be●ignitate reponere . Bellar. L. 5. de Justif. c. 7. §. Sit tertia Propositio . † And this piece of Cunning to affright the weak was in use in Justin Martyrs time . Quosdam scimus , &c. ad Iracundiam suàm Evangelium pertrabentes , &c. quibus si potestas ea obtigisset ut nonnullos Gehennae traderent , Orbem quoque Universum consumpsissent : Just. Martyr . Epist. ad Zenam & Sere●●m . ( And here 't is ) ad Iracundiam suam Ecclesiam pertrabentes , &c. ‖ § 35. Nu. 3. A. C. p. 56. S. Mat. 18. 17. * And this is proved by the Creed . In which we profess our Belief of the Catholike , not of the Roman Church . * This is a free Confession of the Adversaries Argument against themselves , and therefore is of force . A. C. p. 64. But every Confession of Adversaries , or others , is to be taken with its Qualities and Conditions : If you leave out , or change these , you wrong the Confession , and then 't is of no force . And so doth A. C. here . And though Bellarm. makes the Confession of the Adversary a note of the true Church . L. 4. de 〈◊〉 Eccl. 16. yet in the very beginning , where he lays his Ground , §. 1. he lays it in a plain fallacy a secundùm quid ad simpliciter . † For they are no mean Differences that are between us , by Bellarmines own Confession . Agendum est non de rebus levibus , sed de gravissimis Questionibus qua ad ipsa Fidei fundamenta pertinent , &c. Bellarm. in praefat . Operibus praefix● , §. 3. And therefore the Errours in them , and the Corruptions of them cannot be of small Consequence , by your own Confession . Yes , by your own indeed . For you A. C. say full as much , if not more than Bellarmine . Thus We Catholikes hold all points . In which Protestants differ from us in Doctrine of Faith , to be Fundamental , and necessary to be Believed , or at least not denied . A. C. Relation of the first Conference , p. 2● . * Esse v●●● apud Donatistas Baptismum , & illi aesserunt , & nos concedimus , &c. L. 1. de Bap. cont . Donat. c. 3. † Corpus Christi manducatur in Coena , &c. tantùm Coelesti & spirituali ratione : Medium autem quo Corpus Christi accipitur & manducatur in Coenâ , Fides est . Eccl. Angl. Art. 28. After a spiritual manner by Faith on our behalf , and by the working of the Holy Ghost on the behalf of Christ. Fulk in 1 Cor. 11. p. 528. Christus se cum ommibus bonis suis in Coena offert , & nos cum recipimus fide , &c. Calv. 4. Instit. c. 17. §. 5. Et Hooker . L. 5. §. 67. p. 176. And say not you the same with us ? Spiritualis manducatio , quae per Animam fit , ad Christi Carnem in Sacramento pertingit . Cajet . Tom. 2. Opusc. de Euchar. Tract . 2. Cap. 5. Sed spiritualiter , id est , invisibiliter , & per virtutem Spiritus Sancti . Thom. p. 3. q. 75. A. 1 ad ● . Spiritualiter manducandus est per Fidem & Charitatem . T●na . in Heb. 13. Difficultate 8. ‖ I would have no man troubled at the words Truly and Really . For that blessed Sacrament received as it ought to be , doth Truly and Really exhibit and apply the Body and the Blood of Christ to the Receiver . So Bishop White in his Defence against T. W. P. Edit . London . 1617. p. 138. And Calvia . in 1 Cor. 10. 3. Verè datur , &c. And again in 1 Cor. 11. 24. Neque enim Mortis tantùm & Resurrectionis suae beneficium nobis offert Christus , sed Corpus ipsum in quo passus est , & resurrexit . Concludo Realit●r ( u● vulgò loquuntur ) hoc est . Verè nobis in Coen● datur Christi Corpus , ut sit An●mis nostris in Cibum Salutarem , &c. * Hoc totum pend●t ex Principiis Metaphysicis & Philosophicis , & ad Fidei Doctrinam non est necessarium . Suarez i● 3. Thom. Disput. 50. §. 2. A. C. p. 64 , 65. † Bellar. L. 3. de Eucha . c. 18. §. Ex his colligimus . * Sed quidquid sit de Modis loquendi , illud teuendum est , Conversionem Panis & Vini in Corpus & Sanguinem Christi esse substantialem , sed arcanam & ine●●abilem , & nullis natur olibus Conversionibus per omnia similem , &c. Bellar. in Recognit . hujus loci . Et Vid. § 38. Num. 3. A. C. p. 64. * Sed quia ita magnum firmamentum vanitatis vestrae in hâc sententiâ esse arbitramini , ut ad hoc tibi terminandam putares Epistolam quo quasi recentiùs in Animis I●gentem remaneret , brevitèr respondeo , &c. S. August . L. 2. cont . Lit. Petil . c. 108. And here A. C. ad hoc sibi putavit terminandam Collationem : sed frustra , ut apparebit . Num. 6. † §. 35. N. 3. A. C. p. 65. A. C. p. 65. Punct . 1. Punct . 2. A. C. p. 65. Punct . 3. A. C. p ▪ 66. * Caterùm his absurditatibus sublatis , quicquid ad Exprimen 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 Sanguinis Domini Communicationem , que sub 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 symbolis , fidelibus exhibetur , facere potest , libenter recipio . Calv. L. 4. Inst. c. 17. § 19 ▪ 〈…〉 , per symbola 〈◊〉 & vi●i Christus verè nobis 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 ●●s 〈◊〉 substanti● ejus facti sumus . Ibid. § 11. † § 35. Num. 3. Punct . 4. A. C. p. 66. * Bellarm. L. 1. de Euchar. c. 2. ● Quint● d●cit . Sacramentarii saepè dicunt reale Corpus Christi in Coenà adesse , sed realitèr 〈…〉 dicunt , quod legerim , nis● 〈◊〉 loquuntur de Coenâ quae fit in Coel● , &c. And that he means to brand Protestants under the name of Sacramentarii , is plain . For he says the Councel of Trent opposed this word realitèr , Figmento Calvinistico , to the Calvinistical Figment . Ibid. A. C. p. 65. † Calv. in 1 Con. 10. 3. verè , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Cor. 〈◊〉 . 24. realiter . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . 3. ‖ Bellar. L. 1. 〈◊〉 Eucharisti● , c. ●● 5 〈…〉 , docet . * The Body of Christ is given , taken , and eaten in the Supper ( of the Lord ) onely after an Heavenly and Spiritual manner . And the means whereby the Body of Christ is received and eaten , is Faith. Eccl. Angl. Art. 28. So here 's the manner of Transubstantiation denied , but the Body of Christ twice affirmed . And in the Prayer before Consecration , thus : Grant us graci●●● Lord so to eat the flesh of thy dear Son Jesus Christ , and to drink his Bloud , &c. And again , in the second Prayer or Thanksgiving after Consecration , thus : We give thee thanks , for that thou dost vouchsafe to feed us which have duly received these holy Mysteries with the spiritual food of the most precious Body and Bloud of thy Son our Saviour Jesus Christ , &c. † Jo. Fox Martyrolog . Tom. 2. London 1597. p. 943. ‖ Fox Ibid. * Cranmer apud Fox ibid. p. 1301. † I say Corporalitèr , corporally ; for so Bellarmine hath it expresly : Quod autem Corporalitèr & propriè s●●●atur Sanguis & Caro , &c. prob●●i potest omnibus Argumentis , &c. Bell. L. 1. de Eucharistic ▪ 12. § Sed tota . And I must be bold to tell you more than , That this is the Doctrine of the Ch. of Rome . For I must tell you too , that Bellarm. here contradicts himself . For he that tells us here , that it can be proved by many Arguments , that we receive the Flesh and the Bloud of Christ in the Eucharist corporalitèr , said as expresly before ( had he remembred it ) that though Christ be in this Blessed Sacrament verè & realiter , yet ( faith he ) non dicemus corporaliter , i. e. co modo quo s●d naturâ existunt Corpora , &c. Bell. L. 1. de Euchar. c. 2. § Tertia Regula . So Bell. here is in a notorious contradiction . Or else it will follow plainly out of him , that Christ in the Sacrament is existent one way & received another ; which is a gross absurdity . And that corporaliter was the Doctrine of the Ch. of Rome , & meant by Transubstantiation , is farther plain in the book called The Institution of a Christian man , set forth by the Bishops in Convocation in H. 8's time , an . 1534. c. Of the Sacrament of the Altar . The words are : Under the form & figure of Bread & Wine , the very body and bloud of Christ is corporally , really , &c. exhibited and received , &c. And Aqui●as expresse●●● thus : Quia tamen substantia Corporis Christi realiter non dividitur à sua quantitate dimensiva , & ab aliis accidentibus , ind● est , quòd ex vi realis Concomitantiae est in Sacramento tot● quantitas dimensiva Corpori● Christi , & omnia accidentia ejus . Tho. p. 3. q. 76. Ar. 4. c. * Apud Fox ibid. p. 1598. † Apud Fox ibid. 1703. ‖ Tantùm de modo quaestiö est , &c. Et ●acessat calum●ia auferri Christum à Coenâ suâ , &c. Calv. L. 4. Inst. c. 17. § 31. Veritatem Dei in quâ acquiescere tutò licet , sine controversia amplectar . Pronunciat ille Carnem suam esse Animae meae cibum , Sanguinem esse potum . Talibus alimentis animam Illi meam pascendam o●●●●o . In S. Coena jubet me sub Symbolis Panis & Vini Corpus & Sanguinem suum sumere , manducare & bi●ere . Nihil dubito , quin & Ipse Verè porrigat , & ego recipiam . Calv. ibid. § 32. Punct . 5. A. C. p. 66. 3 Reg. 17. 4 Reg. 3. 3 Reg. 19. 18. 3 Reg. 13. 11. * Petilianus dixit , Venite ad Ecclesiam populi , & aufugite Traditores ( ita Orthodoxos tum appellavit ) si cum iisdem perire non vultis . Num ut facilè cogno●catis quòd ipsi sunt rei , de fide nostra optimè judicant . Ego illorum infectos baptizo . Illi meos ( quod absit ) recipiunt baptizatos , quae om●ino non ●acerent , si in Baptismo nostro culpas aliquas agnovissent . Videte ergo quod damus , quam sanctum sit , quod destruere metuit Sacrilegus Inimicus . S. August . respondet . Sic approbamus in Haereticis Baptismum , nox Haereticorum , sed Christi , sicut in Fornicasoribus , Idololatris , Veneficis , &c. approbamus Baptismum non eorm , sed Christi . Omnes enim isti , inter quos & Haeretici sunt , sicut dicit Apostolus : Regnum Dei non possidebunt , &c. ● . August . ● . 2. cont . Lit. Petiliani . c. 108. * Galat. 5. 19 , 20 , 21. † Non ergo vestrum est quod destruert metuimus , sed Christi ; quod & in sacrilegis per se sanctum est . S. August . Ibid. A. C. p. 64 , 65. A. C. p. 66. * For though Prateolus will make Donatus , and from him the Donatists , to be gullty of an impious Heresie ( I doubt he means Arrianism , though he name it not ) in making the Son of God less than the Father , and the Holy Ghost less than the Son. L 4. de Haeres . Haer. 14. yet these things are most manifest out of S. Aug. concerning them , who lived with them both in time and place , and understood them , and their Tenets far better than Prateolus could . And first , S. Aug. tells us concerning them : Aryiani ▪ Patris , & Filii , & Spiritus Sancti , diversas substantias esse dicunt . Donatistae autem unam Trinitatis substantiam confitentur . So they are no Arrians . Secondly , Si aliqui eorum minorem Filium esse dixerunt quàm Pater est , ejusd●m tamen substantiae non ●●gârunt . But this is but si aliq●● , if any : so 't was doubtful , this too , though Patreolus delivers it positively . Thirdly , Plurimi ver● in iis ●oe se dicunt , omnino credere de Patre , & Fili● , & Spirit● Sancto , quod Catholica credit Ecclesia . Nec ●●sa cum illis vertitur Questio , sed de sola Communione i●●oeliciter litigant , &c. De sola . Only about the Union with the Church . Therefore they erred not in Fundamental Points of Faith. And Lastly , All that can farther be said against them , is , That some of them , to win the Goths to them , when they were powerful , said , Hoc se Credere quod & illi Credunt . Now the Goths ( for the most ) were Arrians . But then , faith S. Aug. they were but n●●nulli , some of them . And of this some it was no more Certain , than sicut andivimus , as we have heard , S. Aug. knew it not . And then if it were true of some , yet Majorum s●orum Authoritate convincuntur ; Quia nec Donatus ipse sic credidisse asseritur , de cujus parte se esse gloriantur . S. Aug. Epist. 50. Where Prateolus is again deceived ; for he says expresly , that Donatus affirmed the Son to be less then the Father . Impius ille asserebat , &c. But then indeed , ( and which perchance deceived Patreolus ) beside Donatus the founder of this Heresie , there was another Donatus , who succeeded Majorinus at Carth●ge , and he was guilty of the Heresie , which Prateolus mentions , Et extant scripta ejus ubi appare● , a● S. Aug. confesses , L 1. de Haeres . Haer. 69. But then S. Aug. adds there also , nec facilè in iis quisquam , that scarce any of the Donatists did so much as know , that this Donatus held that Opinion , much less did they believe it themselves . S. Aug. Ibid. † §. 21. N. 1 , &c. Punct . 6. A. C. p. 66. * §. 35. N. 1 , 2. A. C. p. 66. * I●gemuit totus Orbis , & Arrianum se esse miratus est . S. H●er . advers . Luciferian . post medium . To. 2. Arrianorum Venenum non ●am portiunculam quandam , sed p●●è Orbem totum contaminaverat , adeo ●t propè cunctis Latini Sermonis Episcop●● , partim vi , partim fraude deceptis , caligo quaedam mentibus offunderetur , &c. Vin. Lir. cont . Haeres . c. 6. Ecclesia non Parietibus consistit , sed in Dogmatum veritate . Ecclesia ibi est , ubi fides vera est . Caeterùm ante annos quindecim , aut viginti , Parietes omnes hic Ecclesiarum Haeretici ( de Arrianis & aliis Haereticis loquitur ) possidebant , &c. Ecclesia autem illic erat , ubi fides vera erat . S. Hier. in Psal. 133. Constantius Tantane Orbis terrae pars , Liberi , in te residet , ut tu solus homini Impio ( de Athanasio loquitur ) subsidio veni●● , & pace● Orbis ac Mundi totius dirimere au●●as . Liberius . Esto quod ego solus sim , non tamen propterea Causa fidei fit inferior ; nam olim tres solum erant reperti , qui Regis mandato resisterent , &c. Theod. L 2. Hist. Eccles. c. 16. Dialogo inter Constant. Imp. & Liberium Pa●am . So that Pope did not think Maltitade any great note of the true Church ubi sunt , &c. qui Ecclesiam multitudi●e definiunt , & parvum gr●gem aspernantur , &c. Greg. Naz. Orat. 25. prin . Nay , the Arrians were grown to that boldness , that they Objected to the Catholicks of that time Paucitatem , the thinness of their number , Greg. Naz. Carm. de vita sua , p. 24. Edit . Paris . 1611. Quum ejecti tam●● essent de Civitatibu● , ja●●aba●t in desertis suis Synagogis illud : Multi vocati , pauci electi , Socr. L. 1. Hist. Eccl. c. 10. † Error Origenis & Tertullian● magna fuit in Ecclesia D●● Populi tentatio , Vin. Lir. cont . Haer. c. 23 , & 24. A. C. p. 66. ‖ §. 35. N. 4. Punct . 1. * Sequuntur en●m Thom. p. 3. q. 52. Ar. 2. c. Verba ejus sunt . Anim● Christi per suam essentiam descendit solum ad locum Inferni , in quo justi detinebantur , &c. Ezec. 13. 10. Punct . 2. † Basiliens● Conc●lium concessit Bohemis utriusque spec●●i usum : mod● faterentur id sibi concedi ab Ecclesia , non autem ad hoc teneri Divino j●r● . Bel. L. 1. de Sacrament . in genere , c. 2. §. 2. ‖ Tho. p. 3. q. 76. A. 2. c. & alibi passim . Punct . 3. * Christ by his own Bloud entred once into the Holy place , and obtained eternal Redemption for us . Heb. 9. 12. And this was done by way of Sacrifice ; by the offering of the Body of Jesus Christ once made , Heb. 10. 10. Christ gave himself for us , to be an Offering , and a Sacrifice of a sweet smelling savour unto God , Eph. 5. 2. Out of which place the School infers , Passionem Christi verum Sacrificium fuisse . Tho. p. 3. q. 48. Art. 3. c. Christ did suffer death upon the Cross for our Redemption , and made there , by his one Oblation of himself once offered , a full , perfect , and sufficient Sacrifice , Oblation , and Satisfaction for the sins of the whole World. Eccles. Angl. in Canone Consecrationis E●cbar . † And Christ did Institute , and in his holy Gospel Command us to continue a Perpetual Memory of that his precious Death , until his Coming again . Eccles. Angl. ibid. ‖ Sacramentum b●c est Commemorati●um Dominice Passionis , quae fuit verum Sacrificium ; & sic Nominatur Sacrificium . Tho. p. 3. q. 73. A. 4. C. Christ being Offer'd up once for all in his own proper Person , is yet said to be Offer'd up , &c. in the Celebration of the Sacrament ; Because his Oblation once for ever made , is thereby Represented . Lambert in Fox his Martyrolog . Vol. 2. ●dit . ●ond . 1579. p. 1033. Et postea ▪ 'T is a Memorial , or Representation thereof . Ibid. The Master of the Sentences judged truly in this Point , saying : That which is Offer'd and Consecrated of the Priest , is called a Sacrifice and Oblation , because it is a Memory , and Representation of the true Sacrifice , and holy Oblation made on the Altar of the Cross. Archb. Cranm●r in his Answer to Bishop Gardner concerning the most holy Sacrament , L. 5. p. 377. And again , this shortly is the minde of Lombardus , That the thing which is done at Gods Board is a Sacrifice , and so is that also which was made upon the Cross , but not after one manner of understanding ▪ For this was the Thing indeed , and that is the Commemoration of the thing . Ibid. So likewi●e Bishop Jewel acknowledgeth incruentum & ●atio●abil● Sacrificium , spoken of by Euseb. de Demonstrat . Evang ▪ ● . 1. Jewels Reply against Harding . Art. 7. Divis. 9. Again , the ministration of the holy Communion is sometimes of the Ancient Fathers called an Unblo●dy Sacrifice , not in respect of any Corporal or Fleshly presence , that is imagined to be there without bloudshedding , but for that it representeth , and reporteth to our mindes that one , and everlasting Sacrifice that Christ made in his Body upon the Cross. This Bishop Jewel disliketh not in his Answer to Harding , Art. 17. Divis. 14. Patres C●nam Dominicam duplici de causa vocaru●t Sacrificium incruentum . Tum quo●●●t Imago & sole●●is repraesentatio illius Sacrificii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod Christus cum sanguinis effusione obtulit in Cruce : Tum quod sit etiam Eucharisticum Sacrificium , id est , Sacrificium Laudis & grati●rum actionis , cùm pro benefic●is omnibus , tùm pro redemptione imprimis per Christi mort●m peractâ . Zanch. in 2 Praecept . Decal . T. 4. p. 459. And D. Fulk also acknowledges a Sacrifice in the Eucharist . In S. Matth. 26. 26. Non dissimulaverint Christiani i● Coena Domini , sive ●t ips● loqu●bantur , in Sacrificio Altaris peculiari q●odam modo praesentem se venerari Deum Christia●or●m ▪ sed que esset forma ejus Sacrificii quod per Symbol● Panis & Vini peragitur , ●●c V●teres prae se non ●erebant . Isa. Casaub. Exe●cit . 16. ad Annal. Baron . §. 43 ▪ p. 560. * In the Liturgie of the Church of England we pray to God immediately after the reception of the Sacrament , That he would be pleased to accept this our Sacrifice of Praise and Thanksgiving , &c. And Heb. 13. 15. The Sacrifice Propitiatory was made by Christ himself onely , but the Sacrifice Commemorative and Gratulatory is made by the Priest and the People . Archbishop Cranmer in his Answer to Bishop Gardner , L. 5. p. 377. † I beseech you Brethren by the mercies of God , that you give up your Bodies a living Sacrifice , holy , and acceptable unto God , Rom. 12. 1. We of●er , and present unto thee , O Lord , our selves , our souls and bodies , to be a reasonable , holy , and living Sacrifice unto thee . So the Church of England ▪ in the Prayer after the receiving of the Blessed Sacrament . Punct . 4. * Concil . Trid. Sess. 7. Can. 11. ‖ Hist. Concil . Trid. L. 2. p. 277 Edit . Lat. Leyda , 1622. Punct . 5. Punct . 1. A. C. p. 64 , 65. * Concil . Nicen. Fides vel Symbolum in fine Concil . Punct . 2. † Saturninus , Basilides , Carpocrates , Cerinthus , Valentinus , Cerdon , Appelles , &c. Tertull. de praescript . advers . Haer●t . c. 46 , 48 , 49 , 51 , &c. * Libertini rident ●●em omnem quam de Resurrectione habemus , idque jam nobis even●sse dicunt , quod adhuc expectamus , &c. ut Homo sciat Animam suam Spiritum 〈◊〉 esse perpetu● viventem in Coelis , &c. Calv. instructione advers . Libertinos , c. 22. prin● . Sunt etiam hodie Libertini qui eam irrident , & Resurrectionem quae tractatur in Scripturis , tantùm ad Animas referunt . Pet. Mart. Loc. Com. Class . 3. Ca. 15. Nu. 4. Punct . 3. Punct . 4. † Hebr. 11. 37. Cyrillus Alexandrinus malè audivit , quod Ammonium Martyrem appellavit , quem constitit te●eritatis poenas dedisse , & non Necessitate negandi Christi in tormentis esse mortuum . Socr. Hist. Eccl. L. 7. c. 14. b Optatus L. 4. Cont. Parmen . c Tertul. L. de Praescrip . c. 48. d Tertul. Ibid. e Tertul. L. de Carne Christi , c. 14. f Si ad Jesu Christi respicias Essentiam atque Naturam , non nisi Hominem eum fuisse constantèr affirmamus . Volkelius , Lib. 3. de Religione Christianâ , cap. 1. * §. 35. Nu. 2. fine . † Extra Ecclesiam neminem Vivificat Spiritus Sanctus . S. Aug. Epist. 50. ad finem . Field . L. 1. de Eccles. c. 13. una est Fidelium Universalis Ecclesia , extra quam nullus salvatur . Conc. Lateran . Can. 1. And yet even there , there 's no mention of the Roman Church . ‖ And so doth A. C. too : Out of the Catholike Roman Church there is no Possibility of Salvation . A. C. p. 65. * And Daughter Sion was Gods own phrase of old of the Church , Isa. 1. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hyppol . Orat. de Consum . mundi . Et omnis Ecclesia Virgo appellata est . S. Aug. Tr. 13. in S. Joh. † For Christ was to be preached to all Nations , but that Preaching was to begin at Jerusalem , S. Luc. 24. 47. according to the Prophesie , Mic. 4. 2. And the Disciples were first called Christians at Antioch , Acts 11. 26. And therefore there was a Church there , before ever S. Peter came thence to settle One at Rome . Nor is it an Opinion destitute either of Authority , or Probability , That the Faith of Christ was preached , and the Sacraments administred here in England , before any settlement of a Church in Rome . For S. Gildas the Ancientest monument we have , and whom the Romanists themselves reverence , says expresly , That the Religion of Christ was received in Brittany , Tempore ( ut scimus ) summo Tiberii Caesaris , &c. In the latter time of Tiberius Caesar. Gildas de excid . Brit. whereas S. Peter kept in Jewry long after Tiberius his death . Therefore the first Conversion of this Island to the Faith , was not by S. Peter . Nor from Rome , which was then a Church . Against this Rich. Broughton in his Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain , Centur. 1. C. 8. §. 4. says expresly : That the Protestants do freely acknowledge , that this Clause of the time of Tiberius ( tempore summo Tiberii Caesaris ) is wanting in other Copies of that holy Writer , and namely in that which was set forth by Pol. Virgil , and others . Whereas first these words are express in a most fair , and ancient Manuscript of Gildas to be seen in Sir Rob. Cotton's Study , if any doubt it . Secondly , these words are as express in the printed Edition of Gildas by Polyd. Virg. which Edition was printed at London , An. 1525. and was never reprinted since . Thridly , these words are as express in the Edition of Gildas , by Jo. Joselin . printed at London also , An. 1568. And this falshood of Broughton is so much the more foul , because he boasts ( Praefat. to his Reader , fine . ) That he hath seen , and diligently perused the most , and best Monuments and Antiquities extant , &c. For if he did not see and peruse these , he is vainly false to say it : if he did see them , he is most maliciously false to belie them . And Lastly , whereas he says : The Protestants themselves confess so much , I must believe he is as false in this as in the former , till he name the Protestants to me , which do confess it . And when he doth , he shall gain but this from me , That those Protestants which confessed it , were mistaken . For the thing is mistaken . * Return of Untruths upon M. Jewel . Art. 4. Untruth 105. † For I am sure there is a Roman Church , that is but a Particular . B●llarm . L. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 4. And then you must either shew me another Roman Church , which is The Catholike : Or you must shew how One and the same Roman Church is in different Respects or Relations A Particular , and yet The Catholike . Which is not yet done . And I do not say , A Particular , and yet A Catholike ; But A Particular , and yet The Catholike Church : For so you speak . For that which Card. Peron hath , That the Roman Church is the Catholike Causally , because it insuses Universality into all the whole Body of the Catholike Church , can , I think , satisfie no man that reads it . That a Particular should insuse Universality into an Universal . Peron . L. 4. of his Reply . c. 9. * Rom. 14. 4. * Caeteram turbam non intelligendi vivacitas , sed Credendi simplicitas tutissini●● f●ti● . S. Aug. Cont. Fund . c. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Naz. Orat. 21. Omission of Inquiry many times saves the people . † Hereticks in respect of the Profession of sundry Divine Verities which they still retain in common with right Believers , &c. do still pertain to the Church . Field , L. 1. de Eccles. c. 14. Potest aliquis Ecclesia membrum esse secundum quid , qui tamen simpliciter non est . Haereticus recedens à Fide , non dimittitur ut Pagani●● , sed propter Baptismi Characterem , punitur ut transfuga , & Excommunicationis gladio spiritualitèr occiditur . Stapl. Controv. 1. q. 2. A. 3. Notabil . 3. The Apostle pronounces some gone out , S. Joh. 2. 19. from the fellowship of sound Believers , when as yet the Christian Religion they had not utterly cast off . In like sense and meaning , throughout all Ages , Hereticks have justly been hated , as branches cut off from the true Vine , yet only so far forth cut off , as the Heresies have extended . For both Heresie , and many other Crimes which wholly sever from God , do sever from the Church of God , but in part only . Hooker , L. 5. Eccles. Pol. § 68. ‖ Ipsis Magistris pereuatibus : nisi fortè ante mortem resipuerint . Luth. de Serv. Arbit . H●resiarche pl●s peccant , quàm alii qui Heresin aliquam secuti . Supplem . Tho. q. 99. A. 4. c. * Si mihi videretur u●●s & idem Haereticus , & Haereticis credens homo , &c. S. Aug. L. 1. de util . Cred. c. 1. Et Epist . 162. ad Donatist . Episc. † S. Mat. 18. 17. Qui oppugnaut Regulam Veritatis . S. Aug L. de Haeresibus : versus sinem . ‖ Cypria●us Reatus , & Martyr . S. Aug. L. 1. de Bapt. cont . Do●at . c. 18. * Donatistae verè ( qui de Cypriani Authoritate sibi carnaliter blandiuntur , S. Aug. L. 1. de Bapt. cont . Donat. c. 18. ) nimium miseri , & , nisi se corrigant , à semetipsis omninò damnati , qui hoc in tanto viro eligunt imitari . Ibid. c. 19. † Rei falsitatis ( circa accusatum Caeci●ia●um ) deprchensi Donatistae , pertinaci dissentione firmatâ , Schisma in Haeresi● verterunt . S. Aug. L. de Haeres . Haer. 69. Et Tales , sub Vocabulo Christiano doctrinae resistunt Christian● . S. Aug. L. 18. de Civ . Dei. c. 〈◊〉 . prin . * Qui et●i ips● postmodum ad Ecclesiam red●unt , restituere tamen eos , & secum rev●care non possunt , qui ab iis sedu●●i sunt , & foris morte praeventi extra Ecclesiam sine Communicatione & Pace per●erunt , quorum Anima in die Indicii de ipsorum manibus expetentur , qui perditionis Authores , & duces extiterunt . S. Cypr. ● ▪ 2. Epist. 1. † 1 Cor. 3. 12. * S. Joh. 12. 48 † 1 Cor. 2. 11. A. C. p. 67. A. C. p. 67. A. C. p. 67. † §. 9. A. C. p. 67. A. C. p. 67. A. C. p. 67. A. C. p. 68. † §. 37. N. 1. A. C. p. 67. A. C. p. 67. * A. C. in his relation of that Conference , p. 26. † For so 't is said in the Title-page , by A. C. ‖ §. 37. N. 1. ( 1 ) ( 2 ) ( 3 ) ( 4 ) ( 5 ) ( 6 ) ( 7 ) ( 8 ) ( 9 ) ( 10 ) * Postquam discessionem à toto mundo facere coact● sumus . Calv. Epist. 141. ( 11 ) * In the beginning of the Conference set out by A. C. * §. 32. Nu. 5. † Multa sunt de fide , quae non sunt absolutè necessaria ad Salutem . Bellarm . L. 3. de Eccles. Milit. c. 14. §. Quinto , si esset . ‖ Wald. Doct. Fid. l. 2. A● . 2. §. 23. * §. 38. Nu. 8. A. C. p. 68. * Pope Pelagius the second thought it was sufficient . For when the Bishop of Is●ria deserted his Communion in Causa trium Capitulorum : He first gives them an Account of his Faith , that he embraced that Faith , which the Apostles had delivered , and the four Synods explicated . And then he adds : Ubi c●go de Fidei firmitate nulla vobis poterit questio , vel suspicio generari , &c. Concil . ●o . 4 p. 473. Edit . Paris . So then , that Pop● thought there could be no question made , or suspition had of any mans faith , that prosessed that Faith , which the Apostles delivered , as 't is explicated by those Great Councels . And yet now with A. C. 't is not sufficient . Or else he holds the Faith of our Lord Jesus Christ in such respect of persons ( contrary to the Apos●es Rule , S. James 2. 12. ) as that profession of it , which was sufficient for Pope Pelagius , shall not be sufficinet for the poor Protestants . A. C. p. 68. † St. apl . Return of Untruths upon B. Jewel Art. 2. Untruth 49. fol. 44. * Est totalis Conver sio substanti● Panis & Vini in Corpus & Sanguinem Domini . Bellar. L. 3. de Enchar . c. 18. § 1. Substantialis conversio , seu Transubstantio , sicut Ecclesia appellat . Greg. de Valen. Tom. 4. Disp. 6. q. 3. pu●ct . 3. Now you shall see what stuff Bellarmine makes of this . Con●ersio Panis in Corpus Domini , nec est Productiva , nec Conservativa , sed Adductiva . Nam Corpus Domini prae●xistit ante Conversionem , sed non sub speciebus Panis . Conversio igitur non facit , ●t Corpus Christi simplicitèr esse incipiat , sed ut incipiat esse sub speciebus Panis , &c. Bellarm. L. 3. de Euchar. c. 18. § Ex his colligimus . So upon the whole matter , there shall be a total Conversion of the Bread into the Body of Christ : And yet there shall be no conversion at all , but a bringing of the Body of Christ before pre-existent , to be now under the species of Bread , where before it was not . Now this is meerly Translocation , 't is not Transubstantiation . And I would have Bellarmine , or any Jesuite for him , shew where Conversio Adductiva is read in any good Author . But when Bellarmine comes to the Recognition of his Works , upon this place he tells us , That s●me excepted against him , as if this were Translocation , rather than Transubstantiation . So in this charge upon him I am not alone . And fain would he shift off this , but it will not be . But while he is at it , he runs into two petty Errours , beside the main one . The first is , That the Body of Christ in the Sacrament begins to be , non ut in loco , sed ut substantia sub Accidentibus . Now let Bellarmine , or A. C. for him , give me any one Instance , That a Bodily substance under Accidents , is , or can be any where , and not ●● in loco , as in some place , and he says somewhat . The second is , That some Fathers and others seem ( he says , but I see it not ) to approve of his manner of speech of Conversion by Addu●tum . And he tells us for this , that Bonaventure says expresly , In Transubstantiatione sit , ut quod erat alicubi , sine sui mu●at●one ●it alibi . Now first , here 's nothing that can be drawn with Cart-ropes to prove Conversion by Adduction . For if there be Conversion , there must be Change : And this is ●ine mutatione sui . And secondly , I would fain know , how a Body that is alicubi , shall be alibi , without change of it self , and yet that this shall be rather Transubstantiation than Translocation . Besides , 't is a Phrase of very ●owre Consequence ( should ● man squ●●●● it ) which Bellarmine uses there even in his Recognition ▪ Panis transit in Corpus Christi . * A Scandal , and a grievous 〈◊〉 . For this gross Opinion was but Confirmed in the Councel of Lateran : It had got some footing in the Church , the two blinde Ages before . For Berengarius was made recant in such terms , as the Romanists are put to their shists to excuse . Bellar. L. 3. de Euchar. c. 24. § Quartum Argumentum . For hesays expresly : Corpus Christi posse in Sacramento sensuali●èr manibus Sacerdotum tract●ri , & frangi , & fidelium dentibus a●●●●i . Decr. par . 3. de Consecratione . Dist. 2. C. Ego Berengarius . Now this Recantation was made about the year 1050. And the Councel of Lateran was in the year 1215. Between this gross Recantation of Berengarius , and that Councel , the great Learned Physician and Philosopher Averroes lived , and took scandal at the whole Body of Christian Religion for this . And thus he saith : Mundum peragravi , &c. & non v●di Sectam deteriorem , aut magis fatuam Christianâ , quia Deum , quem colunt , dentibus devorant . Espencaus 1. 4. de Euchar. adoratione , c. 3. A. C. p. 69. A. C. p. 69. † § 33. Consid. 4. Num. 1. ‖ § 33 Consid. 7. Num. 4. A. C. p. 68. A. C. p. 69. A. C. p. 69. * Non potest aliquid certum esse certitudine Fidei , nisi aut immediatè contineatur in Verbo Dei : aut ex Verbo Dei per evidentem Consequentiam deducatur . Bellar. L. 3. de Justif. c. 8. §. 2. † Nec ego Nicaenum , nec tu debes Ariminense tanqu●m pr●judicaturus proferre Concilium . Nec ego hujus Authoritate , nec tu illius detineris . Scripturarum Authoritatibus , &c. Res cum re , Causa cum causà , Ratio cum ratione concertet . S. Aug. L. 3. cont . Maximinum . c. 14. Testimonia Divina in fundamento ponenda sunt . S. Aug. L. 20. de Civ . Dei. c. 1. Quia principia hujus Doctrinae per Revelationem habentur , &c. Tho. p. 1. q. 1. A. 8. ad 2. Solis Scripturarum Libris Canonicis didici hunc honorem deferr● , ut nullum Authorem eorum in scribendo errâsse aliquid firmissimè credam . Alios autem ita le●o , ut quantalibet sanctitate , doctrin●que praepolleant , non ideò verum putem , quod ips● ità senserunt , vel scripserunt . S. Aug. Epist. 19. * Sixtus Senens . i● Epist. ad Pi●m quintum . A. C. p. 69. † §. 38. N. 5 : A. C. p. 69. * Tert. praescrip . adversus Haeres . c. 13. &c. * Ruffin . in Symb. * Et neque qui valde potens est in dicendo ex Ecclesi● Praesectis alia ab his ●di●et , &c. Neque debilis in dicendo hanc Traditionem i●●minuet . Quùm enim una & eadem fides sit , neque is , qu● mult●● de eâ dicere potest , plusquam opportet , dicit , neque qui parum , ipsam imminuit . Irenae . ● . 1. Adv. Her. c. 2. & 3. E. S. Basil. Serm. de Fide , To. 2. p. 195. E●it Basil. 1509. una & Immobilis Regula , &c. Tert. de V●land . Virg. c. 1. † Quantum ad prima Credibilia , quae sunt Articuli Fidei , tenetur homo Axplic●●e crede●● , sicut & tenetur habere fidem . Quantum 〈◊〉 ad alia Credibilia , &c. non tenetur explicitè credere , nisi quando hoc ci constiterit in Doctrina Fidei contineri . Tho. 2. 2. q. 2. ● . 5. 6. Potest quis Errare Creae●d● oppositum Alicui Articulo subtili , ad cuius fidem explicitam ●on omnes tenentur . Holkot . in 1. sent . q. 1. ad quartum . ‖ ●esotutio Ocham est , ●uod nec tota Ecclesia , nec Concilium Generale , nec summus Pontifex potest facere Articulum q●od 〈◊〉 fuit Articulus . Articulus enim est ex ●o solo , quia a Deo R●v●la●us est , Almain . e● 3. sent . D. 15. q. unica . Conclus . 4. Dub. 3. S. Jude vers . 3. * Concil . Trid. Sess. 4. † Six . Senens . Biblioth . Sanct. L. 1. ‖ Non est necessari● credendum Determinntis ▪ per Sum. Pontificem , &c. Almaln . in 3. sent . D. 24. q. unica Conclus . 6. Dubio . 6. fine . * §. 38. Nu. 6. A. C. p. 69. A. C. p. 72. Jer. 2. 13. A. C. p. 69. A. C. p. 70. * §. 25. N. 5. §. 33. Co●sid . 3 N. 1. † §. 21. N. ● . ‖ A. C. p. 71. A. C. p. 70. Ephes. 4. 5. * §. 35. N. 1. Rom. 14. 4. † §. 35. N. 2. A. C. p. 70. ‖ §. 33. N. 12. §. 35. N. 7. A. C. p. 70. * § 33. N. 12. § 35. N. 7. † Conc. Lateran Can. 1. ‖ Conc. Constan. Sess. 13. * Propter Haeresin Rex non solùm Regno privatur , sed & filii ejus à Regni successione pelluntur . Simanca Cathol . I●stit . tit . 9. § 259. Absoluti sunt Subditi à debito Fidelitatis : Et custodes Artium , &c. Ibid. tit . 46. § 37. It was sti●ly avowed long since by — That no man could shew any one Romane Catholike of note and Learning , that affirmed it lawful to kill Kings upon any pretext whatsoever . Now , surely he that says ( as Romanists do ) that 't is lawful to Depose a King , says upon the matter , 't is lawful to kill him . For Kings do not use to be long-liv'd after their Deposition : And they seldom stay till grief break their hearts : They have Assassinates ready to make shorter work . But since he is so confident , I 'll give him an Author of note , and very Learned , that speaks it out . Rex debet occidi , si solicitet populum colere Idola , vel desere Lege● Dei. Tostat. in 2 Sam. c. 11. q. 17. And he makes bold with Scripture to prove it , Deut. 13. And Emanuel Sa in his Aphorisms , Verbo T●●annus ; yet he is so moderate , that he would not have this done , till he be S●●s●●c'd ; but then , Quisquis potest fieri Executor . Mariana is far worse : for he says it is lawful to kill him , postquam à pancis Seditiosis , sed doctis c●perit Tyrannus appellari . L. 1. de Rege . & Reg. Institutione , c. 6. Yea but Mariana was disclaimed for this by the Jesuites . Yea but for all that , there was an Apologie Printed in Italy , An. 1610. Permissu Superiorum . And there 't is said , They were all Enemies of the holy Name of Jesus , that condemned Mariana for any such Doctrine . As for Tostatus , no Sentence hath touched upon him at all for it . † Corpus Christi verd●iter esse in Encharistist ex Evangelio habemus : Conversionem verò P●nis in Corpus Christi Evangelium non explicavit , sed expresse ab Ecclesiâ accepimus . Cajetan . in Thom. 3. q. 75. Art. 1. ‖ D● Transubstantiatione Panis in Corpus Christi rara est in antiquis Scriptoribus m●●tio . Alpha Castro , L. 8. advers . Har. Verbo Indulgentia . * Concil . Lateran . C●● . 1. † Concil . Constan. Sess. 13. A. C. p. 70. * § 35. N. 1. & § 38. N. 10. Rom. 1. 8. † Concil . Trident . Bulla Pii 4. super formâ Juramenti professionis Fidei àd finem . Concil . Trident. ‖ And this is so much the more Remarkable , if it be true which Thomas hath . S. Athanasium non composuisse hanc Manifestationem Fidei , per modum Symboli , sed per modum Doctrinae , &c. Et deinde Authoritate summi Pontificis receptam esse , ut quasi Regula fidei habeatur . Tho. 2. 2 ae . q. 1. A. 10. ad 3. Symbolo Apostolorum àddita sunt duo alia , scilicet Symbolum Nicaenum , & S. Athanasii , ad majorem Fidei Explanationem . Bie ) . in 3 Sent. D. 25. q. unicâ . A. 1 D. * S. Athanas. in Symb. † And yet the Councel of Trent having added twelve new Articles , says thus of them also : Haec est vera Catholica Fides , extra quam nemo salvus esse potest , &c. Bulla Pii 4. super forma Juramenti professionis Fidei . In fine Concil . Trident. ‖ Integram Fidei Veritatem , ejus Doctrinam breviter continet . Tho. 2. 2 ▪ ae . q. 1. A. 10. ad 3. A. C. p. 70. * Sic Ecclesia dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Eph. 5. 27 & in veteri Glossario , Immaculatus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † §. 35. N. 6. A. C. p. 70. A. C. p. 70. A. C. p. 70. A. C. p. 70. A. C. p. 71. * §. 38. N● . 1● . A. C. p. 71. † §. 21. N● . ● . Matth. 16. 18. A. C. p. 71. * §. 32. Nu. 5. † S. Aug. 1. 2. de Bapt. cont . Donat. c. 3. Ipsaque plenaria , saepe pri●ra à posterioribus em●ndar● . * §. 21. N. 5. * I know the Greeks subscribed that Councel . Sed in i●●o Concilio Graeca Ecclesia di● restitit . Pet. Mart. Loc. com . classe tertiâ , c. 9. Nu. 13. Et in ultimâ Sessione istius Concilii Graeci dixerunt se si●e Authoritate totius Ecclesiae Orientalis Questionem aliam tractare non posse , praeter illam de processione Spiritus Sancti . Postea verò , consenti●nte Imperatore , tractárunt de aliis , &c. Florent . Con. Sess. ult . apud Nicolinum , To. 4. p. 894 , &c. This favours of some art to bring in the Greeks . Howsoever this shews enough against Bellarmint , That all the Greeks did not constantly teach Purgatory , as he affirms , L. 1. de Purgat . c. 11. §. De tertio modo . † Concil . Trid. Sess. 25. & in Bullâ Pii 4. super formâ Jurame●ti professionis Fidei . * Omnes veteres Graeci & Latini ab ipso tempore Apostolorum constanter docuerunt Purgatorium esse , Bel. L. 1. de Pur. c 11. §. De tertio modo . † Bel. Lib. 1. de Purg. c. 6. §. 1. a Jaco . Usher Armachan . In his answer to the Jesuites Challenge , c. 7. p. 194. b Sunt apertissima Loca in Patribus , ubi asserunt Purgarium , Bel. L. 1. de Purg. c. 6. §. Deindesunt c Tert. L. de An● . c. 17. Infer . d Cypr. L. 4. Ep. 2. Em●●dayi igne . e Origen . L. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c. 6. S. Hieron . in Jonae 3. Bellar. L. 1. de Purg. c. 2. §. Porro non . S Aug. L. 21. Civ . Dei , c. 17. f Aug. L. 2● . Civ . Dei , c. 17. g S. Amb. in Psal. 36. 14. h 1 Cor. 3. 15. i S. Hieron . in 66 Isai. fine ▪ * S Hiero. L. 4. cont . Pelag. ultra medium . † S. Basil. in Isai. 9. ‖ Paulin. Ep. 1. * Greg. Naz. Orat. 39. fine † I think the first that ever used that phrase , Baptism by fire , was Origen . And he used it for Martyrdom , as clearly appears by a passage of his in Euseb. L. 6. Hist. c. 4. Edit . Graec. Lat. Coll●niae Allob. 1612. ‖ Lact. L. 7. c. 21. * S. Hilar. in Ps. 118. v. 20. ‖ Boetius . L. 4. Pros. 4. * Theo. in 1 Cor. 3. † Bellarm. L. 1. de Purgato . c. 5. §. Ex Graecis habemus . ‖ S. Greg. Nyss. Orat. de Mortuis . p. 1066. Edit . Paris . 1615. Tom. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. p. 1067. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ibid. p. 1068. * Item definimus , si verè poenitentes in Dei charitate decesserint , antequam dignis poenitentiae fructibus de Commissis & Omissis satisfecerint , poenis Purgatoriis post mortem purgari , Concil . Floren. circa prin . per Bin. Edit . Colon. 1618. * S. Greg. Nyss. da Animâ & Resur . Tom. 2. p. 658. † S. Greg. Orat. 3. de Resurrect . Christi . ‖ Non expedit philosophari alt●ùs , &c. Orig. L. 6. cont . Celsum . a Constat Animas purgari post hanc vitam , S. August . Lib. 21. Civ . Dei , c. 24. vide . b Justorum flagella non incipiunt post mortem , sed desinunt . Et Anima mox in Paradisum , &c. S. Aug. contr . Foelicianum , c. 15. Et duo tantum loca esse , &c. S. Aug. Ser. 19. de verb. Apost . c. 15. Et L. 21 de Civ . Dei , c. 16 fine , Negat , nisi sit Ignis ille in Consummatione saecult . c Quaeri potest , &c. S. Aug. in Enchirid. c. 69. Forsitan verum est , &c. S Aug. L. 21. de Civ . Dei , c. 26. Quid S Paulus senserit , 1 Cor. 3. de Igne illo , male intelligentiores , & doctiores andire , S. Aug. L. de Fide & Oper. c. 16. d S. Greg. in Psal. 3. Poenitentialem princ . * Quod Universa tenet Ecclesia , nec Conciliis institutum , sed semper retentum est , non nisi Authoritate Apostolicá traditum rectissimè creditur , S. Aug. L. 4 ▪ de Bapt. Cont. Donatist , c. 24. Nec ad Summ●s Pontifices referri potest . Addit Melch. Canus , L. 3. de Locis , c. 4. prin . † Non invenimus initium hujus dogmatis , sed omnes veteres Graeci & Latini , &c. Bellar. L. ● . de Purg. c. 11. §. De tertio modo . ‖ L. 1. de Purg. c. 6. * §. 38. N. 16. † Bellar. L. 1. de Purgat . c. 3. & 4. ‖ De tertio modo perspicuum est , &c. Bellar. L. 1. de Purgat . c. 11. §. Tertiò ex Verbo , &c. & §. De tertio modo , & c. * Omnes veteres Graci & Latini , &c. Bellarm. L. 1. de Parga . c. 11. §. Detertio modo . † De Purgatorio in Antiquis Scriptoribus potissinùm Graecis ferè nulla mentio est . Quâ de causâ usque in hodiernum diem Purgatorium non est ●d Graecis creditum , Alphon. à Castro . L. 8. advers . Haeres . Verbo Indulgentia . ‖ Purgatorium nullum esse ▪ est manifeste 〈◊〉 ▪ &c ▪ M. Anton. de Do 〈…〉 〈…〉 . P●●●s . 10●● . p. 17. Me●●●a , 〈◊〉 , & ●●●●qua , qu● su●●●●us 〈◊〉 in Ecclesia 〈…〉 Artic●ls Fundamentales , 〈…〉 Revelation , qu●m 〈…〉 ▪ Ibid p. 32. And so much A. C. himself says of all Points in which in the Doctrine of the Faith 〈◊〉 differ from them . In his Relation of the first Conference , p. 28. A. C. p. 71 ▪ A. C. p. 71. * ● 38. Na. ● . † Though every Thing defined to be a Divine Truth in General Councels is not absolutely necessary to be expresly known , and actually believed by all sorts , &c. A. C. p. 71. A. C. p. 71. Rom. 10. 14 , 15. * Alios ( ab 〈◊〉 Ca●●●itae Scriptur● ) ita 〈…〉 quantalibet sanctitate doctr 〈…〉 , non ideo vtrum ●●tem , q●●d ●●si ita 〈◊〉 , vel scripserunt . 〈◊〉 1. q. 1. A. 8. ad ▪ 2. Ex S. Aug. Ep. 〈…〉 non cre●●● , nisi Demonstr Demonstr 〈…〉 accipias ex sacris Literi● . S. Cyril Hierosol . Cat. † A. C. p. 〈…〉 ‖ Verba hac Apostole 〈◊〉 possunt intelligi de Fide insusa , illa enim immediatè à Deo creata est , & non est ex auditu ut haec . Apertissimè colligitar ex Biel in 3 Sent. D. 23. q. 2. A. 2. Co●●l . 1. Ergo Fides acquisita necessari● est . Ibid. sed praeter Acquisitam , Insusa etiam requiritur , & non solum propter Intentionem Actus , sed etiam propter Assensum & Certitudinem . Quia non potest esse firmus Assensus à Fide acquisita . Quia per cum nu●us credi , alicui , nisi quem scit posse falli & fallere , licet credat cum non Velle fallere . Scotus in 3 Sent. D. 23. q. unica . Therefore in the Judgment of your own School , your Preachers can both deceive and be deceived . And therefore certainly are not Infallible . And M. Canus very expresly makes this but an Introduction to Infallible Faith. Primum ergo id status juxta Cor●munem Leg●m aliqua exteriora & humana incitamenta necessaria esse , quibus ad Evangelli fidem inducamur . Quomodo enim credent ei , quem non audierunt , &c. Canus ● . 2. de ●ocis , c. 8. S. Primum ergo . Et iterum . Si Fides infusa ita Fidei acquisitae uiteretur , tanquam suo Fundamento ; ipsum Fundamentum Fidei nostrae non esset Divina , sed Humana Veritas . Ibid. S Cui & tertium . Therefore surely A. C. abuses this place of the Apostle very boldly . A. C. p. 71. Rom. 3. 4. A. C. p. 71. §. 10. N. 15. A. C. p. 71. * §. 21. N. 5. A. C. p. 72. A. C. p. 72. * §. 32. N. 5. §. 33. Consid. 7. Num. 4. † Arist. 1. Post. Tex . 6. & 4. Metaph. T. 14. ‖ §. 38. Nu. 15. * Hic non loqui●ur ●e De●is●●●● , 〈◊〉 Determinatione Doctrinali , qu● ad ●●●●quemque virum peritum spectare dignoscitur ; sed de Authoritativ● & Judiciali , &c. la. Almain . L. de Author ▪ Eccles. c. 10. Pri● . † §. 38. Nu. 1. ‖ Sunt qui nescio quà ductiratione sentiunt non esse opus Generali Concillo ( ●e Constant●en● loquitur ) dicentes , omnia bene à Patribus nostris Ordinata ac Constituta , modò ab omnibus ●egiti●● & fid●liter ser●●rentur . Fatemur equid●m i● ipsum esse verissimum . Tamen cum nihil ferè servetur , &c. Pet. de Aliaco . ● . de reformat . Eccles. ●ine . So that after-Councels are rather to D●●r●● for Observance , than to make any new Determinations of the Faith. * Non omnis Error in his que fidei sunt , est aut Infidelitas , aut Haeresis . Holkot . in 1 Sent. q. 1. ad 4. ● . † Scimus quosdam quod semel imbiberint nolle deponere , nec propositum suum facilè mutare , sed salvo inter Collegaa pacis & concordia vinculo , quaedam propria quae apud se semel si●t usurpata , retiuere . Qu● in re nec nos vim cuiquam facimus , aut legem damus , &c. S. Cypr. ● . 2. Epist. 1. Concordia quae est Charitatis effectus , est unio Voluntatum , non Opinionum , Tho. 2. 2. q. 37. Ar. 1. c. Dissensio de Minimis , & de Opinionibus repugnat quidem paci perfectae , in qua plenè verita● cognoscetur , & omnis appetitus complebitur . Non tamen repugnat paci imperfectae , qua●●s habetur in via . Tho. 2. 2● . q. 29. A 3. ad 2. ‖ 1 Cor. 1. 10 Phil. 2. 2. A. C. p. 72. 1 Cor. 11. 19. A. C. p. 72. * §. 38. Nu. 1. † § 38. Num. 8. ‖ S. Luc. 12. 48. Unicuique secuo●●m proportionem suam , secunaù● disserentiam Scien●iae vel Ignorantiae , &c. Et post●a . Extenditur doctrina haec , non solù● ad Donum Scientiae , &c. Caietan . in S. Luc. 12. Ecce quomodo Scientia aggravat Culpam . Unde Gregorius , &c. Gorran . in S. Luc. 12. Therefore many things may be necessary for a knowing mans Salvasion , which are not so for a poor Ignorant soul. Si qui● de Antecessoribus nostris vel ignorentér , vel simplicitèr non hoc observavit , & tenuit , quod nos Domnius facere exemplo & magisterio suo doçuit , potest simplicitati ejus de Indulgentid Domini Venia concedi . Nobis verè non poterit ignosci , qui nunc à Domino adm●niti & instructi sumus . S. Cyprlan . L. 2. Epist. 3. * § 38. Num. 1. † Articuli Fidei sunt sicut Principia per se nota . Et sicut quaedam eorum in aljis implicitè continentur , it a omnes Articuli implicitè continentur in aliquibus primis Credibilibus , &c. secundum illudad Heb. 11. Tho. 2. ● a , q. 1. A. 10. c. Iu absoluto nobis & facili est aeternitas : Je●um suscitatum à mortuis per Deum ●redere , & ipsum esse Dominum confiter● , &c. S. Hilar. L. 10. de Trin. ad finem . S. Matth. 22. 37. Heb. 11. 6. Acts 4. 12. † And yet before in this Conference , & apud A. C. p. 42. the Jesuire whom he defends hath said it expresly , that all those are Pundamental which are necessary to Salvation . * A. C. p. 72. † Romana Ecclesia particularis . Bellar. L. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 4. § 1. Catholica autem est illa quae diffusa●est p●r universum Orb●m . S. Cyril . Hierosol . Catech. 18. ‖ Catholica enim dicitur Ecclesia illa quae universalitèr docet sine ullo defectu , vel differentiâ dogmatum . S. Cyril . Hierosol . Catech. 18. Unde Augustinus subscripsit se Episcopum Catholica Ecclesiae Hipponiregensis , L. 1. de Actis cum Foelice Manich. c. 20. Et l. 2. c. 1. Et Catholicà Alexandrinorum . Soz. L. 1. Hist. 9. Et L. 2. c. 3. And so every particular Church is or may be called Catholike , and that truly , so long as it teaches Catholike Doctrine . In which sense the Particular Roman Church was called Catholike , so long as it taught all and only those things to be de Fide , which the Catholike Church it self maintain'd . But now Rome doth not so . * Suprâ . § 35. Num. 9. Other Churches beside the Romane are called Matres , and Originales Ecclesiae , as in Tertul. de prisceipt . advers . Heres . c. 21. Et Ecclesia Hierosolymitana quae aliarum omnium● Mater . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Theodoret. L. 5. Hist. Eccl. c. 9. ex ●ibello Synodico à Concil . Constantinopol . 2. transmiss● ad Concilium sub Damaso tum Roma coactum . Et Constantinopolitana , Ecclesia dicitur omnium aliarum Caput . Cod. L. 1. Tit. 2. L●g . 24. That is , not simply of all Churches , but of all in that Patriarchate . And ●so Rome is the Head of all in the Romane Patriarchate . † Et Ecclesiae Catholicae radicem & Matricem agnoscereat & tenerent . S. Cyp. L. 4. Epist. 8. ‖ Edit . Basili●ns . 1530. And Sima●ca also applies this speech of S. Cyprian to Rome Tit. 24. § 17. And so also Pamellus upon S. Cyprian . But they wrong him . * Baron . Annal . 254. Num. 64. where he cites this Epistle . † Nos autemqui Ecclesiae unius Caput & Radicem tenemus , pro certo sci●●● , & credimus , ●ihil extra Ecclesiam lic●●● , & Baptismatis quod est unum ; Caput nos esse , ubi & ipse Baptizatus p●ths fuerat , quando Divinae ●ivitatis , & Rationem & veritatem tenebat . S. Cypr. ad Jubain . Epist . 73. Edit . Pam●l . * Elaborarent ut ad Catholicae Ecclesie unitatem sci●●i corporis membra compontrent & Christianae Charitatis vinculum c●pularent . Se●● quontam diversae partis obstinata & inflexibilis pertinacia non tantum Radicis & Matris sinum atqut complexum recusavit , sed etiam gliscence & in pejus recrudescente discordiâ , Episcopum sibi constituit , &c. S. Cypr. ● . 2. Epist. 10. † T●t at tantae Reclesiae . Una est illa a● Apostolis prima , ex quâ Omnes . Sic omnes primae , & ●mnes Apostolicae , dum unam omnes probant Unitatem , Terr . de praes . advers . Haer. ● . 20. Porro unam esse primam Apostolicam , ex quâ reliquae . Hanc nulli loco affigit B Rhenanus Annot. in Argumento , Tert. de praescript . &c. Null● loco . Therefore not at Rome . But these words [ Hanc nulli loco affi●it ] deleant●r , says the Spanish Inquisition upon R●en●●●s , printed at Madrid An. 1●84 * G●●g . Nazia● . says the Church of C●saria was Mater propè omnium Ecclesiarum . Epist. 18. † Pamel . ●● Tertul . d● praescript . adv●s . Haeres . c. 21. Nu. 129. ‖ Ut quasi ▪ Radix & Fundamentum Ecclesia tolleretur , si in 〈◊〉 loc● Idola 〈◊〉 in quibus Christus ●atu● est , &c. S. Paul ●us Epist , 11 ▪ ad Sev●rum . * Hareses omnis de illâ exi●runt tanquam sar●●●ta ▪ ●nutilia de Vite pr●cisa . Ipsa autem ma●●t in Radic● sud ▪ &c. S. Aug. de Symb. ad 〈◊〉 . L. 1. ● . 6. † Pars Donati non considerat se praecisam esse à Radice Orientalium Ecclesiarum , &c. §. Aug. Ep. 170. p●in . * Not as Bellarmine would have it , with a Hinc dicitur Apostolica , quia in eâ Successio Episcoporum ab Apostolis deducta est usque ad nos , Bellar. ● . 4. de notis Eccl. c. 8. §. 1. For by this Reason neither Jerusalem , nor Antioch were in their times Apostolike Churches ; Because Succession of Bishops hath not succeeded in them to this day . De Collegis agebatur qui possent , &c. Judicio Apostolicarum Ecclesiarum causam suam integram reservare , S. Aug. Epist. 162. Jo. de Turrecrem . enumerat sex Verbi hujus significationes . Quarum prima est . Apostolica dicitur quia in Apostolis , &c. initiata est . Hos enim instituit qua●i fundamentum Ecclesiae , &c. Jo. de Turrecr . ● . 1 ▪ Summae , c. 18. Et quia Originem sumpsit ab Apostolis , &c. Ibid. ubi dicit etiam S. Patres appossuisse hanc Vocem [ Apostolicam ] in Symbolo suo , supra symbolum Apostolorum , ibid. † Ecclesiae Apostolicae , ut Smyrnaeorum , & reliquae ab Apostolis fundatae , Tertul. de praescrip . advers . Haeret. c 32. Percurrae Ecclesias Apostolicas , &c. Habes Corinthum , Philippos , Thessalonicenses , Ephesum , Roman , ibid. c. 32 ▪ Et Pamelius inumerat Hierosolymitanam , Anti●ebenam , Corinthiam , Philippensem , Ephesinam , Romanam . Pamel . ib. c. 21. Num. 129. And it may be observed , that so long ago Tertullian , and so lately Pamelius should should reckon Rome last . Quin & aliae Ecclesiae quae ab his Apostolicae etiam deputantur , at soboles Ecclesiarum Apostolicarum , &c. Tertul. ib. c. 20. A. C. p. 73. ● . C. p. ●3 . * Quintò quaeritur ▪ A● ubi Catholici un● cum Haereticis versantur , liti●um sit Catholico adire Templa ad qu● Heretici 〈…〉 eorum interess● Conventibus , &c. Respondeo : Si r●i Naturam spectemus , non est per se malum , sed suâ natur â indifferens , &c. Et postea . Si Princeps b●res● labor●t , & ●ubeat subditos Catholicos sub p●n● Mortis , vel Con●●scationis bo●●rum frequentare Templa Haeretic●rum , quid tum faciendum P Responde● : ●●●●be●t tantum , ut omnes Mandato suo obedient , li●●tum est Catholicis facere : Qui● pr●stant solum Obedientiae officium . Sin jub●at , ut ●o Symbolo simul Religion●m H●reticam profiteantur , par●r● non debent . Qu●res it●rum , An li●tat Catholico ob●dire , ●●d● publick ●sseveret s● id ●●●●cere , sol●● ut Principi suo obediat , non ut sectam ●●●●ticam pro●●●●atur ? Respondeo : Quidam id li●●r● arbitrantur , 〈◊〉 bon● ejus public●●tur , vel Vita ●ripiatur . Quod san● pro●abiliter dici videtur . Azorius Instit. Moral . p. 1. L. 8. c. 27. p. 1299. ●●it . Paris . 1616. A. C. p. 73. Rom. 10. 10. Psal. 58. 4. A. C. p. 73. * I would A. C. would call it the Roman Perswasi●on , as some understanding Romanists do . † For though I spare their Names , yet can I not agree in judgment with him that says in Print : God be praised for th 〈…〉 isagreement in Religion . Nor in Devotion with him that prayed in the Pulpit : That God would tear the Rent of Religion wider . But of S. Greg. N●● . opinion I am . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Non st●d●mu● paci in detrimentum vir● Doctrin● — ut facilit●●●s , & Mansuetudinis famam colligamus . — Et rursum , Pa●●m colimus legiti●● pugnantes , &c. Orat. 32. A. C. p. 73. * § 33. §. 26. Nu. 1. & 11. † Praep●nitur Scripturae , &c. S. Aug. L. 2. de Bapt. cont . Donat . c. 3. ‖ §. 32. Nu. ● . A. C. p. 63. A. C. p. ●3 . * S. Aug. Ep●●● . 118. c. 5. * §. 33. Nu. 6. A. C. p. 73. * §. 37. N. 3. 4. † §. 2● . Nu. ● . A. C. p. 73. * Ephes 4 〈◊〉 . * Pontificatus Summus disert● positus est ab Apostolo in illis verbis , Eph. 4. 11. & in illis clarioribus , 1 Cor. 12. 28. Ipse posuit in Ecclesia primùm Apostolos , &c. Bellar. L. 1. de Rom. Pont. c. 1. § Respondeo Pontificatum . And he gives an excellent reason for it . Siquidem Jumma potestas Ecclesiastica non solum data est Petro , sed etiam aliis Apostolis . Ibid. So belike , by this reason , the Apostle doth clearly express the Popt●●●● because all the rest of the Apostles had as much Ecclesiastio●l Powe● , as S. Peter had . But then Bellarmine would salve it up with this , That ●●●s Power is given Petro 〈◊〉 Ordinario Pastori cui succederetur , aliis verò tanquam Delegatis , quibus non succederetur . Ibid. But this si meer Begging of the Question , and will never be granted unto him . And in the mean time , we have his absolute Confession for the other , That the Supreme Ecclesiastical Power was not in S. Peter al●ae , but in all the Apostles . † Ephes. 4. 13. A. C. p. 73. * And so also Bellarm. Sexta nota est Conspiratio in Doctrinâ cum Ecclesiâ Antiqua . L. 4. de Noti 〈…〉 Eccles. c. 9. §. 1 * Vin. Lir. cont . Haer. c. 4. † Hâc Ordinatione & Successione ea quae est ab Apostolis in Ecclesiá Traditio , & veritatis praeconiatio pervenit usque ad nos . Et est plenissima haec Ostensio , Unam & tandem Vivificatricem fidem esse , quae in Ecclesià ab Apostolis usque nuac fit conservata , & tradita in veritate . Iren L. 3. Advers . Haer. c. 3. ‖ Per hanc Successionem confundi omnes Haereticos . Bellar L. ● . de Notis Eccles. c. 8. § 1. There 's no such word found in Irenaeus , as per hanc Successionem , or Hâc Successione , in the Church of Rome onely , which is Bellarmine's sence : But by Succession in general in other Churches , as well as in Rome . * Testimonium his perhibent quae sunt in Asiâ Ecclesia Omnes , & qui usque adhuc Successerunt Polycarpo . Iren. L. 3. advers . Haeres . c. 3. Constat omnem Doctrinam quae cum illis Ecclesiis Apostolicis , Matricibus , Originalibus Fidei conspiret , Veritati deputandam . Tertul. de praescript . advers . Haeretic . c. 21. Ecclesia posteriores non minùs Apostolicae deputantur pro consangiunitate Doctrinae . Ibid. c. 32. Ecclesia non in Parietibus consistit , &c. Ecclesia autem illic erat , ubi fides vera erat . S. Hieron . in Psal. 133. † Antiqua Ecclesia primis quin●●ntis A 〈…〉 vera Ecclesia suit , & proinde Apostolicam Doctrinam ●etinu●● , Ecl L. 4. de Notis Eccles. c. 9. §. 1. * Ad hanc formam provocabuntur ab illis Ecclesiis , quae licèt nullum e● Apostolis , vel Apostolicis Authorem suum proferant , ut multò posteriares quae denique quotidie institu●utur , t●mem in eadem side couspirantes , non minùs Apostolicae deputantur pro consanguinitàti Doctrinae , Tertul. de praescript . c. 32. † Illis Presbyteris obediendum est , qui cum Episcopatus Successione Charisma acceperu●t Veritatis , Iren. Lib. 4. cap. 〈◊〉 . ‖ Successio nec Locorum tantùm est , nec personarum , sed etiam verae & sanae Doctrinae , Stapl. Relect. Controver . 1. q. 4. A. 2. Notab . 1. Quia Doctrina Sana est ab ipsaver● & legitimà Successione indiv●●sa , Stapl. Ibid. † Nam è Pastore ●●●pus fieri potest . Stap. ibid. Notab . 4. * Vincent . Lir. ●ont . Haer. c. 23. 24. S. John 6. 70. * Legitima autem est illorum Pastorum , qui Unitatem tenent & Fidem , Stap ▪ ibid. Notab . 5. † In their own Chronologer , Onuphrius , there are Thirty acknowledged . * §. 26. Nu. 1. * Patrum & Avorum nostrorum tempore , p 〈…〉 , Papam esse supra 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 , 〈…〉 notum , quia Roma 〈…〉 . rerum ▪ Ex●●●●●d . f●● . 5. Nunc autem , Papam esse non 〈◊〉 supra Concilium Generale , sed & 〈◊〉 Ecclesiam , est propositio ●ere de Fide. Bellar. 1. 2. ●● Concil . c. 1● . §. ● . † 〈◊〉 hoc tempore 〈…〉 Romae ( ut fa●● est ) qui ●acr as 〈◊〉 as didic●rit , ●u● front● 〈◊〉 eorum docert audebit , quod nos di●●cerit ? A●●i●ph . 〈◊〉 Concil . 〈◊〉 . Nam 〈…〉 et 〈…〉 adeo illiteratos esse ut Grammaticam penitus ignorarent , qui 〈◊〉 u● sacr●s Lit●ras interpretari possint ? Alphons . à Castro , L. 1. advers . Haeres . c. 4. versùs medium . Edit . Pa●●s . 1534. ( For both that at Antwer● , An. 1556. and that at Paris , An. 1571. have been in Purgatory . ) And such an Ignorant as these was Pope John the four and twentieth , Platino in Vita ejus . E. §. 33. N 6 ‖ Resolutio Occham est , Quòd nec tota Ecclesia , nec Concilium Generale , n●c Summus Pontifex potest facere Articulum , quod non fuit Articulus . Sed Ecclesia bene ●●terminat de Propos●tionibus Catholic● , de quibus erat dubium , &c. Ja. Almain . in 3. Sent. D. 25. q. unic● . Dub. 3. Sicut ad ea quae spectant ad . Fidem nostram , & nequaquam ex voluntate humana dependent , non potest Summus Pontifex , nec Ecclesia de 〈◊〉 non ve●● , veram : nec de non fal●● falsam facere , ità non potest de non Catholic● Catholicam facere , nec de non 〈◊〉 Haerititam . Et ideo non potest ●●●●m Articulum facere , nec Articulum Fidei tollere . Quo●iam sicut Veritates Catholicae absque omni approbatio●● Ecclesia e● naturâ rei sunt immutabiles , & immutabilitèr vera , ità sunt immatabiliter Catholicae reputandae . 〈…〉 H●reses absque omni reprobatione , & damnatione sunt falsae , ità absque omni reprobatione sunt Haereses r●putanda , &c. Ex posteà . Patet ergo quòd nulla Veritas est Catholica ex approbatione Ecclesiae vel Papae . Gab. 〈◊〉 3. S●●t . Dist. 〈◊〉 . q. unica . Art. 3. 〈◊〉 , 3. versùs 〈◊〉 . * §. 26. Num. 1. Psal. 90. 10. Psal. 85. 10. 
A67877	----	The history of the troubles and tryal of the Most Reverend Father in God and blessed martyr, William Laud, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. [vol. 2 of the Remains.] wrote by himself during his imprisonment in the Tower ; to which is prefixed the diary of his own life, faithfully and entirely published from the original copy ; and subjoined, a supplement to the preceding history, the Arch-Bishop's last will, his large answer to the Lord Say's speech concerning liturgies, his annual accounts of his province delivered to the king, and some other things relating to the history. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 1700 Approx. 902 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 146 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). 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[vol. 2 of the Remains.] wrote by himself during his imprisonment in the Tower ; to which is prefixed the diary of his own life, faithfully and entirely published from the original copy ; and subjoined, a supplement to the preceding history, the Arch-Bishop's last will, his large answer to the Lord Say's speech concerning liturgies, his annual accounts of his province delivered to the king, and some other things relating to the history. Laud, William, 1573-1645. Wharton, Henry, 1664-1695. Prynne, William, 1600-1669. Rome's masterpiece. 2 v. : port. Printed for Ri. Chiswell ..., London : 1695-1700. An introduction to the following "History containing the diary of ... William Laud" and "The history of the troubles and tryal of ... William Laud" each have special t.p. with imprint date: 1694. "Rome's masterpiece" by William Prynne has special t.p. with imprint date: 1695. Vol. 2 has title and imprint: The second volume of the remains of the most reverend father in God, and blessed martyr, William Laud ... Collected by the late learned Mr. Henry Wharton, and published according to his request by the reverend Mr. Edmund Wharton, his father. London : Printed for Sam. Keble [etc.], 1700. Preface, v. 1, signed: Hen. Wharton. Copies at reel 74:8 and 106:9 are volume 1; copy at 500:10 is volume 2. Imperfect: H2188 has p. 1 of the introduction lacking on film. Reproduction of originals in the Huntington Library and the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Laud, William, 1573-1645. Church of England -- Controversial literature. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-04 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-04 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Second Volume OF THE REMAINS OF THE Most Reverend Father in God , And Blessed MARTYR , WILLIAM LAUD , Lord Arch-Bishop OF CANTERBURY . Written by HIMSELF . Collected by the late Learned Mr. Henry Wharton , And Published according to his Request by the Reverend Mr. Edmund Wharton , his Father . LONDON , Printed for Sam. Keble at the Turk's-Head in Fleet-street , Dan. Brown without Temple-Bar , Will. Hensman in Westminster-Hall , Matt. Wotton near the Inner-Temple Gate , and R. Knaplock at the Angel in St. Paul's Church-yard . 1700. TO THE READER . THE late Learned Mr. H. Wharton , when he publish'd the History of the Troubles and Tryal of Arch-Bishop Laud , in the Year 1695 , finding that all the Papers to be printed with that Work could not be brought within the compass of one Volume , reserv'd these for a Second Part : If God had pleas'd to continue his life , they had been publish'd much sooner , together with such an account of them as he would have thought necessary : But he was prevented in so good a Work by that stubborn and incurable Distemper of which he dyed . In his Last Will all the Manuscript Papers relating to Arch-Bishop Laud are order'd forthwith to be deliver'd to his Father , ( the Reverend Mr. Edmund Wharton , now Rector of Saxlingham in Norfolk , ) that so he might cause them to be transcrib'd , and fitted for the Press : In complyance therefore with that his dying Request , these Papers are now sent into the World. AN Historical Account OF ALL Material Transactions Relating to the UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD , FROM ARCH-BISHOP LAUD's Being ELECTED CHANCELLOR To his RESIGNATION of that OFFICE . Written by Himself . ALL THE PASSAGES From April 12. 1630. Which concern the UNIVERSITY of OXFORD , since the first Nomination and Election of the Right Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAVD , Lord Bishop of LONDON , to be CHANCELLOR . Anno 1630. Pars Anni ab Electione mea ad Cancellariat . OXON . DIE Lunae , viz. 12 die Aprilis Anno Dom. 1630. habita erat Convocatio , in qua significavit Dr. Frewen Vicecancellarius , accepisse se à nunciis fide dignis , Honoratis . Academiae Cancellarium , Guilielmum Pembrochiae Comitem fatis concessisse ; ideoque ad Electionem novi Cancellarii procedendum esse ; Deinde succincta praefatione Venerabilem illum Senatum hortatus est , ut hoc in negotio , seposito partium studio , solius Academiae commodo & honori studeret ; cum hoc habuerit remedium quo affectum dari possit , ut desider at issimus Pembrochius minùs desideraretur . Quibus praefatis , ad Scrutinium pro Electione Novi Cancellarii Universitatis hujus Oxoniensis processerunt QVo Scrutinio per Venerabiles Viros , Doctorem Frewen Vicecancellarium , Magistrum Rodulphum Austen , & Magistrum Henricum Stringer , Procuratores , Vniversitatis , accepto & fideliter computato , Honoratiss . Vir , Reverendus in Christo Pater , Dominus Guilielmus Episcopus Londinensis , à Sanctioribus consiliis Serenissimae Regis Majestati , numerosiore Suffragiorum calculo electus erat in Cancellarium Vniversitatis Oxon ; Et pro Electo per Magistrum Austen Procuratorem Seniorem pronunciatus est . Deinde statuit Convocatio & decrevit , Doctorem Bancroft , Doctorem Prideaux , Doctorem Smith , Doctorem Duppa , Doctorem Juxon , Doctorem Aylworth , Doctorem Clayton , Magistrum Estcot , Coll. Wadhami , Magistrum Williamson , Magistrum Cooke , Coll. Magd , Magistrum Stroud AEdis Christi , Magistrum Hunt Coll. Novi , Magistrum Johnson Coll. Magd. Magistrum Barker Coll. Novi , unà cum Vicecancellario , Procuratoribus , Registrario Vniversitatis , tribus Bedellis superioribus , duobus inferioribus , & Stationario , Londinum mittendos , vel majorem partem eorum , qui Convocationem Londini haberent , in quâ simpliciter rogarent Honoratiss . Virum & Reverendum in Christo Patrem , Dominum 〈◊〉 Episcopum Londinensem , à Sanctioribus Consiliis Sereniss . Regis Majestati , ut Vniversitatis nostrae Patriocinium & Tutelam in se susciperet , & Literas Patentes Vniversitatis , quibus Officium Cancellariatûs Oxon. ei conceditur , acceptaret ; & ut interesse possint ejus Admissioni , Juramentorum praestationi , & aliis actis in hoc negotio expediendis . Placuit eodem tempore Venerabili Coetui Convocationis Doctorum , Magistrorum Regentium & non-Regentium , ut Literae Patentes , quibus Officium sive Munus Cancellariatûs tenetur & stabilitur , Communi Sigillo Vniversitatis munirentur , antequam Delegati praedicti Londinum proficiscerentur . Acta habita , & gesta Londini 28 die Mensis Aprilis Anno Dom. 1630. viz Die Mercurii post Meridiem inter horas secundam & quartam , pro Admissione Honoratissimi Viri GUILIELMI Providentiâ Divinâ Episcopi Londinensis , à Sanctioribus Consiliis Sereniss . Regis Majestati , ad Cancellariatum Universitatis Oxon. QVibus die & horis , in loco Celebri Civitatis London , vulgariter vocato The Doctors Commons , convenerunt Venerabilis Vir , Dr. Frewen , in SS . Theologiâ Professor & Vicecancellarius Vniversitatis Oxon. Reverendus in Christo Pater ac Dominus , Dominus Johannes Providentiâ Divinâ Episcopus Dunelmensis , Insignissimi Viri , Dominus 〈◊〉 Paddye , in Medicinâ Doctor & Eques Auratus , Dominus Henricus Marten , in Legibus Doctor & Eques Auratus , Dominus Nathanael Brent , in Legibus Doctor & Eques Auratus , Dominus Carolus Caesar , in Legibus Doctor & Eques Auratus , cum longâ & numerosâ serie Doctorum in omnibus Facultatibus , Magistro Rodolpho Austen , Magistro Henrico Stringer , Procuratoribus Vniversitatis , cum multis Baccalaureis in SS . Theologiâ , & Magistrorum Regentium & non Regentium magno comitatu . Quo in loco Reverendus in Christo Pater ac Dominus , Dominus Johannes Episcopus Dunelmensis , habitu Episcopali indutus , Doctores Purpurâ , Magistri ornamentis Gradui suo competentibus amicti , justis ordinibus bini atque bini procedunt , tribus Bedellis superioribus aureis Monilibus decoratis , duobus Bedellis inferioribus , unà cum Stationario Vniversitatis Oxon. erectis Columnis praeeuntibus ad Palatium 〈◊〉 in Christo Patris ac Domini , Domini Guilielmi Episcopi Londinensis &c. Vbi ad Palatium devenerint , in augustam Cameram ascenderunt . Ibi Vicecancellarius in Cathedrâ in superioriparte Camerae sibi destinatâ insedit , hinc atque hinc Doctores , deinde Procuratores more Academico coram Vicecancellario , postea Magistri reliqui sedilibus recto ordine collocatis consedêre . Ac statim Venerabilis Vir , Doctor Frewen Vicecancellarius , causam illius Convocationis significavit , ut cum Honoratiss . Pembrochiae Comes , Academiae nostrae Oxoniensis nuper Cancellarius , animam exhalasset suam , Reverendusque in Christo Pater ac Dominus , Dominus Guilielmus Providentiâ Divinâ Episcopus Londinensis &c. ad Cancellariatum Academiae Oxon. sit electus , ad Ejus Admissionem procederetur . Quibus praefatis , ex altiore Cubiculo Palatii descendunt Honoratiss . Comes de Dorset , Honoratiss . Comes de Danbye , Honoratiss . Comes de Cleveland , Vicecomes Dorchester , Honoratiss . Vicecomes Wentworth , Praeses Concilii partium Borealium , Reverendus in Christo Pater , Episcopus Winton . Episcopus Bathon . & Wellensis , Episcopus Landavensis , qui in intervallo jusdem Camerae tantorum virorum honoribus & reverentiis aptissimo consederunt . Omnibus sic compositis , Reverendus in Christo Pater , Dominus Guilielmus Episcopus Londinensis &c. tribus Bedellis superioribus , duobus inferioribus & Stationario praeeuntibus , Honoratissimum , Reverendissimum , & Venerabilem Coetum Convocationis ingressus est , seditque in 〈◊〉 collocatâ in supremâ parte Camerae praedictae coram 〈◊〉 , Pulvinari juxt à apposito : Cujus reverentiam , tanto Patre dignam , auspitatissimâ Oratione salutavit Venerabilis Vir Dr. Frewen Vicecancellarius , votáque Academiae expressit erga tantum Reipub. Literariae Patronum . Cui primò Literas Patentes ab Academiâ missas tradidit Communi Matris nostrae Vniversitatis Sigillo signatas ; Secundò , Cancellariatûs sui Sigillum ; Tertiò , Librum ; Quartò , Claves ; Denique , Bedellorum Columnas : Quibus oblatis & porrectis , ad 〈◊〉 Domini Vicecan . altâ voce lectae fuerunt Literae Patentes Cancellariatûs praedicti per Johannem French , Notarium Publicum & Registrarium Vniversitatis Oxon. Literarum tenor sequitur . OMnibus Christi Fidelibus , ad quos praesentes Literae porrectae sive exhibitae fuerint , Vicecancellarius , Magistri , & Scholares Universitatis Oxon. Salutem in Domino sempiternam . Sciatis nos praefatum Vicecancellarium , Magistros , & Scholares dedisse ac concessisse , ac per praesentes dare ac concedere pro Nobis ac Successoribus nostris , Honoratissimo Viro , Reverendissimo in Christo Patri Domino Guilielmo Episcopo Londinensi , à Sanctioribus conciliis Serenissimae Regis Majestati , Officium , Munus , Praefecturam , & Dignitatem Cancellariatûs Universitatis Oxon. praedictae , nuper per ipsam Convocationem Doctorum , Magistrorum , Regentium & non Regentium , ritè & legitimè ( facto scrutinio ) per Procuratores nominato & electo , Habendum , tenendum , occupandum , & gaudendum Officium praedictum praefato Honoratissimo Viro , Reverendissimo in Christo Patri , Domino Guilielmo durante termino vitae suae naturalis ; Cum omnibus Libertatibus , juribus , praeeminentiis , & pertinentiis quibuscunque ad illud Officium quoquo modo spectantibus , vel cum eodem Officio ante hac usitatis . Damus insuper & per praesentes concedimus praefato Honoratissimo Viro , Reveverendissimo in Christo Patri , Domino Guilielmo , tenore praesentium , potestatem & authoritatem Vicecancellarios , Commissarios , & sufficientes Deputatos suos de tempore in tempus per Literas suas Sigillo suo obsignatas nominandi , praeficiendi , & constituendi ; necnon omnes Curias , Leetas , Dies festos & juridicos Universitatis praedictae habendi , utendi , & celebrandi in tam amplis modo & formâ , quam aliquis Cancellarius Vniversitatis praedictae anteactis temporibus habuit , tenuit usus fuit , vel celebravit , aut habere , tenere , uti , vel celebrare potuit aut debuit . In 〈◊〉 rei testimonium Sigillum Commune Universitatis Oxon. praedictae apponi fecimus . Datum in Domo Congregationis Universitatis praedictae 24. die mensis Aprilis , Anno regni Illustrissimi Domini nostri , Domini Caroli , Angliae , Scotiae , Franciae , & Hiberniae Regis , Fidei Defensoris , &c. Sexto ; Annoque Domini , secundum Computationem Ecclesiae Anglicanae , 1630. His praelectis , Magister Austen , Procurator senior , accuratam habuit Orationem coram Reverendissimo in Christo Patre Domino Guilielmo , &c. eidemque de Regiae Majestatis Authoritate agnoscendâ & de Allegiantiâ suâ Juramenta ministravit : Quae Honoratissunus Vir ac Reverendissunus in Christo Pater , Dominus Guilielmus &c. positâ Dextrâ super Pectora in verbo Honoris praestitit de fideliter praestando omnia & singula , quae ad Officium Cancellariatûs Universitatis Oxon. pertinent , idem exhibente Vice-Cancellario . Quibus peractis , ad Munus sive Officium 〈◊〉 praedictus Honoratissunus Vir , Reverendissimus in Christo Pater ac Dominus , Dominus Guilielmus , Providentiâ Divinâ Episcopus Londinensis , & à sanctioribus Consiliis Serenissimae Regis Majestati , Admissus est . Quo Munere accepto , Honoratissunus Dominus Cancellarius gravissimam & elegantissimam habuit Orationem . In quâ Academicis omnibus gratias egit maximas propter singularem eorum amorem in ipsum collatum , sposponditque in rebus omnibus , tam quae communi utilitati Matris Academiae infervirent , quàm quae bono usui & ultitati 〈◊〉 privati accederent , se semper eis praestò futurum . Deinde 〈◊〉 & deputavit Venerabilem Virum , Doctorem Frewen Vice-Cancellarium ejus in reliquum Anni subsequentis ; retrò tradidit ei 〈◊〉 , Sigillum , Claves ; Bedellis omnibus Columnas ; & posteà Epulae lautissimae apparatae sunt pro cujusvis Ordinis dignitate . Tenor autem Orationis Reverendissimi Domini Cancellarii sequitur in haec verba . NON expectatis , scio , Viri Literatissimi , cultissimi Academici , ut long a vos aut comptâ Oratione excipiam . Fateor , Amor vester & Merita omnia possunt à me jure vendicare : Sed hinc àesuetudo perorandi , illinc stylus parùm rotundus , hinc lingua haesitans , illinc memoria febre non lassata modò , sed & penitùs exusta , mihi abundè impedimento sunt . Loquendum tamen mihi est , & in hâc Doctissimorum Coronâ , quâ cinctus sum : Loquendum ; sed quàm laxo Stylo , parùm refert , quum vos in supplementum Oratorem , & gravem & dulcem , attulistis . Mihi non vacat esse tam diserto , nec facilè invenio , unde incipiam , adeó me distrahit dicendorum copia . Gratiae , scio , agendae sunt Vobis , & almae illi Academiae , quae corpore quodam abbreviato Vos estis . Et gratias ago , non 〈◊〉 lingua mea promere didicit ( exiles illae ! ) sed quas Cor vestrum nimis in me propensum potest concipere . Magnum est , quod in me contulistis , Munus , verè magnum , & quo multi Heroës 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dum fruebantur , non levi se honore auctos existimârunt : Nec mirum ; cum in tam altum Parnassi locum ascendere , est omnia accipere , quae Musae dare possunt . Atque hic succurrit mihi Illustrissimus ille Heros , mihi nunquam sine Honoris praefatione dicendus , cajus praesidio nuperrimè orbata est Academia . 〈◊〉 Vobis & Patronus & Pater extitit : Patronus , Vos & Vestra pro posse ( quod magnum fuit ) defendendo ; Pater , se & sua donando ; nec vulgaria illa , sed quae haberi ullibi vix poterant , sumptu non parvo emit , ut daret . Notius est , quam ut Teste indigeat , nihil Ei magis charum fuisse , quam Salutem , Honorem , & Faelicitatem istius florentis Academiae . Decessit Ille sibi suo tempore ; Nobis heu 〈◊〉 cit ò decessit : Quem Rex serenissimus fidelissimum , 〈◊〉 observantissimum , Ecclesia amicissimum , Academia beneficientissimum semper experta est . Ego , quum Eum à primo ferè in Aulam ingressu Maecenatem semper habui constantem & prudentissimum ; nunc ve-Vestro munere ipsi succenturiatus sum . Onus eo gravius humeris meis impositum sentio , quòd Viro tam Claro , Vobis tam charo , Successor sim futurus . Sed quiescit Ille in suo & omnium Domino . Redeundum est ; nam dum doleo Clarissimum Virum oculis ereptum nostris , paenè oblitus sum mei . Sed memini dixisse me , magnum esse , quod in me contulistis , Munus sine dubio magnum ; seipso tamen , modum rei si perpendamus , Majus . Contulistis enim Cancellariatum Academiae vestrae ante hac , & saepius ; sed semper Magnum in Magnos contulistis . Et Honor iste semper ascendebat , descendebat nunquam , usquedum nunc in me ; nec solùm in me Minorem , sed & immerentem , sed & prorsus nescientem ; addo etiam ( non ut beneficio quicquam detraham , sed ut affectus vestros indicem ) Nolentem , & contra meipsum omni conatu ( Deum & conscientias quorundam astantium testor ) molientem , descendebat . Amoris vestri impetus hic fuit ; cui nunquam par ero , ut me in gremium Matris meae Vestraeque reduceretis Quod Vobis faustum , precor , sit ; 〈◊〉 mihi non potest non esse pergratissimum , sic , & tam fervidis affectibus , honorari . Vnum tamen placuit vobis errorem , eumque magnam , ( sicu t solet errare , quùm errat , Amor ) Amori vestro immiscere ; Ipsam nempe mei Electionem . Nisi enim me augurium fallat , & sim falsus animi , meliùs multo consultum foret Vobis & Academiae , fortasse & mihi , si hunc honoris , fateor , sed & invidiae cumulum , in alivs & fortiores humeros placuisset imponere . Quippe poterat Munere isto ( quod hîc collocasse , quid aliud paenè est , quàm perdidisse ? ) Novus aliquis , & qui plus posset , Patronus conciliari . Ad me verò quod attinet , non indigebam his stimulis , qui , etiam ante hunc collatum honorem reputabam me quasi unum è Vobis : Nec erat quitquam intra sphoeram activitatis meae , ad quod praestandum sponte non fuerim paratissimus . Adeò ut hoc tam ingenti Beneficio , actione quidem Amoris vinculo me vobis devinctum agnoscam , promptiore verò ad benefaciendum animo , non sentiam . Videtis , ut Amoris vestri sive error sive aestus , Navem Academiae gubernandam tradidit homini , cui benè Velle quidem adest , caeterùm nec Ars suppetit , nec Rudentes , nec Anchora satis firma . Quae spes itaque appellendi ad portum , si qua fortè oboriatur Tempestas ? certe nulla ; nisi Rex , pro innat â suâ erga Literas & Literatos bonitate , quam à Patre piissimae memorioe & Regum , dum vixit , doctissimo hausit , dignetur Ipse Maecenas 〈◊〉 audire , & me sibi constituere sequestrem in iis , quoe ad Vos spectabunt ; Imò nisi pro misericordiâ illâ , quoe est super omnia opera ejus , plusquam aliquid descendat à Rege Regum & Domino Dominantium , Ille , spero , quà est Pater Luminum à quo omne datum , quod bonum , aperiet oculos meos , ut videam , diriget gressus meos , ut sequar ea quae Academiae Matri meae , semper honorandae , & Vobis Confratribus meis utilissima , amplissima , honoratissima futura sunt . Reliquum est , ut Vos , Viri gravissimi , Seniores Israëlis nostri , ( nam 〈◊〉 Moses solus potuit omnia ) humeros vestros unà mecum supponatis oneri . Et nisi it à faciatis , Deus bone ! in quales quantas angustias me conjecistis ? Sed videtur vel ipse Aspectus hic Academicus nescic quid boni mihi polliceri ; eundem nempe Amorem , majorem , ( si fieri potest ) & non , ut anteà , errantem , in exhibendo mihi auxilium , quod & Vos deceat , & me sublevet . Et certè , ipsa Academia ( quâ nescio quid mihi charius esse potest ) doctrinâ simul & moribus , pietate simul & sobrietate , pace simul & unitate , sit in omne aevum florentissima , in Vobis aequè ac in me situm erit . Academia enim tot ditata Collegiis , quot & qualibus vix dotata est quaelibet per Europam alia , non aliunde pejus audit , quàm ex fractà & jacente quasi Disciplinâ . Eam de postliminio restituite , reducite in gratiam vestram ; & antiquam statim videbitis Academiae pulchritudinem . Neque enim Anus haec canitie vener and a rugas novit contrahere , nisi prae moerore & anxietate ob collapsam Disciplinam . Sunt , quae hic plura dicerem . Sed Dies serenus est ; & talis , opto , sit Vobis & mihi . Nolo Diem hunc querelis obnubilare ; quae ne tunc quidem sunt gratae , quùm forsan necessariae . Opto omnibus , singulis Vobis , 〈◊〉 universo , salutem , serenitatem , quam nulla unquam nubila tempeslas , quae undique perflare humana solet , aut abscondat aut 〈◊〉 . Concludam cum Apostolo : De caetero , Fratres , Quaecunque sunt vera , quaecunque pudica , quaecunque justa , quaecunque Sancta , quaecunque amabilia , quaecunque bona sunt : Addo , Quaecunque ad aedificationem Ecclesiae Christi , quacunque ad obedienl am erga Christium Domini , quaecunque ad pietatem , & pacem populi Dei pertinent : Si qua virtus , si qua laus disciplinae ; haec cogitate , haec agite ad unum Omnes . Et pax Dei , quae exuperat omnem sensum , custodiat corda vestra & intelligentias vestras in Christo Jesu ad vitam aeternam . Amen . So soon as I was admitted to the Chancellorship ( which God know's I little expected ) I thought it my Duty to reform the University , which was extremely sunk from all Discipline , and fallen into all Licentiousness : Insomuch that divers of the Governours there complained to me , that if remedy were not applied in time , there would scarce any face be left of a University . Hereupon I resolved within my self to set close to a Reformation . And though I understood most of the Defects of the University ( as having lived there many years , and for divers of them a Governour ) : Yet the first thing I thought fit to do , was to lay a Command upon the Vicechancellour for the time being , that he should give me an account by Letters every week of all necessary Occurrences which happened in the University , pertaining to Exercise or Manners : with a Promise , that he should weekly , without fail , receive a Letter from me , expressing what I dislik'd or approv'd , and with Directions what should further be done for the good of That Place . This Course I constanly held , and found so much good by it , that I resolved , as often as I made a New Vice-Chancellour , to renew the like Charge , and to pursue it with like diligence . Which , when time serv'd , I did , and shall ( God willing ) so continue to do , as long as I shall live Chancellour of the University . The Statutes of the University had lain in a confused heap for some Ages , and extremely imperfect in all kinds . The Reformation of the Abuses , which grew thereby , and the reducing of the Statutes into Order and Form , with the Addition of some New , for the necessity of the Present times , had been often attempted , and particulary by Cardinal Woolsey and other Great Men in their several times ; but was never brought to any perfection ; nor indeed to any thing at all : But the business left , where it was first undertaken . I did ever foresee , that it was not possible to make a Reformation , or settle That Body , unless the Statutes were first perfected . And yet it was evident also , what great difficulties attended That work : For it had been twice undertaken during my own time in the University ; and both times it came to nothing . At the Last time it was attempted , I was Named in Convocation one of the Delegates my self . By which means I had opportunity to see , where the difficulties and impediments lay , but was not then able to remove them . Afterwards coming to be Bishop of London , and finding my Lord the Earl of Pembrock much troubled at some unworthy proceedings There ; I told him , he would never have remedy , until the Statutes of the University were reduced into a Body and setled : And withal acquainted his Lordship , wherein the Difficulties lay . Hereupon , at his entreaty , I set down , what way was to be taken and followed for effecting That work : And began at the naming of the Delegacy below in Convocation . Which Delegacy was no sooner nam'd , and my Directions sent unto them , but my Lord of Pembroke died , and I was chosen Chancellour after him , and took up this work , where it was then left , and resolved to go on against all Difficulties , which were like to oppose me in the Body of that University : Which , being very sick , was desirous enough to be well , but not pleased with the sourness of the Cure. Besides , such Bodies never want Factions ; and many There , that were willing enough to have a Cure , were not so well pleas'd , it should be wrought by my hand . But This and many other Difficulties I overcame with Care and Patience ; and went on with the work . S. in Christo. AFter my hearty Commendations &c. I am given to understand , that on Sunday last I was wellcomed into my Chancellourship of Oxford with two very ill Accidents , in either Sermon one . The first , I hear , was committed by one of Exeter College , who preach'd directly against all Reverence in Churches , and all Obeysance , or any devout gesture in or at the receiving of the Communion . And if this be true , belike we shall not kneel neither . The other , as I am informed , was by one Mr. Tucker of your own College ; who was not content only to justifie the Five Articles , commonly called Arminianism , but he would needs lay an Aspersion upon the Synod of Dort. In both which he hath directly gone against his Majesties both Proclamation and Instructions , prohibiting all men of all sorts for a time to preach either way concerning them ; that so those unhappy Differences , likely to rend this Church , as well as others , might sleep first , and dye after . I know not , whether Mr. Vicechancellour did convent these men or no. If he did , your labour is past : If he did not , then I pray do you : and take two or three Doctors to you . I would not be too sour at my first coming-in : And yet I would not have Sermons of such ill example lead the way into my Government There . I hope , a strict Monition , that they run no more into these Errours , will serve the turn for this first time . But if you find , that it will not , then I pray go so much farther , as the carriage of the men and the merits of their cause shall require . I know , these Sermons were provided before I was Chancellour , but yet I know too , that the blame will fall on me more than upon another man , if such things as these pass without Censure . I pray , as you shew'd your Love to choose me , so be careful to maintain my honour in upholding the Peace and the Government of the Place . For God knows , what blustring may follow upon That unhappy accident of Mr. Tucker's . Thus not doubting of your Care herein , I leave you to the Grace of God. And shall ever rest , LONDON House . May 7. 1630. Your very Loving Friend , GVIL . London . S. in Christo. AFter my hearty Commendations &c. your Deputy , Dr. Tolsen , hath done very well in some Business in your absence , which I hope you will perfect . Now I have a little more Business for you , in which I must desire you to have a special Care. I am given to understand , that Formalities ( which are in a sort the outward and visible Face of the University ) are in a manner utterly decayed , not only abroad in the Streets , but also in the very Schools , Convocation and Congregation-houses , and at Latin Sermons : In somuch that strangers , which come thither , have scarce any external Mark , by which they may know they are in a University . If this go on , the University will lose ground every day both at home and abroad ; and especially with his Majesty , who is a great Lover of Order and Decency in all Seminaries of good Learning . And he hath already given 〈◊〉 strict charge to look both to this and other particulars in their several times . I pray therefore call the Heads of Colleges and Halls together with the Proctors , and read these Letters to them ; and with my Love remembr'd to them all , let them know I am welcom'd into my Chancellourship with many complaints from very great men . I hope , all are not true : And I hope , such as are , you and they will All in your several Houses joyn pains and hearty endeavous to see them rectifi'd , as I shall in due time severally propose them . At this time I think it necessary , the Heads should fairly bespeak their several Companies to fit themselves with Formalities fitting their Degrees , that when the Act comes , ( God bless you with Health , that it may hold with honour and safety ) the University may have Credit by looking like it self : And then I doubt not but it will be it self too . For it will not endure but to be , as it seems . And I desire you would bespeak your Companies fairly . Both , because I presume , most men There in their generous and liberal Education will be such lovers of Order , that they will run to the practice : And because I heartily desire , that as I am chosen Chancellour with a great deal of unexpected Love ; so I may be enabled ever to Govern with a like measure of it . My heart ever was , and I hope ever shall be , set to do That Place all the good I can . And I shall take it for one of God's greatest Temporal blessings upon me , if I may have your joint Concurrence to perfect the good I wish . And I will not doubt , but that you do so love and honour That our Venerable Mother , that you will cheerfully afford me This assistance . When you have made this Entrance for Formalities at the Act , ( for which I now give time and warning ) then the better to settle them , and all other Points of Government , I pray take care to go on with the Delegacy for the Statutes , that there may be a setled and a Known Body of them . My ever honoured Predecessour began That work with Care. I know , you will give me leave to pursue it to your good and His honour . In the next long Vacation it were happy , if that Body of Statutes might be finish'd . But whether it can or not , I heartily pray you against Michaelmas Term look the Register , and provide such Tables , as were wont to be published upon S. Mary's doors , for observance of the known Statutes , and that then you proceed to the execution of them accordingly . I know , you and the Governours There will pardon me this Care , when you shall know what lies upon me here , and what begins already to be expected from me by a most Gracious Prince , who is very Zelous of the honour of That Place . And this yet I shall promise and perform . I will not be sudden upon you , nor 〈◊〉 with you in any your businesses Neither will I proceed in any thing , but that which shall promote the honour and good of your selves and That famous University . And in this way he that gives me best assistance shall be most welcome to me . So for this time I take my leave : Commending you All to God's gracious Protection ; and shall rest , May 28. 1630. Your very Loving Friend , GVIL . London . S. in Christo. AFter my hearty Commendations &c. This is the first Occasion , which I have had to trouble the Convocation . And before I begin with the Business , I think it very fit to give you all very hearty thanks for the great Love and undeserved Favour , which you would needs bestow upon me , quite beyond my Expectation , and cross to my desires . Yet since it hath pleased God so to dispose both of you and me in this business , I shall endeavour to the utmost of my power to answer your expectation , and to discharge the burden of this Honour to as much advantage of That Venerable Mother of my self and you , as the best understanding I have can lead me to . And whensoever any thing shall come to your knowledge , in which I may do That Body service , I hope you will not fail to acquaint me with it , and in such time as the opportunity of doing what is fit may not be lost . Else I may be disenabled to serve you by your own default . But these are but Verbal Thanks ; and I have desired to be as real as I might ; and therefore shall trouble you with no more of this . The Business I am to acquaint you with is , to let you know , that his Majesty did very graciously accept your Letter of Thanks for the 〈◊〉 bestowed upon the Hebrew = Reader : Whose Patent I caused to be sent , and approved by you , before I would suffer the Seal to pass . And now it is pass't , and That Place so both enriched and honoured , I hope you will take care that the Reader thereof , as well as the rest , do the Duty of his Place . For the study of That Language is too much neglected , and not without the great prejudice both of That University and the Church . Since this , I have received from you the Book of Verses in honour of the Prince , which I have likewise delivered to his Majesty , with a full representation of your humble and dutiful Respects to his Majesty , and of your hearty Prayers both for himself and his Royal Posterity : Which he , with all Grace and Favour accepted . I could heartily have wish'd , the Book had been here any time of the last week , that it might have prevented the Christning . But howsoever , 't is very welcome Now. It is not long , since I writ to Mr. Vicechancellour about some care to be taken for Formalities , both against the Act , and so after to continue at Michaelmas Term. And I make no doubt , but all men will be willing to continue the honour of That Place , and in That kind . It is the Hedg and the Fence of those things , which are of far greater consequence . In those Letters I omitted one thing , which I think fit now to be remember'd . It is a great Abuse , and long continued against the Degree of a Master of Arts. I know , 't is very fit , that That Degree , upon which the Orders of the University do so much rely , both in Convocations , Congregations , and elsewhere , should be had in more esteem than it is . But this can no ways so well be done , as by their due Obedience to Governours in their several Places , and by their own Valuing and Esteeming themselves above all Inferiours . And for my part , I shall do my best to keep up the price they set upon themselves . For 't is a great dishonour to That Place , that in all Publick Assemblies , yea and when they meet in open street , Bachelours of Art , nay Boys , will not know their places . I hope , the Delegacy will so order the Statutes , which they have in hand ( to the lasting honour of my most Worthy and Honourable Predecessour ) as that the Degree of a Master of Arts shall hereafter be better esteemed in That Place ; which is the only way to recover the ancient Credit of it Abroad . The last thing which I have at this time to recommend unto you , is , that you would All be careful , that the University may stand right in his Majesties Good Opinion for not spoiling His Game . There was very lately a Complaint made to me about it : and I , fearing the worst , writ to the Vicechancellour : But he gave me so discreet and so sufficient an Answer , that I not only did , but had cause to think all was well . Since this , I find that Complaint , or some other , hath gone farther . I heartily pray you therefore to take the best care you can , especially You , that are Governours and in Office , to look to the Abuses tho , and then with Gods assistance I will take care , that no man's sinister Report shall do you prejudice Here. Thus not doubting of the Love , and Affection , the Care , and the Moderation of any man for the Good and the Honour of That most noble Body ; I leave you all to the Grace of God , and shall ever rest , To my very Loving Friends , the Vicechancellour , the Doctors , the Proctours , and the rest of the Convocation of the Vnivsierty of Oxford . Your very loving Friend and Chancellour , GVIL . London . S. in Christo. AFter my hearty Commendations &c. The time now draws on for the Nomination of a New Vicechancellour according to the Course held by my Honourable Predecessours in That famous University . In this little time , in which by your Favours I have had the Honour to Govern , I have found the present Vicechancellour Dr. Frewen so Careful and so Discrect in That buisy Place , that I should , though it were to his great pains , put him to the trouble of another year , were it not , that I consider , how full of able and sufficient men the University is for the Discharge of That Office. Besides , I have ever thought it most for the Honour and the Profit of the University , that the Governours there should have the pains and the experience of That Place divided amongst them . In which Resolution I shall still continue , till I shall receive better reason to the contrary , than I can give my self . For this present year therefore I have thought sit to lay the Burden of This Place upon Dr Smith , the Warden of Wadham College : And do so chuse him thereunto , as a Man whose Integrity and Abilities to Govern I have known and observed for divers years . These are therefore to Pray and Require you to Allow of this my Choice ; and to give him your best Advice and Assistance both in this and all other Business , which shall concern the Good and Honour of That famous University . And so I bid you heartily farewel ; and rest , To my Loving 〈◊〉 the Vicechancellour , the Doctors , the Proctours , and the rest of the Convocation of the Vniversity of Oxford . FULHAM-House . July 9. 1630. Your very Loving Friend and Chancellour , GVIL . London . Reverendissime Cancellarie , PRrudentissima Literarum tuarum Monita summo tum Obsequio tum Gratitudine accepimus . Ex quibus abundè constat , neminem meliùs Provinciam gerere , quàm qui invitò suscepit ; utpote qui Onus pensat , non Honorem , & quaerit potiùs Invidiae occurrere quàm 〈◊〉 gloriari . Gratulamar itaque 〈◊〉 tuae , cui ferendum hoc onus Imperii humiles 〈◊〉 ingesserunt . Grutulamur Modestiae , quòd agrè hoc feras : Benignituti , quòd tamen feras : Curaeque demùm Paternae , quòd adeò studiosè perferre decreveris . Penitùs hoc anteà persuasum inerat nobis , amantissimam hunc fore Academiae Patrem , qui fuit 〈◊〉 Filius ; Caput concinnatissimum , qui fuit Membrum ; & posse nos itidem accommodatiùs , uberiùs , foeliciùs agere sub Capite Congenito quàm Insitivo . En 〈◊〉 jugum ! Artes jam temperat Religio , eruditos Vir Bonus , juvenes Expertus , togam plusquàm Togatus , Mitraque Presbyteros . Nunquid capiti naturali beatiùs cum membris convenit , quam Tibi nobiscum ? Sentit Illud , quicquid partium inferiorum commodo inservit : Sentis etiam Ipse . Facultates Illud omnes , quibus imperat , etiam continet : omnes Academicas & Ipse contines . Exercet Illud mollem , sed potentem in sequaces artus influxum : Exerces etiam Ipse ; spirituque supernè diffuso ductum abique 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : In ipso limine non minus Literarum incremento consulis , quam Literatorum patrocinio ; aequè Habitus décori ac Togae moribus ; & Honori nostro simul domi forisque vim omnem intendis . O 〈◊〉 Academiam , quae certè audit Britanniae Oculus , at planè caecam sine Te ! Ipsi Oculo Tu prospicis ; & nostro Lumini auxiliarem hunc diem immittis , quo si esset orbatum , in tenebris perspicaciam amitteret . Lenibus Tuis ac saluberrimis hisce mandatis , sicut Tu quidem , ita malumus & nos respondere Facta , quam verba . Invenies itaque Parnassum bicipitem Mitrae tuae figuram non immeritò exprimere , & Musas Episcopo suo facilè se daturns in quemvis tam venerandi Dictaminis modulum effingendas . Non Te fore speravimus sine oculis Vigilantiae Caput , neque Nos invenies sine pedibus Obsequii Corpus . Reverendissimo Patri in Christo , GUILIELMO Episcopo Londinensi , Cancellario suo Honoratissimo . E Domo nostrae Congregationis . 〈◊〉 10. 1630. Honori vestro Deditissima Oxoniensis Academia . BEatitatem Amplitudinis asquequaque censuit , Reverendissime Cancel latie , prudentior indoles , quòd possit , meritum coeleste , quòd velit opitulari . Vtrumque vestrâ beneficentiâ inclaruit . Vtriusque particeps fuit plurimorum necessitas ; praesertim Literaturae Ebraicae . Et opportunè . Sacro-sancti quippe idiomatis gloria , quae apud Transmarinos , famâ scilicet Reformatâ splendescentes , eminet , hucusque apud Nos Eclipsin passa est . Danda fuit ingeniorum nèque industriae , sed Viatisi indigentiae . Norunt Judaicarum rerum periti , nobile Ebraismi studium non vili pretio mercandum . Patrimonium enim ingens exhauriunt Biblica , Talmudica , Rabbinica , Lexicographa , Grammatica , aliaque volumina linguam Israëliticam supra vulgus Ebraeorum inbibenti necessaria . Ista sunt , quae alunt Artem , & nobilitant Artisicem : Quae si negata fuerint , 〈◊〉 Ars , vilesoit Artifex . Vt tandem igitur apud Anglos 〈◊〉 uterque , nec diutiori remorâ sufflaminetur pia surgentis & Ecclesiae & Academiae ambitio , utrumque sub auspicatissimâ Majestate ditavit & honoravit vestra manus auxiliatrix : Musasque Ebraeas beneficentissimae vestrae Paternitati aeternùm obstrictas fecit . Eccam spiritu facilè vaticinante Professorum Hebraicorum seriem , usquedum evanescat inter Oxonienses Tuos Academia , laudes tam divini Muneris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 juxta idiotismum sacrum , in saeculum & ultra decantantem . Non etenim unicum pauperculum me quoad spem dotavit magnifica vestr a providentia , sed reverà sobolem infinitam . Ita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex ore Infantium & lactentium ( Hiero-Psaltae formula est ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 durabile magnificentiae testimonium , sive , ut LXX senum premit vestigia D. Messias ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 laudem , & , quae benignitatis est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vota praecurvendo , spem superando , nullius precibus sive blandis sive importunis delinitus , perfecisti . Professionis iccirco Regiae auctum privilegium meritis vestris , ut par est , acceptum refert ipsa vestra Academia , in obsequium gratitudinis unanimitèr conspirans . Ne meo denique desim officio , qui gratiâ istâ proximiùs locupletari sperem , liceat mihi , Praesul Amplissime , personam successorum meorum induenti , Almae Matri in obsequio famulari . Sic Ecclesiae profectum , Academiae honorem , Literarum augmentum meditari diu pergas . Votisque tuis benedicat , dignitates augeat , foelicit atemque aeternam reddat Pater misericordiarum Datum Comit. Oxoniensium solennibus , è Coll. Om. An. Anno 〈◊〉 Christi 1630. Reverendissimae vestrae Clementiae addictissimus , Johannes Morris . AGainst the beginning of your Term , and so for Direction of all the year , I shall be bold to give you these few Advertisements following , till the Statutes may be perfected . First , I pray keep it in memory with the Heads , that there be no more Gowns made out of the ancient Fashion of the University . Secondly , That no Man have his Degree , till he hath done all his Exercise , under what pretence soever . Thirdly , That you admit none to Cumulate . Fourthly , That no man be suffer'd to proceed Bachelour of Divinity that is not Master of Arts , unless he have staid full 14 years , since his being Bachelour of Arts : nor any Bachelour of Law to be Bachelour of Divinity , unless he have spent as many years in the University , as he should have done , if he had gone the longer and the more chargeable way by the Arts. Last of all , You shall do very well to make Congregations fewer , and let them draw their business together , and not trouble the whole University and your self so often for every Boy 's business . I pray , be strict in these ; and if it be the cause , you have fewer Doctors the next year , the matter is not great . For if there be none for a year or two , there are enough already for a longer time . And for my part , I am as willing there should be none , as to have the University disordered by them . THis day I received a complaint from Oxford , concerning the Restraint , which I had advised should be put upon Dispensations , which were then grown too common in all kinds , to the great disgrace of the University . But in the consideration of this Point there arose some Debate concerning the Dispensatiens de accumulandis Gradibus , by reason , that some were come to the University to Accumulate , which dwelt in remoter parts , and were now ready to do their Exercise , and could not be sent back without their Degrees , but it must needs tend to their great disreputation , charge , and prejudice . In regard whereof there was earnest suit made to me by Dr. Prideaux , then the Kings Professour in Divinity , and by Mr. Bell , Esquire-Bedell in Arts , that this restraint de accumulandis Gradibus might not be suddenly put upon the University : but that there might be a Day prefix'd and warning given , that so no man might be taken upon the suddain ; As appears by Dr. Prideaux his Letter , which hereafter follows . In the mean time I presenty settled this Difficulty with such a moderate Restraint as in short time effected , what I intended , and presently took off all further muttering in the University . Right Reverend Father in God , ON Friday last Mr. Vice-Chancellour acquainted us amongst others with your Honours Advertisements , with your Dislike of Accumulating Degrees , which heretofore hath been too Customary . We must all acknowledge with Thankfulness your Fatherly Care , and Gods Blessing through your wisdom and vigilance , in reforming many things , which were out of frame . For my own part , I shall hold him an unworthy Member of This Place , that with all readiness conforms not himself to such warrantable and fit Proposals ; and should be loth , that any man be more forward than my self in performing all due Obedience to my Superiours . But I trust , your Honour will not take amiss , if I interpose thus far : That sufficient Notice be first given of your Pleasure in this behalf , before execution be urged . I speak it to this purpose . Here is one Mr. Balye , an able Man both for Scholarship and Means , and his Majesties Chaplain , who upon supposal of Accumulating , as heretofore , hath ever since the Act been at great charge Here , and taken pains to perform his Exercise for his Degrees . This was before any intimation from your Lordship of stopping Accumulating : which if it presently take place , his hopes , travels , and expences are frustrated , and his return must be to his great prejudice . He was a Fellow of Exeter College , of good esteem . There is one Mr. Hodges , a Fellow of Lincoln College , almost in the like case . Our humble suit is , that these Men , thus before engaged , may Pass with your Lordships Leave . Others , as your Wisdom shall think fit , may for the present have Notice given , that they expect not the like Easiness ; Especially the Residents Here , whose negligence hath abused this Favour , meant rather , as I take it , to Strangers of worth , than to them . Of This I held it my Duty to inform your Honour , as desirous to stand in your favourable Opinion with others under this your Government : Amongst whom I shall faithfully endeavour in Realities to express my self , Exon Coll. Octob. 11. 1630. Your Lordship 's ready to be commanded , John Prideaux . S. in Christo. Worthy SIR , I Received Letters from you this week . They found me at home under some Indisposition of body by reason of a Cold caught in my Court-Attendance . I thank you heartily for your Love , and expression of readiness to join in the necessary upholding of Government in that famous University , whose flourishing shall ever be the first and at the highest in my desires . For the particular you mention de Accumulandis gradibus , I am not only content , but thank you for your Interposition : Because as my desire is to Propose nothing , but that which is Just and Honourable for that Place ; so I am very willing to Propose it in such manner , as no man of quality may have just cause to except against . In my Indisposition ( of which I am not yet free ) I must crave your pardon to be Brief , and not write that over again , which I have written in that Point to Mr. Vicechancellour , who , I think , will call you and the rest of the Heads again , and read my Answer , which I make no doubt will settle this business . Yet this I must tell you , Mr. Balye ( howsoever you write an honest and an able Gentleman ) hath very far and more ways than one forgotten himself to Mr. Vicechancellour , and not spared me . For my part I pity his Passion , and shall pass it by , if Mr. Vicechancellour be satisfied . And this I do for his Father's sake , and in hope , that he will make this his Warning ; else I would quickly make him know , that my Proposals there are far from Tricks to catch him or any others . You shall discharge your Love to his Father , and your Care of him very freely , if you shall chide him into better Temper . The main of my Answer I hope you will expect from Mr. Vicechancellour , in regard of my present Weakness . And I shall end in a constant belief , that for the Government of the University , and all necessaries incident thereunto , I shall find you very ready and real , as you promise . For which , as I now give you thanks , so of it I shall be ready to give you testimony ; and for it to shew you all such respects , as may be due , or fit from the Place I bear ; and with as much Favour , as to any Governour in that place . So I leave you to the Grace of God , and shall rest , Fulham-House . Octob. 15. 1630. Your loving Friend , GVIL . London . I write you this with mine own hand . I pray hereafter be very careful of the Act-Questions . The late Question about the Sickness ( though somewhat qualified from the first proposal ) was very unreasonable , and somewhat else too . His Majesty took great distast at it , and commanded me to write to you about it . You were at that time gone into the West , and I forbare ; and do now only give you this private Advertisement , which none knows , but your self : Not doubting but you will make good use of it , and such as is fit . IT seems there are but two rubbs appearing in this first Meeting . The one about a Statute for nine years allowed ( it seems ) for men not Masters of Arts to be Bachelours in Divinity . I pray search , whether there be such a Statute or no. If there be not , I think it fit my Order should hold . If there be , I will not violate it ; but think it very fit , it should be abrogated . For since seven years is required of a Master of Arts , and Resident in the University , where he may study ; I think fourteen years is little enough for a Bachelour of Arts or Under-graduate abroad , who as he went away young , and with less grounds of Learning ; so his time being taken up in preaching , must needs be less able for Controversy-learning . And this is all I shall say for That . For Cumulation , I must needs profess , I never lik'd it . And it supposes , of and in it self , an unnecessary Delay of the first Degree , or a needless Hast of the Second . There are two things objected , which makes me take it into second consideration . The one is , that University Records have been search'd , and that time out of mind Cumulations have been admitted , yea and sometimes by a Statute , provided , that all Exercise for both Degrees were performed . I pray therefore , desire in my name so much patience of the Heads , as to have these Records viewed by all or some of them appointed thereto by your selves . And if you find it so , then I shall be contented to do , as hereafter follows . But give me leave to tell you by the way , That though I dislike Cumulations in themselves , yet I do it much more for that , which I observed , when I was so happy , as to live among you . For then it was common ( and some are yet living who Cumulated so ) either quite to Dispense with the Exercise of Bachelour of Divinity , ( which is the great and necessary exercise of the Town ) or turn it but into a Sermon Neither of which I shall endure . The other is , that if I intend to hold the strictness of this Course , it might seem fit , that a time had been prefixt , before it be put in execution , that so no man might be taken upon the sudden , as Mr. Balye and Mr. Hodges are reported to be . To this , I must needs confess , that a long Custom , though never so bad , especially if time out of mind , should have a Warning-peal before ' its dissolution , and that no man should be struck on the sudden . My Answer therefore is , that either I did give warning at the last Act to the former worthy and careful Vicechancellour , or else very fulness of it in my thoughts thrust it out , and made me believe I had written it , if I have not . And which of these is true , my bad Memory will not ascertain me . Next therefore I think it very fit , there should be both a time prefixt , and notice given . Both which I shall thus far leave to your consideration . First then , because the Records are with you , I pray call the Heads , and view them touching this point of Cumulation . Then if you find the Wisdom of our Ancestors in former times , when Government was stricter , and Degrees not so frequent , to have allow'd them , I shall then leave you fairly to represent , what you find and think . Provided , that there be no Dispensation for any Exercise , the least , but that all be done as Statute requires . And provided likewise , that none be admitted to Cumulate upon any pretence , that are resident in the University , or that live within 30 miles , and may so come without great either trouble or charge . And whatsoever you shall upon view of these Records by mutuas consent agree unto , I shall not without great reason vary from . And at this Meeting you may take it into deliberation , what is fit to be done for Mr. Balye and Mr. Hodges . For I have no will to prejudice any man upon a sudden . Neither did any man give me the least notice , that Mr. Balye liv'd at charge in town for that purpose . And for notice given , I know not what more can be done , than that Publication of it be in every College , that so they , which are abroad , may know by their Residing friends , what to trust to . GVIL . London . Right Reverend Father in God I deferr'd to answer your Lordships Letters , until Mr. Vicechancellour had acquainted us with your further Directions , to which it had reference . Nothing so much takes an ingenuous mind , as undeserved Favours . For which I hold my self so obliged to your Honour , that , I trust , my future Expressions shall justisie my Thankfulness . This Bearet having occasions to see London , I thought the fittest to write by , as being able to supply , by word of mouth , such circumstances , as I may chance to omit , and your Lordship be willing to be informed of . We are All bound to praise God , and to pray for the Continuance of Your Happiness , that so throughly set your thoughts to Reform that , which is amiss amongst us , and to recover that Lustre of the University which latter times had somewhat neglected . For Cumulations , I see not what could be more deliberately set down , than your last Advertisement . The Proceeding at nine years for Bachelours and sometimes Under-Graduates ( howsoever in use heretofore by Custom and the hint of a Statute ) in all reason at this time needs Reformation , especially the Case among Divines being now otherwise , than when that Indulgence was given . Fourteen years might well be required ( as your Lordship intimates ) in Supplicants of That condition . And if so they Pass , it may be held a Favour . Mr. Balye accounts himself made by your Lordship's Goodness . He hath been well chid , and acknowledged his folly to Mr. Vice-Chancellour , who , he hopes , is satisfied . That untoward Question the last Act was never approv'd by me , in those terms it pass'd , but I stand not to execute . Now I understand by your Loving and Fatherly Advertisement , what will be expected of me , I shall by God's Grace take a Care hereafter , that no such occasion of Exception be given . Two things yet remain concerning my Place , which I make bold to tender also to your judicious consideration . The neglect of Divinity disputations for Term these five years last past , through tergiversations of the Actors . And the Proceeding of divers in Law of late , to the prejudice of Divinity . Mr. Thimble can inform you at full in both particulars . I am fearful to trespass further upon your weighty employments ; But with my hearty prayer unto God for your health and happiness , rest , Exeter Coll. Octob. 25. 1630. Your Honour 's most ready at Command , John Prideaux . Right Reverend Father in God , BY your last to me , and your Direction to Mr. Vice-Chancellour , which he lovingly imparted unto me , I have received that comfort of your undeserved respect and favour , which shall ever ty me to a thankful Acknowledgement . Yesterday Mr. Vice-Chancellour convented us concerning Term disputations . It took so well with all , that by a joint consent it was presently thought fit to second so reasonable and seasonable a Proposal with immediate Execution . This was thought would make way , that when the time cometh , prefix'd by your Lordship , there would be no failing , and intimate to your favourable Consideration , what concurrence there is amongst us in due Obedience , where Directions are so Just , Judicious , and necessary . Concernig the late proceeding of Lawyers , we cannot desire more , than your Lordship resolves upon . In any thing , that my Assistance may be useful to Mr. Vice-Chancellour , or otherwise , I trust , my faithful endeavours shall make good , how unfeignedly I desire to shew my self , Exon. Coll. Novem. 24. 1630. Your Lordships Most ready at Command , John Prideaux . May it please your Lordship , IF it be not too boldly done of us to interrupt your Lordship's greater Affairs , we should hope , that you would be pleas'd to accept with favour these few lines from us , which are , according to our humble Duty and Service , to congratulate your Lordship's honourable Reformation of the University , so well begun . We cannot , nor can any man else , dissemble it . The Corruption was gotten up high , and come to stand almost in praecipiti . Some medicinal hand was of necessity , and that speedily to undertake the Cure. Which God ( who well saw the weightiness of the work ) would , should be no other than your Lordship's , though your Lordship would not . There were others more Powerful : Your Lordship would have been our Friend however . It would be envious , you were sickly , and the like . But the Infallible Eye saw you , and what it purposed to effect by you , whilst you walked thus under the Fig-trees ( that we may so speak ) and Covert of your excuses . Truly it was strange to see such backwardness at the Undertaking , and yet now such Readiness and Skill in the Execution . We see it , and must with all gratefulness acknowledge , amongst your manifold and great Occasions both for Church and State , no pains spared , no opportunity omitted , either by Word or Letter , that may any way advance the business in hand . From this Zeal of your Lordship to Learning and the welfare of the University , there is no ingenious breast amongst us , but takes fire , and would be glad to be seen though amidst the dependance of so worthy an Enterprize . Our selves , in an inferiour Distance , are even angry with our selves , that we have not hitherto signifi'd to your Lordship our forwardness in our Places . But now we assure your Lordship , as we have not been altogether negligent for the time past , so from henceforward to be industrious in what belongs to us , in taking notice of Formalities , in laying hands upon the reigns and liberty of Dispensations , and looking to the performance of other Duties . As for the point of Dispensations , and Proceeding of Bachelours , which now draws on , somewhat it may seem to be out of the way of the Proctours . But it is so poor a thing to the Universal good , that we would request your Lordship , not to entertain so much as a thought , that we make the least account of it . And since we understand your Lordship's Desire , we shall put on resolution to make stop of all manner of Dispensations ( we mean for defect of time , or of that nature ) and this without any mincing of the matter , or deriving the Cause or Envy farther , than our selves . Truly it would be a foul Shame for any , more for us , to be found either backward or luke-warm to Good Order , when our Chancellour himself is seen to press so nobly for it . Besides the reward , that we may look for , that when in after-ages your Lordship's Honours shall be recorded , and this Reformation amongst the rest , I , and amongst the chiefest , ( O it hath a Genius , and must live ! ) we also may claim to have our Names read for those , in the time and circuit of whose office so great a work was undertaken . Thus humbly craving Pardon for our boldness , we rest , Oxford . Nov. 29. 1630. At your Lordships Service To be commanded , Ralph Austen . Henry Stringer . Proctors of the University . About this time the Principality of St. Edmund's-Hall became void by the death of Dr. Rawlinson . And the Provost of Queen's College and the Fellows there made choice of Mr. Ayrie to succeed him . This Claim for the freedom of Election , and a Queen's-College Man to be elected , they had formerly made under the Chancellourship of the Lord Arch-Bishop Bancroft , who promised them very fair for the next avoydance , but prevailed with them to let his Nomination stand for Dr. Rawlinson . Now they write their Letters to me , and humbly besought me , that their Choice of Mr. Ayrie ( who had been of their College ) might stand . And withall they sent me up their Writings and Evidences which they had to shew , that the Right of Election of a Principal to the Hall aforesaid was in the Provost and Fellows of Queen's College , and not in the Chancellour of the University , as the rest of the Halls are . After much Debate and full Consideration taken , I writ to the Vice-Chancellour , as followeth . S. in Christo. Sir , I Have now at last with much ado got a little time to look over the Evidences which the Provost of Queen's College sent unto me concerning their Right of the Choosing of the Principal of St. Edmund's-Hall . Upon view of the Deed from the University , ( in which I find the Chancellour a Party ) and of the other Disputes raised concerning this business , when the Right Honourable the Earl of Dorset was Chancellour , all which concluded for the Right of the College to Choose , I think their Right is unquestionable . And the rather , because I find , that the Right Honourable my late Predecessour , the Lord Steward upon view of these Writings , declared in a Letter of his , the Right to be in the College . And for that the Provost and Fellows of Queen's College have not only made this Claim to their Right of Choice , but have also from time to time made actual Choice of the several Principals successively , whensoever That Place hath been void , and have at this time made their humble suit unto me for Confirmation of their Right : I am very willing to preserve this their Right unto them : And do hereby Pray and Require you , as my Deputy there , to give Mr. Ayrie , whom the Provost and Fellows have lately Chosen , Admission into the Principality of the said Hall , and all such Rights , as are thereunto belonging . And this I am content to do for the love of Justice , without reflecting upon the suddenness of their late Choice , which might have been done with more Respect to me , and less Hazard to themselves . So for this time I leave you to the Grace of God ; and rest , LONDON House . March 4. 1631. Your very Loving Friend , GVIL . London . DIe Mercurii , viz. vicesimo die Aprilis Anno Dom. 1631. habitâ deliberatione à Venerabili Viro Dr. Smith Vice-Cancellario , un à cum aliis Collegiorum & Aularum Praefectis de quibusdam negotiis ad Vniversitatem spectantibus , per Collegia & Aulas denunciandis . Cùm innotesceret Commissionem Regiae Majestatis authoritate editam & emissam fuisse quibusdam Viris Primariis ad inquirendum de Feodis & Salariis in Curiis Justitiae & ratione Officiorum debitis : Nec constaret quantum haec Commissio ad Vniversitatem pertineret : Placuit Vice-Cancellario , cum consilio & consensu reliquorum Collegiorum & Aularum Praefectorum tunc praesentium , Dom. Doctori Bancroft & Dom. Doctori Zouch ( de aliis negotiis , ut videbatur , brevi Londinum profecturis ) commendare , ut hujusmodi Commissionis copiam impetrarent ; quâ obtentâ , meliùs consulere cum Honoratissimo Cancellario nostro valeamus , ne quid gravius patiatur Vniversitas nostra Oxon. per Commissionem praedictam , contra Consuetudines & Privilegia antiquitùs indulta Vniversitati praedictae . Acta , habita , & gesta fuerunt suprascripta , die & anno praedictis , in praesentiâ mei JOHANNIS FRENCH , Registrarii Universitatis OXON . EA est Beneficiorum tuorum amplitudo , Honoratissime Cancellarie , quibus Academiam nostram indies cumulare satagis , ut conturbare nobis necesse sit , ac ne verbis quidem ( quorum interim apud nos vilem & parabilem esse oportet annonam ) paria cum meritis Tuis facere liceat . Te tamen , quae est Benificentiae tuae indolet , ne ingrati quidem debitores , nedum tarda vel cassa nomina deterrent , quo minus beneficia tua beneficiis , ne perpluant , porro pertegere , eaque ultrò auctum ire pertendas . Veluti quod nuper Academiae , nec huic tantùm , sed & saeculo imputasti , cum Tuâ unius operâ habitus est Musis is honos , ut honoratissimus Senatus Regius legem , quam aliis dare consueverat , à nobis acciperet . Hancque 〈◊〉 sibi legem in posterum dixerit , ut si quid in suis Edictis scriptum fuerit , quod per Privilegia Academica jus non sit juberi , ejus iis Edictis nihilum jubeatur . Circumcisum scilicet & abrasum est hac Cautione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quodcunque , cujus obtentu antehàc Villani jura ac privilegia Vniversitatis invadere & involare solebant , Honoratissimi Senatùs jussa capessere simulantes , reverà juris sui pomaeria , ultrà quàm jus & fas est proferentes . Et hujus quidem Benesicii gratiam Tibi , Honoratissime 〈◊〉 , in solidum 〈◊〉 agnoscimus . Quo adnitente , factum est , ut Honorissimus Senatus Jussa sua in antecessum simul ac semel interpretari , consultiùs duxerit , quam Villanis dubiam & ancipitem eorum Syntaxin permittere , qui ea interpretari , quam exequi , malunt . Plus tamen est , quod Honoratissimis Viris hoc nomine debetur , quàm cui solvendo unquam pares esse possumus . Quamvis igitur in tali obligationum genere nulla praestatio functionem recipiat , aut in solutum imputetur , nisi ab ipso reo siat numeratio : Quia tamen Veneratio Honotarissimo Senatui debita majorem à nobis exigit reverentiam , quam ut Scholasticis & inanibus Literularum formulis ipsorum tempora morari audeamus , de quibus nihil deliberari potest sine publico dispendio : Nostri officii partes optimo quidem nomini , sed tamen vicario , Tibi , Honoratissime Cancellarie , delegamus . Tu Illis pro nobis , nos Tibi pro Te , pro Illis , gratias agemus , Deus O. M. Te quam diutissime Ecclesiae & Academiae huic nostrae sospitem & incolumem praestet . Sic vovent To the Right Honourable and Right Reverend Father in God , the Lord Bp. of London , Chancellour of the University of OXFORD . Honori Tuo addictissimi Clientes , Magistri & Scholares Universit . Oxon. Mr. BRUCH è Coll. AEn . Nas. Procurat . Mr. DOUGHTY è Coll. Merton . Procurat . S. in Christo. Sir , THese are to Pray and Require you in his Majesties name , that a Book lately Printed at Oxford , and made by Mr. Page of All Souls-College , be presently put to sale and published . It is , as I am inform'd , in defence of the Canon of the Church about Bowing at the name of JESUS , and modestly and well written . And his Majesty likes not , that a Book boldly and ignorantly written by Mr. Prinne against the Church , should take place , as the Churches Opinion against her self , or as unable to be answered by the Church . If Mr. Page stick at your Commands , shew this Letter for your Warrant and his . So I leave you to the Grace of God , and shall ever rest , Fulham . June 22. Your Loving Friend , GVIL . London . The occasion of this Letter was , that Mr. Baker , Secretary to my Predecessour , ( who no doubt , was privy to the business ) had written to Mr. Page touching the contrary ; whose Letter here follows . Good Mr. Page , MY Lord of Canterbury is inform'd , that you are publishing a Treatise touching the Question of Bowing at the Name of JESUS , an Argument , wherein Mr. Widdowes foolishly , and Mr. Prinne scurrilously , have already , to the scandal and disquiet of the Church , exercised their Pens . His Grace hath formerly shew'd his dislike of them both , and hearing , that you take up the Bucklers in a Theme of so small necessity , and of so great heat and distemper , which will draw on new Replies , ( for Prinne will not sit down , as an idle Spectatour ) and beget bitterness and intestine contestations at home amongst our selves , he is much offended , that you do stickle and keep on foot such questions , which may better be spoiled and silenced , than maintain'd and draw into sideings and partakings . And therefore I am wish'd to advise you to withdraw your self from these or the like domestick broils ; and if your Treatise be at the Press , to give it a stop and check , and by no means to suffer the same to be divulged . For if you do , notwithstanding this Admonition , proceed in the same intention of publishing it , you will repent you , and perhaps draw more on your self of trouble and discontent , than you will reap Credit or Advantage by the pursuance of so useless an Argument . If you were out of your Cell , and saw the World abroad , you would not meddle with things of this nature , wherein the Governours and chief Pilots of the Church discern more harm and tempest to the Church , than you , that are unacquainted with Ecclesiastical Estate , and the well ordering of it , can any way by Speculation attain unto ; no more , than a Scholar , that can read a Lecture of Theorical Musick , is able to play on a Lute or a Viol by his Bookish Rules , and proportions of Sounds , which are there taught . I pray you to look hereunto , and say , that a Friend advised you . And put not your self on a Business , whereof you see but the Beginning . So with my Love remembred unto you , I rest , Lambeth . May. 31. 1631. Your very loving Friend Will. Baker . S. in Christo. AFter my hearty Commendations , &c. The year is now at an end of my Vice-Chancellour's Government . And when I look back upon it , I must needs acknowledge , he hath taken a great deal of pains , and shew'd himself a very discreet , able , and worthy Governour : And in all the passages of this year , I do not find , but that he hath given you all great satisfaction ; especially , in his Care for Order and Formalities ; which , I hope , you will so far like , as that you will make it away to recover the Ancient Honour of that famous University in things of greater Consequence . And though the University be full of able and discreet Governours ; ( to whom we shall , God willing , hereafter commit this Office of Trust ) yet because I have found Dr. Smith's great Care in this former year , and because the First year doth but enable his Experience the better to manage the Second ; I am desirous to put him to this years pains also ; And do therefore make choice of him to be my Vice-Chancellour for this year following . These are therefore to pray and require you to allow of this my Choice of Dr. Smith , and to give him the best Counsel and Assistance in all businesses , which may any way concern the Government and the Honour of that famous University . And so I bid you very heartily farewel , and rest , To my Loving Friends , the Vicechancellour , the Doctors , the Proctours , and the rest of the Convocation of the Vniversity of Oxford . Fulham . July 4. 1631. Your very loving Friend and Chancellour , GVIL . London . S. in Christo. AFter my hearty Commendations , &c. I have made all the convenient speed I can , ( as you well know ) to have the Body of the Statutes of the University digested into Order , and made fit for present use , as occasions might be offer'd , and still heartily pray you for the quickning of that work . For by that Delay , which hath been made , a great inconvenience hath been like to arise to the prejudice of the Privileges of the University . For whereas I thought the Moderation and ordering of Fees in the University , if any thing be amiss therein , might have staid , till that Body of Statutes had been drawn up , and then have been rectifi'd under the Head belonging to it ; it seem's now far otherwise . For I find , that a Friend of the University's gave intimation to some Heads of Colleges of some things , which might be very prejudicial to your Privileges , if they did proceed . I knew his Majesty had given out a Commission to Examine Fees , and that the Commissioners were quick and strict ; but I had never seen the Commission ; nor did I so much as dream , that the Universities were included ; or that his Majesty had any purpose , they should that way be look'd into . And therefore when Dr. Bancroft came unto me directed by Mr. Vice-Chancellour and divers of the Heads of Houses upon the aforesaid information , to make search after the Commission , and privately to acquaint me with it , and to desire my Endeavour with his Majesty , that no foreign Commission might come in , to the prejudice of the University Privilege ; I was much troubled at it . And the more , because I found , things had been so privately carry'd from the knowledge of the Chancellours of both Universities . But it fell out exceeding well , that I had notice of this business . For within few days after , my Lord of Holland , upon like Information , had speech with me about it . But his Majesties resolutions for proceeding put us both to seek what course to take , till at last we resolved to go Both together to him , and humbly to move him in the University's behalf , that no Foreign Power might be sent to the prejudice of their Privileges . And after much Debate , his Majesty was at last very graciously pleass'd to grant our requests : Provided , that each University respectively would meet , and by themselves reform , whatsoever was found amiss in any Fees received and taken by any in the University , of what Office or Condition soever . And that this Reformation of Fees should be made according to the Letter and Tenour of his Commission . Hereupon he presently called for Mr. Secretary Cook , and commanded him to direct a Letter to the Chancellours of both the Universities , to give them Order for this business . Which Letters of his Majesty you shall find here inclosed : And the like are already gone to Cambridge . And I must , and do pray and require you , that they be published according to Course , and Register'd , and Obey'd in all Points , as is fitting : Assuring you , that if this be not done , his Majesties Commissioners will reform whatsoever you do not . And And for my part , I think 't is happy we came so timely to the knowledg of it . For if the Commissioners had once entred upon it , it would have been a matter of far greater difficulty to take them off , than it was now to stay them . And certainly , if ever it be my hap to know That honourable Personage , that gave the first Information I shall give him hearty Thanks for his Love to the Universities . For this breach once made upon your Privileges might have laid open a wider gap in many other particulars of like nature . When you have Register'd these Letters of his Majesty , I must pray you to send the Original back to me . And for the Business it self , because his Majesty look's for a speedy reformation , the best Counsel I can give you is this : That the Delegates , which have the consideration of the Statutes now before them , may , by your direction and command , take the Head about Fees next into Consideration , and settle that business presently , that the other University may not outstrip us in Obedience to his Majesty . Thus not doubting of your Care herein , nor of the University's conformity ; and expecting as present remedy of this Abuse , as may be made , I leave you to the Grace of God , and rest , To my Loving Friends , the Vice-Chancellour , the Doctors , the Proctours , and the rest of the Convocation of the University of OXFORD . Fulham July 4. 1631. Your Loving Friend , and Chancellour , GVIL . London . The Tenor of the King's Letters Follow 's , CHARLES R. RIGHT trusty , and Right well beloved Cousin and Counsellour , and Right Reverend Father in God , Right trusty and well-beloved Counsellour , We greet you well . We have long had a gracious Intendment for the good of our Subjects to rectifie the Proceedings of all Courts and other Places , as well within Liberties as without , in matter of their Fees and Duties which they Challenge . To this purpose We have granted a Commission to some Lords of our Privy Council and others , to Examine what they find amiss , that a remedy may be found for the Abuse , where and in whomsoever it is , and the Fees of all Officers , and Courts reduced to that which they were found to be allow'd in the Eleventh year of Queen Elizabeth of famous memory : And this Commission we shall pursue , till we have setled those things with Honour and Justice to the great ease of all our Loving Subjects . Now whereas you , taking notice of this our Intendment to reduce the Fees of both our Universities , ( where you are our Chancellours ) as well as other places to the same Standard , have made humble suit to Us , that this Commission may not trench upon the Liberties granted to the Universities by our Royal Progenitors : These are first to let you know , that We will as carefully preserve the Rights and Privileges of our Vniversities , as We or our Progenitors have given or confirmed them : And then , that our further VVill and Pleasure is , that presently ( to prevent our Commission ) you write expresly to your Deputy-Governours in either University , to VVill and Require them in Our Name , to rectifie and reduce all Fees given to Officers , Readers , Bedels , Registers , or others , for Degrees , or any thing else , to That quantity which they bore in the said Eleventh year of Queen Elizabeth . For the Abuse is great and burdensome unto them , which bring up their Sons in Learning : And We will remedy it by Our Commission , if you ( according to your Places ) do not see it remedy'd to our hands . And We are the more Careful for Our Universities ; Because we have not forgotten , that Our Royal Father of ever blessed Memory gave Bountiful Gifts to supply divers wants There , which We assure Our self were not given , but with an intent , that when they were possessed , the Fees should lessen , at least return to that just proportion , to which we have limited them in our Commission . So We grant your Suit , not to break the Liberties of our Universities , by sending another Power upon them : But withal , We require you both , to send to our several Universities rsepectively , that VVe may have present Redress of this Abuse ; and that a Table may be made according to the elevene th of Queen Elizabeth , and hung up in the Congregation , and in some convenient place in every College and Hall , that every man may know , what Fees he is to pay , and no man presume to take beyond the Allowance in that Table , as he will answer it at his Peril : And we shall look for an Accompt of this from you both respectively . Given under our Signet at To Our Right trusty and Right Wellbeloved Cousin and Counsellour , Henry Earl of Holland , Chancellour of Our University of Cambridg : And to the Right Reverend Father in God , Our Right Trusty and Welbeloved Counsellour , VVilliam Lord Bishop of London , Chancellour of our University of OXFORD . Reverendissime Cancellarie , GRatias agimus periculis quae te reddunt nobis indies chariorem , & lumen pretiumque adjiciunt tam Vigilis Patroni merito . Rem perdifficilem eluctabimur , si operâ tuâ non simus foelicissimi . In moderandis Academiae fraenis , nunquid opus est oculatiori Providentiâ ? Tu quidem vix emicantia periculorum semina à longinquo praevides , eaque aut prudenter caves aut fortiter evellis . Nunquid opus est anxietate & curâ ? ubi nusquam occurrit periculum , sollicitè circumspicis , indagare non desinis , quod metuis invenire , ac totus quieti nostrae insomnis incubas . At nunquid suavi opus est in adducendo militiâ ? Non sinis imponi nobis vim necessitatis , vel in iis etiam , quae ad nostrum spectant emolumentum : Sed aequè sanandi modo ac ipsi consulens sanitati , aut ea imperas , quae sponte volumus , aut prius velle fias ea , quae imperas : Ac tum demum , ubi voti ardor incaluit eundem Obsequii studio ingeminatum accendis , non segniùs , quam ventus secundo flamine proni impellit cursum fluenti . Liberalium amici Artium sub Feodorum onere , & graduum venalium caritate jam diu suspirarunt , diu tacuerunt . Quibus aderat morbi eradicandi & animus & potestas , defuit exequendi ansa : donec Medicus Epidemicus , hoc ulcus ubique recisurus , utpote in Curiis universis grassatum , nos itidem , quamvis à saeculo seclusos , communi tamen peste laborantes , communis convolvisset asperitate remedii , & Exoticae Potestati tradidisset unâ corrigendos . Vtilis fuit medicina , invisa manus ; sanari optabile , sanari verò à parùm benevolis fuit quaedam Foelicitatis miseria : praesertimcum in Extraned Censurâ Exemplum lateret , viamque sterneret usurpabili Laicorum tyrannidi . Quid ergo dicemus , Regi in mentem venisse , ut nos dormiscentes solummodo expergefaceret ? Certè eâ mole fertur Majestas , ut semel commota aegrè possit vel ipsa se sistere . Expergesecit quidem , sed quod nihil tentavit amplius , Tui opus Patrocinii agnoscimus . Benignitati Augustae Deo cum proximae tum simillimae tribuendum , primò quòd nostri causâ excanduit , tum posteà quòd nobis domesticam proprii sinûs animadversionem indulsit : Sed quod Regem priùs pacatum invenimus , quam iratum , & mente subito compositum , quasi rugas ideo tantum induisset , ut exueret , hoc sagaci tuae Providentiae , & maturo tribuimus Intercessui . O Aulae & Academiae vinculum ! O qui Regem nobis per lenitatem , Nos Regi per obsequium attemperas , sive plus nostri affectûs , sive gratitudinis , sive obedientiae velis , nequid unquam , quod velis , desit , cape ad summum omnia . Nobis dulce erit Prudentiae tuae animum summissè dedere in durissimis : Sed levamini commodoque nostro aurem morigeram praebere , & jussu subire , quae ultro expetimus , quantâ hilaritatis ecstasi properemus ! Sub tali jugo incurvari lucnum est . Crescit ex imperio libertas ; dominatur , dum paret , E. domo nostrae Congregationis . July 25. 1631. Honori vestro devinctissima , Oxonien . Academia . July 26 1631. The first Stone of my Building at St. John Baptist's College was laid . NOW that this intended Good may come the fuller upon the University , a great help must come from you and your Successors , from time to time in That Office. And first , while the awe of this is upon them , you must call for the present performance of those things , which his Majesty enjoyned ; especially , the present drawing up of the Statutes concerning Appeals , and of the standing Delegacy of the Heads of Colledges and Halls , to meet every week or every fortnight at least , as well in Vacation as Term , both to consider of the present businesses of the University , and to prepare such things , as are fit for Convocation . Which Statutes of this Delegacy , and the Appeals were they once settled , would ease half of the business of the University , and repay all the pains that is or can be taken about them . Next , I pray call the Heads together , and give them warning concerning their several Companies , That no man of what degree soever ( and therefore much less Youths ) be suffered to go in Boots and Spurs together with their Gowns . And if any Head of a House permit it in his own College , whither my Authority reaches not , I shall complain where he will be unwilling to Answer . And for your self I pray and require you , that if any man be seen abroad with them in Town out of his College , you presently proceed against him according to such 〈◊〉 , as you have De 〈◊〉 Scholastico , &c. And the like for haunting of Inns or Taverns , or other Drinking-Houses , 〈◊〉 Masters of Arts , that should give younger Youths better example . And that all Bachelours of Arts , as well 〈◊〉 as others , receive a strict command by their several Governours , that while 〈◊〉 any 〈◊〉 they pass along the 〈◊〉 or any publick place , they uncover their heads and do that reverence which beseems them , to any Doctor , Bachelour of Divinity , Master of Arts , or Bachelour of Law or 〈◊〉 , whom they shall meet or be in presence with . And that you proceed to the punishment of all such as fail in this kind . And 〈◊〉 I pray acquaint Dr. Prideaux and Dr. 〈◊〉 , that I will look they shall read their several Lectures as the Statutes require . And if they read treatably , that their younger Auditors may observe by writing ( if they please ) one Lecture may be broken into many , to their own great 〈◊〉 , and the greater profit of them that hear them , and a Face of the University be kept in that particular . And last of all , these are strictly to require you , that since his Majesty hath so lately and fully exprest himself for the keeping of his Declaration in all points , that you shew your self very careful in that particular , and that you proceed impartially against Delinquents any way , that neither one nor the other may have cause to say , that you favour a Party . And you have great reason to be watchful in this , because you know it was objected against you at Woodstock in Dr. Potter's Case : which though it appeared palpably false , yet it may and ought to be a Summons to you to look warily to your self . And some eye it is fit you should bear towards me even in this particular , that my Government be not slandered by it . Septem . 23. 1631. GVIL . London . In this year there arose a great stir in the University by some factious men , which laboured to disturb the Government both in their Sermons and in Convocation , and by secret Plotings . Their profest aim was , to dissolve the Delegacy appointed for the ordering and settling of the Statutes , and to set the Proctours , in as cunning a way as they could , against the Chancellor , till they had almost brought all Disorder into the U niversity . How far they proceeded , and what issue their plots had , will appear in the Acts following . The Head of all these Tumultuous stirs was by violent presumptions conceived to be one whom it least became for his Coat-sake : And I shall spare his name , rather for his Coat than himself . Right Reverend , My Honourable Good Lord , I Have not hitherto troubled your Lordship with Letters of Information concerning any of our University-affairs , knowing into what sufficient hands you have committed the trust of them , from whence I imagine you receive a weekly account . But such hath been the height of our late Disorders both without and within the Pulpit , that should I not some way express , that I am troubled with it , I might be thought a very insensible Member of this Body , which you govern . For these late stirs are not of an Ordinary nature ; but strike at the very Root of Government , which now lies bleeding . The Vicechancellor's d power is Questioned : The Proctours , that should assist him , receive the Appeals of Delinquents from him : The Delegates such , as are rather Parties than Judges . And I could wish this were all . But this Gangrene will spread farther . For the University by these means is likely to become the Seed-plot of Mutiners , to 〈◊〉 both Church and Common-wealth with . But my comfort is , that the way of their own Choosing , the way of Appeal , ( which it may be at first they did not think of ) must at last end before his Sacred Majesty : For there is nothing left but the Voice of such a Power to allay this Storm . The whole University , though with several affections , stands now at Gaze : And the end of this Business must either prove an awful peace , or the letting loose of all Confusion . My Duty to my King , my Love to Peace , and my respect to your Lordship hath commanded this Letter from me ; which if you please to pardon , you will tread in the steps of your former goodness , and oblige me to the continuance of my prayers for you , whom you shall ever find Ch. Ch. Aug. 1. 1631. Your Lordships most humble and true servant Brian Duppa . To the King 's Most Excellent Majesty . The humble Petition of WILLIAM SMITH , Dr. of Divinity , and Vicechancellor of the Vniversity of OXFORD . WHereas of late the Peace of your Majesties University of Oxford hath been much disturbed through the Sedicious practices of some distemper'd Spirits , who have not only in their Sermons presum'd to handle divers points of Doctrin prohibited by your Majesties strait Command ; but also by some not obscure passages have endeavoured to fasten the imputation of Apostacy and Back-sliding upon some Persons of Eminent quality there and elsewhere : And whereas one Thomas Foord , having in a late Sermon of his at S. Maries offended in that kind , was thereupon by your humble Petitioner ( according to the Statutes of the University ) convented , and required to exhibit a Copy of his Sermon : And upon his Refusal so to do , was therefore commanded to Prison : He likewise contrary to his Oath disobeying that command also : And Appealing from your Petitioner to the Congregation-house ( which by the Statutes of the University , in that case of breach of Peace , he might not do ) : The Proctors notwithstanding ( which should have assisted your Petitioner ) received the Appeal , and the major part of the Delegates entertained it ( to the wrong both of your humble Petitioner and the Government of the University ) and quitted the said Foord , as not guilty of the Perturbation of the Peace . And whereas upon this Sentence of theirs , your humble Petitioner finding himself aggrieved , appealed to the House of Convocation , through default of Appearance of a major part of Delegates appointed thereunto , your humble Petitioners Cause ( being there deserted and let fall ) is at lengh according to the Statutes of the University , devolved into your sacred Majesties hands : And whereas one Giles Thorne , by a scandalous Sermon of his lately preached in the same Place , hath likewise farther disturbed the Peace of the University , and more are like to follow ( especially not wanting Abettors to give them encouragement ) unless some speedy course be taken for prevention . The humble suit therefore of your Majesties poor Petitioner is , that out of your special Clemency always plentifully extended towards the Church , and her Seminaries , your Majesty would be graciously pleased to take into your own Royal Consideration , the preservation of the Peace and Tranquillity of your University , and of the Authority of her Governours against the Practices of such , as under the colour of Religion or Liberty oppugn both Church and Civil Government : That so these Troubles of the University may have a present end by your Majesty's happy Coming so near it . And your humble Petitioner shall pray , &c. IN Dei nomine , Amen . Coram vobis Notario publico , publicâqu & authenticâ personâ , ac testibus fide dignis hic praesentibus , Ego Guilielmus Smith Sacrae Theologiae Professor , Vniversitatis Oxon. Vicecancellarius ac Commissarius legitimè constitutus , animo Appellandi , déque nullitate & nullitatibus omnibus & singulis infrà scriptis aequè principaliter querelandi , omnibus melioribus viâ , modo , & juris formâ , quibus meliùs aut efficaciùs de jure debeo aut possum , nec non ad omnem & quemcunque Juris & Facti effectum exinde quovismodo sequi valentem , dico , allego , & in his scriptis in jure propono ; Quòd cum nos praefatus Vicecancellarius ex Officio nostro ritè & legitimè procedentes contra quendam Thomam Forde de Aulâ S. Mariae Magd. in Vniversitae Oxon. Clericum , Artium Magistrum , occasione cujusdam Concionis in Ecclesiâ parochiali B. Mariae Virginis Oxon. per dictum Thomam Ford die Dominico , viz. duodecimo die mensis Junii ultimò praeteriti , palam in praesentiâ nostrâ in coetu . Academico habitae & factae , eundem Thomam Forde personaliter requisitum & monitum per Nos ad Nobis exhibendam in scriptis Concionem suam praedictam , seu veram copiam ejusdem , ut legitimo examine insuper explorari posset , eo quòd ( ut ei per Nos objiciebatur ) continebat nonnulla , ad pacis & tranquillitatis dictae Vniversitatis & Ecclesiae perturbationem tendentia contra Jura & Statuta Regni , & Statuta Vniversitatis praedictae , ac contra Proclamationes & Declarationes Regiae Majestatis antehac , publicè editas & promulgatas , eidemque legitimae nostrae monitioni parere contumacitèr renuentem & recusantem , sexto die Julii ultimò praeteriti judicialiter procedentes , ob ejus in hâc parte contemptum & contumaciam Carceri mandaverimus , juxta Leges ac Statuta Vniversitatis praedictae , & laudabiles ejusdem Consuetudines in similibus usitatas : Cui etiam Mandato nostro idem Thomas Ford obsequi expresse recusaverit , & praetensam quandam Appellationem ad venerabilem Domum Congregationis Magistrorum Regentium intra dictam Vniversitatem , à nostro mandato sive decreto praedicto de facto utcunque interposuerit : Cujus praetensae Appellationis praetextu , Magister Atherton Bruche & Magister Johannes Doughtye , Procuratores Vniversitatis praedictae , quosdam Delegatos , authoritate ejusdem Domûs Congregationis nominarunt , ad audiendum & determinandum , utrum praedictus Thomas Forde reus fuerit Perturbationis Pacis in causâ habitâ coram nobis praedicto sexto die Julii . Quibus Delegatis dictam Commissionem acceptantibus , quidam eorundem Delegatorum , scilicet venerabiles Viri , Dr. Prideaux , Dr. Wilkinson , Dr. Hoode , Magister Hill , Mr. Hyde , Mr. Gerrard , Mr. Abbots , Mr. Howson , & Mr. Clay , se pro Judicibus Delegatis praedictis dictae vener abilis Domûs Congregationis utcunque gerentes , perperàm nulliter , iniquè & 〈◊〉 ( eorum Reverentiis semper salvis ) per omnia procedentes , quandam praetensam Sententiam , sive quoddam 〈◊〉 Judicium pro parte & in favorem 〈◊〉 . Tho. Forde , de facto , cùm de jure non potuerunt nec debuerunt , in scriptis ( ut asseritur ) tulerunt & promulg averunt : Per quod eorum praetensum Judicium antedictum Tho. Forde non fuisse reum perturbationis Pacis , in causâ , quae coram nobis habita erat in Camerâ nostrâ in Collegio Wadhami dicto sexto die Julii ultimò praeteriti , absque Causae cognitione , Jurisque ac Judiciorum & Statutorum Vniversitatis praedictae ordine minimè observato , sed penitùs spreto & praetermisso , utcunque pronunciaverunt & declaraverunt . In omnibus etiam injustè , perperàm , nullitèr de facto & iniquè ( eorum Reverentiis semper salvis ) tam ex eorum praetenso officio , quam ad instantiam , petitionem , procurationem , sollicitationem , & persuasionem dicti Thomae Forde subdo . las , iniquas , & injustas , in mei 〈◊〉 Vicecancellarii , dictique Officii mei , & boni regiminis dictae Vniversitatis Oxon. grave damnum 〈◊〉 non modicum & gravamen . Vnde Ego praefatus Vicecancellarius sentiens me ex praemissis gravaminibus , nullitatibus , iniquitatibus , injustitiis , & injuriis omnibus & singulis , ex actis , factis , & gestis praetensis dictorum venerabilium Virorum praetensorum Judicum Delegatorum colligibilibus , & praesertim ex eorum praetensâ Declaratione sive Pronunciatione praefati Thomae Forde non esse reum perturbationis Pacis in dictâ Causâ per nos contra eum , ut praefertur , motâ sive habitâ , indebitè praegravari , ab eisdem & eorum quolibet ad venerabilem Domum Convocationis Doctorum & Magistrorum Regentium & non-Regentium intra dictam Vniversitatem Oxon , debitis loco & tempore Appellavi . In quâ Domo , Authoritate ejusdem , per Procuratores praedictos nominabantur & dabantur Delagati ad audiendum & determinandum dictam causam sive gravamen meum . Quorum Delegatorum major pars primo die per Statuta dictae Vniversitatis assignati loco solito convenerunt , dictamque Causam sive gravamen meum audierunt , & pro ulteriori ejusdem causae expeditione continuarunt & prorogarunt eorum jurisdictionem in proximum diem extunc sequentem . Quo die adveniente , dicta major pars Delegatorum praedictorum eandem causam meam rursus audierunt , & deinde prorogarunt & continuarunt eorum jurisdictionem , & assignarunt ad audiendum eorum Sententiam sive finale Judicium in dictâ Causâ in diem proximum extunc sequentem , Scil. in tertium sive ultimum diem juxta formam Statutorum praedictae Vniversitatis pro eorum jurisdictione indultum . Et dicto tertio die adveniente , major pars , prout requiritur , dictorum Delegatorum non convenerunt , ita ut dicta Causa mea debitum finem sive effectum sortiri non potuerit . Et sic Causam meam sive gravamen meum indeterminatum reliquerunt , mihi eâ ratione justitiam denegando ; it ut praedicta mea Appellatio inanis fieret periensque sine fructu ad instantiam , procurationem , sive sollicitationem dicti Thomae Forde subdolas , iniquas , & injustas , in mei grave damnum praejudiciumque non modicum & gravamen . Vnde Ego praefatus Vicecancellarius , sentiens me ex praemissis gravaminibus mihi per dictos Delegatos Domûs Convocationis dicto tertio die eorum jurisdictionis , ut praemittitur , non convenientes , & ex illorum mihi denegatione justitiae , ut praefertur , illatis , multipliciter laesum & gravatum esse , ab eisdem & eorum quolibet ad Serenissimum in Christo Principem & Dominum nostrum , Carolum Dei gratiâ Angliae , Scotiae , Franciae , & Hiberniae Regem , Fidei Defensorem , &c. ( Cujus protectioni me & Causam meam humiliter submitto ) ritè & legitimè in his scriptis Appello & provoco , Apostolosque peto primò , secundò , & tertiò instanter instantiùs , & instantissimè , mihi fieri , edi , tradi , & deliberari cum effectu . Et protestor , quod non sunt decem seu saltem quindecim dies , adhuc plenè elapsi , ex quo mihi de praemissis gravaminibus per dictos Delegatos Domûs Convocationis , ut praefertur , illatis , certitudinaliter constabat & constat : Quodque in praesentiâ dictorum Judicum Delegatorum praedictae Domûs Convocationis Appellarem , si eorum praesentias commodè habere potuissem : Et protestor insuper , de corrigendo & reformando has meas Appellationes & Querelas , & easdem in meliorem & competentiorem formam redigendo , & de eisdem addendo , & ab eisdem detrahendo , & de intimando easdem omnibus & singulis , quorum interest seu interesse poterit quovismado , juxta Jurisperitorum consilium , pro loco & tempore congruis & opportunis , prout moris est , juris , atque styli . Super quibas omnibus & singulis peto à te Notario publico Instrumentum publicum sive Instrumenta publica , unum sive plura , mihi confici , Testesque hic praesentes testimonium inde perhibere . Lecta & interposita fuit haec Appellatio octavo die Augusti Anno Domini 1631. Annoque regni Domini nostri Caroli Dei gratiâ Angliae , Scotiae , Franciae , & Hiberniae Regis , Fidei Defendoris , &c. Septimo , in Hospitio Guardiani Collegii Wadhami in Vniversitate Oxon. intra Collegium praedictum notoriè situato , per venerabilem Virum Guillelmum Smith , Sacrae Theologiae Professorem , Collegii Wadhami praedicti Guardianum , atque 〈◊〉 Oxon. Vicecancellarium , qui tunc & ibidem appellavit , Apostolos petiit , protestatus & querelatus est , 〈◊〉 caetera fecit & exercuit in omnibus & per omnia , prout in hujusmodi Protocollo continetur , In praesentiâ mei Notarii Publici subscripti , praesentibus etiam tunc & ibidem testibus subscriptis ad praemissa testificanda specialiter rogatis , scil . Venerabilibus Viris Guilielmo 〈◊〉 Legum Doctore , Decano Ecclesiae Cathedralis Wigorn. & Richardo Zouch Legum Doctore , nec non Richardo Mathew Literato . Ita testor Guil. Juxon . Rich. Zouch . Ric. Mathew . Humfridus Jones , Notarius Publicus . Upon this Petition and Appeal , his Majesty coming that year in progress to Woodstock , he resolved to hear the Cause Himself , and put an end to those Factious and Disorderly courses , which were grown too heady for any other Hand . And upon 〈◊〉 , Aug. 23. his Majesty , in the presence of all the Lords of his Counsel , which were with him ( divers Heads of Colleges being also present ) heard at large all Complaints and Grievances on either side : And concluded , That both the Proctours should in the next Convocation resign their Offices , and Two other of the same Colleges be put in their Places : And that Thomas Ford of Magdalen-hall , Giles Thorne of Baliol College , and John Hodges of Exeter College , should be banish'd the University : And that Doctor Prideaux , Rector of Exeter College , and Dr. Wilkinson , Principal of Magdalen , should then and there receive , in the presence of the King and the Lords , a publick and sharp Reprehension for their misgovernment and countenancing the Factious Parties . The Lord Viscount Dorchester , then Principal Secretary of State , was commanded to deliver this Sentence from the King , which he did accordingly , and gave the Reprehension as was enjoyned : The King himself then publickly Declaring , that Dr. Prideanx deserved to lose his Place more than any of the rest , but was content to spare him , partly because he had been His ancient Servant , and hoped he would look better to himself for the future , and partly because I intreated Favour for him . As for Francis Hide , who had been Proctor the former year , and was as mutinous as any of the rest , he was out of the University when the Summons came for their Appearance before the King , and so kept himself till the Hearing was past : Yet nevertheless so much appeared against him , as that afterwards he was glad to come in , and make his submission , that he might escape so . Then his Majesty commanded Secretary Dorchester to write a Letter for Him to Sign , and to be sent to the University , and in Convocation to require the performance of this Sentence in every particular . This Letter was written and sent accordingly ; and the Tenor of it follows in haec verba . At WOODSTOCK , Aug. 23. 1631. CHARLES , R. TRusty and wellbeloved , We greet you well . Having at full length , and with good Deliberation , heard the Cause concerning the late great Disorders and Disobedience to Government in That Our University of Oxford , and being moved by the greatness of the offences to Punish some persons according to their several Demerits , and to Order some things for the more settled and constant Government of That our University hereafter : Our Will and Pleasure is , That you forthwith upon the receipt hereof , call a Convocation for performing and registring these Our Sentences and Decrees , as followeth . And first , We pronounce your Appeal to be just , And return Tho. Forde of Magdelane Hall , Giles Thorne of Baliol College , and William Hodges of Exeter College ( whose Causes were likewise submitted unto Us ) unto your power , And command you that forthwith they be all three Banish'd the University , according as your Statutes in that behalf require . Secondly , Because the Proctours , which should have been Assistants to the Vicechancellour , and Helps for upholding of Authority and Government , have most unworthily behaved themselves in countenancing all manner of Disobedience , in receiving Appeals in case of manifest perturbation and breach of Peace , and by their cunning practicing after these Appeals received , especially Thorne's , whose Contumacy was notorious , and his Sermon base : Therefore for them , Our Pleasure and Command is , as was yesterday delivered unto themselves , that they shall presently resign their Office in Convocation according to Course , as if their year had been fully expired , and the two Colleges , of which they are , may name two others to succeed in their Office the rest of the year , to be chosen and settled according to your late Statutes made in that behalf . And for the Execution of this , you are ( as we have before order'd ) presently to call a Convocation , and publish this Our Sentence , and proceed accordingly . Thirdly , For Francis Hyde of Christchureh , and Richard Hill of Brazen Nose , we require , that so soon as they return to Our University , you warn them to be in a readiness , and give notice to your Chancellour , when they are there , that they may be sent for to Answer such things as are laid against them : And when they are heard , they shall receive such Sentence , as the merits of their Cause deserve . Now for the things which we think fit to settle presently in That Government , they are these . First , VVe Command , that if the Vicechancellour for the time being think fit to call for any Man's Sermon , which upon his own hearing , or complaint made by any other , seems offensive in any kind , the Party of what Degree soever he be , shall deliver a true and perfect Copy to the Vicechancellour upon Oath , which when he hath perused , he shall Convent him , if he find cause , either by the Statute of Le cester , ( as it is call'd ) or by the later Statute of the 〈◊〉 Doctors , at the Vicechancellours choice , until at this New settling of your Statutes one entire and absolute Statute be made of Both. Secondly , That if the Vicechancellour find cause to Command any man to Prison , the Party so Commanded and sent by a Beadle , shall ( for so the Statutes require ) presently submit , and go quietly to Prison : And if they do not , That Refusal shall be as a Breach of the Peace , and not have any Appeal Thirdly , We Command , that the Delegates , which at this present are in hand with the Statutes , make all the speed that possibly they can , for the finishing of that Great and Excellent Work ; yet so as that presently they lay all other Statutes aside , till they have drawn up two Perfect and sufficient Statutes for Causes of Appeal , the one in matters of Instance , and those things , that belong to the Chancellour's Court There ; the other for all kind of Appeals in other Causes whatsoever ; and that they keep as near to the ancient Statutes of our University as possibly they can , so as they may also meet with all the present Inconveniences . And likewise that they presently draw up the form of another Statute for the weekly Meeting every Monday in Term and out of Term of all the Heads of Colleges and Halls , that shall be in Town , to consider of the Peace and Government of our University , as occasion , may arise : That so all things may be deliberately put ( when there is Cause ) to the Convocation according to such Directions , as we shall give to your Chancellour , from whom you shall receive them . And these Our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant on this behalf . Given under Our Signet , at Our Honour of Woodstock the 24th day of August in the seventh year of Our Reign . 1631. IN Convocatione habit a 26 die Augusti 1631. promulgata sunt Edicta à Serenissima Regis Majestate ad Venerabilem Virum , Doctorem Smith , Sacrae Theologiae Professorem , & Vice-Cancellarium Vniversitatis Oxon. missa , in quibus Sententia Serenissimi Regis priùs ore tenus lata de Thomâ Forde , AEgidio Thorne , & Johanne Hodges ex Academia exterminandis , tum de Athertono Bruch & Johanne Doughtye Procuratoribus munere Procuratorioprivandis , nune scriptis consignata , ac privato Sigillo munita ; Ac insuper Edict a quaedam Regia circa Concionum Censuram , & Appellandi potestatem , aliaque ad Regimen Academiae spectantia , transmissa sunt ad Venerabilem Vice-Cancellarium . Deinde perfectis hiscè Regis Literis , Procuratores Regio mandato alacriter Morem gerentes Officii sui Insignia humillimè deposuerunt . Et Venerabilis Vir , Doctor Ratcliffe Principalis Collegii AEnei-Nasi , & Magister Turner Collegii Merton . Vice-Custos , juxta factam sibi à Serenissima Re = gis Majestate potestatem alios Procuratores ex iisdem Collegiis substituendi praesentarunt egregios viros à se juxta novissima Statuta Regia nominatos : Ille scilicet Magistrum Laurentium Washington Collegio AEnei-Nasi ; Hic vero Magistrum Johannem Erles è Collegio Merton , ut pro eo quod superat istius unni admitterentur ad munus Procuratorium obeundum . Deinde proestitis per praefatos Magistrum Erles & Washington respectivè juramentis de supremâ Regiae Majestatis authoritate agnoscendâ , de Fidelitate sive Allegiantiâ , nec non de officiis Procuratorum fideliter praestandis , juxta Statuta & Decreta in eu parte edita & provisa , admissi respectivè fuerunt ad officia Procuratoria , & statim iisdem Dominus Vice-Cancellarius officiorum Insignia in manus tradidit , viz. Claves & Libros . Deinde hujusmodi Dispensatio petita erat . Supplicant Venerabili Convocationi Doctorum , Magistrorum Regentium & non-Regentium Procuratores partis hujus anni , ut differatur eorum Computus in diem , quando reddendus sit Computus pro uno anno integro . Conceditur simpliciter . Cum nos Guilielmus Smith Sacrae Theologiae Professor , Honoratissimi Cancellarii Vniversitatis Oxon. Commissarius sive Vice-Cancellarius , contra Thomam Forde Clericum , Magistrum Artium , ex Aula St. Mariae Magd. in Vniversitate Oxon. AEgidium Thorne Clericum , S. Theol. Bac. è Collegio Baliol. & Guilielmum Hodges Clericum , Magistrum Artium , Collegii Exon. Socium , Vniversitatis praedictae pro quibusdem pravis & offensivis assertionibus sive Materiis contra Edicta Regia , & ad perturbationem pacis & tranquilitais Vniversitatis Oxon. notoriè tendentibus in quibusdam eorum respectivè Concionibus in Ecclesiae Beatae Mariae Virginis Oxon. Anno instante , viz. 1631. & Mensibus ejusdem traditis & promulgatis juxta Statuta Vniversitatis praedictae , & Edicta Regia processimus ; & deinde Causis eisdem ad Regiam Majestatem devolutis iidem praedicti Thomas Forde , AEgidius Thorne , & Guilielmus Hodges coram Serenissima Regia Majestate , Regiis suis Consiliariis assidentibus legitimè & judicialiter citati & comparentes de eisdem pravis assertionibus sive materiis in eorum respective Concionibus praedictis aliisque enormibus legitimè etiam convicti fuerint : Vnde Serenissima Majestas Regia , habito Honoratissimorum Consiliariorum suorum Consilio eosdem singulos ab Vniversitate praedictâ Banniendos & expellendos fore decreverit , & nobis Banniendos & expellendos mandaverit , & remisserit ; Idcirco Nos , Guilielmus Smith , Vice-Cancellarius & Commissarius antedictus , praefatos Thomam Forde , AEgidium Thorne , & Guilielmum Hodges juxta mandatum Regium & Statuta dict ae Vniversitatis erga ejusmodi Delinquentes provisa , Privilegiis Vniversitatis privandos & exaendos fore , & à finibus ej usdem expellendos , exterminandos , & banniendos fore decernimus , prout eosdem Thomam , AEgidium , & Guilielmum & ipsorum quemlibet sic privamus , exuimus , expellimus , exterminamus , & bannimus , ipsorumque quemlibet pro sic privato , exuto , expulso , exterminato , & bannito declaramus & publicamus : Intimantes etiam iisdem , & eorum cuilibet quòd intra quatuor dies proximè post publicationem praesentium ab Vniversitate praedicta & finibus ejusdem recedant , & exeant , recedat & exeat : Monentes & intimantes peremptoriè & per praesentes sic monemus , quòd nullus infra Praecinctum Vniversitatis praedictos Thomam , AEgidium , & Guilielmum , aut eorum aliquem acceptet , foveat , aut defendat sub poenâ juris . Dat. sub Sigillo Officii Cancelariatûs Vniversitatis Oxon. vicesimo die mensis Augusti , Anno Dom. 1631. In this year was the Chappel at Queen's = College Wainscotted . Right Reverend , my most Honoured good Lord , HOW much I am bound to thank my good God , who in the midst of trouble hath so much blessed me with your Lordship's grace and favour to rowl my self upon . In confidence , that through these Clouds by your Lordship's goodness and mediation the Royal favour of my most gracious and blessed Sovereign will shine upon me . Nemo proficiens erubescit , saith Tertul. No man is ashamed to relate the story of his offence , when he is come to himself , and begins to thrive in the way of a better opinion and judgment . It hath been my great grief and misery , but to be thought to be possessed with that damned Spirit of opposition , which in Publick exercise I have cryed down and conjured , or to give fire to any factious Spirit to rebel against Authority and the breath of Heaven . Omnis sermo ad forensem famam à domesticis emanat authoribus , saith the Orator . I know no malice can truly prevent the Credit of my words . I thank my God , I have been often an occasion of Peace , and quietness within my College ; Never was before engaged in any such mad affront , for which I shall ever condemn my self upon the Theater of my own Conscience , and suspect my Leaders . How easy a thing is it for some men in some eminent and leading places to give occasion to quiet and temperate Spirits to Rebel against their own Conscience and ingenuity ! Therefore ( saith St. Austin ) might the Example of Cato have prevailed much , when he slew himself , Non quia solus id fecerat , not because he alone had done so , Sed quia vir doctus & probus habebatur , but because he was esteemed to be a learned and an honest Man. Two glorious Titles , which touch and confine the hearts and affections of all good men , if they sometimes prove not false fires , to delude the World and cheat the weaker in their opinions . I must not much trespass upon your Lordship 's many serious and weighty affairs . How gladly would I enlarge and unbowel my self in any Style of true and hearty submission ! Mihi fama posthac vilius constabit . So beseeching the continuance of your Lordship's favourable respect , and good opinion of me , I shall be ever bound to pray for your Lordship's prosperity and happiness . From Brazen-Nose Coll. in Oxon. Octob. 23. 1631. Your Lordship 's most humble and devoted Servant , Rich. Hill. Right Reverend , and Right Honourable , IT hath added some degrees more to my Sorrows , that I have not given your Lordship better satisfaction . As my Tongue hath been the true and even Pulse of my Heart , so my desire is my Pen should be the true and plain expression . True it is , that the Example of Dr. Prideaux , my Father ( whom with Reverence I am to name ) too much ruled within my breast . For I could not in any Charity believe , that he , who had been so often Vice-Chancellour , would any way seem to betray or minorate the Authority and Power of that place . Besides ( that every man may rather bear his own burthen ) I confess that my own fancy doted so much upon that late 8th Edict , mistaking it both in its end and latitude . For it is impossible that any one Decree can in it self be so round and full ; as to meet so closely with all manner of Offenders in all circumstances and several Degrees of offences : much less seem any way to confine and bind the hands of authority from punishing according to discretion , even by virtue also of that general statute of obedience , which sweetly runs through all , and indeed is the golden Chain or main tye and link of all . By this , may it please your good Lordship , there was no malice here , but Error , and such an Error , that begot both in my self and others a strange mad stupidity , that one among ten could not be able , or so happy upon the suddain to look up to that power which is the rule and perfection , the life and Crown of all . I beseech your Lordship to set a period to these ( amidst many other ) the troubles of From Brazen Nose Coll. Oxon. Nov. 7th . 1631. Your Lordship 's ever truly devoted Servant , Rich : Hill. Right Worthy Sir , YOU cannot but know , ( tho' I think you have almost forgotten ) what high displeasure I am sallen into by my unfortunate attendance and behaviour in a Del gacy . Had my intentions been really , as foul , as information hath derived them to be , I should not now dare to entreat your pardon . I had not lately durst so near to have approached unto so great Integrity , as to wait upon your most Honorable Chancellour . His Lordship was pleased to vouchsafe me access ; was pleased to acquaint me with the charge of my guilt . To whom when my eadeavoured excuses ( for defence I thought not of ) could not yeild satisfaction , His Lordship ( as enclined to shew me favour ) commanded me to signifie thus much to you , as also to intimate , that he did expect to hear from you , what satisfaction you should conceive fit to be given by me for so publick an Injury . Sir , you best know my offence , and so what punishment it merits , as also ( which is my comfort ) what kind best sorts with ingenuity . In what Condition I now stand , I am severely sensible ; how to better it , I know not , Unless you shall vouchsafe by remitting those errours , which weakness of judgment ( not strength of Faction or disaffection to Authority ) engaged me in , to make me capable of favour . I humbly crave your pardon for so long interrupting your more serious employments , and shall wait for and submit unto whatsoever you shall be pleased to determine of , London , Nov. 13. 1631. Your Humble Servant , Francis Hyde , COnvocatio habita erat die Mercurii , viz. 15 die Decembris Anno Dom. 1631. in quâ venerabilis Vir Dr. Smith S. Theologiae Professor , & Almae Vniversitatis Oxon. Vice-Cancellarius , significavit venerabili Caetui Doctorum , Magistrorum regent . & non regent . Delegat . compilasse Statuta quaedam de Appellationibus , nec non Statutum aliud de Conventu Praefectorum Collegiorum & Aularum die Lunae cujuslibet septimanoe per totum annum , tam in Vacationum quam Terminorum temporibus juxta Edicta Serenissimae Regiae Majestatis Woodstochiae edita , & habita , & ad venerabilem domum Convocationis transmissa . Quae Statuta in eadem Convocatione promulgabantur , & unanimi assensu & consensu Doctorum , Magistrorum regent . & non regent . comprobabantur , quorum Capita hic sequuntur . 1. Quorum Appellationes recipiendae non sint . 2. De causis , in quibus dubitatur , Vtrum Appellatio admittenda sit necne 3. De Conventu Praefectorum Coll. & Aularum . His Statutis praelectis & approbatis comparuit Mr. Hodges coram venerabili Coetu Doctorum , Magistrorum Regent . & non Regent . per Edicta Serenissimae Regiae Majestatis ab Academiae finibus nuper exterminatus propter sua demerita , scilicet pro Concione in Ecclesiâ B. Mariae virginis infra Vniversitatem praedictam in Regias Injunctiones & Academiae tranquilitatem seditiose committendo & praedicando . Cui per Honoratissimum nostrum Cancellarium Serenissimus Rex ex summâsua Clementia Palinodiae , ac Recantationis favorem indulsit , & in spem pristinae Conditionis & restaurationis ad gremium Matris Academiae reduxit . Flexis itaque genibus , & animo officiosè devoto praedictus Mr. Hodges Sequentia legebat in scriptis manu suâ propriâ consignata . Quorum tenor sequitur , & est talis . I William Hodges do freely and sincerely acknowledge before this venerable Assembly of Convocation , that in a Sermon by me preach't in St Maries upon the 26th of June last past , I fell upon the delivery of those points , which by his Majesties Royal Injunctions were forbidden me to meddle withal , and therein I confess with hearty sorrow my great disobedience against his Sacred Majesty . Moreover I do likewise with hearty sorrow confess , that I did let fall some passages , that might be taken to the disparagement of the Government of the Church , in making erroneous and heretical opinions the way to preferment . All which , with the main current of my discourse might sound to sedition in the Ears of the present assembly : By this my great and inexcusable offence , I do freely acknowledge , that I have deserved the sharpest of Censures and severest of punishments ; and therefore that his Royal Majesty hath justly rewarded me for the same , it being an offence of so high a nature . And I have nothing at all to plead , but the Royal Mercy of my gracious Sovereign for my restitution to this famous University . This my Confession and Submission I do most humbly tender to the favourable acceptance of this Venerable House , craving the Pardon of the University in general , so more especially , of our most Honorable Chancellour , whom with all humility I beseech to present this my acknowledgement to his Majesties Sacred hand , as the pledge and ingagement both in present and for the future of my readiest obedience . William Hodges . I Thomas Hill , do freely and sincerely acknowledge before this Venerable Assembly of Convocation , that in a Sermon lately by me preach't in St. Maries , I did let fall divers scandalous Speeches , partly in opposition to His Majesties Injunctions , by odious Justling together the names of certain Factions in the Church , and imputing Pelagianisme and Popery to the one side : Partly in disparagement of the present Government of State and Church , by making foul and erroneous Opinions the readiest steps now-a-days to Preferment . As also in disparaging the whole Order of Bishops in point of Learning and Religion , making them favourers of unsound and erroneous Doctrine , and disfavourers of sound Doctrine . As likewise in imputing to a great part of our Clergy only Politique and Lunatick Religion : Besides private glances against particular Persons concerning some Speeches delivered in their late Sermons , in all which passages in my Sermon , I confess to have given just offence to the University , and to deserve the sharpest of Censures . Wherefore with all humble submission I beseech the whole University , represented in this Venerable House , to pass-by this my willful errour of undiscrect and misguided Zeal , and do faithfully promise henceforward to abstain from all such scandalous aspersions and intimations , as tending only to the disparagement of the Church , and the Distraction and disquiet of the University . And this my Submission I humbly crave may be accepted , which I do here make willingly , and from my heart , with true sorrow for what is past . Thomas Hill. VVHEREAS , Upon Information given to his Majesty concerning Misdemeanours of the Delegates in hearing and determining the Cause of Appeal , set on foot by Mr. Forde against Mr. Vice-Chancellour , his Majesty was pleased to give Order , that as soon as I came unto the University , notice should be given unto the Right Honourable and Right Reverend Father in God , the Lord Bp. of London , our Chancellour , that upon Examination of the business I might receive such Censure , as the merits of the Cause should deserve , and his Lordship upon my voluntary appearance , acknowledgement of my Errours , and humble submission to his Lordship , has been pleased to remit me back to the University , and hath ordered , that in the presence of Mr. Vice-Chancellour , and the Governours of Colleges and Halls , I should make the like Recognition of my Errors and offensive Carriage in that business . I with all humility and thankfulness acknowledge his Lordship's favour , and do freely and ingenuously confess , that in the hearing of that Cause , I did declare my self in the maintenance of Mr. Ford's appeal with more Vehemency , than did become an indifferent man , not without disrespect to Mr Vice-Vhancellour , and some other Misdemeanours . For which inconsiderate Carriage I am very heartily sorry , and do humbly crave pardon of Mr. Vice-Chancellour and the University , and do seriously promise , that from henceforth I will avoid all partakings or factious endeavours against the quiet and Government of the University , and as much as shall be in my power , will be assisting to the orderly proceedings of those , who are in authority , and set over me in this place , Francis Hyde . Right Honourable , and Right Reverend Father in God , VVIth all Humility let me beseech your Lordship amongst other faults of mine , to pardon this one of Presumption . And having sealed me a pardon for my boldness , I must again beseech your Honourable favour to entertain this the necessary Testimony and tender of my heartiest thanks and most humble Service . Let all the World forget me , when I forget to be grateful , having been bless'd with as great a favour from your fatherly hands , as I could in reason or modestly sue for . The re enlivening of dying hopes , the seasonable refreshing of a whithering branch , the happy recovery of a man as low in present being of his decayed fortunes , as punishment and desert could set him ; the work your Lordships , mine the benefit ; my expressions may come below the greatness both of the Benefit I enjoy , and of the Favour I have received ; but my Prayers and continual Devotions shall not . I shall make up in these the defects of the former , and in these I shall pray God to bless me so through the course of my Studies and Endcavours , as that I may be able to approve my self , From Exon. Coll. in Oxon. Febr. 22. 〈◊〉 Your Lordships in all thankfulness and faithful Service to be commanded , VVilliam Hodges . S. in Christo. AFter my hearty Commendations , &c. I am very sorry , that I have this Occasion to write to the University , which I love so well , that it cannot but trouble me to hear of any thing ill done in it . I have divers ways heard , what disorders and tumults have accompanied the publick Disputations toward the end of the last Lent , to the great scandal of the University , and tending to the breach of all Government there . The noise of these great Disorders was like enough of it self to be heard far , and to add to this Unhappiness , these Misdemeanours were then committed , when they might be seen by some , which meant not to conceal them . Insomuch that the report of them is come to his Majesties Ears , who is highly displeased with this ill carriage , and the more , because he thought the care and the pains , which he lately took to settle some breaches of Government there , would not so soon have been forgotten , as it seems to him they are . Upon this his Majesty hath directed his Princely Letters to me , and by them required me to look both to the punishment of these Distempers and the preventing of the like hereafter . According to these his Majesties Royal Commands I do pray and require you , Mr. Vice-Chancellour , and the rest of the Governours to look carefully to your several Charges , both publick and private , not only for the Honour of the University , ( which it seems by some is too much neglected ) but also because I find his Majesty so resolved , that he will have a severe Course held against any Governours , as well as others , that shall be proved faulty . And that this may appear , I have sent you here his Majestie 's Letters to me , which are to be read in open Convocation , that the whole University may know , how distasteful these Courses are to his Majesty , and how prejudicial they may be to your selves . And I do heartily pray you all , that hereafter , not only in Disputations , but upon all other Occurrences whatsoever , you uphold the Honour and Government of that Place , and spare no man , that shall be proved an Offender against either . And for my part , if nothing else will serve , I shall take the best course I can to see Justice done , and Example made , where there is cause ; Neither can I go off from this opinion , That the younger sort would easily be reduced into better order , if all the Governours did that , which in Conscience and Duty they are bound unto . And I will hope , that all , whom this may any ways concern , will hereafter be careful of the good of the University , the honour of themselves , and their Credit with his Majesty , which certainly can neither be gained nor held by such breaches upon Government . So praying you to take care of these things , I leave you to Gods gracious protection , and shall ever rest , To my very Loving Friends , the Vice-Chancellour , the Doctors , the Proctours , and the rest of the Convocation of the University of OXFORD . London-House April 13. 1632. Your very loving Friend and Chancellour , GVIL . London . The Tenor of the King's Letters to me here Follow 's , CHARLES R. RIght trusty and well beloved Counsellour , and Right Reverend Father in God , We greet you well . We had reason to expect , that our own Princely care and former admonitions had sufficiently regulated that our Vniversity of Oxford , whereof you , as Our Chancellour , have the Charge . Nevertheless We understand , that the late Lent Exercises in their Schooles have been carried in such disorder , that if at the instance of the Dean of Christ-Church , the Vice-Chancellour had not excused the Bachellours of that House from answering in their turn , there had followed much mischeif , which Discretion of theirs we well approve . For tho' a Vertuous Emulation to whet the Industry of Scholars be not to be discouraged , yet it must always be governed , so as it may not proceed to Animosities and factious Contestat ions of young and hot heads , which will breed Combustion and publick disturbance in the end , if due prevention be not used . We therefore require you , not only to give present Order for suppression of these or the like Tumults ; but also to see , that the Authors be punished according to their deserts . And if upon due examination you find , that any Master of a College , or other Superiour , hath been Actor or Encourager herein , or hath not done his Duty in containing the Scholars from these Distempers . Let him know , that We shall hold him unworthy of that Trust , and will not spare to punish him as We shall see cause . Given at Our Palace at VVestminster this 12. day of April 1632. in the eighth year of Our Reign . To the Right Reverend Father in God , Our Right Trusty and Well-beloved Counsellour William Lord Bishop of London , Chancellour of Our University of OXFORD . Reverendissime Cancellarie , INverecundis aliquorum turbis invita hoc bonum debemus , quod ex ausâ insuavi accepimus pulchrum Divinissimi Regis & Cordatissimi Cancellarii Monumentum , Illius ad Te literas mox ad nos tuas , utrasque tam Gratiae quam Providentiae plenas , E quibus intelligimus , quanti sit vobis innocentia nostra , quam ideo & nos religiosiùs culturi sumus sub nomine Obsequii . Has etiam utrasque duplici Registro recondemus in perpetuorum Archivorum simul & Cordium . Cum auris Regia per longinquam audiendi seriem pertingi soleat Suprema , Mirum est , quomodo Rex ipse res nostras inviseret ; nisi & summi Moderatoris intenta sagacitas , & barbari hujus tumultûs clamosa magnitudo aequè innotesceret , nisi Princeps tam sapere posset , quàm Populus insipere , nisi & Carolinum esset in scintillà has flammas restinguere , quas norunt Pueri excitare . Cum verò incolumitas nostra vobis tantum pariat solicitudinem & molestiam , Mirum vos ingrato hoc opere non lassar i , isi pluris esset beneficium serere , quam ex eo demetere . Cum denique Area haec nostra Ventilabro Regali , ac tuo sit nuper penitus expurgata , Mirum , unde hae paleae , Mirum nisi indies afflueret temerariae , indoctaeque Juventutis nova successio , quae dum calido Sanguine , & rerum inscitiâ vexatur , parum valet aut priorum exempla adse trahere , aup cognata pacis violamina comparare , aut eventus futuros prospicere , sed efferâ libertatis opinioni decepta quicquid non licet generosum aestimat . Quid ergo ? Nunc excusanius crimen patratum ? Imò potius patrandi pervicaciam deploramus . Dum in vos modo ; & modo in nosmetipsos dividimus oculos , pudore nostri confundimur , Vestrique laboramus merito . Pudet aliquorum nos omnes , Tyronum veteranos , Subditorum Dominos ; pudet conturbantium & hos qui patiuntur , quibus acerbius fuit , alii quod ferirent , quàm quod ipsi ferrent ; pudet bonos malorum insultantium , sicut pars ulcerosa totius Corporis gravamen simulque pudor est . Puderet minus , si aut ipse minùs sollicitus , aut Rex minùs esset benignus . Reorum facinus supra modum exaggerat laesae potestatis excellentia , cujus tam Curae oppugnatur quam Praecepto , Bonitati quam Justitiae . Tu vero , qui in re nostra Fulmen Regale sustines , clientes tuos quo velis , sub clypeo tutelari deduces . Scrutamur enim , ( & quod jubes , & quod ultro egressi sumus ) deli nquentes quoscunque cos castigamus inventos ; castigando inventos monemus insuper universos , ut flexile collum praebeant , alios , ut pressiùs utantur locis : idque non tantum nostri causâ , quorum maximè interest in tuto conquiescere , sed & Serenissimi Regis , ne frustra turbines tam cautè prohibeat , unaque Tui , ne frustra tam paternè corripias . E domo nostrae Congregationis April 23. 1632. Honori vestro devinctissima Oxoniens . Academia . Mr. James Masters of Alban Hall was banisht the University for abusing divers Heads of Houses openly in St. Maryes in his Speech , as being then Terrae Filius 1631. and was banish't for it 1632. AFter my hearty Commendations &c. The time is now come for the choice of a new Vice-Chancellour , for I have been bold to lay the pains of that place upon Dr. Smith these two years together . In the whole course of that his Government , he hath carried himself with a great deal of fidelity to the University , and a great deal of care and moderation in the managing of so many troublesome businesses , as have fallen in his time ; yet notwithstanding these and his other abilities for the discharge of that place , I am resolved to name another to you : both because among so many worthy and able men , as are with you , I would not pass by all the rest continually to overload any one . And because I am very desirous to divide the Experience , as well as the pains of that service among the Heads of Colleges , to the end there may still be some , that may be acquainted with the Burthen and weight of that Office , and able the better to assist such , as must newly enter upon it . At this time upon very due Consideration I have thought fit to name Dr. Duppa , Dean of Christ-Church , to be Vice-Chancellour for this year ensuing , whom I know to be a discreet , able , and worthy man for that place , and one , that will satisfie my Expectation and yours . These are therefore to pray and require you to allow of this my Nomination and Choice of Dr. Duppa , and to give him your best advice and assistance in all such Businesses , as may concern the good Government , and consequently the Honour of the University . So I bid you all heartily farewel , and rest , To my very loving Friends , the Doctours , the Proctours , and the rest of the Convocation of the University of OXFORD . Fulham-House July 11.1632 . Your very Loving Friend , and Chancellour , GVIL . London . QVum Serenissimae Regiae Majestati visum fuerit publico Edicto cavere , ne quis in religionis materiâ quicquam contra literalem Articulorum sensum pro Concione & publicè definire audeat , Existant tamen nonnulli , qui , usque quo hoc Edictum extendi debeat , aut pro incomperto habeant , aut se ita habere simulent : Idcirco nos ( quibus obedientiae praestandae publicaeque pacis conservandae & demandatur Munus , & incumbit cura , quorum etiam plenisque Serenissimae Regiae Majestatis tum actis tum de hâc re consiliis Woodstochiae interesse concessum est ) tam crassae & supinae ignorantiae ansam praescindere volentes , sic pronunciamus : Quod , ut dissidiorum flammam ( circa quinque Articulos , quos vocant , inter Remonstrantes & contra Remonstrantes contraversos ) in exteris Regionibus accensam , & vicinit ate quadam mali nostros etiam Penates jamjam corripientem , huic Edicto sanciendo occasionem praebuisse optimè perspectum habemus , ita tanquam praesentissimum Remedium huic incendio restringuendo , & ad contraversias praecipuè circa hos Articulos exortas , hoc Edictum extendendum esse judicamus : Quicunque igitur in his controversiis pro sententiâ suâ tuendâ publicè de industriâ tractet , temerè affirmet , aut pertinaciter definiat ; Quicunque etiam publicè & pro Concione adversam opinioni suae sententiam Argumentis , & Consequentiis odiosè proscindat , aut in adversas sententias tuentium Nomina , aut famam convitiis , calumniis , aut aliis quovismodo grassetur , eundem illum , tanquam violati Regii Edicti , Pacisque Publicae turbatae reum postulandum censemus . Talemque esse de hac re sententiam nostram solemni hâc nominum nostrorum subscriptione publicè testatum volumus ; tum ut post haec ( quod optandum est ) potiore habeatur loco charitas , quoe oedificat , quam scientia , quae inslat , tum etiam , nequis in posterum majorem Curiositatis suoe , quam tranquillitatis publicoe rationem habendam fore , aut mercedis loco ducat pacata turbare . SIR YOU have done very well in Hobbes's Business ; and the motion made by Dr. Pink to prevent pleading of ignorance , &c. was in it self very good and seasonable ; and you did as fitly lay hold of it , and draw up the Order about it , as I see by the inclosed ; yet nevertheless there is somewhat very considerable before you publish that Order : As first , that there are certain Incidents to some of those Five Articles , which all Men upon the hearing presume forbidden ; Whereas by this Order they will take themselves confined to the five express Articles only : And secondly it must be very well weighed , what power You or I have to interpret or make an Order upon a Declaration , set forth by the Authority of the King with the consent of his Bishops ; and I much doubt , it will not be warrantable . In the mean time it will be enough against the Plea of ignorance to declare upon all occasions the Five Articles controverted by the Remonstrants , are the Doctrines , for a time not to be meddled with , that the Factions , unhappily spread amongst our Neighbours may not infect this our Church , or break the Peace of it . There is somewhat else considerable also , which I think not very fit to write . But to this , if you have any exception , you may return me what Answer you please . Feb. 15. 〈◊〉 GVIL . London . S. in Christo. AFter my hearty Commendations , &c. Upon occasion of difference between Lichfeild and Turner about their Printing , there was cause given me to look into your Charters , what power the University had for Printing , and how many Printers were allow'd unto you . Upon search I cannot find any Grant at all , so that Custom is the best Warrant you have for that Privilege . Your great Charter of Hen. VIII . hath no mention at all of it : But Cambridge , which had the like Charter , found that defect in it , and repaired to the King again , and obtained another particular Charter for Printing only ; which is very large , and of great honour and benefit to that University . Where by the way give me leave to tell you , that they of Cambridge have been far more vigilant both to get and keep their Privileges , than you at Oxford have been , for they have gotten this and other of their Privileges confirmed by succeeding Princes , and I think some of them by Act of Parliament , which for Oxford hath not been done . Upon consideration of this I thought it very just and equal , that the two Universities should enjoy the same Privileges , especially for Printing . And when I had weighed all Circumstances , I adventured to move his Majesty on your behalf , who , according to his great and princely favour to the University , did most graciously grant it : The motives , which Iused were principally two , the one that you might enjoy this privilege for Learning equally with Cambridge ; and the other , that having many excellent Manuscripts in your Library , you might in time hereby be encouraged to publish some of them in Print , to the great honour of that Place , this Church and Kingdom . And now upon the Grant of the like Patent , I doubt not , but you will enter into some provident Consideration among your selves , how you may set the Press going , and do something worthy of this his Majesty's Favour , and that the World may see it is not granted unto you for nothing . This Patent I delivered according to appointment to Mr. Philip King who paid the Fees , and took order for the safe carrying of it down . But at that time there proved a happy Error in it , which occasioned the sending of it back to have it amended . That Slip was but in the miswriting of one word , which escaped them , whom ( for want of Leisure my self ) I set to compare it . The necessity to have this word mended , begat a desire to have a whole Clause added , containing a privilege of sole Printing such M. S. as you should set forth for a certain number of years . The more I thought of this Clause , the more I found it necessary , and therefore moved his Majesty again for this But when it was granted , Mr. Attorney ( to whose care and love not only in this , but in divers other things the University is very much beholden ) did not think it fit to have the former Patent recalled , that this might be added ; for that would have been the same in charge with a new Patent , being again to pass the King's hand , and all the Seals , but not in profit to you . Therefore after a great deal of debate , I resolved by advice to move his Majesty for a second Patent , which may recite the former , and be in the nature of a Confirmation of it , and then add all those many Clauses , which concern the sole Printing not only of M. SS . but of any other Books made , and Printed there , and against the importation of all such , as shall be reprinted beyond the Seas , as you will see more perfectly by the ampleness of the Patent it self . This being now finished , I here send you down both the Patents together , but with this proviso , of which you must be very careful . The Priviledge is given to you to name your three Printers ; but after they are named and settled by Convocation , they may perchance forget themselves and you , and do some things prejudicial to the Honour or Profit of the University , the Right being then as in themselves , tho from you . For prevention of which Inconveniences , and divers others yet unseen , and that both for the present and for the time to come , I think it will be very requisite , First , that you confirm not either of the two Printers which you now have , in any of the Rights of these Patents till all Orders concerning them be setled . Secondly , that you name as yet no third Printer , but keep the place empty , that you may get an able man , if it be possible for the Printing of Greek , when you shall be ready for it . Thirdly , that you settle some Orders of Agreement beforehand between your Printers , and your other Stationers there , which print not . Fourthly , that though your Patents be large , yet coming over the Heads of the King's Printers and other Stationers here in London , I shall advise you not to suffer any of your Printers as yet to print Bibles , Service-Books , Grammars , Primers , &c. ( which caused the late and chargable Controversy betwixt Cambridge and them ; ) but let your Privilege settle a while , and gather strength quietly . Lastly , such Orders , as shall be thought fit to be made for the limiting of your Printers , and keeping them in due obedience to the University upon all occasions ( which may be 〈◊〉 advised on by you , that are upon the place ) I think , may now very fitly be inserted into a Chapter by themselves among the Statutes , that so they may have the more binding Authority over them . And what else you may fittingly think of I leave to your selves . Mr. Mottershed , according to your direction , hath paid the Fees of this second Patent , as Mr. Philip King did of the first ; but being a far larger Patent the Charge must needs rise higher . Yet I have gone the nearest way I could . As for the Bill of Charges , Mr. Mottershed will send it you down . I hope I shall not need to put you in mind of writing a very good Letter of Thanks to his Majesty , and I leave it to your Consideration , whether you will not think it fit to write to Mr. Attorney , who for the first Patent would take no Fees , and to Mr. Secretary Windebank , who put them to the King's hand , and ordered them to the Seals , and would take no Fee for either , which hath not a little lessened your Charges . So wishing , that these Patents may turn to the Honour and Happiness of that place , I leave you to the Grace of God , and rest , To my very loving Friends , the Vice Chancellour , the Doctors , the Proctours , and the rest of the Convocation of the University of OXFORD . March 22 〈◊〉 . Your very loving Friend and Chancellour , GVIL . London . Reverende in Christo Pater , & Academiae nostrae Antistes Honoratissime . GRatulamur Providentiae vestrae , quae tota invigilat Athenis suis , quod siquid illustrius , siquid gloriosius excogitetur , ( licet tanti Viri patrocinium in minoribus etiam rebus conscqui pulchrum est ) vester tam perspicax sit oculus , ut illud exquirat , & tam agilis benevolentia , ut nobis incautis , imò uti novum aliquod & inexpectatum stupentibus , ultro obtrudat . Omnia Privilegia nostra delectant sanè , sed hoc Praeli maximè : quod prius Cantabrigiae fuerit . Loetamur enim , quòd honoribus ejus tandem pares 〈◊〉 mus , cui Antiquitate , ( ne dicam Eruditione ) praeluximus . Fatemur ingenuè , nobis anteà non defuit Praelum , defuit tamen Autoritas ; quam vos piè quidem impetrastis , ut libri legitimi & innocentes exeant , absque erratis suis. Etenim credidistis Lectores parùm candidos , si Codices violatae legis conscii lucem erubescerent . Credidistis etiam hoc incitamentum forè Bodleiana Manuscripta imprimendi , quae diutius neglect a'jacuerunt , imò excepto uno vel altero saltem Critico , & illo forsan invido , omnibus sepulta . Invida animalia Criticos dicimus , qui è pulvere & cineribus suis , nescio quot sopita ingenia erui malunt ( quamvis quid divinius cogitare possumus , quàm mortuos resuscitari ? ) nolunt tamen hoc solum magni oestimantes , quod aliis non prodest . In hoc sane Te egregium Benefactorem agnoscimus , quòd Bodeleianos libros volueris iterum publicos ; parum curans , quàm multi invideant , modò plures erudiantur . Has tibi pro temporis ratione praecipites , & minus eruditas mittimus Gratias , digniores expectes , quando Praelum Te loquetur . Dat. in Domo Congregationis Apr. 8. 1633. Academia tua Oxon. vestrae Amplitudini devinctissima . THis ensuing passage of my Letters I desire may be read to the Heads at the next meeting , the rather because I know , and am sorry for it , that divers things concerning Form , especially in the younger sort are not in so good order , as some men would make me believe they are ; and tho' you complain not much your self , yet I can hear by strangers , how the Market goes . For I am told by divers , that tho' the Masters come very duly in Caps , which I am right glad to hear of ; yet the younger sort , which should be most in awe , are least in order , and came not ( divers of them ) to St. Mary's in that Form , which they ought to do . Which Disorder of theirs cannot possibly be remedied , by the Care of the Vice-Chancellour only , be it never so great . But it must be done by the Heads in their several Colleges , who must either punish such , as they find faulty , or put up their Names to the Vice-Chancellour , that he may . I thought fit therefore now before my entrance upon this my long and tedious Journey , to desire you for the publick , and every Head of College and Hall in their several Houses respectively , to see that the Youth conform themselves to the publick Discipline of the University , that his Majesty , who is graciously sensible of all the defects of that Place , may at his return hear a good and true Report of things amended there ; which , as it will much advantage the place it self , so will it also much advance the Reputation of the several Governours in his Majesty's good Opinion . And particularly I pray see , that none , Youth or other be suffered to go in Boots and Spurrs , or to wear their Hair undecently long , or with a Lock in the present fashion , or with flasht Dublets , or in any light or garish Colours . And if Noblemen will have their Sons court it too soon , and be more in , that is , out of fashion than the rest , the fault shall be their own , not mine : But under that Degree , I will have no Dispensation for any thing in this kind . And it were very well , if they to whose Trust they are committed , would fairly and seasonably take some occasion ( especially hereafter at their first coming ) to acquaint the Lords , their Fathers , with the course of Discipline in the University , that their Sons may conform in every thing , as others do , during the time of their aboad there , which will teach them to know differences of places and orders betimes ; and when they grow up to be Men it will make them look back upon that place with Honour to it , and Reputation to you . And of this and all other Particulars of like nature , I shall look for an Account from you , if God bless me with a safe Return . In the mean time I commend my Love heartily both to your self , and to all the Heads , and desire mutual Return of your Prayers , as you have mine daily . May 10. 1633. GVIL . London . In this first year of Dr. Duppa's Vice-Chancellourship , the Delegates were often called upon , both my self and him , to hasten the Statutes . But that Business went on very slowly . Hereupon I writ very often down to quicken them , and laid before them the necessity of that work , But little would be done , till I entreated two or three of the Delegates , of whom Mr. Peter Turner of Merton-Coll . was one , to set themselves more closely to the work . In this year the Wall about the Phisick Garden , which was divers years in doing , was compleatly finish't . In this year the upper end of the Queens-College Chappel was floored with Marble . AFter my hearty Commendations , &c. I have put my Vice-Chancellour to a great deal of Care and pains in this year of his Government , which is now drawing to a happy end . And the more I consider , how discreetly and worthily he hath carried himself both towards me and towards the whole Body of the University , the more I am made doubtful whether I or you be most beholden to him . For my part , as I give him thanks for his pains past , and his vigilance in that laborious Office : So at this time , being my self absent in remoter parts to do his Majesty such service , as I am commanded , I must needs think it very fit to leave the Government in his hands for the year ensuing , who hath managed it so exceeding well in the year , that is past . And I doubt not , but herein I give both the Heads of Houses , and that whole Body , very great satisfaction : Because I assure my self , the experience which he hath had will make him the better able for the year to come . And upon this Ground I do make choice of him to be my Vice-Chancellour for this year following . These are therefore to pray and require you to allow of this my Choice of Dr. Duppa , and to give him your best Counsel and assistance in all Business , which may any way concern the Government and the Honour of that famous University . And so I bid you very heartily Farewel , and rest , To my very loving Friends , the Vice-Chancellour , the Doctors , the Proctours , and the rest of the Convocation of the University of OXFORD . July 2. 1633. Your very loving Friend and Chancellour , GVIL . London . AFter our hearty Commendations to your Lordship . There being a great quantity of Timber to be carried out of his Majesty's Forrests of Shotover and Stowood , for the use of his Majesty's Navy , It pleased the Lords of his Majesty's Privy Counsel to appoint the Counties of Berks , Buckingham , and Oxon. to join in performance of those Carriages for the better ease of that service , being more , than hitherto hath been known . And understanding , that it will be a great Delay and prejudice to this so important a service , if any persons shall be exempted , and yet being unwilling to press any thing , that may be misinterpreted , or trench on the Privileges of the University of Oxon. which divers ( otherwise liable to this work ) resort unto , to avoid this his Majesty's service . We pray your Lordship to take some course by such way , as you shall think fairest , and without prejudice to the Privileges of that University , that a Business of so much consequence , tending only to the publick and general good , and strengthning of the whole Kingdom , may ( for the encouraging of other places neighbouring ) be cheerfully performed by those , who live within the parts claiming to be exempt from any such Carriages . And we shall have a care , that they shall not henceforth be troubled on any particular or less important occasion , as tendering the good and advancement of the Vniversity and the Privileges thereof above any particular or private Respects . And so we bid your Lordship heartily farewel . From White-Hall this 15 day of August 1633. To the Right Reverend Father in God , the Lord Bishop of London Your Lordship's very loving Friends , Portland . Lindsey . Fran. Cottington . Fran. Windebank . At the Vespers upon the 6 of July Dr. Heylin , 〈◊〉 of the Proceders , had these Questions following out of the 20th Article of the Church of England . Ecclesia authoritatem habet in fidei controversiis deter minandis . Ecclesia authoritatem habet interpretandi Sacras Scripturas . Ecclesia potestatem habet decernendi Ritus & Ceremonias . Upon these Questions Dr. Prideaux then Professour had these passages following , and were then offered to be avowed against him upon Oath , if need were ; and it happened that the Queens-Almoner was present . The passages were these : Ecclesia est mera Chimaera . Ecclesia nihil docet nec determinat . Controversiae omnes meliùs ad Academiam referri possunt , quam ad Ecclesiam . Docti homines in Academiis possunt determinare omnes Controversias , etiam sepositis Episcopis . Upon an occasion of mentioning the absolute Decree , he brake into a great and long Discourse , that his Mouth was shut by Authority , else he would maintain that Truth contra omnes qui sunt in Vivis , which fetcht a great Hum from the Country Ministers , that were there , &c. These particulars by the Command of his Majesty I sent to Dr. Prideaux , and received from him this answer following , and his Protestation under his hand . Ecclesia authoritatem habet in fidei Controversiis determinandis . Ecclesia authoritatem habet interpretandi Sacras Scripturas . Ecclesia potestatem habet decernendi Ritus & Ceremonias . These Questions I approved , when they were brought unto me , and wished the Beadle , that brought them , to convey them to the Congregation to be allowed according to Custom ; conceiving them to be especially bent ( according to the meaning of the Article cited ) against Papal Vsurpations and Puritancial Innovations , which I detest , as much as any man , Whereby it appears , what I positively hold concerning the authority of the Church in all the proposed Particulars , namely that which that 20th Article prescribeth , and not otherwise . Certain passages that came from Dr. Prideaux in the discussing of the Questions at Oxford . Ecclesia est mera Chimaera . Ecclesia nihil docet nec determinat . Controversiae omnes melius ad Academiam referri possunt , quàm ad Ecclesiam . Docti homines in Academiis possunt determinare omnes Controversias , etiam sepositis Episcopis . The passages therefore imperfectly catched at by the Informer were no Positions of mine . For I detest them , as they are laid , for impious and ridiculous . But Oppositions according to my place , proposed for the further clearing of the truth , to which the Respondent was to give satisfaction ; And the General Protestation I hope , takes off all , that can be laid against me in the particulars . Notwithstanding to touch on each of them , as they are laid . To the First , I never said the Church was Mera Chimaera , as it is , or hath a Being , and ought to be believed . But as the Respondent by his Answer made it . In which I conceived him to swerve from the Article , whence his Questions were taken . To the Second , my Argument was to this purpose ; Omnis actio ést Suppositorum vel Singularium ; Ergo 〈◊〉 in abstracto nil docet aut determinat , sed per hos aut illos Episcopos , Pastores , Doctores : As , Homo non disputat , sed Petrus & Johannes , &c. The third , and fourth may be well put together . My Prosecution was , That the Universities are eminent Parts and Seminaries of the Church , and had sitter opportunity to discuss Controversies , than divers other Assemblies . Not by any means to determine them , but to prepare them for the determination of Ecclesiastical Assemblies , of Synods , Councils , Bishops , that have Superiour Authority , wherein they might do Service to the Church and those Superiours ; not prescribing any thing unto them . As the debating of a thing by a learned Counsellour makes the easier Passage for the Benches Sentence . And this was urged only as Commodum , not as Necessarium . The QUEEN's ALMONER present . I am told no. For he departed , as they say , that were in the Seat with him , being tyred as it should seem by the tedious Preface of the Respondent before the Disputations began : But be it so or otherwise , to what purpose this is interposed , I know not . Upon an occasion of mentioning the absolute Decree , he brake into a great and long Discourse , that his Mouth was shut by Authority ; else he would maintain the truth contra omnes , qui sunt in vivis , which fetcht a great Hum from the Country Ministers that were there , &c. This Argument was unexpectly cast in by Mr. Smith of St. John's ; but bent , as I took it , against somewhat I have written in that behalf ; which the Respondent not endeavouring to clear , I was put upon it to shew , in what sense I took absolutum Decretum : Which indeed I said I was ready to maintain against any , as my Predecessors in that place had done . This was not in a long Discourse , as it is suggested , but in as short a Solution , as is usually brought in Schools to a Doubt on the bye . And from this I took off the Opponents farther proceeding in Obedience to Authority . Whereupon if a Hum succeeded , it was more than I used to take notice of . It might be as well of dislike as approbation , and of other Auditors , as soon as Country Ministers : A Hiss I am sure was given before , when the Respondent excluded the King and Parliament from being parts of the Church . But I remember whose practice it is to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I had rather bear and forbear , and end with this . PROTESTATION . THAT as I believe the Catholick Church in my Creed , so I Reverence this Church of England wherein I have had my Baptism and whole Breeding , as a most eminent Member of it . To the Doctrine and Discipline of this Church have I hitherto often subscribed , and by God's Grace constantly adhered ; and resolve by the same assistance , according to my ability , ( under his Majesty's Protection ) faithfully to maintain against Papists , Puritans , or any other , that shall oppose it . The Prelacy of our Reverend Bishops in it I have ever defended in my Place to be jure Divino , which I dare say has been more often , and with greater pains taking , than most of those have done , who have receiv'd greater Encouragement from their Lordships . I desire nothing but the continuance of my vocation in a peaceable Course , that after all my pains in the place of his Majesty's Professor almost for these 18 years together , my Sons especially be not countenanced in my declining Age to vilify and vex me . So shall I spend the remainder of my time in hearty Prayer for his Majesty , my only Master and Patron , for the Reverend Bishops , the State , and all his Majesty's Subjects , and Affairs , and continue my utmost Endeavours to do all faithful Service to the Church , wherein I live . To whose Authority I ever have , and do hereby submit my self and Studies to be according to Gods word directed or corrected . J. Prideaux . Reverendissime Cancellarie , INdefesso Prudentiae oculo , quo nos gubernas , Parendi has leges explora , quas tandem Detersas pulvere , simplicitate verborum Rescriptas , à Clausularum antithesi Purgatas , biennique opere recusas coarctavimus in sanam Epitomen , ut imperandi 〈◊〉 negotium Tibi molliamus , obtemperandi Methodus patescat nobis , & peccandi venia tollatur . Latuerunt diu Statuta ex Vetustatis situ plus satis veneranda ; non memoriae , sed Scriniorum Sarcina ; in quorum fragmenta dubia , texturam inaequalem , toto Codice dissita capita , & sensûs dissoni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jurati omnes , tantum ut Perjuri evaderent . 〈◊〉 pacis licentiam quis non arripiat , quando inter se pugnant Decreta , quae prohibent ? At Praesidem te nacti , Mores integerrimo cultu refingere ardemus , Leges ipsas sanare , limam expolire , qud sumus formandi , omnia denique conari , ut prudentissimae vestrae Praefecturae obsequium geramus excultissimum . Hortatu molli nos adhuc duxit Clementia vestra , parituro simillimus imperasti ; Lora jam accipe , quibus impellas . Vltrò compegimus jugum , quod pronis Cervicibus annectas , vestrisque manibus recepta jura obsequendi praestituent affectum , & libertatem ex onere ferent . Vestrum itaque Patrocinium implorant unà nobiscum Statuta , quae , olim congesta intra manus Cancellarii Pole , tantum consenuerunt , suisque funeribus jam revirescentia Praesulatum vestrum 〈◊〉 sunt visa , ut Gratiam & pondus authenticum à Te accipiant , & vestrum annexum Diploma Statutis ipsis valentiùs nos componant . Quibus ad umbilicum perductis , si manum ultimam adjicias obsignando , non Chartis 〈◊〉 Sigillum , quàm Animo nostro insiges Beneficium . Dat. in Domo Congregationis 12 Cal. Sept. Amplitudini vestrae supplex Acad. Oxon. Honoratissime 〈◊〉 , LIteras adhuc ( quod recordari non parùm juvat ) rogante Calamo conscriptas misimus nullas ; adeo praepropera , & votis obvia semper fuit Humanitas vestra , ut Academia Clientis negotio defuncta , solo beneficiorum argumento laboraverit . Ex omni parte Teipsum 〈◊〉 magnificum Antistitem attestatus es , in omni genere vestra erga nos claruit indulgentia ; indigenti Academiae te Benefactorem experti sumus , periclitanti Advocatum , utpote qui meritissimum vestrum Vicecancellarium in jus & discrimen vocatum non modo incolumem & securum praestitisti , sed etiam potiorem , Chartaeque victrici interpretatione illustrem ; Cui quidem pro Humanitate suâ , candidiori fortasse , quàm oportebat , Chartae interpreti venia habenda fuit maxima . Quid enim verisimilius fuit , quàm quòd illic delitescerit hujusmodi Privieglium ? Caelestium tranquillitas orbium , non statim in ventos & tempestates desinit ; quae adjacet regio , aliquomodo caelestis est , pluviasque & tonitrua , ruptisque nubibus emicantem fulguris stricturam ex intervallo despicit ; ità profecto aequissimum fuit , ut Academia nostra illud Coeli emblema , sua privilegia & immunitates ad finitimos transmitteret , & tam sacra 〈◊〉 , ut otium suum , & libertatem etiam jumentis impertiret . Quod quidem privilegium utcunque antehac in gratiam & honestatem Academiae minimè sancitum fuit , nihilominus nunc demum summâ vestrâ prudentiâ & authoritate confirmatum accepimus . Tuum est meherclè , quod Domini commune cum Bobus suis jugum non subeunt , quòd adobeunda Reipublicae munia non stimulis urgentur , & eadem necessitate agitantur aurigae quâ jumenta . Itaque non est , ut fugendis Reipub. negotiis ingemiscant Operarii , quod eorum Sarracae , ut Bootae plaustrum , pigro & nolenti gradu procedant , sed laeto & alacri . Quippè quòd solet esse maximo vehiculis gravamini , Tuo Patrocinio sublevatur , convectandi necessitas . Adeo hoc insigne Privilegium consecuti sumus , ut emancipato vehiculi usu Principi nostro Reique publicae non morigeri sed benefici habeamur , & in gloria 〈◊〉 cedat parere . Has Gratias solenni formula & charactere Amplitudini Tuae consecravimus ; hoc exploratum habentes , fore , ut expeditius , ita sincerius , 〈◊〉 ; magnificentiâ dignius Gratiarum genus agnoscere , quàm rependere Beneficium . Dat. in Domo Congregationis 12. Cal. Septemb. 1633. Amplitudini vestrae devinctissima Acad. Oxon. Reverendissime Cancellarie , ACcepimus Membranam , vestrâ Prudentiâ cogitatam , gratiâ imimpetratam , nobis autem vix desideratam quidem . Itaque rursus agnoscimus affectus viri , plusque Sympathiam . Quis enim non suspiceret alternis malo vehementiùs laborantem ? quis non miraretur Medicum magis affectum morbi aestimatione , quam aegrotantem dolore ? Hujusmodi tamen experimentum in Te , Reverendissime Praesul , comptum habemus : Fateri cogimur vestram erga nos solicitudinem & curam nostro sensu acriorem esse , & Academiae inopiam Tibi clariùs & certiùs innotescere , quàm patientibus . Ante Chartam à Te impetratam Pecunia , aliis Regina , nostris ne Ancillae quidem , officia praestitit ; Aurum abiit in contemptum stercoris , jacuitque magis sepultum in Academico AErario , quàm in Fodina : Passi sumus prodigium Midae contrarium , Aurum inter manus adulterium evasit , & quod defoecatissimum fuit , tactu nostro pulchritudinem suam , & naturae precium amisit . Hoe nobis quidem ingens & magnificum , indulgentissimo autem vestrae Prudentiae oculo parum videbatur . Quemadmodum enim rei , ita & dignitatis nostrae Curam egisti . Non satis esse Academiae existimabas praediis annuisque Redditibus foras ditescere , nisi habitâ etiam pulchritudinis , & honestatis ratione domi floreret . Magalia Collegiis admota aegrè tuleris ; iniquissimum enim videbatur , ut mendicantium querelis adderetur Societatis fastidium , iisque qui tantum auribus debent nec oculis parcerent , ulterius progrederis : Nostrûm adeo Studiosus es , ut dignatus sis obicibus quoque & viarum moris prospexisse , omnem angulum velis verè Academicum & ipsas Plateas Scholarum elegantiam induere . Quod solum restat , candidissimo vestro imperio ceriè morem , & quas possumus gratias , praestabimus . Angiportus dilatabimus , transeuntes praeclusura impedimenta amovebimas , viasque ( quantum in nobis est ) sternemus decoras , latas , & quo nihil majus polliceri audemus , vestrae quoque amplitudinis capaces . Dat in Domo Con. gregationis 14. Cal. April . Gratiae & Amplitudini vestrae devinctissima Academia Oxon. TO all Christian People , to whom these presents shall come , William , by God's Providence Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , Primate of all England and Metropolitan , Chancellour of the University of Oxon. sendeth greeting in our Lord God everlasting . Whereas by the Customs , Liberties and Privileges of this University of Oxon. by Kings and Queens of this Realm of England granted , and by Acts of Parliament confirmed unto the said University , amongst other noble Privileges and Favours , the Clerkship of the Market within the said University , and the allowing , approving , and correcting of Weights and Measures , and the well ordering and governing the sd . Market for the benefit of the sd . University and the Buyers and Sellers therein , is granted and confirmed to the Chancellour , Masters , and Scholars of the said University of Oxon. and the Execution thereof to the Chancellour or his Deputy , the Vice-Chancellour of of the said University for the time being : And whereas we find , that heretosore in our Predecessors times , there hath been a publick Officer by them assigned and appointed to look to the cleansing and keeping sweet the Market Place , and to take the just and due Toll for the Measuring of Corn and Grain , and to keep true and equal Bushels , Pecks , and Half-Pecks , that there be no fraud committed between the Buyer and the Seller ; which said Office hath of late times been discontinued ; By reason whereof , as we are certainly informed , divers Citizens of the City of Oxon. inhabiting in or near the said Corn-Market , have ( of their own will without any approbation of us or our Vice-Chancellour ) taken upon them to keep and set forth on Market days publick Bushels and Measures for the measuring of Corn and Grain , and take Toll for the same without stint or Limitation , sometimes a Pint , sometimes a Pint and an half , and sometimes a Quart for the measuring of a Bushel , whereas the ancient and laudable due is but half a Wine Pint at the most for such measure . And also that divers Maltsters , Bakers , and Brewers do keep in their Private Houses two Bushels , a bigger wherewith to buy , and a lesser to sell , whereby the Country , that bring in their Corn and Grain to the said University , are deterred to furnish the said Market , in regard the measure of Grain will not hold out fully with the said great Bushels . We therefore for the future prevention of the said Inconveniences , and for the better Government of the said Market , that there be no fraud used , Have given , granted , and confirmed , and do by these presents give , grant , and confirm , unto Christopher 〈◊〉 val , Inhabitant within the said University of Oxon. Licence , power , and authority to keep and set forth every Market-Day in the place of the Corn-Market so many lawful Bushels and Measures by us , or our Deputies to be allowed and sealed , as shall be sufficient for the Measuring of the said Corn or Grain , so brought to be sold in the said University , and to take the due and lawful Toll for the same , ( viz. ) the Quantity of half a Wine Pint at the most in every Bushel , and not above : To have and to hold the said Office of keeping the said Buthels and Measures , and receiving the Toll as aforesaid to him the said Christopher Dival ( during his natural life ) without the lett , trouble , hindrance , or denial of any the Inhabitants of the City and University of Oxon keeping Bushels as aforesaid or any other Person whatsoever . And we do also by these presents straitly prohibit and discharge all the Inhabitants of the University or City of Oxon. from keeping and setting forth any publick Bushel or other measure , and to receive any Toll or profit for the same : And also all Malsters , Bakers , and Brewers for keeping in their Houses any more than a lawful and sealed Bushel , by which they shall sell , as well as buy , Provided always , that the said Christopher Dival demean himself honestly , uprightly , and indifferently in the Execution of the said Office or place as aforesaid , and that he take a Corporal Oath yearly before us , or our Deputy the Vice-Chancellour , to that effect and purpose , according to the Law , and the Use , Custom , and Privilege of the said University : And provided also , that the said Christopher Dival in Consideration of the Premises , do take diligent care to view the Pitching , Paving , and Cleansing of the Streets within the said University , and to make known unto us or our Deputy , by whose fault and negligence the same is left undone , and also that twice every Week after the end of the said Market he cleanse and keep sweet , or cause to be cleansed and kept sweet the said Corn-Market Place , the Inhabitants there paying to the Scavinger as now they do for the same . In witness whereof We have to these Presents put our Hand and Seal , Dated the 2d . day of May , Anno Dom. 1634. And in the Tenth year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord King Charles , of England , Scotland , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. WHereas John Oxenbridge , Master of Arts , and Commoner of Magdalen Hall in Oxford , both by the Testimony of Witnesses upon Oath examined , and by his own Confession hath been found guilty of a strange , singular , and superstitious way of Dealing with his Scholars by perswading and causing some of them to subscribe as Votaries to several Articles framed by himself ( as he pretends ) for their better Government , as if the Statutes of the Place he livesin , and the Authority of the present Governours were not sufficient , These are to signifie that I Bryan Duppa Vicechancellor of the University for the time being , duly weighing the Quality of the fact and the ill consequences which might follow upon the insnaring of young and tender Consciences with the Religion of a Vow , do Order and Decree that the said John Oxenbridge shall no longer be trusted with the tuition of any Scholars , or suffered to read to them publickly or privately , or to receive any Stipend or Sallary in that behalf . And to this end I require you , that are the Principal of the said Hall , to dispose of those Scholars , that are now under his Tuition to such other Tutors , who by their discreet and peaceable Carriage shew themselves freest from Faction ; and not to suffer the same or any other to live under his Charge , or him to receive any Salary or Stipend from them . And this Censure you are presently to put in execution , by taking away his Scholars , and to take care , that no part of it hereafter be eluded . Of the performance of which , you are to stand accomptable to the Chancellor or his Vicechancellor whensoever you shall be called . After I had received Letters from the University of the 12. of Sept. 1633. which gave me the whole power to order and settle the Statutes , which had now hung long in the hands of the Delegates , though before they had put me to much pains , and the writing of many Letters both to call upon and direct the Delegates yet ; now I set my self to it with so much the greater alacrity , because the University having in Convocation put the whole business into my Hands , I thought my self sure against all practice by faction or otherwise . To the end therefore , that I might have no more Jealousie nor Crossing in the Business , I put the Review of all that had been done formerly by the Delegates , into the Hands of Mr. Peter Turner of Merton College , reserving to my self the last Consideration of all : By this means and God's Blessing upon my endeavours , I did at last not without a great deal of pains , get through this work , and settled the Statutes , as will after appear in its proper time and place . In this Year the West-side of Vniversity College was new built from the Ground . John Dunn of C. C. Mr. of Arts , for the supposed killing of a Boy , called Humphry Dunt ; And John Goffe of Magd. Coll. for the supposed killing of one Boys , Mr. of Arts ; These two were legally tryed before the under-Steward of the University , Mr. Vnton Crooke , the 26. of August 1634. and acquitted . AFter my very hearty Commendations , &c. I have laid the pains of tho Vicechancellorship now two years together upon Dr. Duppa , who hath discharged that place with extraordinary Care , as well for the good , as the honour of the University ; and God hath blessed his Endeavours with very great success in those things which have fallen under his Charge both at home and abroad . And I dare be bold to affirm it to you in his behalf ( and yet give him but the Testimony which he deserves ) that he hath merited exceeding much both from my self and from you . Nevertheless I am not willing either to overload him , 〈◊〉 to pass by so many able and worthy Men as that University ( God be thanked ) now hath for the supply of that place , and who I doubt not will in their several turns follow the good example of those who have gone worthily before them . At this time I have thought fit to name Dr. Pink , Warden of New Coll. to be Vicechancellor for this year ensuing , of whose Wisdom , Judgment , and Integrity , and all other Abilities , fit to fill that place , I have particular knowledge ; and assurance for these divers years , and am very desirous to make him as well known to you as he is to my self : These are therefore to pray and require you to allow of this my nomination and choice of Dr. Pink to the Vice-chancellorship , and to give him your best advice and assistance in all such things as may any ways concern the Honour and good Government of the University . So I bid you all heartily farewell , and rest your loving Friend and Chancellor To my loving Friends the Vice-chancellor , the Doctors , the Proctors , and the rest of the Convocation of the University of Oxford . W. CANT . Lambeth July 12. 1634. AFter my hearty Commendations , &c. The Statutes of the University , so often and by so many undertaken and left again , are now by God's blessing , and the great pains of them , to whom that Care was committed , brought to perfection . This work , I hope , God will so bless , as that it may much improve the Honour and good Government of that Place ; a thing very necessary in this Age both for Church and Common Wealth , since so many young Gentlemen and others of all Ranks and Conditions have their first breeding for the publick in that Seminary . To save the Purse of the University , and to gain time , it was thought fit rather to Print , than to transcribe so many Copies as might serve for the present necessary use of the University and the several Colleges and Halls respectively . And for my part I thought it expedient , that in every House they might have the Rule of the publick Government by them , and so see the way to their Duty : which being as much for their particular good , as the advance of the publick service , every man , I hope , will be most willing and ready to conform himself to that , which is required of him . There is to be a great Ledger Book written out fair , which is to be the Authentick Copie under Seal , and to rest in Archivis , to be the future Judge of all Statutes , which may hereafter be corruptly either printed or transcribed . But before this be written , I hold it very expedient to put these Statutes ( as they are now corrected and set in order ) into practice and execution for the space of one whole year , to the end it may better appear , if any necessary thing have slipt the Care of my self , and those , whom the University trusted with me . For then if any such thing be discovered , it may easily be amended in the Margent , or otherwise of these printed Books . And after this experience made , the Authentick Copy may be written fair , without any Interlining or other Blemish , and so be a Rule to Posterity of greater Credit . These are therefore according to the power given unto me by an Act , with full Consent in Convocation , bearing Date in August , 1633. to declare and publish to the University and every Member thereof , that the Statutes now printed are and shall be the Statutes , by which that University shall be governed for this year ensuing , that is , until the Feast of St. Michael the Arch-Angel , which shall be in the year of our Lord God 1635. reserving to my self Power , according to the Decree before mentioned , to add or alter that , which shall be fit , and take away from these Statutes or any of them that , which shall be found by this intervening Practice to be either unnecessary or incommodious for that Government . And then , ( God willing ) at or before that time I will discharge the Trust , which the University hath commended to me , and absolutely make a settlement of the Statutes for future times , even as long as it shall please God to bless them with use and continuance . And I account it not the least of God's Blessings upon my self , that he hath given me strength and ability to do this Service for my ancient Mother , the University , whom I have ever so much Honoured , and am still ready to serve . And thus much Comfort I can already give you , that his Majesty being made acquainted by me , that the work was finisht , exprest extraordinary contentment in it , and commanded me to let you know so much , and withal that he doubts not of your ready Obedience to them : Than which nothing can from 〈◊〉 be more acceptable to him . Thus assuring my self , that you will all strive to yeild full Obedience to these your Statutes , which will be your own Honour as well as the Universities , I leave you to God's blessed Protection , and rest , To my very Loving Friends , the Vice-Chancellour , the Doctors , the Proctors , and the rest of the Convocation of the University of OXFORD . July 18. 1634. Your very loving Friend and Chancellour , W. CANT . Reverendissime Cancellarie , NOstri Juris Corpusculum exhibitum pervolvisti , expectatum reddidisti , nec raptim quidem , ut Prudentiam & Consilium agnoscamus , nec tamen tardè , ut vigilantiae & studio gratulemur . Quid proposuimus , quod non effecit industria vestra ? Quid desideravimus , quod non concessit liberalitas ? Quid ambivimus , quod non impetravit gratia ? Quemadmodum prius immunitates comparasti , ut liberè , ut ingenuè , ita nunc Statuta , ut piè & compositè vivamus . In utroque genere honestati Academiae adeò praeclarè consuluisti , ut neque hinc Servilis audiat , nec illint Barbara . Statuta quidem dudum habuimus , sedqualia crederes à Sphinge condita ; adeò perplexa , ambigua , sibique 〈◊〉 ut gravius supplicium lueret legis Interpres , quàm Violator . Jam vero emersit nova rerum facies . Succurrunt Nobis Statuta , alia dirigentia , ali a punientia , alia , quae stringunt , alia quae cohibent ensem , eaque omnia adeo perspicua , clara , ( & quod est optimum integritatis Argumentum ) prioribus adeo dissimilia , ut neque prudenti relinquatur imperitiae praetextus , nec parenti contumaciae patrocinium ; adeo ut non dubitemus planè asserere , Nos vestrae Amplitudini magis obstrictos ob hanc Epitomen , quàm Bodeleio ob tot Volumina . Illa enim Artes & Scientias suggerunt , haec aliquod divinius , ordinem & bene institutae politiae salutem : Illa Bibliothecam , haec Academiam constitutit . Hactenus Cura & Consilium , cui addidisti egregium humanitatis Specimen ; praesentes Canones tantum anno tenùs Authenticos voluisti , ut si quid laxiùs , deprehendatur , constringatur , si quid arctiùs remittatur . Singularis quidem Clementia , & antehac in mandita ! Leges & praescripta ad tempus posuisti , ut nostro demum 〈◊〉 & arbitrio confirmentur , & siqua occurrerent errata , non statuentis authoritate , sed patientis experientiâ corrigantur . Quod superest , providentiam & amorem , quâ solâ possumus , fide & observantia pensabimus , & obsequium , quod juxta mandati candorem Statutis ad annum tantùm vestrae benignitati perpetuum spondemus . Dat. in Domo Congregationis Cal. Aug. 9. 1634. Vestrae Amplitudinis Observantissima Acad. Oxon. S. in Christo. AFter my very hearty Commendations , &c. I have a good while since delivered the Book of your Statutes together with your Letters to his Sacred Majesty who was marvellously well pleased with both and commanded me at some convenient Leisure to let you know , how well he takes both the one and the other . And because the Letter you sent was very well written , after his Majesty had read it , I caused it to be fairly written in the spare Vellum at the beginning of the Book . Thus much I had signified to your self , and the whole Body of the Convocation about a Month since , had I not been hindred by two things , the one as troublesome to my self as the other will appear beneficial to you . That which was troublesome to my self was the great Business of the Term , which lay very heavy upon me , especially towards the end of it , and at the same time the Care which I took to derive the benefit upon you . That which I know will be very beneficial to you is a parcel of Manuscripts which I have obtained for your Library from a very Learned and Noble Gentleman , Sir Kenelm Digby . These Manuscripts ( many of them being very good ) he hath been at the Charge to Bind up , and put his Arms fair upon them , and I think there are very few but so bound . With these he hath sent a Catalogue , but that ( as himself tells me ) is somewhat imperfect , his Man being indisposed for health , at the time when he made it . And whether the method of it will like you or fit the University I know not . But after the Books are compared with this , it will be very easy to make a perfect one by it . For my self I did not think it fit any way to meddle with them , but have left them in their several Trunks , as they were packed up by himself , and so sent them to you . Their number is 235. or thereabouts . Concerning the Manuscripts I am to give two Advertisements of the Donors Will and Pleasure , which I must and do pray you to settle in this present Convocation : The one is , that he will not subject these Manuscripts to the strictness of Sir Thomas Bodley's Statute , but will have Liberty given for any man of worth , that will be at the Pains and Charge to Print any of these Books , to have them out of the Library upon good Caution given , and to that purpose and no other . The Second is , that he will reserve Liberty to himself , during his natural Life , to borrow any of these Books out of the Library for his own private use , whensoever he shall ask them . And both of us desire the Books may be put into the Library with these two Cautions expresly mentioned , as the Act of Convocation was for the Books which my Lord Steward gave . This is all which I have for the present to trouble you with , for I presume I shall not need to put you in mind of writing a Letter of Thanks to Sir Kenelm Digby whose love thus and divers other ways express'd deserves it abundantly ; so with my Prayers to Almighty God to bless you to the honour of his Sacred Name , and the good of his Church , I leave you to his gracious Protection . To my very loving Friends , the Vice-chancellor , the Doctors , the Proctours , and the rest of the Convocation of the University of Oxford . Decemb. 19. 1634. Your very loving Friend and Chancellor W. CANT . Reverendissime Cancellarie , Iteranda narras , imo iteranda . Codex Statutorum ( ais ) unà cum Literis opus absolutum sacrantibus , 〈◊〉 simul & Regiae Majestatis frontem serenâ Compldcentiâ explicuit . Curae , gaudioque vobis , Diis deputatis , populi salus non ultio , abunde . est , exultamus hinc omnes , non ut legibus adstricti , sed soluti vinculis . Hoc , ut reliqua , soli tribuendum est vestri favoris 〈◊〉 , & affectui plusquam paterno . Cui parum est nos bene moratos vivere , nisi etiam faelices , & gratiâ supremâ irradiatos . At leges compositas compositè observare , Praelisque viventibus denuo exprimere , erit hoc tandem Obedientiae nostrae , nec solum obedientiae , erit gratitudinis ; plus enim obligati sumus beneficiis tuis , quam legibus . Pro uno , quem misimus impresso Codice , accepimus Manuscripta decies repititis numerosiora characteribus , eaque ( ut decet munus tam exquisitum ) bis data . Quod prius rogando impetratum est , non semel 〈◊〉 , sed manu alienâ & Tuâ . Care quidem erit vir Princeps , cum rogat . At quantae liberalitatis est rogare , ut donet , seipsum oppignerare , ut donet aliena . Tu vero eò conniteris , eò pergis Mun isic entiae , ut tuis aliena conjungas , & una cum benesiciis ipsos etiam Benefactorcs cumulatissimè largiaris : conciliato hinc nobis Rege , lucraris illinc subditos , haec opera , haec tua vis . O! orbium nobis influentium utrinque circumagens Motor ! Nimio nos 〈◊〉 studio inopem te facis , procum humilem ac similem Nobis , ut reddas Nos quodammodo Amplitudini Tuae similes . Sic proprii splendoris periculo vapores aliunde exhalat sol , ut eisdem instillet arvis : Sic fonte longinquo aquam deducit hortulanus , ut riget seminarium : Sic marmor fodinis eruit Tuus 〈◊〉 , ut augustioribus columnis basilicam suffulciat ; Dum tu succos gemmaque Musarum undequaque & Nobis attrahis ; Tu sol es , Tu Cultor , extructor Academiae . Siste liberalitalem hanc tuam , siste , acquiescamus , Te uno contenti ; Quid novos tantopere accersis patronos ? Pluris est nimio acclinare Te otio , quam nos erlgi quam maximis Literarum auxiliis . Siste , ne simus nimiae faelicitate miseri , & infra gratitudini positi ; nos enim nil ultra possumus , quam quod volumus dona Nobilissimi Digbeii , Tua mirari , colere , Thesaurare loculis , in Registro nominatim conscribere Conditiones impositas , quas etiam Convocationis Decretum sancivit Catalogo praefigere , grates illi pro Libris , pro illo Tibi conceptissimas referre , Mandatis tuis religiosè obsequi , ex Nutu praecurrere , & animitus perstare . E domo nostrae Congregationis Decemb. 24. 1634. Sanctitati vestrae Devotissima Acad. Oxon. At this time there was a Proposition made for setting the Poor on work at Oxford , by making New Stuffs and Drapery Ware , much after the fashion that the Dutch and Walloons use at Canterbury , Norwich , and other places . Divers Letters passed between me and the Vicechancellor and some other interessed men about it : But in Conclusion such difficulties appeared in the Business , that the whole project suddainly vanished , and came to nothing . And yet Mr. Escott of Wadham College , who very carefully , and certainly with a very good intention laboured in the Business , gave me this Answer following to such Doubts as I had made . And set down some other things very considerable in the business ; And yet for all this that good intention fell to nothing . THE Doubts that you have made to me , I think in part be thus answered . To the First . The Man John Roberts of Yarmouth , and born there , is a man as I suppose , conformable ; for I have heard him speak with dislike of some sactious Brethren of the Town of Yarmouth , and of some of this Town of Oxford . And he commends Mr. Brook the Minister of Yarmouth , and particularly for a Suit that he lately commenced in the High Commission against a factious Lecturer for preaching scandalously of the Blessed Virgin , &c. by reason of which Suit I suppose the said Minister and his Conformity is known to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury . To the Second . If this Man die , another may be had upon the same Terms : But if he live any time , he will make his own Sons , and others perfect in the Trade , that may supply the place after him . To the Third . I hope we shall not need to fear the making us a number of Poor by them , that shall be trained up in this Trade , because this Course encreaseth not the number of Poor , but only teaches them , whom it finds idle , and enables them to maintain themselves and their Families , if they have any ; for it employs both Men , Women and Children ; and where there be no Idlers , 't is like there will not be many Beggars . To the Fourth . I find not indeed that we have power to impose a Tax upon Ale-houses . To the Fifth . The Taxes and Levies now made by the Town for the Poor , ( are by the Statute ) to be employed and disposed of by the Overseers of the Poor , with the consent of two Justices of Peace , for the providing of Materials to set them to Work , and for the placing out of poor Children to honest Trades . Now if the Overseers of this Work be made Justices of Peace , I see not but they may have a hand in disposing of those Taxes , and convert as much of them as shall be fit to this use . However the University may by its own power tax all privileged men . There is a man of good Place in the Town ( who is like to be a Benefactor to this Work ) that thinks the Town , if the University go through with it , will willingly Bind themselves to a yearly Contribution towards it , or else will undertake to maintain constantly a certain number of Children , which shall work there . But if none of these things be , I think there may be shewn a way , how the University of its self , without the assistance of the Town , may be able to go on with this charitable Work , and provide for the maintaining and teaching Sixty poor Children the first year , and add to them 20 or 30 more every year perpetually ; and yet so , that whatsoever any man shall contribute towards it , shall return to him within the compass of the year with advantage . Which way may be this . There must be raised a Sum of Money , that shall issue out yearly for the maintaining of a certain number at work ; suppose sixty or an hundred . This yearly Charge shall never increase , and yet the number to be maintained shall increase every year , thus ; Suppose there be eighty to be maintained as Apprentices for seven years , at five pounds charge for every Child per annum . The first year , their Earnings will but answer their Spoilings . The second year , this Eighty will earn 120 l. which will take in twenty four Children more . The third year , the first eighty will earn 200 l. and the 24 taken in the 2d year will earn 36 l. in all 236 l. Out of which deduct to maintain the 24 taken in the second year 120 l. and there will remain 116 l. which will take in 23 more . The fourth year the first Eighty will earn 280 l. and the rest will earn so as to take in 30 more . The fifth year will take in 40 more , the sixth year 50. The seventh 40. The Eighth year , The first Eighty shall be manumitted , and yet there will be left at work 204. and there may be taken in 30 more . The ninth year will manumit the 24 , that were taken in the Second year , and there will be left at work 210. And so always a certain number will go off yearly , as they come in , and others will be taken in their room . If there be taken in but 60 the first year , there will be added the second year 20. the third year 16. the fourth year 20. the fifth 30. the sixth 40. and so onward as it is shewed before . If the Town contribute towards it , there may be taken in the first year 100. If the University go on alone , they may ( besides the allowance of the Master and Overseers ) take in 60 , by raising through the University by the Pole 1 d. a Week upon every man , except poor Scholars ; or by setting a certain Sum upon every College , to be raised , as it shall seem meet to the Governours . Now if any man think this 1 d. a Week to be a Burthen , I answer him thus : First , that upon the matter he doth not give any thing , but only lays out by the Week what within the Year will come in to him again , in the Buying of his Gowns , Suits , Stockings , &c. Neither is this a thing only in imagination , but it may easily be made to appear , that if things be well ordered , there shall be saved in some Stuffs 4 d. in some 6 d. in some 8 d. a Yard , in some more , in some less , as it is of higher or lower price , and in Stockings after the same proportion . Secondly , I think I may say , there is well nigh as much as this given every Week at Buttery-Hatches , and to Beggars in the Town , which by this means might be saved ; for if a right course be taken there should not be seen a Beggar or an idle Person within the Precincts of the University . Thirdly , I believe , that my Lord Keeper , 〈◊〉 Petitioned by the University , will easily be induced ( in regard of the undertaking of this work , ) to keep this University out of all Breves , which now come very frequently upon us , and that we shall be burthened with no Collections , save only some extraordinary ones , that shall first pass the Consent and approbation of my Lord our Chancellour . If this may perswade , that the Enterprize is feasible , it were good , that all the Dispatch were made in it , that may be , that the Work may begin with the Year , now at our Lady-Day . If the Overseers were made , they might travel in the perfecting of it , and enquire , what were the Causes of their first failings in Cambridge , and how they do now go through with it , as likewise what Course they take at Norwich , where this Trade hath a good while flourished , and so , that it leaves not ( as I am informed ) a Beggar in the whole Country thereabouts . S. in Christo. SAlus vestra mihi in primis votis , & ( ut ita dicam ) Suprema semper Lex fuit ; post salutem Honos . Hinc à Cancellariatu meo dicam , an vestro ( nam non petenti , imò contra nitenti , summâ & singulari vestrâ benevolentiâ collatus est ) omnem navavi operam , ut vestra sive Statuta , sive Privilegia , sive alia 〈◊〉 ; generis negotia , quae , meam manum exposcerent , ad optatum finem facilò & plenis velis perducerentur . Siquae restant adhuc non indulta , aut non satis confirmata , potestis ( nil dubito ) à Rege Serenissimo , Ecclesiae & Academiis addictissimo , non frustra expectare . Vos saltem prudenter Circumspicite , quid ulterius in vestram gratiam possim , antequam fato fungi & ad Deum meum redire detur . Et quia annis jam ingravescentibus , melius videtur sarcinam deponere , quam mole ejus opprimi , exuvias quasdam meas Vobis praemisi ; Ipse , quum Deus vocaverit , sequuturus . Exuere autem primo placuit Libros manuscriptos . Quid enim mihi cum illis , cui nec otium datur vel inspicere ? Et si daretur , nec oculi ad perlegendum satis firmi , nec memoria ad retinendum satis fida reperitur . 〈◊〉 enim inter exteriores sensus oculos , & inter interiores facultates memoriam primò senectutem & prodere & fallere . Libros igitur hosce malui vivus dare vobis clarissimis filiis , quam Testamento legare mortuus , tum ob alias Causas , tum etiam ob hanc , ne manus aliqua media furtiva forte selectiores praeriperet . Mitto autem nec tot , nec tales , ut vestris studiis dignos existimem , sed quales amor meus , & erga Communem Matrem pietas parare potuerunt ; Mitto tamen ( ut per Catalogum , quem unà misi , constabit ) Hebraica volumina Manuscripta quatuordecim , Arabica Quinquaginta quinque , Persica septendecim , Turcica quatuor , Russica sex , Armenica duo , Chinensia duodecim , Graeca quadraginta quatuor , Italica tria , Gallica totidem , Anglicana Quadraginta sex , Latina supra bis centum , praeter alia Quadraginta sex , sed recentiora , & e Collegio Herbipolensi in Germania tempore Belli suecici desumpta . Hos Libros , Amoris mei Testes , vestrae sidei committo , in Bibliothecâ reponendos , hâc Conditione , ut nunquam inde extrahantur , vel mutuo cuipiam dentur sub quocunque praetextu , nisi solum , ut Typis mandentur , & sic publici & Juris , & utilitatis siant , nec tamen illum in finem , nisi data prius cautione à Vice-Cancellario , & Procuratoribus approbanda , & ut statim à Praelo locis suis in Bibliothecâ praedicta restituantur , ut Cautio istaec Libros hosce à furibus , & Conditio ista eosdem à Blattis Tineisque tutos conservare possit ; quibus aliter praeda futuri sunt , dum suo pulvere situque sepulti jaceant . Siqui alii Libri similes , aut meliores ad meas fortè manus pervenerint , eos etiam ad vos mittendos curabo , sub 〈◊〉 Conditione , & eodem loco sigendos . Nolo alia negotia Libris immiscere ; sed omnia ncbis prospera corde , quo decet , pio exoptans , Academiam illam & Vosmetipsos omnes & singulos , speciali Dei gratiae commendo . Vestris mihi amicissimis Dr. Pinck , Vicecancellario , aliisque Doctoribus , Procuratoribus , nec non singulis in Domo Convocationis intra Alman Universitatem OXON . congregatis . Datum ex aedibus meis Lambethanis Maii 22. 1635. Cancellarius vester & Amicus W. CANT . Reverendissime Cancellarie , DVM verbis Te fragilem fateris , & factis immortalem Te comprobas , de facilitate nostrâ dolemus , qui fruituri sumus aeternâ quidem beneficiorum , sed benefactoris temporali proesentiâ dum nobis intersis , & minus beneficus , dum tamen diutius . Ne unquam in fato tuo fungi videamur , quomodocunque victuri nostro . Cum Tibi satis vixeris , vive alteram Ecclesioe , alteram Reipublicae , tertiam oetatem nobis ; vives & ultra secula in 〈◊〉 Authoribus , quos in mutuum aeternitatis cambium à Tineis vindicasti . Quorum fidissima exemplaria natalitio atramento , & manu obstetrice confignata , fidissimis Archivorum simul , & memorioe nostroe loculis reposuisti . Sunt illi numero quadringenti quinquaginta duo ac plures , pondere inaestimabiles , linguarum varietate omnigeni . Pentecosten emisti alteram sub tempore Pentecostes , cum sis ipse Divini Spiritûs effusissimè plenus . O! nobis perpetuò memorande tot Libris , & tam vivacibus , tot Linguis & tam disertis , quot ipse detulisti . Ne queraris amplius lucere tibi non̄ satis firmos ad legendum oculos , cum nostro emolumento sic aciem intendas . Ne queraris minus 〈◊〉 perstare ad retinendum memoriam , cum nostri sis 〈◊〉 memor inter 〈◊〉 negotiorum Turbas : Deficient fortasse & nobis oculi ( si tui unquam defecerint ) proe nimio fluctus esfluvio : Sed tuâ languescente ( quod obsit ) memoriâ , nunquam elanguescet memoria Tui . Hoec , nobis etiam extinctis quibus jam tenax instdet , nunquam è tabulis nascendae posteritatis deteretur & excidet . Circumspicere nos jubes , si quid effectum velimus ab optimis , maximisque in terrâ , Rege ac Te inter accipiendum carere non vacat . At quamvis . Tibi obtemperare sit commodi satis , fruique Te nimium ; si tamen Membris quid insit oculi nondum à Capite exercitum , si munificentioe tuoe tanta poterit superesse inopia , vel inopioe nostroe , audacia , ut indigia vel petere possimus , 〈◊〉 , egebimus , rogabimus , ut in hâc etiam molestiâ tuo obsequantur imperio . O qui nobis Regis animum concilias Mediator politicus , intercede ( Sanctissime ) summo Intercessori Christo. Nos itidem , quamvis longe distantes , longinquâ pietate devocabimus occumulandam in te gratiam . Nos haec Manuscripta , quibus tuam ditasti Academiam , inscribemus Registro , recondemus animo , volvemus manu , enunciabimus linguâ & 〈◊〉 , recudemus . Nos pari Conditionum observantiâ munus vestrum custodiemus , ac piâ gratitudinis religione accepimus . Nos Codices tuos vel tanquam gemmas sinu privato amplexabimur , vel tanquam stellas aprico immittemus Orbi ; omninò consulturi , aut Gratiae tuae aut Gloriae : Nisi omnibus , certè impertiemur nullis : Qui 〈◊〉 meruisti , nihil invenies in Officio nostro mediocre . Finge animos manuscriptos , ac illos accipe . Sic vovet se , & praestabit E. Domo nostrae Convocationis Maii 28. 1635. Sanctitati vestrae Sacratissima OXON . Acad. The Repair and Beautisying of the Chappel of Saint Mary Magdalane , which began the Year before I was Chancellor , was compleatly finished ; as also another new Building of theirs towards the Waterside in this Year . In this Year Smith-gate was made passable for Coaches . In this Year the Thames was brought up to Oxford , and made Navigable for Barges . Henry Birkhead of Trinity College in Oxford was seduced by a Jesuite , and in May 1635. carried to St. Omers by one , who called himself by the name of Kemp , a Priest of that College of St. Omers : They took shipping at Dover , and there they were not so much as asked their Names by any Officer , nor ever tendred the Oath of Allegiance : But I found means to get him back and settled him . AFter my hearty Commendations , &c. The time of the Year puts me in mind that the Vicechancellor hath gone through a years Pains in that Government , and the place being so full of trouble , a Year may be thought a great space of time for any man to be exercised in it : Yet considering what experience is requisite for a Governour there , and in hope that the first Year's pains will make the labour of the second more easy , and especially weighing with my self , with what great sufficiency both for Integrity and Judgment the present Vicechancellor , Dr. Pink , hath carried himself in all the Businesses , which concerned the Honour of that University , both at Home and abroad ; I have thought fit to continue him another Year in the Vice-chancellorship ; assuring my self that he will constantly go on , as he hath begun , which cannot but tend to his own Credit and Reputation , as well as to the good Government of the University , and all those other happy Effects which attend upon a well settled Government , which is so necessary every where , but more especially in that Body . These are therefore not only to let you know that I do hereby nominate and choose Dr. Pink to be my Vicechancellor for this Year following , but also to pray and require you to allow of this my Choice , and to give him all the Respects due to his Place , and all other help and assistance which shall be in your Power to give , and may be necessary for him to receive for his better Ease and Comfort in the Government . Thus not doubting of your Readiness , and willing Obedience herein , I leave both him and you all to the Grace of God , and rest July 10. 1635. Your very loving Friend and Chancellor W. CANT . ANother Business there is , which I think may be very well worthy your Consideration ; and if you do not give it remedy ( as I think it abundantly deserves ) I do not know who either can or will. I have often wondred , why so many good Scholars came from Winchester to New College , and yet so few of them afterwards prove eminent Men : And while I lived in Oxford I thought upon divers things , that might be causes of it , and I believe true ones ; but I have lately heard of another , which I think hath done and doth the College a great deal of harm , in the Breeding of their Young men . When they come from Winchester they are to be Probationers two Years , and then Fellows . A man would think those two Years , and some Years after should be allowed to Logick , Philosophy , Mathematicks , and the like Grounds of Learning , the better to enable them to study Divinity with Judgment : But I am of late accidentally come to know , that when the Probationers stand for their Fellowships , and are to be examined how they have profited ; One chief thing in which they are examined is , how diligently they have read Calvin's Institutions ; and are more strictly held to it , how they have profited in that , than almost in any kind of Learning besides . I do not deny but that Calvin's Institutions may profitably be read , and as one of their first Books for Divinity , when they are well grounded in other Learning ; but to begin with it so soon , I am afraid doth not only hinder them from all grounds of Judicious Learning , but also too much possess their Judgments before they are able to judge , and makes many of them humerous in , if not against the Church . For so many of them have proved in this latter Age , since my own memory in that University . Your Lordship is Visitor there , and I think you cannot do a better Deed , than to advise on a way , how to break this Business with the Warden who is a learned and discreet Man , and then think upon some 〈◊〉 for it . For I am verily perswaded , it doth that College a great deal of harm . I do not hold it fit that your Lordship should fall upon this Business too suddainly . When the Warden comes next to the Election may be a sit time ; nor would I have You let it be known , that you have received this Information from me ; but sure I am 't is true , and needs a Remedy . February 2. 1635. W. CANT . S. in Christo , QVod ad honorem Dei , & Academiae Vtilitatem cedat , 〈◊〉 vobis à Rege pientissimo , & Literarum Patrono Munificentissimo Literas Patentes . In eis facile est legere , quali gratiâ & quanto favore Vos , & studia vestra amplectitur Regum optimus : Privilegia enim hoe Literae continent , non solum vetera confirmata , sed etiam illa ampliata , & ubi obscura vel dubia fuerunt , explicata ; ac etiam multa nova , de quibus antehac ne cogitavit quidem Academia . Ad firmitatem harum libertatum quod attinet , summa ( uti spero ) fide & Jurisperitorum Scientiâ ( quorum Consilio in hoc negotio usi sumus ) eas septas & munitas satis esse confidimus . Nec defuit illis frequentior monitio , ut cautè & circumspectè describerentur omnia , ne oppidani aliive , si qui Privilegiis vestris inimiciores sint , facilè possint arripere informandi ansam . Majorem à me Curam expectare non potuit Academia , nisi talium legum Municipalium peritia imbutus fuissem , ut ipse manu mea Patentes hasce delineare , & delineatas examinare , & de earum Perfectione judicare propriâ Minervâ potuissem . Sumptus vestros expensasque circa hanc rem majores esse quam spectavi , audio ; spero tamen non cum Privilegiis hisce comparandas . Sed meae nec potestatis , nec Officii est , vel Salaria , seu Feoda Jarisperitorum , vel Sigillationis summam juribus aut consuetudini affixam moderari . Hoc unum adjiciam pro amore , quo vos vestraque amplector , ipse ( & non ficta scribo ) sumptum horum onera in me jampridem suscepissem , nisi alia vobis ibidem satis nota tenuiores proventus meos plus satis exhausissent . Superest ut Regi serenissimo , ac de vobis optime merito , pro Patentibus clausas sigillatasque mittatis Literas , pro Privilegiis amplissimis gratias ( si possitis ) pares expendatis . Ante omnia verò pro singulari ejus favore obedientiam & fidem , quibus omni officii genere tenemini , alacriter exhibeatis . Quae omnia nomine vestro , meoque Regiclementissimo spospondi . Vobis incumbit , ne fatis reus sit . Datum ex AEdibus meis Lambethanis 10 Martii , 〈◊〉 Cancellarilus & Amicus vester W. CANT . UNA cum Literis Patentibus mitto vobis Decretum Dominorum , qui à Regis sunt Secretioribus Sanctioribusque Consiliis , de usu earum Literarum , prout in Causâ inter Cantabrigienses & Londinenses definitum suit , ut nec vobis penitus otiosoe , nec aliis , qui Proelo hic inserviunt , onerosoe nimis esse possunt , Reverendissime Cancellarie , ACademiam tuam sollicitè & ex consuetudine curas , ut solo nobiscum agas Beneficiorum 〈◊〉 ; nec aliud serè occurrat Comitiis nostris tractandum quam Munificentiae vestrae Negotium . Olim sapienter meribus nostris & politioe , nunc magnifice libertati , & honori 〈◊〉 ; par Statutis donum , chartam accepimns auctiorem , & magnoe illius oemulam , quâ & proesentem Academiam ditas , & obligas futuram . In grandi hoc opere Concessiones accepimus amplissimas , quasdam veteres , sed confirmando , augendo , explicando , peuitus novatas ; quosdam ex integro novas , sed eas providè muniendo factas authoritate vetustas . Aliena dedisti oequè ac tua , qui 〈◊〉 concessis primus dedisti , fruique absque dissidiis . Tua verò tam 〈◊〉 & plena largitus es , ut manum alienam expectare non possint . Dum tu Sanctissimus Arbiter oppido 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 just 〈◊〉 statuis Pomaria , dum insestos ita circumscribis , ac subjicis , ut locum non 〈◊〉 malevolentioe , & Bello , dum proecatum habes , ne sit actio in soro , lis in lege , sed pace vigeat Dominium ; donas hoec omnia non 〈◊〉 , sed indies , oeternumque & quoties sine tali Providentiâ convelli potuerant . Quamvis vestri Beneficia tam ardua sint ista , ut captum superent Academioe , tamque numerosa , ut difficile sit recensere , quoe tu largiendo non gravatus es , 〈◊〉 & molem & numerum vineit conferendi Modus . Sub tanto rerum pondere alternatim 〈◊〉 animo volvens Britanniae curas & Academioe , eousque descendisti , ad studium artemque nostri Emolumenti , ut in recudendis Privilegiis , ipse Nodos , Argutiasque juris perquirere , ipse momenta verborum trutinare , & supra juris prudentum aciem , vel saltem industriam , plurima perficere tentares . Nemo unquam tam solers avidusque fuit nocendi , 〈◊〉 tu omnimodo sublevandi . At uni Tibi non sufficit ista , quoe nos satiat , Liberalitas ; dicis voluisse te suscipere etiam Feodorum onera , hoc est , escam , quam parasti etiam nobis in os ponere ; non sic Deus ; dedisti tamen , ut ille , manum , accipiendi facultatem , Statutum Sanxisti , cuique vi & sructu stips annua viritim colligitur , ad sustinendas hujusmodi impensas . Praeli exercendi copiam ex Decreto Dominorum huc transmisisti , ut simus Cantabrigiae Pares in omnibus , sicut ex Gratia vestra superiores in plurimis : totum illud Proelum , si gratitudine contendendum esset , tuis non 〈◊〉 Encomiis . Hujus Privilegii usum modestum ex eodem doces 〈◊〉 ; Adeo tibi Curoe est non solum opulentia , sed virtus nostra . Postremo nos mones gratiarum , sed adversus alios , 〈◊〉 ne gratias quidem vendicans : Sic unico debemus Tibi , velut Animae Politicoe per omnia moventi , & moderanti , Beneficia , Benefactores , ipsam tum recipiendi , tum gratias agendi rationem . Curoe quid nostroe relinquet Providentioe vestroe sedulitas ? Nobis nihil negotii superest proeter gratias , & obedientiam . Deus etiam supra Nos te amet , qui in 〈◊〉 Beneficiis Dei es tam similis . Tu nobis illa , non solum per teipsum , sed per maximorum optimum , Serenissimum Carolum , per potestates , per juris consultos , per omnes , quorum aures manusque nobis erant in auxilium vocandae . Nos itidem gratias , non solum immediate , sed per plurimas interpositorum Vmbras ; quae 〈◊〉 ubique disseminatae , in Te uno terminantur . Comes erit Gratitudini par obedientiae ; hae duoe , velut oculi nostri , uno ferentur motu ; grati esse non possumus nisi etiam morigeri , nec diu morigeri nisi animitus grati . Proinde placito serenissimi Regis 〈◊〉 simul obtemperare , Nobis erit Ratio , Conscientia , Religio ; non solum nostri causa , quibus id utile , tutum ac decorum est , sed maxime Tui , qui accessisti redivivoe Academioe Fundator , morum Sponsor , negotiorum Intercessor , in Consiliis Angelus , in Angustiis Deputatum Dei brachium . Tot beneficiis conducti sumus , tot affectibus vincti , ut teneat nos vi aeque inevitabili haec virtus , ac natura vel fatum ; prius esse desinet , quam esse talis . E. Domo nostrae Congregationis Mart. 20. 1635 / 6. Sanctitatis vestrae Colenissima vestra Oxon. Academia . Reverendissime Cancellarie . TAM grandia tamque numerosa profudisti nobis beneficia , & vel oblito , vel des picienti similis , unum taceas , unum quod alii maxime loquentur , cum sit praemium & hortamen loquendi . Non satis duxisti Academiae tuae Corpus priviligiis ditare , nisi peculari munisicentioe stumine auream redderes & linguam : Canonicatus proximi accessione nostrum augendo Oratorem , & Juggestum Rhetoricum Theologiae maritando , effecisti , ut in illo non minus pro Te quam teipsum oremus . Post cumulum beneficiorum , hoc novissimum a Regum optimo ac munificentissimo impetrasti , ut simul prospiceres facundoe gratitudini . O triumphans Largitor ! Quid unquam retribuemus nisi inopu mThesaurum , Gratias ? Tu vero etiam Gratiarum Author , qui sic foves nostrae mentis interpretem , & gratoe harmoniae plectrum . AEgrè sustinet is ipse Gratias nostras epistolari brevitate succingere : Cupit etiam in Orationem prorumpere , nervisque omnibus mentem expandere . Scribit unus , quod sentiunt , quod fateri gestiunt universi te Patrem esse tuae Matris Academiae , Eaque nunc linguam 〈◊〉 novo eloquentiae salario . Si Lingua publica , quoe pro nobis omnibus vocem ornat , calamumque stringit nunc demum in re sua desiceret , essemus nos omnes illius loco viritim Oratores . Sic enim in Causâ vehementi singulae partes Corporis 〈◊〉 migrant in linguas , & signis plusquam sonoris pleni pectoris exundantiam articulant . At quoniam vel verba , nec signa , nec vires omnium Oratorum in stylo unius conspirantes enunciando sufficiunt unius affectui , Tu sponte intellige , cui mens profundissimae capacitatis , quam simus animitus devoti E. Domo nostra Congregationis Mart. 20. 1635 / 6. Sanctitatis vestrae Colentissima Oxon. Acad. Reverendissime Cancellarie , CVM in corpore Academiae sim ipse Lingua , & in Oratorum serie membrum illud , quod primum degustaverit vestroe munificientioe fructum , liceat mihi oceano rivum ; & immensurabili gratiarum acervo peculiarem sementem vestrâ cum veniâ subministrare . Dum totum se exerit Gladiator , vim ponit in lacerto . Qui totus venerationem exhibet , genu tantum oslendit Ne succenseat paternitas vestra , si Academiae Lingua praesertim in re sua vehementius assici gestiat . Ideoque infinito gratiarum ponderi aliquid amplius addere , & plus toto afferre conetur . Simulachri parte interiore nomen suum inscripsit Phidias : Mihi non arrogantiae , ut illi , vertatur , sed gratitudini , si in maternoe Epistolae visceribus privati Officii tesseram concludam vestrae memor memoriae , Curaeque tam longe infra vestram Celsitudinem , non possum non esse gratus , tametsi gratitudini peccavero . Martii 20. 〈◊〉 . Sanctitati vestrae humillime devotissimus Guilielm . Strode , Academiae tuae Orator publicus . In this year , the Northside of Vniversity College was finisht . Upon a Difference betwixt the University and Town of Oxford , touching Felons Goods , Court-Leets and taking Toll , a Hearing was appointed by consent of the most Reverend Father in God William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace , Chancellour of the University , and of the Right Honourable Thomas Earl of Berks , Steward of the Town aforesaid ; as likewise by the mutual consent of both Parties , divers of the University and Town aforesaid being then present , who assumed in the name of the rest , that whatsoever should be ordered . or directed upon this hearing , should be final and binding , and that either Party would for ever observe hereafter , and stand to it . In Witness whereof the Lords above mentioned , and others then present have hereunto set their Hands . Dated at Lambeth this 28th day of April in the Year of our Lord , 1636. W. CANT . John Oxon Bryan Duppa . William Smith . Bryon Twyne . Barkshire . John Whistler . Oliver Smith . John Sare . Tmothy Carter . S. in Christo. NON diu abhinc est , quo Literas Patentes Libertates avitas confirmantes & conferentes Novas accepistis . Munus Regium erat ; Cura autem mea . Nunc Statuta mitto . Illa vincula secum ducunt , sed accommoda , ne Libertates licentiam induerent , sed vobis grata . Non vellet enim Academia esse sine Fraeno , sed in ordinem redacta , ne amplius confusione & contradictionibus subditos oneraret ; sed & antiquis valdè consona , ( nisi ubi temporum ratio aliud exigit ) ne quid novi videretur pati celeberrima simul & vetustissima Academia . Saepius tentatum hoc opus , & à Viris saeculis suis celeberrimis ; frustra tamen . Nec enim quidquam in hac re ad optatum sinem perduxerunt . Sed utrum Operis ipsius difficultas , an aliqua alia interventens remora obstiterit , planè nescio . Quo magis gratulor Academiae , & 〈◊〉 , quibus Miseratione Divinâ datum est opus hoc ad talem saltem perfectionem , redactum videre , qualem ferre solent Leges & Statuta , quae de quovis particulari cavere nequeunt . Nec Academioe tantum & vobis , sed & mihimetipsi gratulor , quod Statuta situ & pulvere tantùm non sepulta , in lucem redacta , & suis numeris titulisque distincta video . Multò magis tamen , quòd placuit Academiae in frequenti Convocatione ( ne uno refragrante ) rem totam ad me , Curamque meam referre , ut sub Incude med Statuta haec limarentur , & à me Confirmationem acciperent . Summa haec vestra Confidentia fuit , & certê gratias omnibus , singulis , ago summas , ob fidem mihi in re tantâ , ac tali jam liberaliter praestitam . Quâ in re certe non fidem , 〈◊〉 nec spem vestram fefelli . Verum enim est , & ausim dicere , me summa cum aequitate , cum aequalitate pari omnia transegisses . Et potestatem à venerabili Domo mihi commissam it a moderatum , ut nihil prae oculis habuerim , nisi quod planè in publicum Ecclesiae & Academiae bonum cederet . Et hoc ( Deum Testor ) omnt affectione , partialitate , privato respectu praesentium temporum , personarum , locorum , officiorum qualiumcunque sepositis . Vnum superest non tacendum . Transmisi vobis Statuta , quae annum probationis suae apud vos complevere , jam ex usu illo in nonnullis , emendata , & pro potestate à vobis concessa , misi sub sigillis meo vestroque in debitâ Juris formâ confirmata . Quum ecce placuit Regi Serenissimo , Musisque vestris addictissimo , suam etiam superadjicere confirmationem manu propriâ & sigillo magno munitam : Quod Academiae honorem , moribus Disciplinam , Statutis reverentiam & firmitatem nequit non conferre . Ob quam Regiae Majestatis gratiam insignem , gratias referre pares nec ipse , nec vos potestis . Quin & Commissionarios misit suos , qui ob majorem negotii dignitatem , & Statuta haec exhiberent , & Collegiorum & Aularum Praefectos Statutis sic exhibitis & confirmatis subscribere curarent . Reliquum postea erit , ut Statutis sic confirmatis Obedientia praestetur , qud nihil magis poterit augere Academiae splendorem . Et licet primo loco authoritas vestra Legis hasce condendas curavit , ea tamen natura legis est , ut semel condita , & promulgata , non alios tantum , sed & condentes liget . Huic Obedientiae , Reliquisque virtutibus quibus polletis , vos semper affines futuros spero , & ut tales sitis , supplicibus precibus se à summo Numine impetratum non dubitat . Vestris mihi amicissimis , Doctori Pink Vice-Cancel . lario , reliquisque Doctoribus , Procuratoribus , nec non singulis in Domo Convocationis intra Almam Universitatem Oxon. Congregatis . Datum ex AEdibus nostris Lambethanis Junii 15. 1636. Amicus vester & Cancellarius W. CANT . These Letters were read in Convocation upon the 22 of June 1636. wherein Mr. Secretary Cook made a weighty Speech fitting the occasion ; and so likewise did the Vice-Chancellour . Mr. Secretary's Speech follow 's in haec verba . Reverend Vice-Chancellour , Doctors and Masters . YOU have heard with due respect and attention the Letters brought by us to his Sacred Majesty ; you have also heard in Conformity thereunto other Letters , sent from your most Reverend Chancellour , signifying his Majesty's Grace and Goodness in recommending unto you this Volume of Statutes , which we now deliver , and you are to receive , as the Rules , by which you must be governed hereafter . You have also seen and heard the Confirmation and Establishment of these Statutes . First by his Majesties Royal Signature , and under the great Seal of his Kingdom : And respectively under the Hand and Seal of the Lord Arch-Bishop , both as Primate and Metropolitan of England , and as most worthy Chancellour of this University , whereby it is manifest , that these Laws and Ordinances are so established and ratified both by Sovereign and Subalternal Authority , Temporal and Spiritual , that nothing further can be required , but your ready acceptance and obedience , whereof I make no doubt . For ( to do you right ) you have already shewed so effectual Conformity ; and at this present express such alacrity and forwardness , that I rather see cause to commend and encourage you , than to exhort and stir you up , or any way to importune you by any further Speech ; yet because there is generally in Man's nature a secret , curiosity and prejudice against all things , that appear extraodinary and new , especially when they impose any Duty , and require obedience at their hands ; I must crave leave in discharge of my own Duty to satisfie those , which hereafter may be inquisitive into these Proceedings , to insist a little upon those principal Respects which demonstrate the full Authorization and absolute necessity of submission to these Laws . That which Commands in chief , and which no reason can withstand , is his Majesty's Sovereign Power , by which these Statutes ( as you see ) are both enacted and confirmed . Him we all acknowlege to be our supream Governour both of Church and Commonwealth , over all Causes and Persons ; and to his Supremacy and Allegiance , we are all obliged by Oath . This then we must build upon , as an Axiom and fundamental Rule of Government , That all our Laws and Statutes are the King's Laws , and that none can be enacted , changed , or abrogated without him ; so all Courts of Law or Equity are properly the King's Courts ; all Justice therein administred , be it Civil or Martial , is the King's Justice ; and no Pardon or Grace proceeds from any , but from the King : And as of Justice , so is he the Source of Honour ; all Dignities , all Degrees , all Titles , Arms , and Orders come orignally from the King , as Branches from the Root . And not only particular Men and Families , but all Corporations , Societies , nay Counties , Provinces , and depending Kingdoms , have all Corporations , Societies , nay Counties , Provinces , and depending Kingdoms have all their Jurisdictions and Governments established by him ; and by him ( for publick good ) to be changed or dissolved . So his Power reacheth to Foreign Plantations , where he may erect Principalities , and make Laws for their good Government , which no man may disobey . And as in the temporal , so in the State Ecclesiastical , his Regal Power by ancient Right extendeth to the erection of Bishopricks , Deanries , and Cathedral Churches , and to settle Orders for Government in all Churches , by the advice of his own 〈◊〉 , without any Concurrence of Forreign Usurping Power . But for Universities and Colleges , they are the Rights of Kings in a most peculiar manner . For all their Establishments , Endowments , Priviledges and Orders by which they subsist and are maintained , are derived from Regal Power . And as it is your greatest Honour , so it is your greatest Safety , That now this Body of your Laws , as well as your Priviledges and Immunities , are established , ratified and confirmed by the King. And more I shall not need to say in this Point . In the next place you may consider for your incouragement to receive this great Favour and Benefit from his Majesty with ready and thankful Minds , that your Chancellor's worthy Care had a chief operation in advancing this great work ; whose nearness to his Majesty in a place of that Eminency and sincere Conformity to his Orders and Commands , and most watchful Care over that part of the Government which is committed to his Trust , inableth him to support , and may give you confidence to obey that which his Majesty recommendeth by so good a Hand , specially in Matters concerning the good Government of the Church or of the Schools . In the Church ( whereof he is Primate and Metropolitan ) his Power is very large , and his extraordinary endeavours in it deserve at least to be well understood . In former times , when Church-men 〈◊〉 Rule , the greatest Prelates gave the first way to alienate Church Livings : Whereas this worthy Prelate maketh it his chief work to recover to the Church for the furtherance of God's Service what may be now restored . And what therein he hath effected under his Majesty's gracious and powerful Order , not England alone , but Scotland and Ireland can abundantly witness . Again , what help and relief he procureth dayly for Ministers oppressed by rich incroaching Neighbours or Patrons ; what Collections and Contributions he obtaineth to re-edify , to repair and adorn Churches ; and what great Structures are now in Hand , and much advanced by his Judgment , Care and Zeal in our most famous Monuments dedicated to God's service , we may behold with Joy , and future Ages will 〈◊〉 to his Majesty's eternal Glory , by whose Power and Order all is performed , and to the Honour of our Country , and for encouragement and example of those that shall succeed ; who will acknowledge with us , that this Man is indeed , as he is by his just stile , a most Reverend and Beneficial Father of the Church : And for this University what better Evidence can be desired of his singular Love and Beneficence , than first that stately Building , whereby he hath made himself another Founder of that College , which bred him to this height of worth ? And secondly , those many rare and exquisite Manuscripts and Authors , wherewith he hath replenished your renowned publick Library ? And if you add hereunto his constant Care to maintain you in all your Rights and Priviledges , and to assist you in your Preferments ; And finally in collecting this great Volume of Ordinances for the present and further Government of this famous University . You have Monuments sufficient to eternize among you and all men his memory and desert . And this work is that , which now remaineth in the third place to be further stood upon . For 't is not ( as some may think ) either a Rhapsody of overworn and unuseful Ordinances , nor yet an imposition of Novel Constitutions to serve the present Times ; But our Royal Justinian by the Labour and Direction of this prudent person hath collected into a Pandect or Corpus juris Academici all the ancient approved Statutes , which in former times were scattered and so neglected . And tho many great Prelates have heretofore undertaken this Work , yet it ever miscarried , till the piercing Judgment and undefatigible Industry of this man took it in hand , and happily , as now you see , hath put you into possession of it , whereof the use can hardly be valued . For by these Rules , You , that are Governors , may know , what to command , and those , that are under you may know how to obey , and all may understand how to order their Behaviour , and their Studies , whereby they may become most profitable Members in the Church and Common-wealth , which is the main cause , why his Majesty requireth them so strictly to be obeyed . For let me speak freely out of that true affection which I bear to you all : Deceive not your selves with a vain opinion , that Kings and Princes give great Donations , Priviledges and Honours to their Schools and Universities for a popular Applause , or out of meer Bounty , or for honour , or for opinion of merit , by which the Art of Clergy-men transported them heretofore : But the very truth is , that all wise Princes respect the welfare of their Estates , and consider , that Schools and Universities are ( as in the Body ) the noble and vital parts , which being vigorous and sound , send good Blood and active Spirits into the Veins and Arteries , which cause health and strength : Or if feeble or ill affected , corrupt all the Vital Powers ; whereupon grow Diseases , and in the end death it self . What inconveniencies have grown in all Ages by the ill Government and Disorders of Schools , your Books can inform you . And to come home to your selves , have not our late Parliaments complained ? Nay hath not the Land exclaimed , that our great Schools of Virtue were become Schools of Vice ? This I mention unwillingly , but withal do most willingly tell you to your eternal praise , That fince it pleased his Majesty to take to heart a Reformation , and by advice of your never too often named Chancellor , sent you down some temporary Orders , whereby to reduce you to some reasonable moderation , thereupon by the Wisdom and Resolution of you the worthy Governours , and by the inclinable conformity of all the Students in general , it is now come to pass , that Scholars are no more found in Taverns or Houses of Disorder , nor seen loytering in the Streets , or other places of Idleness or ill Example , but all contain themselves within the Walls of their Colleges , and in the Schools or publick Libraries : Wherein , I must confess , you have at length gotten the start , and by your Virtue and Merit have made this University , which before had no Paragon in any forreign Country , now to go beyond it self , and give a glorious Example to others not to stay behind . And if those temporary and unperfect Orders produced so good effect , what may now be expected from this Body of Laws and Statutes , so compleat and so digested , that no former Age did ever enjoy the like ? Thus you have understood how the Goodness of our great King , how the Care and respect of your Chancellor , and how the worth and substance of the work it self may forcibly induce you to congratulate your own Happiness . And therefore I might here forbear to trouble you any longer with a harsh interrupted Speech : but that I cannot omit to put you in mind of one thing , which I know you will hear with willingness and attention , because it tendeth chiefly to the honour of our God , and then by his power to the honour of our King ; and thence to the comfort of every true hearted Subject who will readily acknowledg with Reverence and thankfulness the great blessings we now enjoy above all other Nations ; I will tell you , but what I know : ( for I speak within my Element ) I have seen our neighbouring Countries in great Prosperity and Renown , their Cities stately built and strongly fortified , with Walls raised up to Heaven , full of People , full of Trade , so full of peace and plenty , that they surfeited in all excess ; but from hence they are since fallen , partly by the boundless Ambition of great Princes , partly by the Factions and Divisions in Religion ; and generally by their Disorders , into such condition , that men of great Honour sent in remote Employment , found whole Provinces so sack'd and depopulated , that in divers Journeys they incountred scarce a Man , and of those they found dead , some had Grass in their Mouths and Stomachs , and some were torn in pieces by Beasts and ravenous Fowls ; and those that were alive had no other Care or Study than how to save themselves from Fire and Sword. In general there is such Desolation , that without a kind of Horror , the Horror thereof cannot be express'd . Now we by God's Blessing are in a better Case ; we sit here in God's House thankful in true Devotion for this wonderful Favour towards us : We enjoy Peace and Plenty ; we are like to those who resting in a Calm Haven behold the Shipwrack of others , wherein we have no part , save only in compassion to help them with our Prayers ; which we all ought to do as interested in their sufferings , lest the like may fall on us . What then remaineth , but seriously to consider , how all these great Blessings are conferred upon us , not for our Merits , or for our more virtuous and Holy Lives , but only by God's favour to his true Religion : and under him by the happy Government of our Gracious King ; which should confirm us all to a Constancy in our Obedience , and to a ready subjection to all those Rules and Orders , which his Majesty shall prescribe for the Publick good . Wherein this general Admonition may fruitfully be applied to the Business now in hand , whereof I make no doubt . So I crave your pardon and your good acceptance of that , which I have rudely spoken , but with , a true affection to this whole Body , whereof ( though I had my Education from another-Nurse ) yet I had the Honour to be an Adopted Son , and ( as I suppose ) one of the ancientest that lives amongst you at this day . It remaineth , that Mr Vice-Chancellour perform his part ; and proceed to the Subscriptions and Depositions of you the Heads . John Coke . DIE Mercurii inter horas secundam & tertiam post Meridem ( viz. ) vicessimo secundo die Junii Anno Dom. 1636. unà fuerunt in Hospitio venerabilis Viri Doctoris Pink , S. Theologiae Professoris , & Vicecancellarii Vniversitatis Oxon. notoriè sito , & situato in Collegio Sanctae Mariae Winton . in Oxon. vulgo voca't Collegio Novo , Reverendus in Christo Pater Dominus Johannes Episcopus Oxon. honoratissimi , dignissimi , & venerabiles Viri , Dominus Johannes Cook Eques auratus & Serenissimae Regis Majestati Secretarius Principalis , Dominus Henricus Martyn , Eques auratus , Judex Admiralitatis & Curiae Praerogativae , Thomas Rives Legum Doctor , & Regis Advocatus , Commissionarii Domini Regis specialiter missi ad exhibendum Librum Statutorum Vniversitatis & eorum confirmationem sub magno Sigillo Angliae . Coram quibus comparuerunt venerabilis Vir Christopherus Potter , Collegiae Reginae Praepositus , Mr. Loughe & Mr. Stannix , Socii Collegii praedicti , qui ante Convocationem eodem die habendam pro Statutorum Confirmatione , Protestationem suam in scriptis Communi Sigillo Collegii sui munitam exhibuerunt , eamque in Personâ suâ legit Mr. Stannix coram Commissionariis praedictis , & Doctore Pink Vice-Cancellario tum praesente , sub hâc verborum formulâ . Protestatio & Declaratio Praepositi & Scholarium Collegii Reginae in Vniversitate Oxon. de Jure , Titulo , & Interesse suis in Electione & Nominatione Principalis Aulae Sancti Edmundi in Vniversitate Oxon. per quam palàm & publicè in quocunque celebri dictae Vniversitatis Coetu , vel alibi , intimari & notum fieri in perpetuam rei memoriam obnixe rogant se solos , & in solidum habuisse , & habere debere in hujuswodi Electione & Nominatione , quotiescunque & quomodocunque Officium dicti Principalis vacare seu vacuum esse , seu fieri futuris temporibus contigerit , Jus , Titulum , & Interesse praedicta . Nos Christopherus Potter , Sacrae Theologiae Professor , Praepositus , & Scholares Collegii Reginae in Vniversitate Oxon. unanimitor allegamus , affirmamus , & protestamur pro nobis & Successoribus nostris , Nos solum & in solidum habuisse & habere , & Successores nostros habere debere Jus , Titulum , & Interesse in Electione , Nominatione Principalis Aulae Sancti Edmundi in & de Vniversitate praedictâ , quotiescunque seu quomodocunque Officium 〈◊〉 Principalis vacare , seu vacuum fieri contigerit , intimantes , & cum 〈◊〉 quâ decet reverentiâ per praesentes intimantes , Jus , Titulum , & Interesse nostra in ejusmodi Electione & Nominatione Principalis antedicti , non solùm Chartd Publicâ sub Sigillo Vniversitatis praedictae Anno primo Elizabethae hujus Regni Angliae Reginae piae Memoriae Data , sed etiam praescriptione penè centum annorum Nobis acquisita , & obtenta fuisse , & esse , eoque intuitu ut Jus , Titulus , & Interesse nostra in praemissis salva & illaesa futuris temporibus maneant , & in perpetuum Nobis & Successoribus nostris conserventur hâc Protestatione & Declaratione nostrâ , quantum de 〈◊〉 possumus , vindicamus , & condicimus , quacunque Declaratione , Decreto , seu Statuto edito vel edendo in contrarium non obstante . Quas nostras Protestationes , Declerationem , allegationem , & vindicationem penes Registra Vniversitatis Oxon. inactitanda ex consensu Honoratissimi ac Reverendissimi Cancellarii , ut in memoriam perpetuam custodiantur , à vobis venerabili Procancellario humiliter petimus , & insuper per vos Registrarium Notarium publicum hic praesentem instrumentum publicum fieri , nobisque dari , ut si opus fuerit in futurum proferatur in publicum instanter rogamus per Procuratores five Syndicos nostros in scripto Procuratorio praesentibus annexo nominatos . Hâc Protestatione recitatâ & auditâ die , horis , & loco praedictis dicti Domini Commissionarii affirmabant sibi à Serenissimo Rege vices solum commissas esse ad exhibendum Librum Statutorum Vniversitatis Oxon. eorumque Confirmationem sub magno Sigillo Angliae , & Sigillo Reverendissimi in Christo Patris & Domini Domini Guilielmi Providentiâ Divinâ totius Angliae Primatis & Metropolitani Cancellarii nostri Honoratissimi respective munitis , & sua non referre , aut ad se aliquo modo pertinere , aliqualem assensum in istiusmodi Negotio praebere aut determinare . Actum verò Protestationis dictorum Praepositi & Sociorum Collegii Reginae intra Vniversitatem Oxon. se non posse non agnoscere affirmabant , Meque Johannem French , Notarium Publicum , & Registrarium Vniversitatis Oxon. praemissa , prout acta fuerunt , inactitare mandabant . Acta fuerunt haec omnia & singula , prout supra scribuntur & recitantur , sub Anno Domini , die . horis , & loco supradictis , praesentibus Roberto Pink , S. Theologiae Professore . & Vice Cancellario Vniversitatis Oxon. & Petro Turner , in Artibus Magistro , Coll. Mertonensis Socio . Et ego Johannes French , Dioceseos Oxon. authoritate 〈◊〉 Notarius Publicus & Registrarius Vniversitatis Oxon. praemissis omnibus & fingulis , dum 〈◊〉 , ut praemittitur , sub anno Dom. mense , die , horis & loco , agebantur , & fiebant , unà cum praenominatis viris praesens personaliter interfui : Eaq , omnia & fingula sic fieri vidi , audivi , scivi , & intellexi , & in notam protocollarem sumpsi . Ideo hoc 〈◊〉 publicum Instrumentum fidelitèr conscriptum exinde fieri curavi , subscripsi , & publicavi , atque in hanc publicam formam redegi . Testimonium perhibeo veritati Johannes French , Notarius Publicus , & Registrarius Universitatis Oxon. Die Saturni , viz. Nono die Julii Anno Dom. 1636. Convocatio erat , ut Literae ab Honoratissimo nostro Cancellario ad Academiam missae Publicarentur , & inter acta Convocationis redigerentur . Quorum tenor sequitur . S. in Christo , SVperiori anno ( quod scio meministis ) Libros quosdam manuscriptos ad vos transmisi : sub quâ Lege in prioribus Libris , satis constat . Illos mist , quia publicis negotiis detento ad studia illa , quae otium petunt , divertere non dabatur . Hos vero mitto prioribus similes , ne si forte ( quod absit ) Pestis ingravescens familiam satis amplam unà cum Domino opprimeret , aut distraheret , Hi tamen salvo opportunitate conductu praeveniente , in manus vestras tuti pervenirent . Mitto autem libros non unico Idiomàte descriptos , quos ( spero sacrabit Deus . ) Sunt autem , ni fallor , Hebraici octodecim , Perfici quatuordecim , Arabici quinquaginta , Armenicus unus , AEthiopici duo , Chinensis unus , Graeci duodecim , Latini sexaginta quinque , Anglicani duodecim , Gallici quatuor , Hibernici duo . Quosomnes non sine sumptu intra anni proxime elapsi spatium congessi , & nunc in Bibliothecam Bodeleianam reponendos mitto . Socios , non diffiteor agnoscent suos . Cum his mitto Astrolabium Arabicum are puriori descriptum , quo me ditavit Vir omni eruditionis genere instructissimus . Et olim Academiae nostrae Alumnus , nunc decus , Johannes Seldenus . Mitto etiam effigiem Serenissimi Regis Caroli , nefama ejus are perennior suo aere destitueretur . Nullibi autem melius locari potest Rex , Musarum Patronus , quam apud vos & inter Musas ; volo autem , ut in Claustris illis , ubi Libri mei Manuscripti siti sunt , collocetur Caput hoc nunquam satis venerandum , ut in memoriam vestram revocet , cujus dignatione ( sub Deo ) factum est , ut illa , qualia qualia sunt , quae in vestram gratiam facta sunt , praestare possem ; & ut veluti Inspector ibi stet , nequis Libros , quasi sub intuitu Regis positos ullo modo violare ausit . Nummi mihi novi sunt . Eâ in re Sancto Petro ferè aequalis sum : Numismata tamen quaedam diuturnâ sollicitudine conquisivi . Acervum nolui vobis mittere , sic enim usui nulli sunt , nisi videre , & numerare ad studiosos pertineat . Redegt itaque 〈◊〉 , quae paravi in 〈◊〉 , eamque doctrinalem , ut per eandem ordinem Saeculorum , & temporum possitis uno quasi intuitu aspicere & per Reversa , ut vocantur , maximas quasque summorum Imperatorum actiones , & temporum vices , & accidentia rerum publicarum planius videre , & per ea difficiliora quaedam Historicorum loca meliùs intelligere , & quandoque de Historiarum Veritate etiam in rebus cognitu necessariis judicare possitis . Numismata haec in quincque Arculas distribui ; in qualibet Arcula sunt multae pixides , quae particularium Numismatum cum Reversis Cellulae quasi & sedes sunt . Has , ubi Numismata non occurrunt , reperietis 〈◊〉 , sed ordine suo ita signatas , ut statim possitis invenire , & in iis Numismata reponere , si forte vobis contingat illa acquirere , quae ipse non potui . Vbi autem Cellulae hae sua habent Numismata , locus tamen adhuc superest , ut alia ejusdem Imperatoris , sed aliis cum reversis possitis ibidem recondere , si quando talia vobis obtinere dabitur . Arculas has quinque ita disposui . In primâ sunt Numismata Hebraica & Graeca , non omninò seriatim , sed secundum ordinem , quem Imperatores & Respublicae in antiquâ Graecid liberè ferre possent . In secundâ sunt Familiae Romanorum , è quibus summi illi viri , qui Rempublicam illam evexerunt in Imperium , prodiere . Et hae ordine alphabetico ponuntur , ut citiùs omnibus occurrant , cum ordo vel dignitatis , vel antiquitatis , & difficilior sit , & paucis cognitus , & fortè incertior . In tertiâ , & quartâ sunt Numismata Imperatorum à Julio Caesare ad modernum Imperatorem , & seriatim secundum vices & successiones suas . Sed tertia continet Romam Ethnicam à Julio Caesare ad Constantinum , unà cum Interfectoribus Julii , & aliis , qui licet legitimè Imperatores non fuerint , Nummos tamen cudêrunt . Quarta verò pari methodo Romam Christianam à Constantino Magno , ad Ferdinandum Romano-Germanicum Imperatorem nunc rerum potitum . In quintâ demum sunt Numismata Britannorum per omnes , quas subiere , temporum & fortunarum vices , sub Romanis , Saxonibus , Danis , Normannis , sub Heptarchiâ & Monarchiâ à Julio Caesare Insulam hanc invadente , ad Pientissimum & Justissimum Principem , Carolum ejus nominis primum , nunc Regum pacatissimè moderantem : Qui diu floreat & serus in Coelum rediens , Sceptra tuta & faelicia suis relinquat . Quo melius haec omnia & vobis innotescant , & posteris , Librum paravi , in quo singulo ordine describerentur , quae in quinque praedictis Arculis contenta sunt ; cum Notulis & Characteribus quibusdam , quibus scire potestis , quae Numismata in Arculis hisce reposita sunt , & quae adhuc desunt , quo diligentius ea indagare satagatis . Librum hunc prae aliis negotiis adhuc perficere non potui , saltem non limatius describere , qui unà cum aliis Manuscriptis in Bibliothecâ collocetur ; ubi etiam Arculas sitas volo . Sed quamprimum supremam manum apposuero , eum vobis mittam omni Cura servandum . Et hoc à Vice-Cancellario obnixiùs peto , ne extrahantur Numismata , vel sedibus suis moveantur , donec Librum hunc directorium acceperitis . Arculis hisce quinque unica Clavis inservit . Duas tamen misi ; harum altera penès Vice-Cancellarium pro tempore existentem servetur ; alterd penes Bibliothecarium , sed eum Primarium dutaxat , ( non inferiorem vel Deputatum ) quos juratos velim de tutâ Custodiâ , de non trahendâ , Clavi alteri cuicunque sub quocunque praetextu , de non aperiendis Arculis vel earum aliquâ , & de non extrahendis Numismatibus , vel ad usum Studentium , vel ad aspectum Peregrinorum , ( si fortè desiderent ) nisi prout eorum alter tam diu & continuò praesens fuerit , quam Arculae apertae sunt . Nec volumus plures unâ Arculas simul apertas esse ; Nec alterutrum praedictorum Numismatum extrahere , nisi ex und Pixide , vel Cellula simul , ne occasio detur , aut malè reponendi , aut fortè surripiendi . Et quo melius & tuto , & in ordine suo serventur omnia , volumus , ut bis ad minimum in quolibet Anno ( tempore à Vice-Cancellario assignando ) comparentur singula Numismata cum Libro , & si jactura aliqua fiat , quamprimum resciri possit , & aut resarciri , aut cautius de reliquis in posterum curari . Insuper , etiamsi ab Idololatria abhorret animus , tamen quo vobis contemptui sit magis Gentium vecordia , duo accipietis superstitionis Ludibria ; Idola duo , Vnum AEgyptiorum vetus , alterum Hesternum Indorum occidentalium Ridete caecam insaniam , & unà mecum gratias agite Beatissimae Trinitati praecipuè autem Domino Jesu Christo , qui semetipsum veritatem nobis revelavit . Non fecit taliter omni genti . Deus Optimus Maximus vos vestraque custodiat , sospitetque , ut adventum Regium , cum gaudio expectare possitis , & praesentia frui , sicut vovet . Viris mihi amicissimis , Doctori Pink Vice-Cancellario , reliquisque Doctoribus , Procuratoribus , nec non singulis in Domo Convocationis infra Alma Universitate Oxon. Congregatis . Datum ex aedibus meis Lambethanis , Junii 16. 1636. Amicus vester & Cancellarius W. CANT . Reverendissime Cancellarie , AFfectus nostros Te manu tenere , eosque efficaciùs regere , quàm vel potest illucens Ratio , vel Angelus assistens , quid mirum ? Immisisti enim conjuncta Stimulis Lora , Libertatibus Leges , & utrasque tam suavi internexas moderamine , ut fiant Privilegia pretium Obedientiae , & Statuta Licentiae fraenum . Gravari nos posse , existimas necessario hoc vinculo , quod soli nos alligat faelicitati ? Gravemur itaque irradiato intellectu , integritate morum , illabi conscientiâ , pace , favore , & gratiâ , his omnibus gravemur . Imo potiùs confundimur gloriandi ardore , & studio gratitudinis . Gloriari possumus non opera , sed Fautoribus nostris ; quorum auspiciis id expeditè , & inopinato effectum est , quod Saecula anteriora saepe & frustra cogitarunt ; quod fracto conatu velut insuperabile destituit arduus ille Wolseius . Indigesta veterum Statutorum congeries , cujus 〈◊〉 cura molimen ridiculum videbatur . Aàstantibus in serenam emicuit compagem ; Ideoque pari ferit stupore nos etiam fruentes , & fruitionis incredulos , ac si Chaos alterum coram oculis nostris in Mundum harmonicè concinnatum assurgeret . Resurrectionem quandam Pandectae hujus agnoscimus , in eâ Faeces tam purè exustas , additamenta tam gloriosè induta , simulque ordinem tam distincte lucideque dispositum , ut , quamvis sit eadem , multo tamen sanctior , multo splendidior emergat . Quibus it aque gratiarum Cumulis compensabimus indefessam vestrae bonitatis pertinaciam , quae nec tuo , nec alieno perpercit sudori , quae nec pacem regiis auribus , manibusque permisit , donec desperatum hoc opus , ultimo examine , supremo sigillo , & imperiali authoritate perfectum , exiret ? Tacere non possumus incredibilem vestram in tantâ sedulitate Prudentiam , quae experiendo aptavit Jugum , priusquam affixit , & accuratissime recognitionis ergo annum integrum operi consummato indulsit , quoniam in annum Platonicum duraturo . Implicuisti nunc demum nexu indissolubili Regem & ipsius Alumnos : Illum , ut propugnet , quae nos condidimus , Statuta , quia 〈◊〉 ; Nos vero , ut iis lubentissimè obsequamur , quae manus Regia obsignavit , quoniam & nostris . Tantae firmitudini accedit Honor & Reverentia , eaque Oxoniensi longè protentior Pomerio . Dum enim Constitutiones nostras claudit Sanctio Regalis , siunt illae ex Academicis planè Epidemicae , foroque externo venerabiles ac Nostro . Si Carolus Regum optimus Justinianum se nobis praestiterit , certe Triboniani locum subiisti & Tu ; si Regi augustissimo confirmata debeamus Statuta , Regem debemus Paternitati vestrae haec nobis confirmantem . Num vice gratitudinis fidem in obedientiam expectas ? Legibus tam salutaribus Collum subdere , & earum in verba jurare ( quod sine perjurio antea vix potuimus ) alterum est beneficium . Vsque adeo mersi sumus Beneficiorum tuorum Abysso ; Sin obsequi sit mergi , mergemur . E domo nostra Convocationis , Junii 23 , 1636. Sanctitati vestrae obsequentissimè devoti Oxon. Acad. Ex Decreto Convocationis in Assimulatione parva secundo die Julii , 1636. Alterapars sive una pars Indenturae quadripartitae de eligendis , stabiliendis , & confirmandis tribus Sociis ex Insulis Jersey , & Garnsey , publicè Sigil . lo Vniversitatis munitaerat ; & altera pars Indenturae sigillanda fuit Communi Sigillo Collegii Exon. Collegii Jesu , & Collegii Pembrochiensis ; in quae Collegia Socii proedicti ex fundatione Serenissimi Regis nostri Caroli , eligendi sunt imperpetuum , & admittendi juxta tenorem Indenturarum hinc sigillatarum . Reverendissime Cancellarie , VOcitemus Te licet Academiae Patrem , Ductorem , Angelum , Arch-Angelum , ecquid minus ? Agnoscimus Te amplissimam divinae Munificentiae Cisternam , quam innumerae quidem fistulae adimplent , duae verò exhauriunt , Ecclesia & Academia . Adeo densa & plusquam quotidiana huc defluunt ex te Beneficia , ut iis aptè memorandis aegrè sufficiat Calendarius , tametsi rasus , & nominum vacuus . Quin & eadem quotannis crescunt , & redeunt solennem in morem Veris ac Messis . Anno superiore Libros accepimus Manuscriptos numeri multitudine , rerum pondere , Linguarum varietate , O quantum 〈◊〉 mirabiles ! Transmisisti hoc Anno Centum & octoginta ejusdem Opulentiae ! Hi pari legum religione loco contiguo reponendi , Socios eo faciliùs agnoscent quod compellare possunt Nativo Idiomate . Vnde Acervus iste Literarii Thesauri ? unde his aestus Linguarum , ac Donum Apostolico proximum ? Num devastata Germaniae Gazaterram appulit pacificam , & ad manus vestras , hoc est , nostras quam citissimè deveniret ? Nunquid venti in mandatis acceperunt , omnes Mundi cultiores plagas diverrere , ut mitidissimas Europae , Asiae , Africaeque Gemmas in alterum hunc orbis Britannici oculum pressè contraherent ? Quàm gratum hoc erit exteris Nationibus in Orbe penitus diviso , domi vivere , suasque Dialectos , si non audire , saltem videre ac legere ! Enitabimur ipsi posse Nos itidem in Bodeleiano Tuoque Sacrario Solis vestigia prosequi , & utrumque ipsius terminum perlustrare . Libris hisce conjunctam dedisti , aeream Serenissimi Regis Effigiem , eamque non minùs Emblemate , quàm loco conterminam . Is enim dignior Vniversis Dominari Populis , quàm nos Linguis . AEs illudexterius interiori figet memoriae alteram & aeque perennem Regis 〈◊〉 Effigiem . Dum Carolus desuper imminebit inspector , & stabit pro Ferulâ Sceptrum , 〈◊〉 erit studiis non incumbere verecundè & seriò : tanti Magistri Contemptores , certè graviori nomine desidiam luemus ; nec tantum audiemus ignavi , sed in illum aeque rebelles , ac in Te ingrati . Postquam Libris ditasti Academiam , invenisti etiam , quomodo eruditam faceres divitiis . Quinque misisti Arcas , easque ( ex frustra querulas largitor ) non Nummis refertas , sed tamen Numismatis , sed plusquam Margaritis . Illic ediscere licet Historiam ex Auro , illic Imperatorum gesta , & series temporum in Pecuniâ speculari , easque non pigro serutinio disquirere , sed uno intuitu percipere . O nos foelices , & miris modis studiosi , qui ne tempus inutilitèr absumamus , secula tenemus , & opes avari , Arcis in 〈◊〉 . Nonnè satis fuit ( O Beneficentiae avidissime ! ) simulachrum posuisse unius , unius instar omnium Caroli , nisi in typis transmitteres tot Sceptrigeros , à Monarchiâ secundâ ad diem usque hodiernum deductos . Quid manu oculisque versamus Graeciae liberae Dynastas , Romae crescentis Patricios , Adulta , Imperatores ? Quid Reges denique Britannos à Caesare ad Carolum ? Vno hoc ultimo contenti acquescimus . Si de vestra Celsitudine habenda sit Panegyris , non est , cur sanus Orator , artificialis memoriae auxilia aliunde appetat , quàm ex vestro Numismatum Thesauro . Illic in quinque Cistis complures Pixides , in Pixidum loculis foecundiores locillos , in 〈◊〉 infinita reperiet signa & imagines , quarum fidei encomiorum tuorum Classes partiri possit ac tuto concedere . Ex abundantiâ vestrâ cumulatim accepimus adhuc plura , duo Idola , miseranda superstitionis spectacula , eademque veri Cultûs solamina ; è quibus etiam non ingrati agnoscimus , quantum superet vir bonus Ethnicorum Deos. Astrolabium insuper Arabicum misisti , à Seldeno lauda tissimo , quia meritissimo , acceptum ; sublimi hec instrumento , capiemus fortassis aliqui altitudinem stellarum , ut vix , aut ne vix unus alitudinem Angeli dona tam numerosa coelitùs deferentis Vicisti sane , vicisti spem omnem aequae gratitudinis : Enitemur tamen ( quod solum possumus ) tot Regum antiquorum imaginibus unam adjicere , unam optimi Praesulis , nempe tuam . Enitemur pro tot libris , legentium animas , pro tot exterorum Linguis tuorum Corda , pro Effigie Regali sequacitatem umbrae parem , pro Astrolabio Arabico , Radiationis vestroe meditamen , pro Idolorum Ethnicorum Ludibriis conceptissimas ad Deum inconceptibilem preces , summâ quâ possumus , fide & constantia rependere . E Domo nostrae Convocationis , Julii 9. 1636. Sanctitatis Vestrae Devotissima Cultrix Oxon. Acad. This year the Buildings which I began in St. John Baptist's College Anno 1631. were fully finisht . These Buildings cost me the full , Sum of — The new Convocation House at the West end of the great Library , with an addition over it to the said Library , was begun to be built in May 1634. and all the Stone Building was finisht in July 1636. In this year were the Windows of Queen's-College Chappel glazed with coloured Glass , compleatly finisht , which were begun in the year 1633. AFter my hearty Commendations &c. The Time will put both my self and you in mind , that I have troubled Dr. Pink with the Vice-Chancellourship now two Years together ; and I must give him this Testimony , that his Care and Pains together with his Judgment , in managing all business incident to that troublesom Office , hath not only been very great in it self , but hath equalled the best and most careful Endeavours of any his Predecessours . And as I give him hearty thanks for it , so is he much bound to God and my self with him , for the great Blessing with which he hath guided and supported all his Actions . And I cannot but profess unto you , that he hath deserved exceeding well , not of my self only , but of the whole University , and of every Man in particular , whose Sons have been bred there , during the time of this his Government . But for this Vigilancy and pains of his I must not overload him , but think upon some other worthy and able Man to succeed , that may , and will not take upon him the Office only , but go in the same way , into which he hath led him . And after some deliberation I have fixed my resolution upon Dr. Bailye , President of St. John's-Coll . and Dean of Sarum , upon whom I shall be for'cd to lay the greater burthen , if his Majesty hold his Gracious pur pose of Honouring the University with his Presence this present Year : And he will therefore need all the assistance , that either his Predecessours , and the rest of the Heads can give him . These are therefore to pray and require you to allow of this my Nomination and Choice of Dr. Baylie to the Vice-Chancellourship ; and I will not doubt but that you will all afford him your best Advice , Counsel and help , to the performance of all such things , as may any way concern the Honour and good Government of the University . So I bid you all heartily Farewel , and rest , To my very loving Friends , the Vice Chancellour , the Doctors , the Proctors , and the rest of the Convocation of the University of OXFORD . Lambeth , July 12. 1636. Your very loving Friend and Chancellour , W. CANT . S. in Christo. Sir , SInce I writ last to you , the Dean of Christ-Church came to me , and acquainted me with two things , which are very necessary you should both know and remedy . The one is , that the University seems to be unwilling to contribute to the Charge of the Plays , which are to be at Christ-Church . Now this charge , as by reason of their Building , they are not able to bear alone ; So I must needs acknowledge , there is no reason , that they should , whatever their ability be : For the King is to be entertained by Oxford , not by Christ-Church . And that he lyes there , is but for the Conveniency of the place , where there are so many fairLodgings for the great Men to be about him . Indeed if Christ-Church men will say , they will have no Actors , but of their own House , let them bear the charge of their own Plays on God's name : But if they will take any good Actors from any other College or Hall , upon trial of their sufficiency to be as good , or better than their own ; then I see no reason in the World , but that the whole University should contribute to the Charge . And I pray see it ordered , and let your Successour follow you accordingly . The other is , that since the University must contribute to this Charge , ( for so it was done when King James came , and at the last coming of Queen Elizabeth , both within my own memory ) I hold it very sit , that all the Materials of that Stage , which are now to be made new , and the Proscenium and such Apparel whatever it be , as is wholly made new , shall be laid up in some place fit for it ; to which the Vice-Chancellour for the time being shall have one Key , and the Dean of Christ-Church the other , that it may not be lost , as things of like nature and use have formerly been . And if any College or Hall shall at any time for any Play or Show that they are willing to set forth , need the use of any , or all of these things , it shall be as lawful , and free for them to have and to use them , as for Christ-Church ; Provided that after the use , they do carefully restore them to the place whence they were taken . And to the end these things may be kept with the more safety and indifferency to the University , I think it very fit that an Inventory be made of them , and that one Copy thereof remain with them , at Christ-Church , and the other in such fit and convenient place , as the Vice Chancellour and the Heads shall agree on . For my part I think it fittest , that an Inventory should be kept in the University Registry , that so you may not only have access to it , so often as you shall have cause , but also leave it ready for direction in future times in like Cases of expence . And I think it not amiss , that these my Letters which concern the ordering of these Businesses , should be Registred also . And further , that the University may see , how the Money , which they allow towards these Charges is expended , I think it very requisite , that your self and the Heads should name three or four Men of good experience in those things , that may see at what Rates all things are bought and paid for : And an Accompt delivered in to the Vice-Chancellour and the Heads , at such time , as the Vice-Chancellour , shall call for them . And also that , their Hands be set to both Copies of the above named Inventories . I have thought upon Dr. Fell , Dr. Sanders , and the Warden of Wadham , as very fit Men for this purpose ; And if you and the Heads shall think it requisite to joyn any more to them , you may name whom you please . For the Play , which I intend shall be at St. John's , I will neither put the University nor the College to any Charge , but take it wholly upon my self . And in regard of the great trouble and Inconvenience , I shall thereby put upon that House , as also in regard it shall set out one of the Plays by it self , I think there is great reason in it , and do therefore expect it , that no Contribution should be required from St. John's towards the Plays at Christ-Church . And I pray let me have an Accompt from you of the settlement of these things . So I leave you to the Grace of God , and rest , Croydon , July 15. 1636. Your loving Friend W. CANT , Reverendissime Cancellarie , TEnsis ad Coelum Palmis , contemplamur attoniti inexplebilem vestrum largiendi Ardorem , Benficia omnino aedificas , & superstruere festinas donis praemissis facultatem utendi . Cum enim Academiam stupefeceris Arabico Librorum Thesauro , mox eos intelligendi causâ Praelectorem Arcani Sermonis impensè fundasti : per oculos , per aures immanat eadem perpetua 〈◊〉 . Praelectorem istum non solo fundasti hortamine , verùm Te tuâ ; Tuâ quamdiu vita & res supererit ; hoc est , ( si votis annuerit Deus ) ultra soeculum in oeternum . Vim omnem effundis in Te positam , & aliorum legare pergis voluktatem ; una cum beneficiis , Exempla largiris ; & velut proprium 〈◊〉 , non ultra satis foelicem reddidisses Academiam , nisi prorsus Arabicam ; utrumque Polum , utrumque Solem , imò & Globum utrumque revolvis animo , & sumptu studioso disquiras novo tuae Academiae Ornamenta . Praeonerosa benefaciendi Consuetudine diductus es , & tantùm non egenus , ut emineas in mediocritate rerum , sed virtutum Apice habentium , ac non habentium longe munificentissimus . Siste manum , siste , ne premat Te virtus nimia ; totum enim Te figis , atque insumis emolumento nostro . Nullus 〈◊〉 Filius sic Matrem sugendo exhausit , ac Te Patrem filia Academia : 〈◊〉 nunc dicas , quae suit Mater ; cum eam ex ruinis regenitam lautiori Fronte perpoliveris , & Ore novo mox loqui docueris . Nos itaque licet nondum Sermone Arabico ( Donum enim hoc vestrum est ) certe gentium omni genere pectore gratias conceptissime recumulamus ; semperque retinebimus sub linguis omnibus unam animi devotissimi Effigiem . E Dome nostrae Congregat ionis Aug. 10 , 1636. Sanctitatis vestrae humillima Cultrix , Oxon. Acad. THis year his Majesty and the Queen invited themselves to me to Oxford , and brought with them Charles , Prince Elector Palatine , and his Brother Prince Rupert , being both then in England . They came into Oxford at the end of this Summer's Progress on Munday August 29. The Vice-Chancellour made a very good Speech unto them , where my self and the University met them , which was a mile , before they entred the Town . That Speech ended , they passed along by St. John's , where Mr. Tho. Atkinson made another Speech unto them very brief , and very much approved of by his Majesty afterwards to me . Within Christ-Church Gate , Mr. William Strode the University Orator entertained them with another Speech , which was well approved . Thence the King accompanied his Queen to her Lodging , and instantly returned , and went with all the Lords to the Cathedral . There after his Private Devotions ended , at the West Door Dr. Morris , one of the Prebendaries entertained him with another short Speech , which was well liked . And thence hisMajesty proceeded into the Quire , and heard Service . After Supper they were entertained with a Play at Christ-Church , which was very well penn'd , but yet did not take the Court so well . The next day being Tuesday , the King came to Service soon after 8 in the Morning . It was at Christ-Church , and Mr. Thomas Brown being then Proctor , made an excellent Sermon , which gave great Content . The Sermon ended , The Prince Elector , and his Brother Prince Rupert , attended by many of the Lords , came to the Convocation-House , where the Place was full of University-Men , all in their Forms and Habits very orderly . And the two Princes with divers Lords , were pleased to be made Masters of Art ; and the two Princes Names were by his Majesty's leave entred in St. John's College to do that House that Honour for my sake . In Convocation the Vice-Chancellour having first placed the Princes , and briefly exprest the cause of that Convocation , I made a short Speech , which here follows in haec verba . Florentes Academici , & hoc tempore florentissimi quibus Caroli Regis & Pientissimi & Prudentissimi : simulque Mariae 〈◊〉 Heroinae , Consortis suae charissimae , praesentiâ frui datur Nec eâ solum , sed & praesentiâ eximiae spei Principum , Nepotum M. Jacobi Sacratissimoe Memoriae Monarchae , & de Academia Literatisque omnibus optimè meriti ; Principes hi sunt , & hoc Titulo , & suo , omni honoris genere dignissimi . Vos eos omni , quo 〈◊〉 , prosequimini . Quid expectatis ultrà , Academici ? An ut ego Oraetorio in hoc Senatu fungar munere ? At illud & memoria , curis simul & annis fracta , & lingua per se inculta , & desuetudine loquendi 〈◊〉 ; & praesens 〈◊〉 , quod ad alia festinat , omnino Prohibent . Nec Principes hi Preceresve illud à me expectant , Cui aliud satis jam incumbit negotium : & qui illis 〈◊〉 in omnibus sum pollicitus . Breviter itaq : quod ad vos attinet , Principes , non Ortu magis quàm Virtutibus illustres . Non expectat à vobis Academia , ut possitis totam Entis prosunditatem exhaurire , ut sic sitis Artium Magistri , sed liceat dicere : Freta aetatis vestrae nondum transiistis . AEstus jam urgent juveniles . Hos discite superare fluctus , procellas has in auras redigere , & omnium insimul Artium Magistrieritis , & quid ni fortunoe ? Atque utinam nostrae potestatis esset , coecoe illi Deoe oculos dare , quibus virtutes vestras cerneret , & agnosceret jura . Et vos etiam Proceres , Principum horum Cultores , convocata hac Academia exultat videre , & non solum conferre gradus suos in vos gestit , quos omni honoris cultu veneratur : sed potiùs eos conferendo , honorem summum gradibus suis quaerit ; quod placeat Principibus hisce vobisq , Pannis suis ( nam & 〈◊〉 in purpura est ) inaugurari . Floreat sic soepius Academia , & Nativis simul & Adoptivis Filiis gaudeat . Egregie Vice Cancellarie , ad Creationem & Admissionem simul pro Officio tuo descende . AFter this the Vice-Chancellour proceeded , made another short Speech , and after Creation and Admission of the Princes and and other Honourable Persons , ended the Convocation . That finisht , they all returned to Christ-Church to attend upon the King , ( the Princes having formerly in the Morning seen some of the fair Colleges . ) Then the Queen being not ready , the King with the Princes and the Nobles , my self also waiting upon him , went to the Library , where the King viewed the New Buildings and the Books , and was entertained with a very neat Speech made by the Son of the Earl of Pembrook and Montgomery , then Lord Chamberlain . Then word was brought up , that the Queen was come . So the King went into the 〈◊〉 to her , and they went away to St. John's to dinner , the Princes and Nobles attending them . When they were come to St. John's , they first viewed the New-Building , and that done , I attended them up the Library Stairs ; where so soon as they began to ascend , the Musick began , and they had a fine short Song fitted for them , as they ascended the Stairs . In the Library they were Welcomed to the College with a short Speech made by — — one of the Fellows . And Dinner being ready , they passed from the old into the new Library , built by my self , where the King , the Queen , and the Prince Elector dined at one Table , which stood cross at the upper end . And Prince Rupert with all the Lords and Ladies present , which were very many , dined at a long Table in the same Room . All other several Tables , to the number of 13 besides these two , were disposed in several Chambers of the College , and had several Men appointed to attend them ; and I thank God I had that happiness , that all things were in very good order , and that no man went out at the Gates , Courtier or other , but content ; which was a Happiness quite beyond Expectation . When Dinner was ended , I attended the King and the Queen together with the Nobles into several withdrawing Chambers , where they entertained themselves for the space of an hour . And in the mean time I caused the Windows of the Hall to be shut , the Candles lighted , and all things made ready for the Play to begin . When these things were fitted , I gave notice to the King , and the Queen , and attended them into the Hall , whither I had the happiness to bring them by a Way prepared from the President 's Lodging to the Hall without any the least disturbance ; And had the Hall kept as fresh and cool , that there was not any one person when the King and Queen came into it . The Princes , Nobles , and Ladies entred the same way with the King , and then presently another Door was opened below to fill the Hall with the better sort of Company , which being done , the Play was begun and Acted . The Plot was very good , and the Action . It was merry , and without offence , and so gave a great deal of content . In the middle of the Play , I ordered a short Banquet for the King , the Queen , and the Lords . And the College was at that time so well furnisht , as that they did not borrow any one Actor from any College in Town . The Play ended , the King and the Queen went to Christ-Church , retired and supped privately , and about 8 a Clock , went into the Hall to see another Play , which was upon a piece of a Persian Story . It was very well penn'd and acted , and the strangeness of the Persian Habits gave great Content ; so that all Men came forth from it very well satisfied . And the Queen liked it so well , that she afterwards sent to me to have the Apparel sent to Hampton Court , that she might see her own Players act it over again , and see whether they could do it as well , as t' was done in the University . I caused the University to send both the Clothes , and the Perspectives of the Stage ; and the Play was acted at Hampton Court in November following . And by all Men's confession the Players came short of the University Actors . Then I humbly desired of the King and the Queen , that neither the Play nor Cloathes , nor Stage might come into the Hands and use of the Common Players abroad , which was graciously granted . But to return to Oxford . This Play being ended , all Men betook themselves to their rest , and upon Wednesday Morning August 31. about Eight of the Clock , my self with the Vice-Chancellor and the Doctors attended the coming forth of the King and Queen ; and when they came , did our Duties to them . They were graciously pleased to give the University a great deal of thanks ; and I for my self , and in the Name of the University , gave their Majesties all possible thanks for their great and gracious Patience and Acceptance of our Poor and mean Entertainment : So the King and the Queen went away very well pleased together . That Wednesday Night I entertained at St. John's , in the same Room where the King Dined the Day before , at the long Table , which was for the Lords , all the Heads of Colleges and Halls in the Town ; and all the other Doctors , both the Proctors and some few Friends more , which I had employed in this time of Service ; which gave the University a great deal of Content , being that which had never been done by any Chancellor before . I sat with them at Table , we were merry , and very glad that all things had so passed to the great satisfaction of the King , and the honour of that place . Upon Thursday , September , 1. I Dined privately with some few of my Friends : And after Dinner went to Cuddesden to my ancient Friend , my Lord the Bishop of Oxford's House , there I left my Steward , and some few of my Servants with him at Oxford to look to my . Plate , Linnen and other things , and to pay all Reckonings , that no Man might ask a Penny after we had left the Town ; which was carefully done accordingly . Upon Friday , September 2. I lay at a house of Mr. Justice Jones's of Henley upon Thames , upon his earnest Invitation . And upon Saturday , September 3. ( God be thanked ) I returned sase home to my House at Croyden . The week after , my Steward and other Servants , which staid with him , came from Oxford to me ; where the Care of my Servants , with God's Blessing upon it , was such , as that having borrowed all the King's Plate , which was in the Progress , and all my Lord Chamberlain's , and made use of all mine own , and hired some of my Gold-smith , I lost none , but only two Spoons which were of mine own Plate , and but little of my Linnen . My Retinue ( being all of my own , when I went to this Entertainment ) were between 40 and 50 Horse ; though I came privately into Oxford , in regard of the nearness of the King and Queen , then at Woodstock . There was great store of Provision in all kinds sent me in towards this Entertainment ; and yet ( for I bare all the Charge of that Play , which was at St. John's , and suffered not that poor College to be at a penny Loss or Charge in any thing ) besides all these sendings in , the Entertainment cost me ........ Salutem in Christo. SIR , THE Sickness of these Times , and my many other occasions , made me forget to write to you before the beginning of Michaelmas Term last , concerning the Sermon and Prayers usually had at St. Maries at the beginning of Terms , which were wont to be not so orderly as they should , nor with so good Example to other places at large in the Kingdom , as such a University should give . For , First , the Communion was Celebrated in the Body of the Church , and not in the Chancel , which , tho' it be permitted in the Church of England in some cases of necessity , where there is a Multitude of People ; yet very undecent it is , and unfitting in that place , where so few , ( the more the pity ) use to communicate at these Solemn times . But this abuse I caused to be rectified in Dr. Duppa's time , and I hope neither you nor your Successors will suffer it to return again into the former Indecency . Secondly , tho' none do come to those Solemn Prayers and Sermons , but Scholars , and those too of the best Rank , yet to no small dishonour of that place , the Sermon is in Latin , and the Prayers in English : As if Latin Prayers were more unfit for a Learned Congregation , than a Latin Sermon . And the truth is , the thing is very absurd in it self , and contrary to the Directions given at the beginning of the Reformation of this Church ; for in the Latin Service Books , which were first Printed in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth , there is an Express , both Direction and Charge , that notwithstanding the altering of the ordinary Form of Prayers throughout the whole Body of the Kingdom from Latin into English : Yet in the Universities such Prayers , unto which none , but they which were Learned did resort , should be in Latin. And for my part , I do much wonder , considering how Publick that Direction was , that the University at the beginning of Terms should fall from this Ordinance , and so divide the Service and Sermon between Latin and English. Upon Consideration of this I acquainted His Majesty both with that Printed Direction of Queen Elizabeth , and with the Breach of it by the University at the beginning of Terms ; whereupon His Majesty was pleased to give me in Charge to see this ordered , and to take a Course for a Remedy in the future , and that hereafter Service , Sermon , and Communion , should be at all beginnings of Terms Uniformly in Latin , since none resort to either , but such , as well understand it . These are therefore to pray and require You at some convenient Meeting of the Heads , to acquaint them with this Direction of His Majesty , and to take care , that both at the beginning of the next Term , and of all Terms following , the Service and Communion be in Latin , as well as the Sermon . And that such , as are not furnished , may the better provide themselves of Service Books in Latin , so soon as conveniently they can , you shall do well to make it so much the sooner known to the Heads . And this I must not forget to tell you , that when I took this first into Consideration , it was thought fitting to put it into the University Statutes . But afterwards I considered , that since the Statutes were to remain to Posterity , it would lay no small Scandal upon these times , when they should see by the very Statute it self , what a stranger the University was to the Prayers of the Church in a Learned Language . And hereupon having first acquainted His Majesty with this also , I thought it better to leave it out of the Statutes , and to reduce it to this privater way , which opinion of mine His Majesty was pleased graciously to Approve . Two things there are , which You and the Heads must take present care for : The One is , that the Vice-chancellor , and he that helps him to execute , ( whosoever he be ) be in Surplices ; but whether the Vice-chancellor will put on his Surplice , when he goes to the Communion , or put it on at the first , and so read Service , and sit at the Sermon in it , I leave to his own Judgment ; but I like the latter better , and the Surplice must be under both the Habit and the Hood . The Second is , that there must be care taken with the Singing Men , that they may answer the Litany and all other places of the Service , where they interpose , in Latin , which they may easily practice and be ready to perform at the beginning of the next Term ; but if they cannot , the Litany must be sung , or answered by the Masters without the Organ , till they can : for the main business to have all things in Latin must go on . So wishing you all Health and Happiness , and the University that Honour , that belongs unto Her entire , I leave you to the Grace of God , and Rest I hope you take care that all Letters of mine , which concern Business of this or the like Nature , be Registred . Croyden , Nov. 26. 1636. Your very loving Friend W. Cant. Honoratissime Cancellarie ! Qui in commodum nostrum quasi asslat us raperis , Honori etiam nostro velut de speculâ it a prospicis , ut nec rogare amplius , nec monere ausi simus , ne vel hinc curae vel benevolentiae , inde tuae detrahere videamur , a quibus it a procedunt beneficia , ut ea jam inter mores tuos 〈◊〉 , atque unum illud restare nobis arbitremur , peractis demum omnibus , gratulari . Certè , ut nil non Tibi 〈◊〉 , Academiae non Oculum tantum Te , sed & Manum praebuisti . 〈◊〉 , fatemur , defecit nobis ille donandi decor , qui Theses & Axiomata observantiae immiscuimus , & Syllogismis sceptrum vexaturi , Abacum in aulam transtulimus ; tum certè irruere magis quam accedere , & largiendi munditias odisse Academiae Signum erat , sed simul est opprobrium : quaeque nos quasi Literatorum argumenta delectârunt , apud alios in Rusticorum indicia transierunt . Sed dum pexum Corpus ita aversata est Lycaei nostri Philosophia , ut nec honestum retinuerit , & Superflua evitans , etiam necessaria aliqua ex parte Praeciderit , eâ prorsus incuriâ ( graviore enim verbo uti non licet ) hoc egit , ut gratiose satisfecisset solium , si Thura sine Nauseâ admisisset benignè satis , si ignovisset Sacerdoti . Et certe intellexisset adhuc Academia , quam minimum esset beneficij donare , nisi Te nobis praefecisset Coelum . Te dicimus meliorem medicum , qui non tantum salutis , sed & virium & coloris rationem habes ; qui non solúm caput Veneris nostrae , sed & reliquas partes ita perfeceris , ut dum nos in majoribus velis eminere , id etiam egeris , ut nec in minoribus deficiamus . Tibi ergo acceptum referimus , quod accipiantur nostra ; Tuo splendori , quod iste Academiae Naevus tollatur . Inscitè donare , Te etenim Porrigente , etiam & frustula nostra , maculata magis quam picta , id pretij induerunt , ut non tot simulacra , sed tot aedificia , nec tot Vestes , sed tot distentas Syntheses obtulisse visi simus : adeo 〈◊〉 illa , Tuo honestamento aucto inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( fere dixeramus inter ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ponuntur , dum tam protradente dextrâ muneri nostro non id solum ornamenti , sed ea insuper & authoritas , & Religio accessit , ut eodem animo receptum sit , quo Datum . Certè antè hac Reges & Reginas magnifica audivimus nomina , jam & pia Sentimus . Ipsorum quidem Majestatis est , quod solium Augustum , Tuae vero Curae , quod & Nutricium habeamus . E Domo Convocationis Decem. 12. 1636. Vestro honori & Paternitati devinctissima , Acad. Oxon. ARTICLES , Agreed upon , and Concluded the 16th . of February , 1636. Between the Vice-chancellor , Proctors , and Heads of Houses in Oxford , and two of the Wardens , and some other of the Company of Stationers in LONDON . FIRST , the said Vice-chancellor and Heads do Covenant on their Part , that the University shall not suffer the Printers of Oxford , for Three Years next Ensuing , to Print the Latin Grammar , called Lilie , nor the Bible * , &c. Neither shall they Authorize or License any other under their Power , or by Vertue of their Privilege lately granted , to Print any of those otherwise , than as the Company of Stationers , and the Parties therein interessed shall permit . Secondly , the said Vice-chancellor , and Heads do promise and undertake , that an Order to this purpose reasonably agreed upon by the Council on both sides , shall be Ratified and Confirmed by Convocation under the University Seal , betwixt this present , and our Lady Day next ensuing . Thirdly , the Wardens above-named , and their Brethren of the Company do Covenant , and Grant to , and with the said Vice-chancellor , &c. That upon such an Order had , and obtained from Convocation under the Publick Seal of the University , the Company of Stationers shall under their Common Seal , firmly bind their Body and Company Yearly to pay 200 l. unto the said University , during the time expressed in the Order , by even and equal Portions : That is to say , 100 l. at our Lady Day , and an 100 l. at Michaelmas , beginning their first Payment at our Lady Day next . Fourthly , the Wardens above-named do undertake to obtain this Covenant likewise from their Company under Seal ; That in Case the University of Cambridge , and the said Company shall agree in like manner , that the power of Printing such Books be there suspended , and that the said Company shall give a greater Sum Yearly unto the University of Cambridge in lieu thereof : That then the said Company shall add such Sum or Sums unto the Sum formerly express'd of 200 l. as shall make the Portion or Portions of Money equal with that which is paid to Cambridge . And the said Sum well and truly paid unto the University of Oxon at such times by equal Portions , as are before specified . Lastly , It is intended , and the full meaning of both Parties is , that this course of suspending their Power by the University , and the Yearly payment of such a Sum by the Company of Stationers shall be renewed at the several ends of such Terms of three Years , in manner and from above specified ; untill it shall be reasonably agreed on by both Parties to relinquish the same . In Witness whereof the Parties above-mentioned have interchangeably set to their Hands . Rich. Baylie , Vice-can . Oxon. Jo. Prideaux , Exon. Rector . Ro. Pincke , Cust. Coll. Novi . Phil. Parsons , Aulae Cerv. Princip . Tho. Walker , Coll. Univers . Magist. Tho. Brown , Procur . Senior . Salutem in Christo. SIR , I Have received your Letters , by the Stationers , and with them a Copy of the Articles agreed upon between you . These Articles I can find no fault with ; For certainly it will be more benesicial to the University for the advance of a Learned Press to receive 200 l. a Year , than to print Grammars and Almanacks , &c. And more Honour too , when it shall appear , to what extraordinary good use you turn this Money . I have therefore directed them to my Council to draw the Agreement upon these Articles in Form , and so to settle the business ; and they give good Reason why the fourth Article should be secured apart : But I like the Conclusion best of all ; Namely , That this Agreement may determine at the end of Three Years , if the University find it so sitting for them . For Cambridge , as I know not , what they will do in this business , so neither will I be forward to meddle with them , but leave them to use their Privilege in such sort , as themselves shall think best . True it is , that when Bishop Harsenet , one of their own , was so far from assisting , that he oppressed their Privilege , and disswaded me ; yet I stuck close to them , and carryed their Business alone : Nevertheless , they shall never be able to go tell my Lord their Chancellor , that I offer to force their Privilege in the least . Yet if any difference between Them and the Stationers come in publick , I shall moderate things according to reason , as far as I can . Now in the mean time I shall require this of you , and your Successors , that this Money , which you yearly receive , may be kept safe , as a stock apart , and put to no other use , than the settling of a Learned Press ; and I think it were not amiss , that some handsome Register-Book were bought , in which might be kept alone your Acts concerning the Settlement of the Press aforesaid , and in another part of the Book all your Receipts , and all your Disbursements : And if you and the Heads like this Proposal of mine , I would then have you order it so by an Act of Convocation : And I will presently acquaint the King , what great good use we are like to make of the gracious Privilege he hath granted , least any other Man should tell him , we have basely sold it . Now to your other Letters . And first I pray , use any fit means by Letters or otherwise to send to the Doctors , that took their Degree at his Majesty's late being in Oxford , that each of them repair to the University , and perform their Exercise before the Act next ensuing , or pay their 20 l. a Man , according as was ordered at the time of their Presentation . I would likewise , you would let them know , that this 20 l. a Man shall be turn'd to no other use , than to the setting up of the Learned Press , that as many of them as mean well may be the forwarder to pay it . And further , I think it were not amiss to Publish this in Convocation , both that it may be known to what use I mean to put the Money , and withal , that their Friends may take notice , and send them word , if they will , that I am resolved so soon as the Act is over , to sue every Man in the Vice-chancellor's Court , that pays not his Money , if he have not done his Exercise , which I will most certainly do , without respect of Persons : And therefore it is fit , it should be made known as soon as may be . I pray the next Monday commend me to the Heads , and let them know , that I expect from them all , that their several Companies frequent the Schools diligently , and behave themselves there orderly and peaceably ; and I expect from your self and the Proctors , that the Schools be carefully look'd unto , and that the Disputations be quick and Scholar-like , but not tumultuous : Your Predecessor kept them in very good order both his Years , and I hope you will not fall short ; And I pray tell Proctor Brown , that whatever his brother Proctor do , I expect service from him . But my main Business of all is to put you in mind , that I have not receved any account from you all this Year , how the new Statutes are put in Execution , and that not only for matter of Disputations , but for all things else : And the reason of this my Care to have an Account , is two-fold . First , If the Statutes fall into a neglect , and an half Performance now at their beginning , and in my own life-time , there will be no hope that ever they will recover it after ; and so all that great and most useful Labour for the University will be lost : And I have all the reason in the world to prevent this inconvenience if I can . And these two Years of your Vice-chancellorship , the observation , or the not observation of them therein will be a great help or hindrance to the Statutes for ever . Therefore I pray , as ever I shall intreat any thing of you , take all the care you can in this great business , and give me an Account from time to time how it proceeds : And you shall do well to send for Doctor Turner , and desire him in my name to give you all the assistance he can , and you may shew if you will , how zealously I have written to you about this Business . Secondly , Because I remember I have heard , that the former Proctors distasted something about the alteration of the Statute for Readers , and that since that time there hath been a transmission of that Distemper from Proctor to Proctor , which must needs do a great deal of harm , considering , how much they must be trusted with the Execution of the Statutes : Therefore I pray deal seriously with both the Proctors , but especially with Proctor Brown , and let him know , that he can give me no Content , if for the remainder of his time he be not careful of the Statutes , and their due performance . And at Easter , when the new Procters are chosen , I must desire you to look to them , if they do not look carefully to the Duty of their places , and in this particular especially . Besides , I hear a whispering from thence , that during your short abode at Sarum in this Term-time , the Schools were scarce ever called so much as once . I pray God it may be found they have called the Schools at all since the Publication of the new Statutes . You shall do well to examin this , and by the answer which the Proctors give you , you will be able to discover something both of their diligence and intentions ; besides , it cannot be , but that Mr. Belle's death and a new and unexperienced Successor must needs give some hindrance to the Statutes which pertain to Service : But I hope this will be but a temporary inconvenience , and soon blown over by the diligence of Mr. Gayton , and tell him I expect it . Besides , you shall do well to have a care of Noctivagation , and other disorders , else you will quickly have the Distempers of the Night break out in the Day ; and now the Spring comes on , if your self do not take some pains that way , I doubt the Proctors will be negligent enough , though of their negligence I can give no reason , unless it be because by the new Statutes the University is made half sharer in the Mulcts , which how small they are , will appear by their accounts . With a special Caution for the observation of the Statute for speaking Latin. Lambeth , Feb. 24. 1636 / 7. W. Cant. SIR , I Had almost forgotten a business to you of greater consequence than this , and I cannot well tell whether Mr. Vice-chancellor hath acquainted you with it or no ; for I writ not unto him very expresly in the business , but now recalling it , I thought fit to write thus much to your self . You know , that Mr. Chillingworth is answering of a Book , that much concerns the Church of England ; and I am very sorry , that the young Man hath given cause , why a more watchful eye should be held over him and his Writings . But since it is so , I would willingly desire this favour from you in the Church's Name , that you would be at the pains to read over this Tract , and see that it be put home in all Points against the Church of Rome , as the Cause requires . And I am confident Mr. Chillingworth will not be against your altering of any thing , that shall be found reasonable . And to the end , that all things may go on to the Honour of the Church of England , I have desired Dr. Potter , ( who is particularly concern'd in this business ) so soon as ever he is returned from London , to speak with you about it . And when all these Tryals are over , I would be content , that both this Book , and all others that shall be hereafter licensed in the University , have such an Imprimatur of the Licencer before it , as we use here above , which I shall leave to the Wisdom of the Vice-chancellor and the Heads . Lambeth , March , 3. 1636 / 7 W. Cant. A Passage out of a Letter of the Vice-chancellor's . THE University do now generally resent , that your Grace obtained , and the King confirmed unto us the greatest Benefit that ever came to the Publick ; and , God willing , no Man shall disturb it , while I sit Vice-chancellor . My Answer to it . IT is a hard thing in this Age , to bring Men to understand the good that is done them ; and therefore I am the more glad , that the University doth it , that so great a Benefit given them by such a King , may not only be received , but acknowledged by them , and the Memory of it delivered to Succession : And I shall hope that your Successors after you will keep it in that way , into which it is now put , unless they can find a better and more useful for the Learned Press . April 10. 1637. W. Cant. Mr. Vice-chancellor , THERE was an English Translation of a Book of Devotion , Written by Sales Bishop of Geneva , and Entitl'd , Praxis Spiritualis sive Introductio ad vitam devotam , Licensed by Dr. Haywood , then my Chaplain , about the latter end of November last ; but before it passed his hands , he first struck out divers things , wherein it varied from the Doctrin of our Church , and so passed it . But by the Practice of one Burrowes ( who is now found to be a Roman-Catholick ) those Passages struck out by Dr. Haywood , were interlined afterwards , ( as appears upon Examination before Mr. Attorney-General , and by the Manuscript Copy ) and were printed according to Burrows's Falsifications . The Book being thus Printed , gave great and just offence , especially to my self , who upon the first hearing of it , gave present Order to Seize upon all the Copies , and to Burn them publickly in Smithfield . Eleven or Twelve Hundred Copies were Seized and Burnt accordingly ; buut it seems Two or Three Hundred of the Impression were dispersed before the Seizure . Now my desire is , that if any Copies of this Translation be , or shall be sent to Oxford , you would call them in , and take such Order for the Suppressing of them there , as is here already taken . And so I commend you to God's Grace , and rest Lambeth , May 4. 1637. Your Loving Friend W. Cant. SIR , YOU are now upon a very good way toward the setting up of a Learned Press ; and I like your Proposal well to keep your Matrices , and your Letters , you have gotten , safe , and in the mean time to provide all other necessaries , that so you may be ready for that work : For since it hath pleased God so to bless me , as that I have procured you both Privilege and means for that work , I should be very glad to see it begun in my own Life-time , if it raight be . And because the beginning of such a work will be very difficult , as also the procuring of a sussicient Composer , and Corrector for the Eastern Languages , you have done exceeding well to think of him at Leyden , and to get him over upon as good Terms as you can , and to give him an Annual Pension in the mean time , that he may not be tempted from your Service . So God speed you . I have sent you down by this Carrier my Book of the University Statutes , which I give that the Library-keepers may read their own Duties in it ; for having none , I doubt they keep neither old Statutes nor new , so well as they should . And it may be , if you and the rest of the Curators would look well to it , you might find many things there , out of order , and sit to be amended . And while I am upon this Argument of placing the Statute-Book in the publick Library , I pray acquaint the Heads at the next meeting , that I am informed , that the Statute-Book in some private Colleges is kept up too close from them , whom it concerns ; which is a great hindrance to the due Publication of the Statutes , and ministers occasion to many Men to pretend Ignorance , instead of shewing Obedience . I pray therefore commend my love to the Heads , and let them know , that I expect every Head of College and Hall , where there is a Library , to take care that the Book of Statutes be placed and chain'd in it , that it may be of free access to the Students in each Society ; And that in such Halls , as have no Library , the Statute-Book be placed as safely , and yet as publickly as it can be . And further , I must and do require of every of the Heads , that all the Additions and Alterations made upon the Review of the Statutes be put into all and every Statute-Book which is kept within their several Governments . And I do require of you , Mr. Vice-chancellor , to see it done , and to give me an account of it . For it will be no great Labour to you at some convenient times to send for the Statute-Book of every College and Hall , and see whether it be done or no ; and if the Additions should not be writ into every Book , it would cause one College to be otherwise informed concerning their particular Statutes than others are , and so cause more frequent recourse to the Leidger-Book , than would otherwise be necessary , and perhaps breed other disserences also . I find that the Proctors of the last Year , and I doubt their Predecessors also , have been too negligent in Collecting the Mulcts ; and it may be those that are new come in , will be negligent also , if you call not upon them betimes ; I pray therefore commend me to them and tell them , that I will expect their Performance in this particular , as well as their diligence in all things else ; and that I hold it a very unworthy thing that out of a plausible popular humour to decline the Envy of any private Man , they should so far neglect their Duty to the Statutes and the Publick . And certainly if the Proctors go on in this way , and either wholly neglect it , or thrust it upon the Vice-chancellor , I shall not only take it very ill from them ; but at the end of their Year , either I shall cause the Delegates not to pass their Accompts , till they have paid it themselves , or else sue both them and the Delinquents in the Vice-chancellor's Court for such Mulcts as are left by them uncollected . And I pray let the Heads know , what I have Written in this Particular also . I have some more Manuscripts almost ready for you , but I would willingly have some larger place made , and assign'd for them , either in the old Library , or in the new Additions to it ; for I saw the last Summer , that the place , where they now are , would not hold all which I have sent already . And the sooner this place is provided , the better , for to prevent Casualties ; I could be content , they were out of my Hands . Lambeth , May 5. 1637. W. Cant. SIR , I Would have you send for Mr. Brevin , and let him know not only the difference of a Master of Art at Oxford and Samure , but the ill consequences also , which may follow upon it , in case he should have his Degree confirmed ; and that I advise him to go the other way , and to stay half a Year , and so to be created Master , and that in the mean time I will speak with his Friends here : but certainly for ought appears to me yet , or is like to appear , I will never give way to the confirming of his Degree , things being at Samure , as you have reported them . I like your Proposal very well for Mr. Cartwright , and am glad to hear that he is so Passing sit for the Greek , and every way else so well deserving for this or a better Place . I have not leisure to write a Letter to the Heads , which may lie Leidger against that time ; but I am very heartily willing to give my consent , that when the Voydance shall come , Mr. Cartwright may be the Successor , and to that end I give you free and full Power to move the Heads , or to do any other Act fitting , or conducent to the good success of this business . And so much I pray let Mr. Cartwright know , and withal give him thanks for his fair and respective Letter to me . One thing is considerable , I take it , the Statute requires that somewhat should be done with the Bedel of Law in relation to the Learned Press ; but my Memory does not hold it perfectly , what it is ; And therefore you shall do well to consider it . And now upon a suddain considering Gaytons sufficiency , t is come into my head to ask this Question ! Why may not all three Esq Bedels joyn in the Learned Press , tho' perhaps but one of them need be the chief Manager : For ought I know , this may be very well worth your considering . I am very desirous to prevent Perjury by all means possible , and therefore if you can tell how to order it , that so much of the Statute Book may be Printed ; as may direct the younger sort in matter of Manners and Exercise : You shall do very well to take it into full Consideration with the Heads ; and then put it in practise accordingly . But I would have the Collection made to be Printed in a little Volume for the daily use of the Students that may desire it . In your last Passage , I think you are mistaken ; for certainly the great Leidger-Book of the Statutes is to be placed in Archivis among the University Charters ; and not in any Cubb of the Library , nor to be come at without more 〈◊〉 than one : And for this ( as I remember ) there is a particular Statute . But howsoever , I will not have that Book trusted under any Library-Keeper's Key , and for the Statute-Book , which I sent down ; You did well to leave it in the Cubbs , where it must remain , unless you can sind some other way to prevent the endeavour of the Dutch to transcribe it . Lambeth , May 19 1637. W. Cant. SIR , I Am very glad I put that to the question , concerning the joyning of the other two Bedells with the Law Bedel to assist at the Learned Press , considering that it jumps so well with your Care and Thoughts in the same kind : And yet , tho' I think their assistance may be very useful to that Work , it will certainly be necessary , that the Statute be observed , and the main Trust be lest upon the Law Bedel . For else you know between many Stools , what 's like to go to Ground . But indeed if the University would set sadly to it , and bring in some Batchelors of Art to be Yeomen-Bedels , which are well grounded and towardly to serve that Press , as Composers , or otherwise it would in time be of excellent use . And they , which thrived well and did good service , might after be preferred to be Esq Bedels , and so that Press would ever train up able men for it self . And tho' there be time enough to think of this Business ; yet certainly it would not be amiss , now while 't is res integra , to Propose it ( in general at least ) to the Heads , that every man may have his eyes upon , and help to perfect so good a Business which yet I leave to your free Consideration . I am glad the Divinity Disputations in course go on . I hope now that 's master'd , other difficulties will be put the better over . But in any Case give continual Charge concerning the speaking of Latin. For if that be not followed , it will be a heavy business to many of the Younger sort , when they come to take their Degrees ; and the time of four Years for the putting of that Statute in execution will draw on apace . When I read your Letters I was doubtful , in whom the Gift of the Clerk-ship of St. Mary's was , till after considering how the Fees did rise , I conclude it must needs be in the University . And while I was reading your Letters , I did think to leave it wholly to your self , for which of your Men you pleased ; but afterwards reading a Letter that came from Dr. Turner , he put some thoughts into my Head , that such a man might be chosen Clerk , as may be servicable to the Learned Press , either as a Founder of Letters , or as a Press-man in some inferiour Service . This is a very good consideration and timely put in ; I pray therefore speak with Dr. Turner about it , and if such a man may be had in any Case , let him be chosen : But if otherwise it happen , that you must take a man at large , then I leave you free to take , which of your own men you please . Yet whosoever you make Clerk , I hold it very sit that the same man that is Clerk , may not have the keeping of the Clock at St. Mary's to shorten Hours at his Pleasure , especially in Lent , to the great hindrance of those disputations , and the disordering of the University in all Exercises . But I think very fit , that some honest man were taken into that service , that would not be so easily found , nor perhaps so ordinarily corrupted , as the Clerks use to be . And for this service of his , he may be allowed some small thing Yearly out of the Clerk's wages . I leave all this to your Consideration , but believe it as very a Trisle as it seems , it reaches very far into the Discipline of the University . May , 26. 〈◊〉 W. Cant. SIR , I Am very sorry you are to seek for men to answer in the Law and Physick Act ; and am very loth to give way to any , that want time to answer , and have that Exercise , stand for their Degree . Were it not better , that one of the Doctors should answer the rest , than to take his course ? truely for my part I think it more honour for the University to have no proceeders in in either Faculty , than to be driven to this Exigent . And it were fit hereafter , you did agree with the Doctors , that proceed to provide an Answerer , and not leave the University to provide one for them , and not to suffer the Degree of any one Doctor to pass , till he were able to name , who should answer in that Faculty . I pray consider seriously of this with the Heads . Lambeth , June 16. 1637. W. Cant. SIR , FOR Mr. Crofts and his great Horses , he may carry them back if he please , as he brought them . For certainly it cannot be fit for the University , tho' the exercise in it self be exceeding commendable : For the Gentlemen there are most part too Young , and not strong enough ; besides you cannot put that charge upon their Parents , without their particular leave and directions ; but this especially is considerable , that where ever this Place of riding shall be , where one Scholar learns , you shall have 20 or 40 to look on , and there lose their time , so that upon the whole matter , that place shall be suller of Scholars , than either Schools or Library . Therefore I pray give Mr. Crofts thanks fairly for his good intentions ; but as thus advised , I cannot give way to his staying there to the purpose he intends ; nor is it altogether inconsiderable , that you shall suffer Scholars to fall into the old humour of going up and down in Boots and Spurs , and then have their excuse ready , that they are going to the Riding-house ; and I doubt not , but other inconveniences may be thought on , therefore I pray no admittance of him . In this year the Porch at St. Mary's was finished at the cost of my Chaplain , Dr. Morgan Owen , which was 230 l. Lambeth June 23. 1637. W. Cant. Salutem in Christo. AFter my hearty commendations , &c. The time draws now on for the appointing another Vice-chancellor for the Year ensuing , that so the Government of that place may go orderly and peaceably on , as ( God be thanked ) it hath hitherto done . But when I consider with what temper and moderation Dr. Baylie , Dean of Salisbury , hath carried himself in all Businesses , which went through his hands in the Year past , and particularly in the manageing of the many and great businesses , which happened at his Majesties late being there , and what content he hath given the University ; I am resolved according to the course , which I have usually held , to continue him Vice-chancellor for the Year following . And tho' the trouble be great , which accompanys the due execution of that place ; Yet I hope the former years experience , will make this ensueing Year seem less Burdensome to him , and this my new choice of him which I now make , very welcome both to himself and you . These are therefore to pray and require You to allow of this my choice of Dr. Baylie , and to give him your best assistance in all such things as shall concern the Honour and good Government of that University , which not doubting but every of you will do , I leave you all to God's blessed Protection , and rest Lambeth , June , 30. 1637 Your very loving Friend and Chancellor , W. Cant. To my loving Friends the Vice-chancellor , the Doctors , the Proctors , and the rest of the Convocation of the University of Oxford . FOR your Act , Non nostrum inter vos tantas componere lites ! In plain English , keep an Act or keep none ! Take it quite away , or defer it , do what you will , but I will not lye open to the Censure , that may pass upon it , either for the present omission , or for the consequences of infection , which may follow upon it . You are many and wise , and upon the place , and therefore to your selves I leave it , with this caution , that at the first if you keep not the Act at the time , deferring will seem less to the World , than cutting off ; but in the end it must come to the same thing , for I presume you will not keep a Winter Act : And for any thing that concerns your self in particular , that 's not a matter considerable , for 't is but a little Pains lost ; and not so much , if you can tell how to lay a Speech in Pickle till the next Year . June 30 , 1637. VV. Cant. SIR , I Understand , that Richard Bull one of the Yeomen Bedels is lately dead , and that there are so many Suitors for the place as somewhat distract the University : I should be sorry any such petty occasion should divide that Body , and do hereby heartily pray you , that while I leave all Men to their Liberty ; you will take care to keep them in Peace , and to see that the Election pass orderly . And yet truely , tho' I leave all men that have suffrages free , I cannot but marvel , that there should not be a full concurrence of Voices for the choice of William Ball , Servant to your late Predecessor Dr. Puike . For to my knowledge he took a great deal of very good Pains in writing out the Leidger-Book of Statutes for the University . In which respect I for my part cannot but recommend him to the care both of the Heads and of the Masters assuring my self , that he will be a very serviceable man in that place , both for his Pen and otherwise , and therefore I do hereby pray you to do him the best Offices you can , that he may be chosen . So I leave you to God's blessed Protection , and rest Croydon July 14 1637. Your very loving Friend , VV. Cant. SIR , MR. Greaves of C.C.C. began to read the Arabick Lecture upon Wednesday 19 July ? as Deputy to Mr. Pocock , to whom I gave leave to Travel to Constantinople and the Eastern parts for the better perfecting himself in the Arabick and Eastern Languages , and I allowed him the stipend of the Lecture towards his Travels . Concerning Mr. Brown and your Stationers , there is little more to be said . For the truth is , since Mr. Brown , buying at the first hand may sell as cheap as the Merchant , he will certainly draw all the Custom of the whole Town to himself . And certain it is , this would be a considerable benefit to the particular Students who are to buy ; but it must be the utter undoing of all the other Booksellers about the Town , which again on the other side is more considerable , and that as well in regard of the Honour and Justice of the University , as of the Livelyhood of the men themselves and their Families . The truth is for ought as yet appears to me , Mr. Brown must not be suffered to sell by retail for the reason aforesaid . And you were as good order it so your selves , as have it ordered above to your Hands ; for I remember some two years since , there was a great Complaint brought to the Councel-Table , that some men in London would be both Merchants of Cloth , and yet keep a Drapers-shop , and sell by retail ; and it was over-ruled at the Board that they might use which they would but that they might not use both . And I verily believe , if your Stationers complain thither , ( as fear of undoing may make them do any thing ) I shall be commanded to Order you in this Case of Mr. Brown after the same manner . Besides this , there is something considerable in the thing it self . For tho' it be true , that Mr. Brown in this way may , and no doubt will undersel your other Stationers , and so undo them , and enrich himself ; Yet when they are all undone , may not he then , or any other , that shall succeed him in that way , raise the price of Books , under some pretence or other , and sell them as dear as the Stationers now do ? It is therefore certainly a business of great Consideration in it self , and in the Justice of the University , that so many Men and Families be not ruined , after they have served there for their Freedom , and Liberty for some Saving to particular Men. And for an Expedient in a middle way , I do not yet see , where it may be had ; and certainly one way or other , the business must be settled , and the sooner the better . Croyden , July 28. 1637. W. Cant. Most Reverend Father in God , my very Honourable good Lord ! I Had long since in my former Letters acquainted your Grace , according to your directions , with the particular mischief , that ariseth out of the multitude of Victualling-Houses in this place , but that I was informed that by your Grace's care , an Order was made , that no Justices should License Ale-Houses , but in open Sessions , and that the Number should not exceed Three and Twenty . But finding , that this excellent remedy taketh no good effect , I am once more bold to be troublesome to your Grace , hoping , that by your Assistance and Favour , which is never wanting to us , we may in some measure amongst our selves correct this spreading evil . I know your Grace is very apprehensive of the Malignity of this desperate evil , the occasion of many's ruine amongst us , the Number of Victuallers being incredible , and likely to grow continually . The Cure ( I conceive ) is not by punishing the immediate Delinquents , either by Imprisonment , according to the Statute 5 to Edw. 6. or by whipping by the Statute Primo Reg. Caroli , but ( as I have learned by serving two Apprentiships ) by Indicting the Brewer upon the Statute 4 to . Reg. Jacobi , who must pay 6 s. 8 d. for every Barrel he shall deliver into any Tap-House not Licenced . These Men are Solvendi , and if the Penalty be required , they will be soon weary of trading this way ; and by this means , we stop the Current at the very Head and Fountain . I hope the Justices in the Town-Sessions will not hinder this good work , they having much encreased the Number of the Burghers by renewing very lately their Commission , wherein Five of them are added , One being a Brewer , who neither by Law , or in Reason , should be a Judge in this kind , &c. At this time Dr. Fell sent me a List of 94 Ale-Houses , which were unlicenced within the City of Oxford . Christ-Church , Oxford , August 15. 1637. Your Graces ever to be commanded in any service for the good of Church , or State Sam. Fell. Salutem in Christo. SIR , I Received your Letter concerning the great number and increase of Ale-house-keepers and Victuallers unlicenced in the University to the great dishonour of that place , and as great mischief to many young Students there . I thank you heartily for this care and pains , and do hereby assure you , that I will give you all the assistance I possibly can to cure this Malady : And if you find that neither the Order which I caused to be made , nor the other Remedies , which your self mention , will cure this business ( as it seems to do ) I pray acquaint Mr. Vice-chancellor with these my Letters , and let him know , I would have him , your self , and the other Justices , to proceed upon the Statute 4 to . Jacobi , and make every Brewer pay 6 s. 8 d. for every Barrel he shall deliver into any Tap-house not Licenced . It seems by your Letter , that this Statute well followed , is a probable Remedy , and indeed I think it will go far , if it be well followed . I perceive , you have but one doubt against it ; and that is , least you should find opposition from the Town-Justices , who ( you say ) have of late both renewed and enlarged their Commission by the Addition of Five , one of them being a Brewer . Will the University still sleep , while the Town slips these things upon them ? I am sure , I once took order , that the Number of Town-Justices should not exceed those of the Vniversity , that so things might be carried with indifferency . And if they shall now oppose in this business of the Ale-houses , it will be a good occasion for me to move My Lord Keeper again to dissolve their Commission , which I will not fail to do , if they give me cause : So I pray proceed , and God's Blessing be upon your Endeavours , while I rest I trouble you with these Letters , because Mr. Vice-chancellor was newly gone away from me with a whole Bundle of Instructions , just as your Letter came to me . W. 〈◊〉 . Croydon , August 26. 1637. Your very loving Friend W. Cant. SIR , THough unknown , I have presumed to be so bold , as to solicite you in a Business , viz. to know , whether you could send over one or two , who for Religion sake , are desirous to be entered into some Order beyond the Seas , especially that of the Fratrum Minorum , or Jesuites . So expecting your Answer , and unwilling to disclose my self , till I have it , I rest Direct your Answer as soon as you can , to one Richard Pully in St. John's College in Oxon. Yours , August 23. Superscribed thus : To his very Loving Friend , Mr. John Fish in Clarkenwell give These . Leave this at one Mr. Fish's at Doctors-Commons , to be delivered unto him . LONDON . Salutem in Christo. SIR , I Have yet received no Letter from you this Week , if I do , you shall have an Answer on Friday , if I have so much leisure . In the mean time I send you this inclosed , which came to my Hands this present Afternoon ; I pray examine the business with all the Care and Industry you possibly can , as well for the discharge of your own Duty and Credit , as mine , in the Government of that place . And if there be such a Man as Pully here mentioned , be sure to make him fast , and examine him throughly touching all Particulars , that you shall think material for the Discovery of these unworthy Practices for the seducing of Youths in that University , or elsewhere , especially concerning the Author of this Letter , and what Youths have been dealt withal after this sort , either in that House or any other of the Town . And whether any Jesuits , or others , have lain hankering up and down thereabouts , or be there at this present to that purpose , or any other as bad . In all which , I desire you to use the utmost diligence and discretion that you can , and let me have an Account with all convenient speed . So I leave you to God's Grace , and rest This falls out very unhappily , not only for the thing it self , which ought by all means to be prevented ; but also for the Clamors , which the late Libellers have made , that there are great endeavours for reintroducing of Popery . Croydon , August 29. 1637. Your very loving Friend W. Cant. SIR , I Am glad you found all in Health , and all things else so well at your return ; and yet I cannot but see , that both Factions would be busie there . Concerning the Popish Faction , I writ hastily to you to prevent a Danger , which I thought was Imminent , and God grant you may secure it ! but in any case name not Fish , if you can possibly avoid it ; but carry it as if the Letter were Intercepted , and be as careful , as possibly you can . And concerning the Puritan , I see plainly , that Brazen-Nose hath some as bad , or worse than Cook was about four Years since . And that Greenwood , who Preach'd on Sunday last , is like to prove a peevish Man , which I am the more sorry for ; because you write he is a good Master of his Pen , and therefore like to do the more harm . But since he hath so cunningly carried it , ( for the Fashion is now to turn the Libellous part into a Prayer ) I think the best way is to take no notice of it at all ; but the more carefully to observe , what the Man doth in the University : For I would have no Man publickly call'd in Question , where a fair Answer may be given and taken , that the Peace both of the Church , and of that place may be preserved , as much as may be . And yet to confess my thoughts to you , I think Mr. Greenwood had in this business , a very Factious , and a Rancorous meaning . When you have made all the use you can of the Letter I sent you on Wednesday , take a Copy of it , and send me back the Original safe . September 1. 1637. W. Cant. SIR , UPon the receipt of your Grace's Letters on Wednesday , I instantly set a Spy upon Pullin , one of our Scholars of the House of two Years standing , sent to the Carrier for a view of all the Letters sent to St. Johns ; none were directed to Pullin either on Thursday or Saturday : Neither did Pullin on Thursday , or ever since look towards the Carrier . On Friday morning , I took him coming from Prayers in the Quadrangle , where I might see how he behaved himself at Citation . I instantly searched his Pockets , took his Keys of Study and Trunk from him , searched them ( he staying in my Lodging ) I looked over every Book and Paper ; I found nothing that might give the least suspicion that he is inclined towards Popery . I examined his Chamber-fellows , what Company resorted to him ; They protested they never saw any , besides those of our own House , one or other to come unto him . I returned to him , demanded what acquaintance he had in Town ; he professed he knew none but one Isam of Christ-Church , who went Six Weeks hence to his Friends in Ireland , and him he knew at Westminster-School , I cannot learn that Isam is inclined that way . I further questioned , whether he ever received Letters for any other since his coming to us ; he vowed no , I shewed him the Letter directed to Fish , enquired whether he knew the Man or the Hand-writing , he vowed no. Divers other Interrogatories I put him , but could not gather either from the matter or manner of his Answer the least ground of suspicion . I have diligently enquired of others , who might know him , but have not for which I might suspect him . Under charge he is , not to stir out of the College , nor to speak with any Stranger without my leave upon pain of Expulsion , and thus he shall rest till your Grace shall free him . September , 4. 1637. SIR , SInce the finishing of your new Library will cost you a Thousand Pounds , I am heartily glad you have Seven Hundred Pounds in Chest towards it . I pray therefore acquaint the Heads , that I would have this work presently begun , ( especially considering how long it will be in doing ) that so the Learned Press may really and heartily be set upon ; which I do desire to see on foot . The Act , that was put off from the usual time to the 7th . of October , was on Saturday the 9th . of September quite taken away from this Year , by reason of the unreasonableness of the time , and the danger of the Sickness spread about the Country . Croyden , Sept. 8. 1637. W. Cant. SIR , YOU cannot carry too careful an Eye , either over Pullin or the rest ; for certainly some are about that place to seduce as many as they can . And particularly Dr. Potter writes me word , that Knott is now in Oxford , ( I would you could lay hold of him ) and hath the Sheets from the Press , as they are done ; and that he pays Five Shillings for every Sheet , and that you are acquainted with this Rumor . I pray be very careful in this also , for I know the Jesuits are very cunning at these tricks ; but if you have no more hold of your Printers , than that the Press must lye thus open to their Corruption , I shall take a Sowrer Course , than perhaps is expected . For tho' perhaps they go so cunningly to Work , as that I shall not be able to make a legal Proof of this soul Misdemeanour : Yet I find that Knott makes a more speedy Answer , than is otherwise possible , without such seeing of the Sheets , I shall take that for Proof enough , and proceed to Discommission your Printer , and suppress his Press . And I pray fail not to let him know so much from me . Croyden , Sept. 15 1637. VV. Cant. SIR , I Have received the Paper of Mr. Chillingworth's Reasons , why he is so loath to meddle with the second part of Knott's Book , thinking the Answer to the first sufficient ; and truely were all men that shall come to read his Book of his sufficiency , I would be of his Opinion , especially supposing , that to be true which he gives for one of his reasons , namely , that there is nothing in the Second of any worth or moment , that is not a repetition of somewhat in the First . Upon all things laid together , I am somewhat divided in my thoughts , what to resolve in this business ; yet thus far I dare resolve . First , I would not have the Answer farther delay'd which Mr. Chillingworth says he must needs do , and that for some Months , if he Answer the second Part. Secondly , If he Answer the first only , I would have him Print at the end of it those Reasons , which are fit to be publick why he does not Answer the second Part , and especially that Reason which he expresses , namely that the second Part contains almost nothing , but repetitions of the former . Thirdly , In the Answer of the first Part , I would quote to a Page where the same is repeated in the second Part , that so the World may take notice , that both Parts are answered in one . And Lastly , I would have him acquaint Dr. Potter with as much , as may any way be fit , that so no discontent may arise between them . Croyden Sept. 22. 1637 W. Cant. SIR , DR . Fell is now with me , and returns to Oxford in the beginning of the next week . At his return , I would have you or Mr. Vice-chancellor speak with him about his Resignation , which he hath promised me to make , both of his Lecture and Prebend of Worcester ; and that so soon as their Worcester Audit is over , ( which I take is this November ) he having this Year an Office in that Church to be accountable for . And when you have once spoken with him about it , You may then go on , and make the Business as sure as you can . When all is done , you must deal with Dr. Laurence to be very mindful of the waspishness of these times , and to be sure to read upon no argument , that may make any the least trouble in Church or University , which I shall in part lay upon your Care to look to ; for so much as concerns Dr. Lawrence , so wishing you all health , &c. Lambeth , Nov. 3. 1637. Your very loving Friend , W. Cant. SIR , I Am glad to hear the Garnsey man is so well a deserver in 〈◊〉 College , and as glad that he wants but a quarter of a Year of full time to be Master of Art. I pray perswade with the Young man to stay , and then give him his Degree with as much Honour , as you please . And you may tell Dr. 〈◊〉 the jealousies , which I have against the making of a Precedent in the other way by incorporation , as the Case stands . And tho' the Marginal Statute indulge to the King's Subjects in his own Universities , yet that is nothing to Samure . And therefore certainly I shall not like that which is desired . I know nothing in the Statutes , that exempts a Pro-proctor from any Exercise which lies upon him in the University , or a Master of the Schools from Exercise in Divinity . Therefore let Mr. Duncombe do his Exercise in God's name , for I will have no such precedent begun either against or without Statute ; neither am I well pleased , that able men should be so willing to seek all occasions to shift off Exercise in Divinity . W. Cant. SIR , I Sent to the Vice-chancellor to speak to the Heads at the Munday meeting , that they follow the Canon in their Prayers before Sermons , both in the University , and out , and to require them to give notice of it to their several Companys . W. Cant. QVOD omnino semper retinenti , atque difficilius facit Academia , manum hodie capulo admovet , gladium stringit , aciemque ejus in immorigerors , forte an rebelles , filios intentat ; Quorum adversus siue incuriam , sive contumaciam iras graviores concipit , certioremque infligit vindictam ; quippe compertum semper habuit , eos maximè contra Disciplinam ejus bonosque mores obvios ivisse , qui in leviusculis , & promptioris obsequii rebus parere recusaverint . 〈◊〉 ita res est , saeviente peste Londini , grassanteque per vicos passim & pagos lue , Saluti suorum prospiciens Academia , Comitia Julio celebranda in Nonum Octobris protelat ; sed ne tunc ad spem & Vota piae matris cessante Tabe , decernit Venerabilis Convocatio , praesentis Anni 〈◊〉 prorsus abolenda . Quod tamen ne Candidatis hujus anni in damnum cedat , cavet itidem venerabilis Domus , ut magistrorum quilibet ad sextum aut Septimum diem Octobris compareat , ac gratitudinis 〈◊〉 ob complendum ( ipso facto sine ulteriore negotio ) Gradum decem solidos in usum Academiae ultra feoda omnia persolvat . Non comparens 〈◊〉 impeditus , ultra Feoda omnia viginti solidos eroget , ipsoque facto magister audiat , numeris omnibus absolutus . Sin quispiam sive socordiae sive contumaciae litans , ad dictos dies non compareret , nec secundum tenorem praedictorum nummos erogaret , indignata vel tam crassam negligentiam , vel 〈◊〉 Contumaciam , statuit Vniversitas , ut a Gradu 〈◊〉 abarceretur . Reportarunt Obsequii pariter ac Gratitudinis praemium pii ac 〈◊〉 filii : caeteros , nominatim Guilielmum Adams & GuilielmumGoulston è Coll. Lincolniensi , Oliverum Wallup è Collegio Pembrochiensi , Guilielmum Holt , è Collegio Magdalenensi , Eusebium Dormer , ex 〈◊〉 Mgadalenensi , publico hoc instrumento sistit Academia ; iisdemquae minuto-varia , at serica de scapulis detrahit , de manibus eorum Pilea ipsi , indigna Capita , qui libertatis Academicae insignia gerant ) excutit , cosdemque nusquam inter magistros numerandos pronunciat , in cujus censurae majorem fidem ( sic imperante Convocatione ) Literas has ad Valvas Templi B. Mariae Virginis affigi ac prostare curavimus . Insuper sciant isti Tenebriones ipsa Statuta , ad quae Sacramenti Religione se obstrinexerunt , brachium in eos non imbelle exeruisse , quin manu fortiori de Gradu etiam Baccalaureatus , quem 〈◊〉 vigore Statuti ipsos deturbasse : Cujus tenor sequitur liquetque . Tit. 9. Sect. 7 , Item , tu jurabis , quod incipies realiter intra annum , Quod siquis post praestitum istud juramentum ( absque 〈◊〉 dispensatione ) nihilominus haud incoeperit , privetur ipso facto , non solum gradu ad quem novissimè praesentatus fuerat , sed & aliis omnibus , quos prius susceperat . I have received an ingenious handsome Epistle from him that was Monk at Tholouse , and as I am most unwilling to break any Letter of Statute , so do I not think , that the words which you have sent up , have any purpose to barr an English-men born especially in a Case of such exigence and extremity ; but is only a Bar upon such Englishmen as shall voluntarily forsake their own Universities to take their Degree beyond the Seas ; And in this sense the Statute is deservedly penal upon them , but God forbid that it should be extended against an Englishman in such a Case of Difficulty and Distress , as this Man is . Therefore I leave him to you and the Heads to shew him all the favour which you shall think fit for him . Lambeth , Decem. 1. 1637. W. Cant. SIR , UPon Monday last according to promise there was notice taken at the Green-Cloth of the Cause of the Privilege for carrying of Billet , &c. according as the Officers had promised me , and according to the Brief , which I had collected out of your Letters , and with my own hand delivered to Mr. Comptroller ; and as the Officers tell me , you shall hear no more of the business , which promise , I hope they will perform . W. Cant. SInce the Publishing of the new Statutes , there hath been some complaint made , that the younger sort cannot have access often enough to the Statute-Book , which is reserved in every particular College ; thereby to know all Hours for Lectures , and all other Duties required of them . Hereupon it was thought sit , that an Abridgment should be made of the Statutes , especially of those , which concern manners and exercise . This pains was undertaken , and the Abridgment made by Mr. Thomas Crosfield of Queens College , and was Printed and Published in January 1638. but according to the old Stile in England , 1637. The Title of the Book is , Statuta 〈◊〉 è Corpore Statutorum Vniversitatis Oxoniensis , ut in promptu & ad manum sint , quae magis ad usum ( praecipuè Juniorum ) facere videntur . SIR , For Mr. Chudley , in the sense which I writ , and as you took it , the Example will be so full of danger , and the breach of Statute so violent against it , with a Nullo modo proponatur , & ne quisquam proponat sub poenà Banniconis , as that for my part , I shall never yield to it for him or any other . And therefore you did well , before you proposed any thing to the Heads , to acquaint me with those Barrs in Statute , and with the danger of the Consequence likely to fall very often in every Year wanting one Term , and no more . But in the end of your Letters , you tell me that young Chudley came to you , and exprest himself otherwise ; namely for a present Creation . And this way ( you say ) expresses more present savour and respect to him , and is of less danger in the precedent for the future . The young Man ( 〈◊〉 seems ) deserves well , and the Princes Tutor hath been very earnest with me for him , Nevertheless I shall not in this way peremptorily appoint any thing , but leave him to you and the Heads to do whatsoever you shall think fittest ; and with advice , rather to shew no favour , than to creat a Precedent , which may endanger the Statutes and the Government after . Of which I shall ever desire you to be tender and careful . Lambeth , Feb. 9. 〈◊〉 . W. Cant. A Strict Charge given to the Vice-chancellor and Proctors , to look that the Lent Disputations be carefully performed , in a quick and Learned way , and without disorder . Lambeth , Feb. 12. 〈◊〉 . W. Cant. MR. Kilby of Lincoln-College made a Sermon , in which he brake his Majesty's Declaration concerning the Five Articles ; but he submitted himself , and his Censure stands upon Record . The Sermon was Preach'd upon Tuesday the 30th . of January , and he was censured Feb. 12th . 1637 / 8. The Students of Christ-Church and Exeter , grew so unruly the last week , ( the Masters interposing and wrangling in the Schools , and their Boys fighting out of School , ) that I was forced to Command an absolute Cessation of all manner of Disputations betwixt the two Houses ; and so they rest quiet ever since . Most Reverend ! WE are Encouraged in the common favour , respectively vouchsafed by your Grace unto the University and City of Oxon , to present our common Grievances , and to appeal unto your Grace for a Redress , wherein we shall most willingly rest and settle . The Jurors consisting of Twelve Privileged , and Twelve Free men Empanell'd by the University to enquire after such Misdemeanours as are impleadable in a Court-Leet lately held in your Grace's Name , have presented with joynt Consent unto your Vice-chancellor the Conduit 〈◊〉 in the Market-place at Carfax , as a Nuisance . The Vice-chancellor ( as opportunity was ministred ) gave notice hereof unto the Heads at their Monday Meeting , and assumed to deliver as much unto Mr. Mayor , adding his Request , that it might duly be considered , what was best to be resolved in this kind . We , whose names are here underwritten , have diliberated upon the Presentment , do freely assent to the Body thereof , and acknowledge the Conduit there placed to be a just Grievance . The Remedy is not so easily prescribed ; neither should we happily so jointly concur in the amends , if we undertook to determine the same . Our Appeal unto your Grace is unanimous , both University and City , submitting our Accomodations unto your Grace's Resolution , most humbly beseeching your Grace to take this particular into Consideration , and so to order the same , and dispose of it for the Good and Honour of the University and City , as you in your Wisdom shall think fittest . And what your Grace doth herein determine and prescribe , we readily embrace : And by our best Endeavours ( God willing ) will promote the same ; So taking humblest leave , we continue ( justly bound ) to pray for your Grace's Prosperity . March 5. 1637. Richard Baylie , Vice-can . Oxon. Jo. Wilkinson Aul Magd. P. Tho. Iles , Sub-dean of Christ-Church . Ro. Pinck , Custos Coll. Nov. Paul Hood , Rector Lincoln . Coll. Fran. Mansel , Coll. Jesu Princ. A. Trewen , Praes . Coll. Magd. Tho. Walker , Coll. Vnivers . Mag. Dan. Escott , Coll. Wadh. Guard. Tho. Clayton , Coll. Pemb. Mag. John Saunders , Aul. B. Mariae Princ. John Glisson , Procurator Jun. Degorius Whear , Aul. Gloc. Princip . Christ. Rogers , Aul. Nov. Hosp. Princip . Gab. Richardson , Vice-prin . Coll. AEn . Alex. Fisher , Coll. Mert. Vice-Cust . Rich. Trimnel , Coll. Ball. Vice-mag . Hen. Tozer . Coll. Exon Sub-rector . Jo. Meredith , Coll. Omn. An. Vice-Cust . John Reve , Aul. Cerv. Vice-princ . Jo. Duncomb , Dean of Oriel Coll. TO these Letters of the University , I gave this Answer in the general in my Letters to the Vice-chancellor ( March 19. 1637 / 8. ) that I would not trouble my thoughts , nor proceed further in the business of the Conduit at Carfax , till they and the Mayor with his Brethren were agreed about leaving the Materials to my disposal , for the good both of the University and that City . Dr. Lawrence , Master of Baliol College , was chosen the Lady Margaret's Reader on the 20th . of March 1637 / 8. upon the Resignation of Dr. Fell. W. Cant. NO Masters of Art of Samure or other place shall be incorporated , till they have spent so much time in Oxford , as added to their time spent at Samure , or elsewhere , shall make up the time required by Statute . Martij ult . 1638. W. Cant. IN a Convocation on Wednesday , April 4. Mr. Masters was restored to the University , who was banish'd thence in the Year 1632. for abusing some of the Heads the Year before in his Speech , as being then Terrae Filius . Mr. Wallup was likewise restored to his Degree of Master , who was degraded Ann. 1637. for his neglect of appearing at the Act kept on the 6th . and 7th . of October , by reason of the Sickness that Year in divers places . I am glad , You and the Heads are sensible of the weakness of the Schools in the point of their Timber , and certainly Dr. Hawley's Memory will suffer in it , who was trusted with that Work. I am of Opinion ( for ought appears to me yet ) that no other way but Posts will secure the business , and there must be two Posts in every School , where there are more than one Beam. I know there are other devices which Carpenters may mention : But they are to me as great Eye-sores , as a Post can be , and yet will not secure the Work , for neither clamping with Iron , nor Bracers from the Wall to the Beams , or two half Posts close to each Wall , can secure the middle of the Beam , where the greatest weakness is , and whence the Danger will come . I am very glad to hear so well of the young Monk , that was ; and I pray let him have his Degree to be Master with all favour : For I do not see any inconveniency possible , by allowing any Man that time for his Degree , which he hath studiously spent in any other University . So let him be Master this Act , and God bless him . Lambeth , April 13. 1638. W. Cant. THis Week notice was given me of some Disorders of the Younger sort against Proctor Lawford ( at the end of his Speech when he was to lay down his Office ) in affronting him in the Convocation-House , and Stamping and Hissing him at St. Maries ; and I returned the Vice-chancellor this Answer : That he should do well to vindicate the Proctor with severity . And if he could find the Principal Ring-leader , to Banish him the University , and put some severe Punishment upon the rest . In which if he did fail , we should have the Youth break out oft into these Insolencies . And the Proctors disheartned to do the Duties of their Places . April 13. W. Cant. SIR , YOur Judgment hath passed very right upon the Principal of Magdalen Hall and Gilpin . And I plainly see , the business must be divided between them ; and that Division I leave to you to make : Yet with this Caution that you suffer no man to escape unpunish't , for Incivility and Disrespect to his Governors ; if the Complaint be justly made to You , and your assistance called for according to Statute . And on the other side , you shall do well to make the Precise part understand ( as you have occasion to deal with them ) that they are not Punish't for their Conscience , But because they will never reform an erroneous Conscience , nor forbear Practising according to it , and that to the disturbance of Government . So the whole re-examination and future Settlement of that business I leave wholly to you . I thank you heartily for your discreet Prosecution of that Base Riotous Business , when the Proctor gave over his Office , and am very sorry the Heads are so Ill advised , as to think the whipping of two or three Boys , is Punishment sharp enough for such an Offence . What you will do , I know not : But if I should come to the knowledge of the Principal Offenders , if you did not Banish them the University , I should try how far my Power would stretch . The truth is , if exemplary Punishment be not laid upon some of them , it will be of more dangerous Consequence , than for ought I see , the Wisest of your Heads think on . Lambeth , April 27. 1638. W. Cant. SIR , I Did not settle the assembling of the Heads upon Mundays to the end my Vice-chancellor should ask their leave , or be over-ruled by their advice for the Punishing of a Crime so Notorious and Publick as this Tumultuous Carriage at the late Resigning of the Proctor's Office was , and to deal freely with you , I am no way satisfied either with the Heads or Your self in this business : Not with the Heads , because if they would not yield to Bannition , yet they should have ordered it to publick Punishment ; the Crime being so publick as it was . And the shame of a publick Punishment , would have wrought more both upon the Persons , and for the Example , than greater Smart in a private way . Besides I am sure enough that they , which have so unworthily smother'd this Punishment , will not be over severe in their Private Execution . Neither am I satisfied with You : For when you saw in what a disproportionable way to the Crime the Heads inclined to go , You should have told them plainly , and have performed it , That you would not yield to any such ending of the Business , till I were made acquainted with it , and had approved it , which I should never have done , but have brought the Offenders to some publick Shame or other . And indeed I am not a little troubled at this breach upon Government ; which I ever perswaded my self , you would not have suffered . And I have much ado to hold my self from calling this Business to a more Publick reckoning , but that the disgrace both of the Heads and You must attend it . And I pray , let them know , how sensible I am of this great disservice to the University Government . Lambeth , May 4. 1638. W. Cant. SIR , FOR the business concerning Shurley , I have both thought upon it , and advised with others , and am clearly of Opinion , that the Statute , which gives leave to a Man's stay in the University , that is under 40 Years of age , doth not priviledge a Man that hath a Vicarage , and is sworn to Residence unless he be dispensed withall for Residence according to Law. But in Cafe of two Benefices and one of them a Vicarage , and both with Cure , which is Shurley's Case , I think the Statute hath no meaning that a Man shall live absent from both under any University-Pretence whatsoever . And I believe , should the words of the Statute be doubtful , no man would interpret them with such Prejudice against the Church . You shall therefore in God's name send Shurley home and not suffer him to live there , either to be so great a Scandal to the Church abroad or to give such an Ill Example in the University . And this I assure you , and so you shall let him know from me , That if he do not repair to his Residence , being call'd thereto by his Bishop , I will expel him the University ; and then let him seek his Remedy by Statute , if he can : And I 'le be as good as my word . And I do hereby require you to give me an Account how this business proceeds from time to time . Lambeth May Vlt. 1638. W. Cant. SIR , I Pray instantly call a Congregation , and change the first Question of the three appointed for the Act. They which proposed it to you , were inconsiderate bold Young Men. And so I pass them over for busie Fools , which can think there can be nothing in the State , but by and by it must be made an Act-question . And for your self , I do much wonder , where your Judgment was , when you could let pass such a Question , and not only in your Private Thoughts , but in Congregation , and that without consulting me about it . And this I 'le tell you , I know divers in Oxford are discontented with it already , and they have reason : And so there 's Justa Scandali Materia in taking the Question . And every Man sends his Friend up a Copy to London , and that I know will make a Noise here ; And I make no doubt but it will come to the King's ears before Sunday that I can come to him . And tho' you do change the Question ( as I command you to do presently ) Yet there will not be wanting , which will say , That you would never have proposed this without me ; and that certainly I commanded it to see how it would take . And that if it had taken well , it should have gone on : But that now I see it otherwise , I am content to disclaim it . In short , if the worst Enemy I have in the Kingdom had studied to do me a shrewd turn , they could not ( as the times are ) have found out a way more cunningly to have wounded me , than this , and I did not think it possible till now I see it , that you could have been so overseen in this business , as you are in proposing this Question in the Congregation , Me inconsulto . There 's now no remedy ; but to call a Congregation , and change the Question which I once more require you to do presently . Lambeth June 7. 1638. W. Cant. SIR , FOR the main business of an Act or no Act , it seems you are resolv'd upon the Negative ; and I find you have considered the great Difficulty which attends this Resolution , and which lyes between the matter of Credit and Safety . 'T is true , no Act , and you hazard your Reputation very far ; and so much the more , because you have missed two Years together already . And 't is as true , that so many places about you being infected , and that Cambrige men may flock thither , ( tho' that place be touched ) You have great reason to think of your safety ; but for my own part I shall do as I did the last Year , that is , leave you to your own Judgments , and prescribe nothing either for or against ; With this , that I would have you remember , that the last Year the Act being put off very late , you lost your Reputation , and the Town was as full of Strangers , as tho' an Act had been kept , and consequently the Danger as great , but that it pleased God to bless you . And if it should happen now that the Act should be put off , and the Company come notwithstanding , and fill the Town , and ( which God forbid ) any danger follow , you will then incurr the Danger and lose the Credit . I write this only to put you in mind , how the Case stands , but will not command any alteration of that , which You and the Heads being upon the place shall think fittest for your selves and it . Word is now sent me that the New Convocation house is finished . Croyden , June 25. 1638. W. Cant. After my hearty Commendations , &c. THE time puts me in mind of nameing unto you a new Vice-chancellor . For the Dean of Sarum , Dr. Baylie , hath now undergone the pains and Care of that Place two Years together ; and I shall not hold it fit without greater necessity , than I hope can befall me there , to over-burthen any man with more than two Years together in that carefull and troublesome Office. Dr. Baylie for his time hath been very carefull to give both my self and You , as much satisfaction and content , as well may be expected in the Execution of such an Office : And hath taken a great deal of Pains to uphold the discipline , and increase the Stock of the University . So that he hath left a good example to his Successor in both kinds . And now I have made choice of Dr. Frewen , Dean of Gloucester , and President of Magdalen College to succeed him ; who as he is every way very able and sufficient for the discharge of that Place : So hath he this great advantage , that he hath been Vice-chancellor heretofore , tho' under another Chancellor of the University , and by that means is well acquainted with all those things , which are incident to the Office : And thereby will be easily able to master those things which would be difficult to another man's beginnings . And this falls out so much the better , because at Michaelmas , that great and beneficial Statute ( give me leave to call it so ) concerning the Examination of those , that stand for Degrees , must begin to be put in Execution . And tho' I do not hear , that the Younger sort have been so careful to provide themselves by speaking Latin in their several Colleges , as I was to give them warning that they might ; yet that shall put no stop upon me , but that I shall expect and require the Execution of the Statute . These are therefore to let You know , that I do hereby nominate and choose Dr. Frewen to be my Vice-chancellor for the Year ensueing , and to pray and require You to allow of this my Choice , and to give him all the Respects due to his Place , and all other . Aid and Assistance by your Counsel or otherwise , which shall be requisite , the better to inable him in the discharge of the Office , which he now undertakes . Thus not doubting of your readiness , and willing obedience herein ; I leave both him and you all to the Blessing of God , and rest , July 11. 1638. Your loving Friend , and Chancellor W. Cant. To my very loving Friends the Vice-chancellor , the Doctors , the Proctors and the rest of the Convocation of the Vniversity of Oxford . I Have now no Business to you but only to pray you , that in this Dead time of Vacation , You will be watchful that the Scholars spend not their time in Taverns and Ale-houses , and so help themselves to put on a Habit , which will not be fit to be worn in Term , nor at any other time . And you cannot do a greater Office in all the time of your Vice-chancellorship , than to hinder the growth of this Spreading Evil , &c. Croyden , August 3. 1638. W. Cant. SIR , I Thank You heartily for your Care about the Taverns and the frequenting of Ale-Houses , about which base places You cannot be too careful . For they are certainly the Bane of a great many young Men , which are sent to the Vniversity for better Purposes ; and if you do not now and then give them a Night walk , they will easily deceive all your Care for the Day . I Cannot be at Woodstock this Year when His Majesty comes , by reason of Business which the King himself hath laid upon me , and must be done at that time , or not at all . I am sorry it so falls out , but I have spoken with his Majesty , that my Absence may not hinder the wonted Grace which he shews to the Vniversity . I have likewise spoken to the Officers of the Houshold about Your Entertainment that Day . I have also sent to My Lord of Oxford to attend there in my Room . It will be time for you now at your Monday Meeting , to propose to the Heads the keeping of their several Companies at Home , that they may not disturb the King's Game , nor otherwise offend the Court by their frequent going thither ; of which I pray be very careful . Croyden , August 10. 1638. W. Cant. SIR , I Thank You for your Care to make a present stop of the use of prohibited Gowns among the younger sort . But if you punish only the Taylors that made them , and not the Scholars that wear them , I doubt You will not easily remedy the Abuse , unless it appear to You , That the Taylors made them without the Scholars Appointment ; then indeed the Scholars are Blameless , otherwise not . Croyden , August 17. 1638. W. Cant. IN this time of my Absence from Woodstock , things were carryed well at Court by the Heads ; and they had a very Gracious Entertainment there , and gave the King good Content , and were dismissed without Complaint against any Scholar for disturbing his Majesty's Game . SIR , FOR the Business concerning the placing of the Sons of the Lady Lewis with the young Noble-men ; I am sorry that they which are Suitors , have so much as one Precedent for it . But since 't is so , I am glad that was before my time ; for certainly I am not like to make a Second . And I pray do you consider what it may breed in the Issue , If all the Children of Noble-men's Daughters that are Marryed to Knights , shall challenge the same Privilege in the Vniversity , that the Sons of the Noble-men do , and with what Power and Discretion the University can give it , considering they have not the Privileges with Noble-men's Sons in any other part of the Kingdom besides , nor can you at present see what Constructions may be made of it above , it being upon the matter the giving of a Precedency . The Truth is , I would be very glad it were in my Power to gratifie that Honourable Lady without prejudice to the University , which I doubt in this Particular cannot be . And besides , I am perswaded this proceeds from the forwardness of Dr. Mansel and her Kinsman , Dr. Glenham , and not from her self ; tho' if it did come from her self , I cannot tell what other Answer to give ; therefore I pray give them the fairest Denial you can . Croyden , Sept. 20. 1638. W. Cant. WHereas there is an Omission in the Statutes concerning the Examination of the younger sort before they take their Degrees , I advised the Vice-chancellor to consult the Heads for a supply of this defect in Statute , who did so , and sent me word that the Heads had Ordered , That all Regents should examine in their Course , those only excepted , who are dispensed with for their Absence by the Congregation ; and that every Candidate repulsed as insufficient by Examiners , should not be admitted to a second Examination in six Months after . To this I gave Answer , That they should do well in a Business of such Difficulty , and so unpleasing to the young Students , and perhaps to the Regents also , to have this their Order confirmed in Convocation , unless they did find any thing in Statute to make such Order of their binding . To the Proctor of Merton-College , Mr. Corbet , I delivered your Grace's Advice , That he should do well to substitute some other to officiate for him at the Communion at the beginning of Terms , if the tenderness of his Conscience would not give him leave to conform to such seemly Gestures , as are thought fit to be used at that Service : His Answer was , That he did conform therein at the last Communion ; the which , how true , my Predecessor now with your Grace , is best able to resolve you . I found him ( I confess ) more tractable than I expected ; but since that time he is quite relapsed ( the Fruit of his Friend 's , Mr. Channell 's Sermon , wherein among other the like passages he told us : That he that does more than Canon requires , is as great a Puritan , as he that does less . ) By his last Discourse , I find him resolved neither to conform nor absent himself without Command , which I have assured him already is folly to expect . Yet to this purpose , he desired me to send you this inclosed Petition ; a Copy whereof here follows , To the Right Reverend Father in God , William , by the Divine Providence , Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ; his Grace , the Honourable Chancellor of the Vniversity of Oxford . The Humble Petition of Edward Corbet , one of the Proctors of the same Vniversity . WHereas your Petitioner was wish'd by Mr. Vice-chancellor in your Grace's Name , either to bow towards the Altar at the University Common Prayers , or to forbear to officiate . He humbly sheweth your Grace , that from his Heart he Loveth and Honoureth the Church of England , and doth not only rigidly and carefully observe her Doctrine and Discipline , but would to the utmost of his weak power defend the same with his Pen or Blood. And therefore he humbly beseecheth your Grace , that if above and besides what is established , any thing be thought fit to be practis'd , your Grace would vouchsafe either to order and command him to do it , or else be pleased to leave him to that Liberty which our Religious King and Orthodox Church have allowed him , so should he pray for your long Life and happy Government in the Church . And to all this I gave the Vice-chancellor this Answer following . I Thank you for your discreet handling of Proctor Corbet . And first for the thing it self ; I have received his Petition , and will not give him any Command , either to do , or desist , or to appoint any Substitute , but leave him , and let him do as it shall please God and himself . And secondly , for the manner of this his Refusal , I must tell you , that it is all one in substance , with the Petition which Mr. Channell himself delivered me about a Twelve Month since ; and that since your late being with me , I have received an Answer not much in effect differing from this Petition , from two or three Refractories in different Parts ; and now your Predecessor tells me , that he being lately in his Visitation of his Peculiars belonging to his Deanery , had the same Answer given him , That they looked for a Command . By all which put together , I see the Faction have informed themselves , and are agreed to make this Answer , To call for a Command , which from me they shall never have , till I may be warranted my self by publick Authority : But we find , that besides Articles and Canons and Rubricks , &c. the Church of Christ had ever certain Customs which prevailed in her Practice , and had no Canon for them ; and if all such may be kickt out , you may bid farewel to all Decency and Order . In the mean time I will acquaint His Majesty with this Distemper growing , that the Blame may not be cast upon me . THere is an Abuse hath continued long , and is , I think , very fit to be Remedied . It is , that when divers publick Lectures are at the same Hour in the University , One Bell ( if I mistake not ) hath been used to toll to all of them , by which means the Auditors to all Lectures take occasion to repair to the Schools , and when they come there , perhaps but one Lecturer reads , and then they cannot find their way back to their several Colleges , but spend their time as they should not . To prevent this , I pray communicate with the Heads , and make an Order , That a distinct Bell be tolled to every Lecture , that so the Auditors may know for what Lecture it is , and apply themselves accordingly . And I think 't is very fit , that the Professor intending to Read that Day , should give warning to the Clark for the tolling of his Bell. Lambeth , October 5. 1638. W. Cant. ON Wednesday the 10th . of October , the Vice-chancellor and the Vniversity entred upon the use of their New Convocation-House , without any other Solemnity , than a solemn Speech of Benefrom the Vice-chancellor . On the same Day the Examinations of 〈◊〉 for Degrees began to be put in Execution according to the Statutes . WHen the Proctor saw that your Grace would not command 〈◊〉 Conformity in Gesture at the beginning of Term , he requested me to require it ; ( pretending that my Predecessor had done so before me , ) I refusing , he then proffered to conform of his own accord , but he either did it not at all , or did it so poorly , that it was scarce observable by them that were present . The Vice-chancellor could not observe it , by reason of his Officiating at the Communion : Howsoever this is gained upon him ; That either he did conform and cannot deny it to the Faction ; Or else , that he is a gross Dissembler to the Vice-chancellor and the Authority born there . SIR , I AM informed by the Dean of Christ-Church of a shameful Non-Residence practised by two Christ-Church Men , under the pretence of University Privilege ; whereas such a foul Abuse is no way to be endured ; one of them is Mr. Vereir , he had a Living given him by the University in Worceslershire 12 Years since . And he hath ever since ( as I am informed ) lived in the University , and spent that sacred Revenue most prophanely . The other is one Mr. Little , and he hath had two Vicarages in Yorkshire these 7 Years , and hath performed no Church-Duty upon either of them , but only that he makes a merry Journey once a Year into those Parts , and then returns again , and wastes the rest of his time in Oxford under pretence of Suits . But it is no way probable , that both these Vicarages should be litigious 7 Years together . And howsoever , it will be a great Scandal and Dishonour to the University to have such shameful things as these countenanced under the Name of Privilege . I have written to the Dean to lead the way to you , and expel them out of Christ-Church if they have any Footing there ; and therefore I do hereby Pray and Require You to proceed to Bannition against them in the University , if they do not presently repair to their Livings and reside there ; of which I shall expect an Account from you . And hereupon I writ to my Lords of York and Worcester , to call these two Men to reside upon their several Benefices . The like Course shall you take with one Woodruff ; I shall speak first with Dr. Baylie about him , for the Monition was given him in his time . Lambeth , Octob. 18. 1638. W. Cant. SIR , I Have written to my Lords , the Arch-bishop of York and Bishop of Worcester to call Vereir and Little to Residence ; and if the one have prevented that Call , and the other mean to do it , 't is well . For I am resolved ( and so you may signifie to the Heads at your next Meeting ) 〈◊〉 purge the University of all Non-Residents , which have not express Letter of Statute to relieve them , and bind my hands . And as for the Statute of the Realm , which had a great deal of Reason , upon which to ground it self , when 't was made ; but ( God be thanked ) by the Learnedness of the Age , hath little now ; as I may not violate it , so neither will I suffer unworthy pretences to abuse both the Church and it , if it lye in my Power to apply a Remedy to so gross an Abuse . And I pray , let the Heads know , that I would not have endured so gross Non-Residence ( as I find Mr. Vereir and Mr. Little guilty of ) to shelter it self in that University , had I sooner known of it , than now I came to do by a mere Accident . Lambeth , Octob. 31. 1638. W. Cant. SIR , IN this Case of Non-Residence , I pray require all the Heads of Colleges and Halls to bring you in a Note of all Beneficed Men , which live under their Government : At what distance their Benefice is from the University , the value in the King's Books , and otherwise , ( if they can learn it ) how long they have held it . Lambeth , Novemb. 2. 1638. W. Cant. COncerning the Incorporation of the Guernsey Man mention'd , pag. 210. there hath at his humble Suit been a new Consideration taken by the Vice-chancellor and the Heads for the Statutableness thereof . And it was found upon this Review , that the Statutes consider'd two sorts of Men ; The first are such as never have been Members of our University or Cambridge . Of these treat the Statutes , the first , de Incorporatione , and seem to distinguish them into Aliens and Natives : The second sort are such as have been Students sometime in either of the Universities . As for the Natives ( in which Number the Guernsey Man is ) the Words of the Statutes are , — Quibus incorporari permittitur , Si tempore in Academiâ suâ requisitò , & praestitis prius Exercitiis , gradus susceperint . Upon which Words the Question was whether a Native having taken a Degree in a Foreign University , might call that Academiam suam , which is resolved by the use of the same Word , Suos twice in the same Paragraph , where it stands indefinitely for any University , where either Foreigner or Native hath taken his Degree . As in this Form , — Vt admitatur ad eundem Gradum , &c. quibus ornatus est apud Suos . Whereupon it was judged by the Heads , that there was no Bar in Statute to exclude the Guernsey Man ( he producing first Letters Testimonial of the University , where he proceeded , That he had spent as much time in his Studies there , as is required by the Orders of that University , and that he had performed his Exercise ) from the Benefit of Incorporation . Upon the same Ground , way was given for the Incorporation of one of the Sons of Sir Henry Vane , Comptroller of his Majestie 's Houshold . To the most Reverend Father in God , the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury , Chancellor of the Vniversity of Oxford . The Humble Petition of the Inhabitants of Milton , Hasley , Petsworth , Lewknor , &c. Humbly sheweth , THat the Petitioners have bestowed great Costs and Charges in repairing their High-ways , through their several Parishes , leading from the University of Oxford towards London ; That the Carryers of Oxford do carry such unreasonable Carriages , viz. sometimes 40 , 50 , or 60 Tun at a Load , by which means they do spoil the High-ways , that notwithstanding the Petitioners great and extraordinary Charge in continual repairing of them , the ways are made almost unpassable . The Petitioners most humbly beseech your Grace to give Order that the said Carryers of Oxford may be restrained to such certain stint and reasonable weight of Carriages , especially in the Winter-time and foul Weather , as in your Grace's Wisdom shall seem 〈◊〉 , for the good of Travellers in the High-way , and ease of your Petitioners . And they ( as in Duty , ) &c. Upon this Petition , for redress of this Abuse , I writ to the Vice-chancellor . SIR , I Here inclosed send you a Petition delivered this Week unto me , concerning the High-ways towards London , and beyond our own Liberties . I have been the only Man that have kept up the Carryer to his four-wheeled Carriage for the University sake ; but if this Petition be true , it will force me to take off my Hand , and then I know he must take off two of his Wheels ; and that done , let him carry what Weight he can . I pray You and the Heads to take this into serious Consideration , and to think upon some Remedy . That which I ever thought on was not to go by the weight of his Carriage , for then he will be continually laying on more , and you are not able to watch him , but by the number of his Horses , which should not exceed five or six at most ; and then himself will not dare to lay on more load than his Horses can well draw through those bad ways ; and if the Carriages be so great that he must use more Horses , let him use a second Cart , and divide his Team . If you can think upon a better way than this , I shall be glad of it , but You must prudently think upon some way for Remedy ; for if it come to publick scanning at the Council-Table , or the Assizes , it will be ordered , whether you will or no , and perhaps in a sourer way , and not so agreeable to your Liberties , as this way it may be done . Lambeth , Nov. 23. 1638. W. Cant. I See good effects already of that Statute , which hath been most cryed down by those from whom I least expected it , the Statute de Examinandis Candidatis , and promise my self much more hereafter . I was present at one Examination , and was glad to hear both the Regents examine so sufficiently and discreetly , and the Candidates so ably and readily . I cannot believe that the ablest Proceeders in former times , if they had been examined upon the sudden , could have acquitted themselves better than these Candidates ( such as I stumbled on by chance ) did upon expectation of a certain unavoidable Examination . The moderation which your Grace prescribed to Mr. Vice-chancellor in the Execution of this Statute , hath set it very well on Foot , which if it had been pursued roughly at the beginning , would never have held , or else would have bred great Distempers in the University . For the Regents ( who at the beginning of Term ) kept out of the way , insomuch , that the Proctor of thirty of the Junior Regents could scarce meet with three Examiners , if they had been held up stiffly at first to the rigour of the Statute , and so inforced some of them to lay open their own Infirmities or Disabilities , they would either have absented themselves quite , or else have made some desperate violent opposition against the Statute , and the Authority that should back it . But by this Moderation which Mr. Vice-chancellor useth towards them , ( conniving at some defects now and then , where they come short of the Statute ) he hath won the Regents so , as that they conform themselves in a good measure to the intent of the Statute . For they examine through all the Arts and Sciences , in which the Candidates are bound to have been Auditors , asking fundamental Questions in every one , not propounding studied Subtilties to gravel and discourage young Students . And when the Statute hath gotten head , ( which many Men had fore-doomed , and therefore did not fit themselves for it against it should take place , ) I doubt not but the Regents will rise to a higher pitch , and the Candidates likewise will come prepared for it . But that which will set a special Edge upon both , is Mr. Vice-chancellor's assiduous Presence at their Examinations , which I must confess looking to his former Solitude and Retiredness , I could never have expected from him . There was Complaint made to me by his Majesty , of the great number of Doctors , that usually resorted to Woodstock at his being there ; whereupon to prevent this Abuse for the Future , I writ to the Vice-chancellor that they should lessen their Number , which was done accordingly ; and in their Monday Meeting , on the 17th . of December , an Order was made by the Heads , That the number of Doctors designed to attend His Majesty at Woodstock should not exceed Fifteen : That they should all go in wide sleeved Scarlet Gowns , ( not in Habit and Hood ) save only the Preacher , who during his Sermon should wear his Hood also ; And further , That both the Proctors should go in their wide-sleeved Gowns too . And that it might the better appear what Doctors should go , It was likewise Ordered , That this Number should always a little before every His Majestie 's resort to that Place , be chosen out of the Company of the Doctors there for the performance of that Service . Trusty and Well-beloved , &c. WE are informed that you have for some Years suffered a very ill Custom to continue in that our Collegiate Church ; for whereas there are divers Scholars chosen to be Students of that House , and divers others , that live there as Commoners , but the greatest part of the Scholars are chosen from our School at Westminster ; there is a Supper maintained Yearly , commonly called a Westminster Supper , at which all and only Westminster Scholars do meet . This Supper we hold to be a very ill Custom , and no way fit to be continued : For first , it is a thing not allowable in Government , that any party of Men should have a several Meeting , which is a direct way to Faction and Combination , and it teacheth the rest of the Students in such a Society to bandy themselves together against the other , that they may not be thought to be neglected . Secondly , such a Meeting must needs cause more Expences than many Students are able to bear , especially in such chargeable times as these are . Thirdly , it gives an occasion of much Drinking and Riot , and consequently of all the bad effects which follow such excesses ; besides no small disorder in leaving or keeping open the Gates of the College , for ingress and egress , for resort to that disorderly Meeting , at later Hours than are fit . And most usually to add to all this Disorder , this Supper must be kept upon a Friday-Night , against both the Canons of the Church and Laws of the Realm , and to the great Scandal of all sober Men that hear of it . These are therefore to Will and Require You , the Dean and Chapter , to suppress that Supper or Meeting , by what Name soever it be called ; and to call the Students together , and to command them in Our Name , that they presume not at any time hereafter to resort together to any such Meeting , either in the College or out of it ; and to Register these our Letters among the Orders and Decrees for the Government of that Church , as You and every of You will answer it at your utmost Perils ; and these our Letters We Will shall be binding , not only upon your Selves , but upon your Successors , that this ill and dangerous Custom may never rise up into Practice again , Given &c. I Thank you heartily for calling for Arms of your Privileged Men , and I pray be careful that they be ordered to the full as high as any Towns-Men of their Rank and Condition ; and so they that love neither you nor your Liberties may not be able to take any Advantage against you , either in regard of the Number , or the sufficiency of the Arms. And I pray see that this be done with all Care , and without any Partiality . Lambeth , Jan. 17. 1638 / 9. W. Cant. HEreupon the Vice-chancellor with other of the Heads charged 20 of their Privileged Men with Corslets , and 30 with Musquets , which did almost equal the Train-Band of the City , though the Priviledged Men were but an handful in respect of the other . From Oxford , January 28th . SIR , YOU had need be very careful of the University , for while none of you think of it , the Jesuits and their Instruments are busie thereabouts ; and at this present they have seduced a young Youth of Exeter-College , I have forgotten his Name , but it begins with a * W. and the young Organist of St. John's , who slipt away ; now whilst the President was at Sarum . I have granted an Attachment against them , if they can light upon them before they take Shipping ; as also against Cherriton , for that I hear is his Name , who seduced them . You had need be very careful in these Businesses , for else we shall very deservedly hear ill of it . Lambeth , Feb. 7. 1638 / 9. W. Cant. SIR , I Am informed that the Masters , many of them sit bare at St. Maries , having their Hats there , and not their Caps ; rather chosing to sit bare , than to keep Form , and then so soon as they come out of the Church , they are quite out of Form all along the Streets . I am likewise told , that divers of the younger sort , and some Masters begin again to leave the wide-sleeved Gown apace , and take up that which they call the Lawyer 's Gown . If both or either of these be , you had need look to it in time , before it gather Head. And if it be true for the Gowns , you must chide the Taylors that make them very severely , besides what you do to the Scholars . Lambeth , Feb. 20. 〈◊〉 . W. Cant. SIR , I Pray take care of Lent , and the Disputations in their Beginnings , and speak to the Heads of Houses at your next Meeting , that they warn their several Companies ; that they keep Disputations at the Schools diligently , but very orderly and peaceably . And since I have now by many Years Experience observed , That coursing between one College and another is the great Mother of all Disorder , and that 't is almost impossible to have decent and orderly Disputations , if that be permitted ; These are to require You , That You suffer no such Coursing at all under any Pretence . And farther , I would have you speak with the Principal of Brazen-Nose , that he would command their Cellar to be better looked to , that no strong and unruly Argument be drawn from that Topick-place . And I pray desire the Heads to be very careful , that the Disputations may be Scholike and peaceable . Lambeth , Feb. ult . 〈◊〉 . W. Cant. AT our Meeting on Monday last , 't was ordered that from henceforth all Circuiting for Degrees shall begin from the Schools . We have now lest only the Friday Court in St. Marie's Church , and I hope that will not dwell there long . March 4. 1638 / 9. AN Order for the Lent Disputations , That no Batchelors be suffered to answer two in a School , or in the Divinity School , which was commonly call'd the Horse-Fair , &c. Lambeth , March 29. 1639. W. Cant. LAst Week there arose a little Difference 'twixt the City and University , but 't is already composed . They required of all Privileged Inhabitants a Contribution towards the fitting out of their 15 Soldiers . I denyed it , Yet in the Close , That they might have no Colour to complain of our Coldness in a Business of such Importance ; I gave way for the taxing of such priviledged Persons , ( and such only ) as exercise any kind of Merchandize amongst them . This ( when they saw they could get no more ) was accepted , and so the Quarrel ended . Oxford , St. Mary-Magdalen Coll. April 15. 1638 / 9. ABout the 20th . of April , I received Information how the New Statutes at Oxford were like to be eluded by divers Non-Resident young Men which resorted to Cambridge for their Degrees , which Information follows , in haec Verba . HEaring that the new Statutes at Oxford permit none but those who totally reside and study there to take Degrees , and admit no Computation of Terms , more than those wherein they were commorant there , so that many Discontinuers cannot in so short time proceed , as formerly there they might have done , and here with us they may yet , whereby many Batchelors of Arts of Oxford came this Year for their Degrees of Masters of Arts here , which this Year they could not obtain at Oxford , which I endeavoured to prevent , least Oxford should in a short time lose half their Proceeders , especially the Non-continuers , for which I had no thanks here , because the Vice-chancellor and Proctors lose Fees thereby , and the Colleges too ; and there alledged to me that it was no prejudice to Oxford ; for if it were , that University would have given publick Notice , or written to Cambridge , &c. and that I had no particular Command from the Chancellor so to do , whereby one Walter Crook , late of 〈◊〉 College in Oxford , got out of Caius College Master of Arts , notwithstanding that I alledged it was a prejudice to the University of Oxford , for that he could not obtain that Degree there this Year ; but the rest by opposing him publickly , did not put forward so much as for Incorporation , tho' in Town , except one Thomas Robins , Late of Corpus Christi Oxford ; as I take it , a Batchelor of Arts and Curate , &c. whom I stayed , being accidentally in Capite Senatús twice or thrice , so that he is returned to his Cure with a heavy Heart , as I hear Crooke got out in the Head , when Dr. Eden attended Wiseman's Grace , for when I was in Capite , I stayed Crook , and gave that for my Reason . Yet I perceive , that if his Grace send not to the Vice-chancellor next Term , all will pass of any Degree , and few thereby will be left at Oxford , and the intent of their Statutes eluded by our Brethren , &c. Hereby I have procured many Frowns , and some Adversaries in Caius College for Crook's sake , and in St. John's for Robins , besides the Officers , &c. for all . Thus much I am bound in Duty to signifie to you , that it may presently be known to his Grace , whom I conceive it so nearly concerneth . Upon this Information I writ to the Vice-chancellor of Oxford , as followeth . SIR , I Have received Information from very good Hands , how our Statutes are not only like 〈◊〉 eluded , but a great many Proceeders which have Restraint put upon them by the Statutes , run to Cambridge to take their Degrees there . And this I conceive will be a very great prejudice to the University , and to the Officers there . That you may the more fully understand all particulars , I send you part of the Letter , which gives you Information ; but because the Hand is known , I desire you to lay it by you , and keep it for your own use . That which I would have you do for prevention in this Business is , I would have you presently now before your Journey , write a Letter to the Vice-chancellor of Cambridge , and therein tell him , that you hear of this slipping aside of Oxford Men without any leave of the University to take their Degrees at Cambridge , and thereby to elude our Statutes ; then I would have you desire of him and the Heads , in the Name of the University of Oxford , That no Man be suffered to take any Degree in Cambridge whatsoever , unless he bring the Consent of the University of Oxford under Seal ; and you may promise the like Justice to them ; in the end you may intimate if you please , that finding this Inconvenience you have acquainted me with it , but that you hope the University of Cambridge will be so careful , as that I shall not need to interpose in it , and I pray desire an Answer from him , that we may know what to trust to . April 25. 1639. W. Cant. SIR , I Pray receive this assurance from me , and I doubt not but the Practice of our University will make it good , that according to your just desire , nothing shall pass here amongst us , either in this or any other way that may give the least interruption to the mutual Amity and Correspondence between the two Universities , &c. Cambridge , May 7th . 1639. Ra. Brownrigg . SIR , I Am informed that You give out , that after the University-Examination is past , You will have them examin'd again in the College , which is to put a Scorn and Disrepute upon the Regents for their Pains , and utterly to disparage the Examinations , as if you in Christ-Church were able to do more than the whole University in that point . And this to deal clearly with you , I neither may nor will endure . If you will examine your Students sufficiency , I like that well enough , do it in God's Name . But then do it before they come in publick to the University-Examination ; for after that is once past , I will endure none in any private College to prejudice it . And I pray take heed what you do in this and the like kind , that your Zeal to that , which is good , distemper us not ; for if any Men be negligent , their Fault will not be well amended by your over-doing . I doubt not but you will take care of this , and give me Content . Lambeth , May 30. 1639. W. Cant. SIR , I AM informed that there is one Francius a Polonian or Transylvanian , that is a desperate Socinian , and lives either in Oxford or Cambridge in a sly manner to pervert the younger sort ; I pray do you be as watchful as you can , and make your Examination after him with as little noise as may be , but as much Care , &c. Lambeth , May 30. 1639. W. Cant. And the like Advertisement at this time I sent to Cambridge also , concerning this Francius the Socinian . I Received a Complaint under the Hand of Mr. Edward Fulham of Christ-Church , and Proctor of the University , against Dr. Fell , which was sent me by the Vice-chancellor , in his Letters of June 3. at the intreaty of the Proctor . The occasion this , as it follows in the Proctor's own Relation , in haec verba : ON the 31st . of May about 8 at Night , Mr. Proctor Fulham witho ther Senior Masters of that House standing near the College-gate , observed amongst others coming out of the Town into the College in their Hats one Edward Moore with his Hat on ; the rest , as soon as they came within the view of the Proctor , modestly put off their Hats , and endeavoured to hide them ; but Moore passed boldly by the Proctor without moving his Hat , whereupon the Proctor call'd him back , and question'd him for wearing his Hat in the Town , telling him , that since he was in a fault , it would have better becom'd him to hide it , than to wear it on his Head. Moore clapping on his Hat , replied , that he was in the College . The Proctor twice or thrice admonish'd him to put off his Hat ; but he refusing , and contesting with his Hat on , the Proctor ( having before complained on a Scholar of the House that had affronted him in like manner , and being very much slighted , as he conceived with this Answer , That in such Cases he was to be considered there but as an ordinary Master of Arts , ) gave him a gentle Box on the Ear ; and the said Moor continuing in his Contumacy , was charged according to Statute by the Proctor to go to the Castle ; but the said Moore went not , but repaired to Mr. Hide , being his Deputy-Tutor in the absence of Mr. Glisson to be advised . Mr. Hide brought Moore to Mr. Dean of Christ-Church , and complained of the Proctor as if he had done the Scholar wrong . Upon this Complaint , Mr. Dean sends for the Proctor to his Lodging , in the presence of Moore , and Mr. Hide condemns the Proctor , and justifies Moore , and very much rated and check'd the Proctor ; telling him , that he had done more than he could justifie , and that he should have nothing to do in the College ; and that if he meddled thus in the House , he would meddle with him : That he was not Dean of Christ-Church , nor should be . And ( by way of Derision ) asked him , why he questioned not him and other Doctors that passed by that way , for their Hats ; adding , That he got no good Will by being so busie ; and so warned the Proctor to appear before the Chapter next Morning at 9 of the Clock , to answer for what he had done , in the mean time allowed Moore all Liberty of Speech to interpose and justifie his Fault . And Mr. Dean expresly told the Proctor , That Moore should not go to the Castle notwithstanding Command ; and Mr. Hide ( tho' sworn Pro-proctor ) at the same time abbetting the said Moore told the Proctor he had done more than he could justisie in striking the said Moore , and that he ought not to go to the Castle upon his Command ; using many other Words of Contestation and Reproach to the Proctor and his Authority . And Mr. Hide also said , That he had bid his Scholar not go to the Castle , but first go to Mr. Dean to complain — Mr. Proctor hath observ'd and inform'd Mr. Dean as much , That the Gentlemen-Commoners sit in the Hall in Hats before him , bring them to the Church constantly , walk and stand under his Window , some in Boots , and most in Hats ; and as the Proctor passeth by , they stand to it , upon what Encouragement he knows not . Edw. Fulham , Procur . Sen. UPon this Information , I referred the Examination of the whole Business to Mr. Vice-chancellor , with a Charge , that in regard that Moore had broken the Statute of the University , ( tho' he had then a little slipt by the Proctor into the College ) he should commit him to the Castle in pursuance of the Proctor's Command , and to uphold his Authority , that it might not grow contemptible all the Year after in the University . And that then , if he found the Complaint of the Proctor to be true , he should speak with the Heads , and see whether any fit Course could be taken for removing of Hide from the Pro-proctor-ship ; and that he should cause Moore for his Fault and his Sawciness together to be publickly whipt in the Convocation House , or banish'd the University . And as for the Dean , I did reserve to my self what Check I would put upon him . And after the Proctor had made offer to justifie all this Complaint upon Oath , I writ to the Dean as followeth , SIR , I Have received two Letters from You the last Week and this , and both concerning the Accident fallen out between you and Proctor Fulham in the case of Moore . In your last Letter , you tell me there is a lameness fallen upon you , ( which I am sorry for ) and had not that happened , you would have come and given me an Account of the Business at Lambeth ; but had you come , you would utterly have lost your Labour . For I would have spent no time , having so little to run to waste , to hear one side only , where two are concerned . For the Business it self , I see you decline answering it to the Vicechanchellor , under pretence , that it was done within your Gates . But first , I would pray you to 〈◊〉 that the Fault in question was done without your Gates , for it was for wearing a Hat in the Town . And howsoever , be the Cause what it will , I will not suffer any private Governour to wrong a publick Officer in any kind whatsoever , but that he shall answer it to my Vice-chancellor if he do . For I well know , the Proctor will have little Credit abroad in the Streets , if he shall have Contempt put upon him at Home in his College . Secondly , your declining the Vice-chancellor in this manner , and your refusing to answer upon Oath , when the Proctor offers to justifie all his Complaint by Oath in every particular , makes me think the Proctor's Relation is true in every Circumstance ; and if it be true both in Circumstance and Substance , tho' for Government sake , ( which you have so slighted in the Proctor ) I shall be unwilling to put any Sowerness upon you in publick ; yet must I tell you , you have carried this Business like a sudden , hasty , and weak Man , and most unlike a Man that understands Government . And should you go on with other things according to this , I shall have cause to repent somewhat . And assure your self , if I hear any more like this I shall easily know what I have to do . This to your self under Seal ; so &c. Lambeth , June 22. 1639. W. Cant. THE Vice-chancellor in the mean time proceeded against Moore , but finding the Youth very Humble and Submissive , and but new come to the University , and the Proctor himself earnestly interceeding for him , took his private Submission , but enjoyned him publickly in Christ-Church Hall to deliver the Proctor an Epistle with an acknowledgment of his Fault , which was done accordingly . And for Hide , he was passed by , and was not Pro-Proctor this Year , but one Mr. William Cartwright of Corpus Christi had that place . LIbros MS. quos antehac misi , ( Florentissimi Academici ) locatos vellem , non ubi nunc sunt , quasi lncarcerati , sed ubi simul esse possunt , uno intuitu conspiciendi , & unâ quasi vertendi manu . Locum , si sorte aptum , Dignissimo Procancellario nostro designavi , per illum voso ; assignandum in novis , & seliciter , uti spero , adjectis veteri Bibliothecae ad Occidentem AEdificiis . Gazophylacium hoc satis firmum cupio , ( thesaurus enim est , quem misi , & jam mitto ) & satis amplum : Volumina enim multa sunt . Nam septingenta & amplius ( ni fallor ) à me accepistis , & nunc misi supra 〈◊〉 septuaginta quinque Quorum sexdecim Hebraica sunt , & Syriaca , Arabica quinquaginta quinque Persica quindecim , Graeca viginti sex , Latina quadringenta triginta novem , Gallica tria , cum tribus Italicis , Anglicana & Anglo-Saxonica duodecim , Germanica tria , cum uno Chinensi , & Armenico uno . Et etiamsi per vigilantissimum Procancellarium certior factus sim locum hunc non adhuc receptioni Librorum aptum , istos tamen nolui diutiùs apud me retinere , ne si fortè Senio jam & Laboribus penè exhaustum Mors celerior invaderet , dissiparentur Libri , quos summâ Curâ , & non sine sumptu , congessi , Vobisque & Successoribus distinavi . Ex his Volumina non panca , sed illa Latina mihi dono dedit , Vir multis Nominibus Honorandus , Comes Arundelius , quae unà secum reduxit è Germanià , ubi & Ego multa redemi blattis tineisque mancipata , sicu : olim memini apud vos Corpora Juris Canonici & similia , Chirothecis premendis & deinceps involvendis seposita ; Jesuitis interim , qui rebus ibi nimirùm 〈◊〉 , jactantque se Collapsarum Literarum Vindices , hanc jacturam Scriptorum Veterum aut approbantibus , aut , quod certum , aspicientibus nec tamen impedientibus . Et hinc est , quod in quibusdam horum Librorum , nunc Principium , nunc Finis dcest . Nolui tamen ne Fragmenta haec penitùs 〈◊〉 , quùm bene novi multiplicem esse posse , & satis fructuosum vèl horum usum . Cum his MS. unum mitto Typis mandatum Parisiis anno superiori ; duobus Tomis constat , Titulus est , Libertates Ecclesiae Gallicanae . In priori Tomo sunt Libertates istae , in posteriori sunt Probationes 〈◊〉 per certa & antiquissima Regni illius Munimenta . Opus in Regno illo revocatum scio , & per quosdam ibi Episcopos in gratiam Romanae Sedis condemnatum , connivente interim , aut non publicè renuente Cardinali Riorlejo : Sed eò magis curiosiusque servandum in Bibliothecis Reformatarum Ecclesiarum . Et haec Causa est , cur unà cum MSS. hunc Librum misi , 〈◊〉 an unquam iterum Typis mandandum . Et in quo quilibet legere potest , quid de Universali Regimine Ecclesiae Romanae sentiat Ecclesia Gallica , ctiamsi liberè ita loqui aut nolit , aut non audeat . Libros hosce omnes nunc vestros sub câdem conditione & eisdem Legibus in Bibliothecâ Bodleianâ reponendos mitto , quibus priores meos antea subjeci . Et 〈◊〉 locus aptus iis parari possit , vobis & salvae in dictâ Biblothecâ Custodiae eos committo . Quod reliquum est , gratias Procancellario vobisque ago , quod omnia tam pacatè , tam ordinatè fiant . Et praecipuè , quod Examinationes Candidatorum secundum Academiae statuta in maximum corundemCommodum , & summum Academiae ipsius honorem tam feliciter procedant . D. O. M. Academiam ipsam , vosque omnes in tutelam suam recipiat , vobisque benedicat . Et quoties coram Altari Dei & Christi ejus procidatis , videte , sitis inter orandum memores mei Peccatoris , sed & Amici & Cancellarii vestri , W. Cant. MItto etiam jam tandem , sed paenè è memoriâ exciderat , Librum meum tamdiu promissum , qui Numismat a mea antehàc missa , ordine quaeque suo continet , & sicut in Arculis quinque secundum Cellulas suas digesta sunt . Librum hunc Fidei vestrae committo , petoque à vobis , ut siqua alia Numismata , aut ipse mittam ( sicut & nunc non pauca mitto : ) aut aliunde parata sint , velitis illa ctiam vacuis Cellulis reponere , & in Libro hoc inscribere , eo ordine , quo & in Libro , & in Cellulis nominantur . Dat. ex AEdib . nostris Lambethanis , Jun. 28. 1639. W. Cant. Reverendissime Cancellarie ! ACademiam hanc vestram tam firmo Patrocinio praemunis , tam vario beneficiorum supplemento constanter auges , ut nihil soris occurrat nogotii , vel ex cujusquam invidiâ vel gratiâ , sed totum quicquid est , ex tuâ solius Munificentiâ . Quae & omnem propellit hijuriam , & omne optandum suppeditat . Quin & largior tibimanus est effundenti , quàm nobis accipientibus . Superat Amplitudo Vestra non solùm Indigentiae nostrae , sed Ambitionis mensuram , cumulusque thesauri ingesti Gazophylacium angustat : desiderantur enim Scrinia codicibus , quos 〈◊〉 vestra Liberalitas ex omni Orbis Cardine conquisivit . Atque ut Moles addendorum Voluminum ultra loci prioris captum turgescit , ita & 〈◊〉 nostrum sugit Novitas Characterum 〈◊〉 ; Linguarum Varietas , & inaestimabile Manuscriptorum pretium , omnem Linguae aut Calami gratantis Copiam transcendit . Quibus demum officiis haec dona compensabimus , quae nondum intelligere , & vix quidem possumus 〈◊〉 ? Integer beneficiorum 〈◊〉 cubus ipsi onerosus est 〈◊〉 . Nam ut alia immensa taceamus , 〈◊〉 numerus Voluminum , quae modo , ac dudum misisti , aut mittenda curâsti in * mille quadringenta quadraginta duo . O! quàm multis victurus es Monumentis ! Tua enim sunt Opera , cum Tua sint Benesicia , quaecunque ex tenebrarum sepulchro , vel ex corruptelae 〈◊〉 vindicàsti . Postquam diserta haec Supellex Occidentalem Bibliothecae partem , huic usui adaptandum ornaverit , Theologorum inspectium Corona imaginem induet Conventûs Apostolici ; cum istic Linguae Omnigenae , si minus audiri , saltem videri 〈◊〉 ac legi . Interim Librorum habitaculum quod extra est Bodleianum crit inter Laudanum . Alius licet Cistam , dedisti Tu Gemmas , Literarum Gemmas , bello rapaci superstites , lacerae Germaniae spolia , non solùm à tenebris tineisque sed custodiâ & manibus Jesuitarum redempta ; Vt sagittae de suis pennis desumptae in ipsos possint aliquando torqueri . Quamvis ista nolueris diutius apud Teretinere , ne esse inter cos , qui moricndo prosunt , quibus vivendo nollent ; sic tamen transmisisti , ut siqua spes immortalitatis , & virtutem Prosequentis gloriae , Tua sint futura Post mortem : Quam tibi tam 〈◊〉 precamur , ac nobis luctum , literis caliginem , Religioni errorem . Plus satis oberrati sumus , ô Sancte Nutritor humilis Nutriculae , peculiari vestro promptuario : quid alterum Antiquitatis assertorem in partes vocas ? adcone Benefaciendi avarus es , ut fieri cupias tam alienae profluentiae vas , quam tuae fons ? & alteri debere velis , quo possis , debitores tuos Obligatiores tenere , ac plusquam captivos constringerc ? oculum satis vigilem rebus nostris domi intendis , num & orbem circumspicis ? Num ab exteris Nationibus Germaniâ 〈◊〉 ; accersis , quicquid uspiam conducat tam politiae literarum quam Incremento ? quis modus irrequietae huic munisicientiae , quis finis ? Nullus , nisi immensitas , nullus nisi interminata AEternitas . In libro hoc clandestino , cui Titulus , Libertates Ecclesiae Gallicanae , lucem possidemus non modicam , velat ignem nigro sopitum silice ; hunc itaque accuratiùs versabimus , vestri consilii memores ; qui donando etiam doces , docendoque bis donas . Antiqua insuper , quae misisti , Numismata , quibus temporum series ( in solamen amissi temporis , & quodammodo revocabilis ) conclusae latent , ac dispositae , Opes eruditas ( multa enim in uno largiris , & uti nos libris locupletas , sic instruis pecunia ) pulchra haec irritamenta industriae , quae scientiae Nomine honestam instillent avaritiem : Haec & fiqua sint accessura unà cum Libro Indice , & utendi legibus , quas more divino miscere soles beneficiis , 〈◊〉 sacrosancta , & nullatenus Violanda custodiemus . Dona reponemus haec omnia , non eo Solùm , quo Jubes loco , reponemus oculis , animis , memoriâ , Perenni gratitudine . Imput are si velis aliquam gratitudinis particulam ritè ordinato obsequio ( quod nihil aliud est nisi spharae vestrae sic institutae lex necessaria & sequax Primi Motoris rotatio ) certe pergratissimi sumus 〈◊〉 , ne simus miserrimi . Quin etiam Paternitatis vestrae precibus Benedicti , non modo latiores Progressus conabimur , sed fidentiores Procidemus coràm Summi Patris Altari , dum illic inter orandum recordamur Tui , quem sanctum Altare custodem habuit fidissimum , ac preciosissimum Exornatorem Tibi praemium , nobis gratiam multo facilius impetrabimus . Domo nostrae Convocationis Julii 4. 1639. Sanctitatis vestrae obsequentissima Ancilla Oxon. Academ . ABout this time Mr. Vice-chancellor repelled two ignorant Batchelors from their Admission , which was a very wholsome Example to uphold the Statute of Examination . But thereupon I writ to him , not to let it rest there , but to call in question those Masters that examined them , who went directly against their Oath , in giving Testimony to such ignorant Men , and desired him to be as careful as he could in this Business . And this Repulse was made in the view of the New Regents , who were then all there present to be admitted . For this his first Year the Vice-chancellor brought into the University Chest in ready Mony 831 l. 19 s. 2 d. all Deductions made ; and repaid likewise to Sir Thomas Bodley's Stock the 500 l. borrowed thence for the Purchase of Land for the Anatomy-Lecture . And being so before-hand , he bought in the Annuity which they paid to one Giles for Ground , on which the Schools stand ; the Annuity was Eight Pounds per Annum , he paid for it 122 l. Memorandum , That the 500 l. above-mentioned was no part of the 831 l. which the Vice-chancellor brought in . So that now there remains in the University Chest at Corpus Christi almost 1000 l. and in Sir Thomas Bodley's Chest at the Schools 600 l. and the Yearly Incomes of the University for the future may be pitcht upon a Medium at a Thousand Marks communibus annis . Other Vice-chancellors brought in very fair Accompts , and some larger than this , but they were expended upon their Building according to Sir Thomas Bodley's Will , &c. W. Cant. After my Hearty Commendations , &c. THE Vice-chancellor which now is hath gone through the troublesome Office of the Vice-chancellor-ship for the space of one whole Year , and this time of the Year puts me in mind thereof , which calls for a new Nomination and Election according to Course and Statute to be made . But tho' I proceed to a new Nomination , yet I can no way hold it fit to nominate a New Vice-chancellor , but shall continue that Trouble and Pains to Dr. Frewen for one Year more . And this I hold necessary to do , not only for the great Integrity and Sufficiency with which he hath managed thatOffice for this Year past ; but also in particular for the great Success with which God hath blessed him in putting that useful Statute of the Examination of Candidates into Practice , which must needs tend to the great Benefit and Honour of that University in all succeeding times . And I am very desirous to continue it in the same Hand , and under the same Care for another Year , to the end it may the better settle . These are therefore to let you know , that I do nominate and choose Dr. Frewen to be my Vice-chancellor for this Year ensuing . And do hereby pray and require You to allow of this my Choice , and to give him all due Respect and Assistance in all things necessary for that Government . And thus not doubting of your Readiness and willing Obedience herein , I leave both himself and you to the Grace of God , and rest Your Loving Friend and Chancellor , W. Cant. POST-SCRIPT . THere is an Advertisement , which tho' I have given You Mr. Vice-chancellor already in a private Letter , yet I thought now fit to mention it again in these publick Letters , that the whole University might the better take notice of it . There is I confess , an old but a very ill Custom continued in the Convocation-House ; Namely , that whensoever the Vice-chancellor or either of the Proctors have an occasion to read any publick Letters , or make any Solemn Speech to that Body ; the Masters do all or most of them rise from their Seats and come and stand confusedly before him that speaks , expresly contrary to Statute , and taking off all Decency and Dignity from that place . 'T is probable , That this might arise at first upon a desire to hear some Vice-chancellor or Proctor who had a lower Voice ; but far better it is , that any such should be imperfectly heard , than the whole Order , Form and Dignity of a Convocation-House should be thereby lost . These are therefore to require every Member of that House to keep his Seat according to Statute , and not to stir or draw nearer the Vice-chancellor or Proctors upon any pretence of hearing , or any other whatsoever , and that they so continue in their Seats all the time of every several Convocation . And if any Man shall thus against Statute presume to leave his Seat , and so either break the Order , or disturb the Peace of the House , I do hereby require , that the Vice-chancellor command him to Prison , and give me Notice of his Name ; and that he that is to speak proceed not on with his Speech , until the House shall continue settled in every part . And further , I require the Vice-chancellor and Proctors for the Time being , and their Successors , to commit any Man to the Castle , that shall presume to come within the Convocation-House Door , that is not a Member of that Body . And I do require that these my Letters be Registred , that this Direction may be the better kept in Memory . Lambeth , July 10. 1639. W. Cant. THE Vice-chancellor hearing of three poor Scholars , ( two of Exeter College and the third of Christ-Church ) that had shewed certain small pieces of Batter'd Plate in a Towns-man's House , sent his Warrant for them . But two fled , and the other came before him ; where being not able to make any Defence , than by casting all upon them that appeared not , the Vice-chancellor expell'd him the University ; whereby it is hoped the College-Plate for the future will be safer . July 22. 1639. THere was a great Inconveniency found in the Examinations of such as came for Degrees ; for the Examiners and the Examined could hardly be kept at a sitting distance in such a Throng of Auditors ; and being upon the same Level , it was therefore thought fit , both for the Ease and Reputation of the Examiners , and the publick discharge of that Business , that nothing might pass by whispering , That the Examiners should stand in the Seat appointed for the Natural-Philosophy-Reader ( that School being by Statute appointed for the place of the Examinations , ) and another Seat be set up opposite for the Candidates , and a Seat upon one side for the Vice-chancellor and Proctors to sit whensoever they should please to come to the Examinations . And this was done accordingly , that it might be ready against Michaelmass-Term . September 11. 1639. W. Cant. SIR , THis next passage I shall desire you to communicate with the Heads , and let both them and the Proctors know , That I have been informed that some Masters come to St. Maries , and stand or sit there bare in Sermon time , not out of any Devotion , but only to hide their Hats . The end why I write this to you is , because I doubt if you look not well to it at the beginning of Term , you will find a Breach upon that Decency of the University before you be aware ; and the reason why I desire you to impart it to the Heads and the Proctors is , because I know the Work will be too heavy for you alone , if they shall not concur to give you their best assistance in their several Stations . These are therefore to pray and require every of them to look strictly to their several Charges , and to assist you in all things according to the Statutes in the University , in which if any Man shall fail , I shall take it so much the worse from him , as there is greater necessity to hold up good Order in the brokeness of these times . And further , I think it not amiss that you employ the ●●omen-Beadles to look about the Church in Sermon time , and see who they are that in any cunning way offer to break the Statutes . I know this will be a work full of Envy to them ; and therefore I think it may be very fit that you think of a Course how they may have profit by it , to sweeten their pains . And for my part , if you and the Heads shall find it so fit , I think it were not amiss , if out of the mulcts for those Offences some Proportion were given to them for their pains . But above all things , I desire you and the Proctors , and all else whom it may Concern , to continue your wonted Care of the Examinations , which will I hope prove a great Honour , and a greater advantage to the University . Lambeth , Octob. 4. 1639. W. Cant. ONE Elzy , a busie Attorney of the King's-Bench , pleaded his Exemption in point of Debt from the Chancellor's Court ; and brought a Writ out of the Court of King's-Bench . But at last found his Errour , and submitted , yet not till some of the Judges of that Court had in a manner declared themselves for the University Jurisdiction , as his Case stood . Octob. 12. 1639. W. Cant. THE Chandlers ( two of that Company being Aldermen of the City ) took upon them to sell Candles at a Price above that which was set by the Vice-Chancellor : And being called to an Account , they at the first , and again , wilfully refused to submit . The Vice-Chancellor , by the advice of the Heads , was resolved to make the two Aldermen an Example for the rest : Namely , first to call them , and demand the Mulct due for their Offence : And if they refused to pay , then to call them into the Chancellor's-Court ; and that if they appear'd not there , he would call a Convocation and discommune them . But at last , when they had thought better on 't , they promised Submission . Octob. 4. 1639. W. Cant. YOUR Grace's Directions touching the raising of Seats for the Examiners and Candidates appear already to be very useful , and very much to advance the Examinations . On Thursday we began , when tho' the School full from one end to the other , yet all stood silent and attentive ; and well they might ; for the Actors on both sides performed their Parts so well , that we met again in the Afternoon ; and near three it was before that days Examinations were ended . Your Grace hath been sundry ways most munificent towards this University : Yet ( without Flattery be it spoken ) this one Statute is Your greatest Benefaction . Fear of Shame and Repulse prevailing more upon our Youth , than the severest Discipline of any private College whatsoever could have done . Octob. 13. 1639. A. Frewen . COncerning the hour of your Vespers , I would have you to weigh well one main thing ; which is , That as the Morning Service is every where to end by Twelve at farthest , so the Vespers never begin before Three , and end by Five . And this I take it is universal . And the reason of it ( as I conceive ) is , That the Prayers of the Church , howsoever different in place , might be jointly put up to God in all places at the same time . How sit it will be upon particular respects to vary such an universal Tradition , would be well thought on . As for the Hour which they say they shall gain to their Studies by this change , that works little upon me . For if Men be so studiously minded , that Hour may be taken , as well after Prayers as before . And Prayers coming between , will rather be a Relaxation to them than a hindrance . Besides , I cannot foresee what Example this may produce in other Cathedrals . And I would be very loath they should learn an ill Example from the University . Therefore I pray think well of these and other Circumstances , before you make any change . Lambeth , Octob. 18. 1639. W. Cant. I Am informed , that under pretence of Printing a Greek Chronologer ( one Malala ) which Mr. Gregory of C. C. was preparing for the Press : Turner the Printer ( I know not by what Commission ) got into his Hands all Sir Henry Savil's Greek Letters amounting to a great number , some of them scarce worn . It was in Dr. Pinck's time . I pray speak with the Dr. about it , and call Turner to an Account before the Heads , what 's become of them . I doubt Turner's Poverty and Knavery together hath made a riddance of them . I pray examine this Business thoroughly before the Heads , and let me have an Account when you have done . Lambeth , Octob. 18. 1639. W. Cant. SIR , I Would have you send me word in what state my Arabick Lecture stands at Oxford , on what days and hours of the days you read , and what Ordinances are made ( if any be ) by which you guide your self in that Business : And farther , I would have you set me down what Statutes may be necessary to govern that Lecture in the perpetuating of it , in case it should please God to make me able to do it . I pray do this with as much convenient speed as you can , and privately without noise : So to God's Blessing and Protection , &c. Lambeth . F. omnium Sanctorum , 1639. W. Cant. THE University of Oxford in the time of King Edw. III. had the sole keeping of the Assize of Bread and Drink in Oxford , and the Government and Correction of all manner of Victuallers , and Victualling and Tippling-Houses there . This Power continued in the University for about 200 Years without Interruption , until the Statute of 5 & 6 Edw. 6. which gave power to two Justices of Peace in every Shire or City to License Ale-Houses ; and ordained , That none should keep any Ale-House but such as should be so Licensed . By colour of this Statute ( in regard there was therein no express saving of the Privileges of the University ) the Mayor and Aldermen of Oxford , being Justices there , have Licensed Ale-Houses . The Chancellor of the University and his Vice-Chancellor , Commissary and Deputy at the time of the making of the said Statutes were Justices of Peace within the City . And the Privileges of both Universities were afterwards in 13 Eliz. confirmed by Act of Parliament ; and in all Acts of Parliament since made touching Ale-Houses , the Correction and Punishment of all Ale-House-keepers and Tipplers in Ale-Houses in the University , is reserved solely to the Governor of the University . The University of Cambridge in the Fifth Year of King Richard II. had their Privileges by Parliament granted to them , such as the University of Oxford had , and no other . Yet when the Officers of the Town in the Sixth Year of Queen Elizabeth , attempted to License Ale-House , they were restrain'd by the Queen's Letter , and that University hath ever since quietly enjoy'd the Privileges of the sole Licensing of Ale-Houses . In the Book of Directions touching Ale-Houses , set forth 1608. His late Majesty declared , that the Officers of both Universities should have the Power of Licensing and ordering of Ale-Houses , and not the Officers or Justices of the Town . And His Majesty in his Charter of Confirmation of the Liberties of the University of Oxford in the Eleventh Year of his Reign , hath been graciously pleased to grant that no License shall be made to any Victualler or Ale-House-keeper , without the special assent of the Chancellor . There are now 300 Ale-Houses Licensed in Oxford , which occasion great Disorder in the University . It is therefore most humbly desired on the behalf of the said University , That his Majesty would be pleased by his gracious Letters to be directed to the Mayor and Commonalty of Oxford , to command them not to intermeddle in the Licensing of any Person to keep Ale-House or Tap-House within the Jurisdiction or Liberty of the said University or City of Oxford . TRusty and Well-beloved , we Greet you well . We are informed that our University of Oxford had heretofore the Government Correction of all manner of Ale-House-keepers , Ale-Houses and Tippling-Houses within the Liberties thereof : And we were graciously pleased lately by our Letters Patents to grant to our said University , That no Ale-Houses without the special consent of the Chancellor or Vice-Chancellor should be Licensed there . It seems strange to us ( which we hear ) that there should be now Three hundred Ale-Houses in Oxford : And we believe they would not have risen to that number , had the power of Licensing them rested only with the Vice-Chancellor and other Governors of our said University , as it doth in our University of Cambridge . We do therefore charge and require you , as you tender our Pleasure , and mean to enjoy the Liberties which you use under our Favour and Goodness , that you henceforth meddle not in the Licensing of any Person to keep Ale-Houses , Tap-Houses , or Victualling-Houses within the Jurisdiction or Liberty of the said University , and City of Oxford , but that you leave the same to the Vice-Chancellor and other Justices of Peace there , who are Members of the said University . Given at Westminster the 27th of October , 1639. To our Trusty and Well-beloved , the Mayor , Bailiffs , and Commonalty of our City of Oxford . I sent away these Letters to the Vice-Chancellor upon Friday November 8th . W. Cant. UPON pretence that it was not in me alone to absolve the Chandlers , on Monday last I brought them to the Meeting of the Heads . Where having in the first Place pleaded Ignorance in excuse of their Contumacy , they then confessed openly , That it belonged to the Vice-Chancellor to regulate them in their Trade , and humbly besought me to raise their Price . This done I dismissed them , caused the Register to make an Act of what had passed , and four days after ( viz. on the first of November ) granted their Request ; so that I hope the University's Right in this particular is now settled for ever hereafter . Novemb. 4. 1639. A. Frewen . I Am informed by Mr. Lenthall , That for the Physick-Garden the Earl of Danby intends to put his Heir , the Vice-Chancellor , the Dean of Christ-Church , and the President of St. Mary Magdalen-College in trust to see his promised 100 l. per Annum for ever hereafter imployed as he shall direct . A. Frewen . To this my Answer was as followeth : I Like the Earl of Danby's Business worse and worse ; and the joining of his Heir to those Heads you mention worst of all . For if he may not ever do , and have what he list , you shall have greater Imputations of Ingratitude thrown upon you than the thing is worth . And now I begin to believe you will have nothing settled till his Death . Lambeth , Novemb. 7. 1639. W. Cant. EVery Body speaks well of the Examinations . And tho' I would not put any such Burthen upon the Heads of Houses , yet you should do very well if you could handsomly insinuate it to them , what an Advance it would be to the University in that Business , if now and then at their leisure some one or other of them would come thither , and sit with the Vice-Chancellor and Proctors to hear the Examinations . But this I leave free to you and them . Lambeth , November 7. 1639. W. Cant. AT this time the Vice-Chancellor sent me word , that after they had visited Sir Thomas Bodley's great Library , they went to see my Books and Coins , and that having compared them with their Catalogue , they found all well and safe . But yet the Library-keepers had a great charge given them to look carefully to them , being they stood unchained , and the place where they stand almost hourly frequented by Strangers who come to see them . Novemb. 11. 1639. A. Frewen . My Answer to this was as followeth . SIR , I Thank you heartily for your Care of my Books . And I beseech you that the Library-keeper may be very watchful to look to them since they stand unchain'd . And I would to God the Place in the Library for them were once ready , that they might be set up safe ; and and chained as the other Books are ; and yet then , if there be not care taken , you may have some of the best and choisest Tractats cut out of the Covers and purloin'd , as hath been done in some other Libraries . Lambeth , Nov. 15. 1639. W. Cant. WHilst I was at the Examinations on Saturday Novem. 16. there came into the School a Stranger who seem'd to be of very good Quality ; for he had three or four Servants attending him . There he sat a diligent Auditor for the space of an hour . Then went forth , and taking Horse at the Gate , vanish'd , without leaving any possibility of a discovery what he was ; for there was not any Scholar seen in his Company ; nor can I find that he did so much as stop at any Inn. What ever the ends of his coming were , he cannot but speak well of the Exercise ; for 't was at that very time singularly well performed . Out of his Letters of Novem. 18. 1639. A. Frewen . My Judgment upon this was as follows . SIR , 'T IS a pretty Accident of the Gentleman 's coming to hear the Examinations upon Saturday last : And I am heartily glad the Exercise was so good , and worthy his Audience . But as his coming was unexpected , and his departure sudden , so we must be contented to leave his Person unknown , unless some accident discover it . But what say you to this ? May it be some Jesuit attended with three or four Novices , that came to see what this new Business is in the University ? For why any Gentleman in the Kingdom should come and go in that fashion , without so much as saluting the Vice-Chancellor , being present upon the place , I for my part cannot tell , nor do I believe any would so do . Lambeth , Novem. 20. 1639. W. Cant. IT is strongly presum'd that Mr. Bowden , a Divine of Trinity-College , hath drown'd himself . His Discontent ( as their Vice-President informs me ) arose from Contemplation of his Debts to the College , which he foresaw he should not be able to clear at their Audit. On Thursday Seven-night in the Morning he was met very early going towards New-Parks , and hath not been seen since that time . A. Frewen . The like Passage I had from Dr. Baylie concerning Mr. Bowden , which follows . ABout the beginning of the last Week one Mr. Bowden , Fellow of Trinity-College ( whom they have suspected for craz'd heretofore ) after the exchange of some cross words with the President in the Gate , betwixt 6 and 7 in the Morn , went out of the College , and cannot as yet ( though diligently sought ) be found . It is fear'd that he hath drowned himself . Decemb. 2. 1639. Ri. Baylie . A Young Man , lately Commoner of Wadham-College and expelled thence , comes last Night to the Sign of the Greyhound ; there he puts on a false Name , and under that disguise sends for two of the Fellows of that College ( to whom he bore a grudge ) to Sup with him . They come , he , seconded by another , whom he brought with him for that purpose , and Vizarded , meets them under our Grove-Wall ; there they assaulted the naked Scholars and shrewdly wounded them . One of them is apprehended , and in the Castle , the other is fled , but known . Oxford , Dec. 2. 1639. A. Frewen . Whereupon I writ to the Vice-Chancellor , that he would be careful to do what might be done by Law for the vindicating of the two Fellows , and the great wrong done them . And that he that was known and fled might be taken . FOR your Court-Leet , if it be so expenceful as you mention , and of so little use , since the Vice-Chancellor can do all in his private Chamber without contradiction , which he can do in that Court , I shall not advise any frequent keeping of it . Yet since I writ last , my Lord of Berkshire , their Steward , hath been earnest with me , that the Articles of Agreement between the University and the Town might be settled according to Judge Jones his Order ; and truly I think that were not amiss to take the offer while they are willing . For my now Lord of Berkshire presses me to move the Judge to 〈◊〉 it : And as far as I remember the stop hath been in the Town it self , and neither in the University nor the Judge . And tho' their refusing of setting to their Hands were especially concerning the Court-Leet ; yet I do not think but that all Orders may be agreed to , if they please , and that yet you need keep that Court no oftner than you think fit your selves . According as you write next to me , so shall I speak to the Judge about it . Lambeth , Decemb. 6. 1639. W. Cant. I Am sorry to hear that the Lady Margaret's Reader is so subject to Infirmities : And if he continue so weak and full of Relapses , I think you shall do well to dispense at least with his diligence the next Term , if he gather not strength in the Interim . For I would be loth so able and careful a Man should lose himself by taking so much Pains before he enjoy a confirm'd Health ; which certainly is fit for you and the University to consider , especially since you write that he hath been almost every Week this Term at Death's Door . Lambeth , Decemb. 6. 1639. W. Cant. ON Monday Nov. 18. the Vice-Chancellor sent his Majesty's , concerning Ale-Houses , to the Mayor and Aldermen . Upon the Receipt of them they consulted very privately , but yet it was easily known to be about the Contents of that Letter , because they enquired how many Ale-Houses were in every Parish . And this doubtless they did , to see if they could disprove the Information given to his Majesty , concerning the number of 300 Ale-Houses within the Town . But Dr. Fell , Dean of Christ-Church , who by my direction looked very narrowly into the Business , made his Information good by the Testimony of the Ale-Brewer's Clerk , Servant to that College . And though this number be extremely too great ; yet so long as Bakers and Brewers have the power of granting Licenses , no Man is like to be denied , that will take his Bread of the one , and his Ale of the other . The Vice-Chancellor presently gave me notice of all this , least the Town should inform the Earl of Berkshire their Steward , and perhaps untruly , and so possess him against the University : And it seems they did so . For my Lord meeting me at Court , spake with me about the business , and acknowledged from them but 160 Ale-Houses , and that most of these were Privileged Persons , and Licensed by the University , contrary to their own Promise and Undertaking at the open Sessions ; but spake nothing of the procuring of the Letter it self , which I was very glad of , and 〈◊〉 his Lordship , that I verily believed he was misinform'd in all particulars , as I doubted not but it would plainly appear . In the mean time the Vice-Chancellor very discreetly went on to the Reformation of this Scandal to the University ; in which he proceeded thus . First , That it might appear he aim'd at the good of the University , in the License which he drew up for the future , he makes it a Forfeiture of his Recognizance for any Ale-House-keeper to receive any Scholar into his House to drink and tipple there . Secondly , So soon as he had his full Proof that there were 300 , he commanded the Constables of every Parish to bring in the Names of all such as sell Ale there . This Note he communicated with the Proctors , and turned out all such as in their several Night-Walks they had found to keep disorderly Houses . Thirdly , After this he sent the same Note to some of the most substantial and orderly Men in every Parish , and by their Advice struck out all those which had any Trade or other means to live by , that being a far fitter Course for them than Ale-House-keeping . Fourthly , To the end no cunning of the Town might be able to elude this , he deliver'd to the Ale-Brewers the Names of all such as are now Licensed , with a charge not to serve Ale to any other upon Penalty of paying the Mulct , which both the Statutes of the Realm and of the University inflict upon Offenders in that particular . And as for the Allegation which they made to my Lord the Earl of Berkshire in their excuse , that proves utterly void . For 1st , The number of 300 at the least is fully proved . 2dly , Were it true that the most of these were Privileged Persons , that would not help them neither : For the greatest part , even of the Privileged Men , have been Licensed by themselves for their own Profit . 3dly , On the University part no Justice hath given allowance to any but the Vice-Chancellor only : Neither can any License continue longer than for one Year . 4thly , The Vice-Chancellor that now is , hath been in that Office a Year and an half , and in all this time hath not Licensed any one till now , that His Majesty's Letters came down to settle that Power in me and the University , according to our antient Privileges in that behalf . 'T is true , that some produced antient Licenses subscribed by some of the Vice-Chancellor's Predecessors , as namely by Dr. Pinck and Dr. Baylie in their several Years respectively . But these , as they were out of Date , so were they very few , not exceeding 20 in the whole number . By all which it appears manifestly , that almost all this Scandalous number of 300 were Licensed by the Mayor and the Town-Justices , and not by the University , as hath been suggested to my Lord their Steward . The Vice-Chancellor took for his Assistant in this Business Dr. Pinck , Warden of New-College , who had been Vice-Chancellor , and best understood the State of the Town ( tho' Dr. Fell had means to be best acquainted with the number of the Ale-Houses : ) And for a beginning supprest 200 of the 300 , and then found it impossible for the present to sink them lower , there being so many poor and indigent People amongst them , who have no other possible means of Subsistance . Among these appear'd a lamentable Spectacle : For the only Son of Mr. Braddell ( who had for many Years together in my Memory been Principal of St. Mary's Hall , and lived well , but in too free a fashion ) was now found to be one of this number ; yet for some reasons the Vice-Chancellor refused to License him among the rest , unless the Principal of Brazen-Nose , and the Provost of Oriel ( which were of his Father's antient Acquaintance , and now pleaded for him ) would become his Sureties ; and so the Business stands at present . December 7. 1639. W. Cant. ARticles of Agreement 'twixt the University and City , being made by Justice Jones , 't was on all hands thought fit that they should have a time of Probation before they were signed by Your Grace and their Steward . In this interim we found a Composition made Eliz. 23. wherein it was accorded that the Amercements of our Leet ( which the Judge had awarded wholly to the Town ) should equally be divided 'twixt both Bodies . This when the Judge saw , he altered his Opinion in that particular , and order'd that the Composition should still stand in force . The Mayor , Recorder and Town-Clerk there present assented , but next day fell off , upon pretence that the Commonalty would not yield : And here we stick . They press to have the Judge's first Order confirm'd , which gives all the Amercements to them . We plead an antient Composition ( seen since , and allow'd by the same Judge ) which gives us half . Their own Recorder is ashamed of them , and hath sundry times complain'd to me of their peevishness and breach of Promise in this particular . If they be now in earnest ( whereof I much doubt ) we will give them a Meeting when they please , and once more try whether by a friendly Parly these Differences may be composed . Oxford , Decem. 9. 1639. A. Frewen . THE Earl of Danby sent last Week Outlandish Workmen to enter upon the Physick-Garden . They were directed to the Dean of Christ-Church , Dr. Clayton , and my self . We have perused divers Models which they brought , and amongst them pitch'd upon one , which we think will be most proper for that place . December 9. 1639. A. Frewen . I Would have you at your next meeting acquaint the Heads , that the Oxford Men who came to preach at St. Paul's , do not so frequently use the Prayer which the Canon of the Church requires before their Sermons , either in matter or form , as the Cambridge Men do . And there is more notice taken of it than I could wish there were : Therefore the Heads shall do very well to warn their several Companies concerning it . And I pray be you careful to see it observed there , and that will teach them to do it abroad . Lambeth , Decemb. 13. 1639. W. Cant. THere came a Letter this Week from Cambridge to my Chaplain , Dr. Bray , in which I find that one Mr. Samuel Wilkinson , a Master of Art , sometimes of Magdalen-Hall , and now Parson or Vicar of Chelsey , came thither to be Doctor , and would accumulate . And this was certainly to elude our Statutes . Dr. Sterne , one of the Heads there , called for his Certificate from you according to the Letters which you lately sent to that University by my Direction : But he being able to shew none , save only a Ticket from Mr. French , the Register , was refused . I pray call French unto you , and examine what Tickets he uses to send in this kind , and by what Authority ; and I pray put him to it close . For if he may do this , we may have Proceeders slip away from us , I know not how . As now it might have been , if Dr. Sterne had not been a very respectful Man to me . December 20. 1639. W. Cant. UPON this the Vice-Chancellor called Mr. French to an account , who confessed that Wilkinson writ to him the last Vacation , to know what Year it was he proceeded Master ; and little suspecting what use would be made of it , ( and the less because it was about the middle of the great Vacation ) he sent him a Note out of the Register , which was it he presented at Cambridge ; but protests , that since the Vice-Chancellor's coming in Office , he never gave more than that one Ticket . December 23. 1639. A. Frewen . IN the interim hearing that Wilkinson had under-hand gotten a Recommendation from my Lord the Earl of Holland , Chancellor of Cambridge , and having occasion one day to meet with my Lord , I spake to his Lordship about it ; but my Lord remembred no such thing . Yet told me he would speak to his Secretary about the Business , and then give me a farther Account . Which the very next day he did ; and confessed unto me that he had given him a Recommendation , but thought Wilkinson had come attested from the University . And withal his Lordship said , that the Reason which he gave him why he went to Cambridge for his Degree , was , because the Fees were greater in Oxford . Upon this his Lordship promised me that he would write to Cambridge , that the University should be very careful to keep the Agreement made with Oxford concorning Degrees . Lambeth , Dec. 26. 1639. W. Cant. CHristmas-day falling upon a Wednesday this Year , the Mayor of Oxford stept in before the University Clerks , and proclaim'd no Market . This he did , grounding himself ( as 't is conceived ) upon the strength of Justice Jones his Arbitration . In the which ( tho' altogether beside the Question ) he told the Vice-Chancellor , That he thought the Market belong'd to the City , tho' the Government of it to the University . The Vice-Chancellor doubted not but that he should be able to right the University in this particular . Dec. 23. 1639. A. Frewen . THE Violence of the Storm on St. John's Night threw down the Battlements over the Room where Your Grace's Manuscripts are billited , but did no more hurt . Fearing that the Leads might be bruised , and a passage through them for the Rain made by the fall , I caused it to be throughly search'd , and presently repair'd ; so that now the Books are out of all danger . Oxford , Jan. 6. 〈◊〉 . A. Frewen . One John George , Deputy-Register to old Mr. Jones , petitioned me for a Reversion of the Registership it self of the Vice-Chancellor's Court : But I refused him , and writ to the Vice-Chancellor to know the Conditions of the Man ; who sent me word as follows . HEartily glad I am that your Grace hath refused this John George for having a Reversion of Mr. Jones's Office. For he is a sawcy , insolent Companion . And should he once come to enjoy the Place in his own Right , 't is likely , would prove insufferable . What yearly Rent he pays for his Deputation , or what he is to give for the Resignation , I cannot tell . Yet thus much I know , through the greediness of the Register and Proctors , the Court begins to hear ill , nor am I able to redress it so fully as I would , there being no Table of Fees whereby to regulate them . Oxford , Jan. 13. 〈◊〉 . A. Frewen . UPON the Vice-Chancellor's mentioning to me the having no Table of Fees for the regulating of that Court , I writ to him to draw me up one , and send it me : And that then I would consult with the Doctors of the Arches , and some well experienced Proctors , what Fees might be fittest for such a Court , and send it him back perfected , to be confirmed in Convocation , if it be thought fit . Lambeth , Jan. 17. 〈◊〉 . W. Cant. ON Saturday Jan. 25. died Mr. Robert Burton of Christ-Church , who hath given 5 l. per Annum for ever to the University-Library , besides a considerable Number of Books , to be taken out of his Study . And because a Benefactor to the University , I was present at his Funeral . At our last Examinations we repulsed a Dunce of New-Inn , who was not able so much as to give us a difference betwixt Quisquis and Quisque though a Candidate to be Master of Arts. To put an end to the Town 's snarling at us for taking from them the power of Licensing Ale-Houses , I last Week cast them out a Bone , which hath set them at odds amongst themselves . Understanding that some sold Ale without my leave , I sent out a Warrant to the Officers in every Parish . They finding by it that their Poor should reap the Fruit of their Pains , readily obey , make a strict search , inform and press to have the Penalty exacted , which hath bred a strange Distemper amongst them . and a strange one it must be , that can disjoin them ( as this hath done ) in their feud against the University . Here follows the Copy of the Vice-Chancellor's Warrant . THESE are to require you and every of you , immediately upon Receipt hereof to make diligent Inquiry in your Parish after all and every Person and Persons , that do take upon them to sell Ale or Beer within your said Parish , besides them whose Names are under-written . And that you do certifie me who they are , and he ready to prove and justifie their selling without License , that I may exact thereupon the Penalty of 20s . for the use of the Poor of your Parish , from each of them so offending . Also I require you to make diligent search ( taking with you a Constable ) what quantity of Ale or Beer the said Persons have in their several Houses , and to inform me what Brewer or Brewers have served the same : That I may punish them according to the Law. Hereof fail you not , as you will answer the contrary at your Perils . Given , &c. Our University Coroner being last Week to sit upon the Body of a Privileged Person drowned near Christ-Church , sends his Warrant , ( according as the Statute directs him ) to the Constable of St. Olave's to warn a Jury : He presently consults the Mayor , and the Mayor the Town-Clerk , the City Oracle , and both instruct him to disobey , because by their Charter they are exempted from all Service without their Liberties , as this Place was , though yet within the Parish of St. Olave's ; which forced us for the present to send into the Country for a Jury , which lost time , and cost trouble . Of the Legality of this their Plea we here are not able to judge ; yet much suspect that no Exemption in any Charter reaches to Service of this Nature : But admit it to be legal , yet was it withal uncivil , and were not the Times as they are , I should e'er long make some of them smart for it . And on Friday last I brought one of their Bailists almost upon his Knees , for furnishing an unlicensed Tippling-House with Beer . And easie 't will be for a Vice-Chancellor , if he intend to correct them at any time invenire baculum . Oxford , Jan. 27. 〈◊〉 . A. Frewen . AT this time I writ to the Vice-Chancellor to speak to the Heads before Lent begin , and to desire them , that they would be very careful of their several Companies , that the publick Disputations then may be quick and Scholar-like , and yet without Tumult . And this I left principally upon his Care to look to , calling the Proctors to his Assistance . I received a Letter this last Week from a Reverend Bishop in this Kingdom , in which he complains that Amesius and Festus Hommius ( though I think before your time ) have been Reprinted in the University . They are professed Friends to the Presbyterial Government . And though they may Speak and Print what they please at Leyden or Amsterdam , yet methinks 't is a great Oversight to make them Speak by our selves and our Presses , especially in the Universities . For too many Men , in these broken Times , will be apt enough to say , That we allow and approve of that Doctrine , which we Print by Licence . I pray speak with the Printers ; and let them know from me , that I will not allow them to Print any Book , though it hath been Printed before , without new leave from the Vice-Chancellor for the time being . And that if they do Print any thing without such leave , I will utterly suppress them . And I pray send me word in what Year of our Lord these two Books were Printed there . Lambeth , Feb. 7. 〈◊〉 . W. Cant. ON Sunday Morn at the beginning of Sermon a Fire kindled and brake forth in Jesus College-Lane ; it threatned some great danger , being begun among so many Thatch'd Houses . But ( God be praised ) the greatest danger was that of the burning and pulling down two or three Thatch'd Houses , and spoiling of poor Mens Sunday Cloths . Oxford , Feb. 10. 〈◊〉 . Ri. Baylie . THE University and the Parish of St. Mary's are agreed for the casting of their broken Bell , and the Repair of their Steeple . They are to go halfs , which comes to 40 l. Charge to the University . They raise it not out of the University Stock , but by Six Pence from every one that contributes towards the Maintenance of our Privileges . Oxford , Feb. 17. 〈◊〉 . A. Frewen . LAST Week a Scholar of Trinity College was brought home hither dangerously wounded by two Theives , who betwixt Wantage and Lamborne assaulted him , and there took from him his Money , and well-nigh his Life . For wounded as he was , they left him bound fast unto a Tree , where he almost Perished before any passed that way to relieve him . Feb. 17. 〈◊〉 . A. Frewen . THERE is one Ostendorpfe , a Dutch Man , who lives at or near the Bath . He is a very Empirick , or worse . He hath taken his Degree of Doctorship at Leyden , and ( as I am credibly informed ) hath spoken heretofore very slightly of our Universities . His Practice hath been very dangerous and rash . And now I hear for his better Countenance , he hath a purpose to be incorporated at Oxford . But , I pray , be very careful , that it be not done upon any Pretence whatsoever ; for the Man certainly is an ill Deserver . Lambeth , Feb. 19. 〈◊〉 . W. Cant. I Ever entertained a very fair Opinion of this Course for Examinations , as apparently conducible unto the advancement of Learning among the Younger , and the preserving the same in Masters . But , I confess , the Course did not make so deep Impression , while I barely apprehended the same , as did the solemn Executions thereof , while it was let in at mine Eyes and Ears , being the last Week present with Mr. Vice-Chancellor , and other Heads at that Exercise . The Eminency of the Places for the Vice-Chancellor and Proctors at the upper end , and the like on each side for the Examiners and the Examined , make the Exercise passing solemn , and cannot but beget an extraordinary Care in the Actors on both sides , to fit themselves unto this awful Tryal . For my own part , upon fuller Consideration , I take it to be the most absolute Course that ever was devised , for the honouring of the University : This single Course giving Life to the private Pains of Tutors , and the publick Pains of Readers , making the Auditors diligent , if they come , which is for their Advantage . And if not so , but that the Private and Publick be slack , it putteth them upon a diligent search otherwise to enable themselves , as Men concern'd , either to give a good Account , or to be left to publick Shame and Obloquy . Your Grace in this one Course hath compleated all that the Founders of Colleges and Lectures intended . They intended the means to make Men Scholars ; Your Grace applieth this Means , and effecteth it ; I doubt not but Your Grace fully comprehended this , and have had the like Expressions formerly presented unto you . Yet I trust the Repetition hereof will not be ungrateful , in as much as this my late Apprehension of this singular Benefit may infer , that the sight and hearing of this Exercise , may in like manner work upon Men in succeeding times , and cause them deservedly to bless your Memory , who have so completely provided for this University , in this very particular , as that it may for ever carry the Face and Credit of an University . Oxford , Feb. 17. 〈◊〉 . Ri. Baylie . THE two great Days after Ash-Wednesday are always left out of Form for Curates , School-Masters , and such like , to answer upon , and much the Collectors have heretofore been press'd with their Importunities , which occasioned the Horse-Fair ( as we term it ) on those Days for the quicker riddance of them , but no such matter this Year . On Friday last there answered but one in all , such a strange Alteration have our Examinations wrought . Of the Two hundred Batchellors , that proceed , I dare say , that One hundred and eighty are Residents in the University . Whereas heretofore we were wont to have a third part at the least out of the Country . Thus it is with us now at Lent : And I expect by so much a greater change at the Act ; by how much such Outliers , as should pretend then , will have been longer absent from the University . Oxford , Feb. 24. 〈◊〉 . A. Frewen . Right Honourable and my singular good Lord , IT was objected unto me at my late being in London , by Persons of good Quality , That our Universities of England were grown to that Corruption , especially of excessive Drinking , that many did Miscarry by the Liberty and ill Example which was given them there . Insomuch , that many to avoid the Danger , did send their Sons beyond Seas for their Education . Whereunto I made answer , That the Humours of Men are such in this Age , that Innocence and Perfection it self , being in Authority , could hardly avoid Calumny . That the Times are much better than heretofore they were ; And that the Fault ( if there were any ) did much proceed from the Parents themselves , who think it a great Disparagement to their Sons , that they should be kept within the Limits of Discipline . Notwithstanding all which , and what else may justly be replied , the serious Consideration of what was objected , hath caused me so much to forget mine own Unworthiness , as by my own Pen to intimate unto Your Grace , ( what I have long time wished that some other would have done , ) That the Liberty of resorting to Taverns , and other Drinking-Houses , and the Excess committed there is such , as may give some occasion of Scandal , being dangerous to Youth , and shameful in others , who ought to be Examples of Sobriety and Virtue . Having upon this occasion enquired into Times past , since the happy Reformation of this University , I understand by credible Information , that Dr. Pinck by his personal visiting of suspected Places , left the University , in this respect , in better state than it is at this present . For me to write how dangerous the Relapse into so loathsom and general a Disease may prove , were to forget my self , and my principal Intention , which was only to make known unto You this Defect , and thereby to do Service to this Place , and in part to express my Thankfulness to Your self for the much Favour vouchsafed unto me . From Oxford , Feb. 24. 〈◊〉 . This Information I had from a Master of Art in Oxford , whom I dare trust , but will not name : Whereupon I writ to the Vice-Chancellor as follows . I Received a Letter this Week from Oxford , from an ordinary plain Man , but a good Scholar , and very honest . And it troubles me more than any Letter I have received many a day . 'T is true , I have heard of late from some Men of Quality here above , that the University was Relapsing into a Drinking Humour , to its great Dishonour . But , I confess , I believed it not , because I had no Intimation of it from you . But this Letter comes from a Man that can have no Ends but Honesty , and the good of that Place . And because you shall see what he writes , I send you here a Copy of his Letter , and do earnestly beg of you , That you will forthwith set your self to punish all haunting of Taverns and Ale-Houses with all the strictness that may be , that the University , now advancing in Learning , may not sink in Manners , which will shame and destroy all . I am informed too from a very good , but another , Hand , That there is extream Liberty given and taken by Young Noblemen and Gentlemen of the better Sort in the University : That Tutors in most Colleges do only bestow a little Pains in Reading to them , if they will come at them , but use no Power of Government over them , or any restraint ; as if they had nothing to do but only to Read to them . Besides , almost all of them are suffered to keep Horses . And by that means , when they are restrain'd from Taverns , and ill Company within the University , they ride forth to the Neighbouring Places , both to Drink and perhaps to do worse . I know you cannot be blamed for the Neglect of Tutors in private Colleges : But , I pray , at your next meeting with the Heads , let them know what I have here written , and desire their Care for Amendment , if this Report be true . But true or false , I took it my Duty to let you know what is come to my Ears from some , who are perhaps too nearly interressed in it . Lambeth , 28th . of Feb. 〈◊〉 . W. Cant. IN the Business of the Examinations , you write thus : The Vice-Chancellor's Successors cannot be so wanting to themselves , and the common Good , as not to pursue so fair an Example . 'T is true , it is a very fair Example : But can it not therefore chuse but be pursued by the Successors ? I pray tell me ! Was not Dr. Pinck's Care for suppressing the Scholars haunting of Taverns and Ale-Houses a very fair Example ? Were not you and Dr. Frewen his Successors ? And have you two pursued his fair Example ? I have this Reason to believe you have not . I have at this present received a Letter from Oxford , from a very private , but a very honest Hand ; and with an Expression full of Grief , that the University is fallen again into that Drunken Relapse , in which it swam before Dr. Pinck's Vice-Chancellorship . And I assure you , it troubles me very much , because this very Week I have heard also , That some Persons of Honour and Credit have lately spoken very much concerning this Relapse : Which yet I confess I did not believe till I received this Letter , which I cannot distrust , knowing the Man which writ to be without Spleen or Ends. And I pray God send you Governours there to take better Care , or else all my Care will be lost . Lambeth , Feb. 28. 〈◊〉 . W. Cant. THE Information given up to Your Grace against me , hath been long expected ; yet never less than at this time . For strange it is to me , That an encrease of Drunkards should follow upon a decrease of Ale-Houses . Had the Informer ( who e'er he be ) been with me in my dirty Night Walks this Winter , and sped as ill as I have done , his Eyes would not serve him so well to espy Faults where none are boldly ; I dare say it , there seldom passes one Night in a whole Week , in which one of the Proctors , or my self , do not walk the Round . And divers times I have gone ( as my Servants can witness ) from one end of the Town to the other , after Christ-Church Bell hath tolled , and not found one Scholar , either in the Streets , or in any of the Four Taverns . Few Hours before the Receipt of Your Grace's Letters , I committed one of Trinity College to Prison for Disorder in the Night ; but beside him , I have not , I protest , of late met with any . — Yet , not to justifie our selves too far , there is , I confess , too much good Fellowship amongst us ; but the Informer mislays it : 'T is driven out of Town ( as others besides my self observe ) into our Private Colleges and Halls . There they can , and do debauch themselves more securely , being out of the reach of the Publick Magistrate : Yea , and of their own Governours too in some Houses , the more the pity . There have indeed ( for which I am heartily sorry ) one or two Disasters lately happened here ( for seldom they come single ; ) but that the Actors were in their Drink I cannot say , much less that they fetch'd it out of the Town ; for as yet I cannot trace them in any Ale-House . Hull is in the Castle ; ( for as I told the Dean ) I know him to be a very Disorderly Man. Others suspected to have had a hand in that Barbarous Assault are upon Bail , and so shall continue a while ; though a Messenger from my Lord of Oxon yesterday brought me word , that the Party hurt is in the Judgment of his Chirurgions now past danger . Oxford , March 2. 〈◊〉 . A. Frewen . SIR , HAVING received such a Letter , as I did the former Week , I could not but send you a Copy of it ; and I am heartily glad it hath produced such an Answer from you : For now I see clearly , that you are not in the fault , and yet that he had cause to write the Letter . For though Drunkenness and open good Fellowship be not in Taverns and Ale-Houses ; yet it seems , since your Vigilancy hath driven them thence , they are crept into Colleges and Halls ; where , by your own Acknowledgment , they do more privately , and more securely debauch one another . So the Place is changed , but not the Disorder . And the University will be undone in Reputation , if private Colleges be made the Sinks of Disorder . In this case I know not whether to turn my self ; And therefore I pray let the Heads know at your next Meeting , That if they do not look to this very strictly , I must betake my self to them for these home Disorders . And if there be not present Remedy by their Care , I will my self 〈◊〉 the King and the State with these foul Sufferances , and not stay till Great Men ( who of late begin to open their Mouths apace ) complain first of these great Enormities . For my own part I have done my utmost : And I do very well understand , what hurt this may bring to the University in such Times as these . But better some hurt , than that they should be quite undone . And I pray let the Heads know how sensible I am of these foul Disorders in private , and how the Publick comes to suffer by them . I thank you heartily for making the disorderly Fellow of Trinity-College an Example . And for Hull , if my Kisman miscarry , I shall then expect what the Law will do to him ; but if he escape , yet I hope , the Fact being so barbarous , and ( for ought I yet hear ) without Provocation , you will take order , when he comes out of the Castle , to send him out of the University too by Bannition . As for those which , you say , are suspected to have a hand in this foul Business , and are now under Bail , I leave you to do to them as proof shall rise against them . But , I confess , I never heard of more than Hull in the Business , till I read it in your Letters : And the more were in it , the worse the Business , for then ( it seems ) the Outrage was plotted . I perceive that the Complaint which I received , concerning the Young Earl of Downe , was not causless : And how strangely soever Dr. Fulham look upon the Business , I think it had been well some restraint had been put upon all the Quarrellers , so far forth , as they had appeared Guilty . For Young Noblemen , when they are in the University , must be kept to a Vniversity Life in some measure , or else their Example will spoil the rest . Lambeth , March 6. 〈◊〉 . W. Cant. MR. Justice Jones gave the Vice-Chancellor Thanks openly on the Bench at the last Assizes , for his Care and Pains in Reforming the Ale-Houses . Sir Francis Windebanke and Sir John Danvers , were on Monday March 9th . Sworn Burgesses of the Parliament for the University , with an unanimous Consent of the whole House . Our Nobility here are not kept in such awe ( the more is the pity ) as those bred up at Cambridge . And here is one Causield , an Irish Lord's Son , who both Disorders himself , and misleads others : I think it would be a good Office done to the University , to have him removed hence . Oxford , March 9. 〈◊〉 . A. Frewen . I Am sorry to hear that the Noblemens Sons , which are with you , are not kept in so good Order as they should be . And more , that it should be confessed by you , that they are not kept in so good awe , as they are at Cambridge ; for , I am sure , your Statutes are perfecter than theirs , and , I dare say , you have as much careful Assistance from me in all things , as Cambridge hath from their Chancellor . And this being undeniably true , the fault must needs be among your selves : And I protest unto you , I knew nothing of any of their Liberty misgiven or misused , till about a Fortnight since , that I writ to you about the Young Earl of Downe , and that now you write to me about Caufield , the Son of an Irish Lord. These are therefore to pray and require you , at your next meeting with the Heads , to let them know , that I am very much scandalized at the Liberty which is given to these Young Men ; and to require of them in whose Colleges or Halls any Noblemens Sons are , First , That they be as carefully held to all manner of Exercise , which they are able to perform , as any other whatsoever : And , Secondly , That they be kept in Obedience to all the Statutes within the several Houses respectively , as I hope your self will take care for their Observation of the Statutes of the University . 'T is true , I would have a difference put between Noblemens Sons and others of meaner Condition ; but that should be in an Honourable Usage of them , not in giving them any Liberty at their own hurt , and the Dishonour of the University . Now whether you will send for all these Young Men to the meeting of the Heads , that they may know what Charge I have given concerning them , I leave to your self , and that which you shall judge fittest upon the place . But I would have Young Caufield called , and his Tutour , and there let it be told unto them , and the Head of the House in which he is , that if he mend not his Manners , he shall not stay there to corrupt others . And I do hereby require of you and them , That either they keep him in better Order , or presently send him away to his Friends : And if they do not do the one or the other , either you shall banish him the University , or I will. And to this end , I pray , send me up the Form of a Bannition to lie by me , and Caufield's Christian Name , that I may begin with him , if there be cause . And for the Young Earl of Downe , I have written to Dr. Fell to look better to him , or I will make him an Example also , let his Friends take it as they please . Lambeth , March 13. 〈◊〉 . W. Cant. MR. Sympson , a Senior Fellow of Trinity College , is by the Statutes of that House urged to proceed Doctor ; or to resign . Their Visitor ( as Doctor Potter tells me ) hath herein been consulted , who finds only this way to relieve him , by having his Grace denied him in the University , their being a Clause in their Statute to that purpurpose , which I have seen . Hereupon they beg a Repulse of me , and shall grant it , if Your Grace think well of it . The Party is poor , and so likely to draw more Disrepute on the Degree , than it can bring Honour to him . March 23. 〈◊〉 . A. Frewen . SIR , I Am inform'd there is an express Mulct set down in the Statute for each Regent to pay , that hath forfeited his Cautions in not fulfilling the Duties belonging to his Regency , which are creating Generals , moderating Quodlibets , examining of Candidates , and the like . These Mulcts ( as far as I remember ) are to be gathered by the Proctors , and all or some part of them to be accounted for by them to your self and the Delegates at the end of their Office. I do not remember that these Duties have been so well accounted for to the University as they ought to be ; which as it is some Loss to that Body , so it is a great Encouragement to the Regents to be slack and careless in the Performance of all those Duties which belong unto them . Whereas , were they strictly called to an Account for them , you should have a far greater performance of all Duties than now there is . These are therefore to pray and require you forthwith to acquaint the Proctors with what I have here written ; and to require them in my Name , That at their Accompts they present unto you before the Delegates a List subscribed by their Hands , of all such as have forfeited to the University any part of their Cautions , in not fulfilling the Duties aforesaid of their Regency . And farther , I think it fit , that you acquaint the Heads with this Business at your next Meeting , because I do not intend to lay this as a burthen upon the present Proctors only , ( whose Diligence perhaps may have been as great as others before them ) but do require that notice be taken , That I will have a strict Account of these things given up by all Proctors successively at the end of their Year . And you shall do well to let the succeeding Proctors know so much at the beginning of theirs . And I pray fail not to give me an Account of this Business . Lambeth , March 27. 1640. W. Cant. OUR Lent-Disputations are now ( God be thanked ) happily ended , without any the least Tumult or Disorder at any time . And this I cannot but impute principally to our Examinations , as one of the many good Fruits that spring from them . No Dunce can now invade the Degree ; and about such heretofore our School Quarrels ever began . March 30. 1640 A. Frewen . BEING to begin my Journey this Day , last Night I walked round the Town ; when ( though in the Streets the best part of the Night ) though in all Quarters of the Town , at all Taverns , and many other Tippling-Houses besides , yet not in all that time , nor in any of these Places , did I meet with one Scholar , but returned home again with loss of my Labour , whereof I was heartily glad . The truth hereof I protest upon the Word of a Priest. Nor do I write this to boast of my own Diligence , but to furnish Your Grace with what to Answer , if need require , in this busie and inquisitive Time. Oxford , April 20. 1640. A. Frewen . THE Vice-Chancellor having occasion of a Fortnight's Absence from the University , found at his coming home the Examinations at a dead stand , but he presently revived them again . And I sent him word , that by this it appeared to me that that great Business would quickly fall to nothing , if the Vice-Chancellors for the future did not take that prudent and vigilant Care , with which the present Vice-Chancellor had setled it . Lambeth , May 14. 1640. W. Cant. I Am sorry that the Order of the Regents hath been any way disturb'd in relation to the Examinations ; and I pray set it as right again as you can , before you leave your Office , that your Successors , by your Example and Instructions , may go on the next Year with the more Chearfulness and better Success . Lambeth , May 22. 1640. W. Cant. FOR Dr. Jackson's Sermons , if they offend against His Majesty's Declaration , you must contrive the handsomest way you can for some delay : For certainly this is no time to Publish any thing that may give Offence , as that will certainly do , if it be so expresly against His Majesty's Declaration as you write . And you cannot but see what snatching there is at my self , and that Vniversity . And if Dr. Jackson be not satisfied with such Excuses as you can make , then you shall do well to tell him , that I have lately written to you , that both in regard of the Duty which we owe to His Majesty , and the Peace of the Church , no Man should presume to Print any thing there which might break the Rule given in His Majesty's Declaration one way or other . And this I pray be very careful to observe , not only in the Person of Dr. Jackson , but of all Men else . Lambeth , May 22. 1640. W. Cant. WE have an Inn in the High Street , called the Miter , which is the general Rendezvouz of all the Recusants , not in this Shire only , but in the whole Kingdom , that have any Business to Oxford . Seldom are they there without some Scholars in their Company , upon pretence either of Alliance or Acquaintance , which have ever passed for warrantable Excuses at seasonable Hours . What they do there I cannot say ; but yet the Concourse thither being great , and the Host a profess'd Papist , I somewhat doubt that the University may both hear ill for it , and suffer by it in the perversion of some of our Youth , if there be not some Course taken for prevention . Greene , the Host , is not of our Body , but a Townsman , and Licensed by them to keep an Inn : And his House hath a Back Gate towards Lincoln-College , where most of the Guests privately enter , and is near Neighboured by many Recusants ; there being , as I am informed , more of them in that little Parish of Allhallows ( where his House stands ) than in any two besides . I only give Your Grace the naked Relation , leaving it wholly to Your Wisdom to do what You shall think fittest . Oxon , June 1. 1640. A. Frewen . I Do not remember that ever I heard of Greene your Inn-Keeper by Allhallows-Church , either that he was a Recusant , or that there is such resort of Recusants to his House , not only out of that Shire , but from other Shires also , that have any Business to Oxford . And I like it much the worse , because there is such a private Back Way to the Inn as you mention ; and were the Town as careful as they ought to be , they would not have Licensed such a Man to be an Inn-Keeper there . But since they take so little Care , I 'll take the more . In my power it is not to discharge him from his Inn , but for the better Discharge of my own Duty , I have complained to the Lords about him . And I hope there will a Letter go from the Board to the Town to call for an Account of the whole Business . You need not take any notice of this , neither shall the Letters go as if you had given the Information : But I purpose to follow it close till all be done which may be done by Law. Lambeth , June 8. 1640. W. Cant. THE Dean of Christ-Church sent me word that Hull was turned out of his Student's Place , and another admitted in , for his barbarous Usage of Young 〈◊〉 . June 8. 1640. Samuel Fell. THE Disputations in Quodlibets were , I confess , somewhat disordered the last Term , by reason of that Beadle's absence , to whom by Statute it solely belongs to warn the Regents in their Course . But now all goes on methodically again , according to Your Grace's desire . Oxon , June 8. 1640. A. Frewen . ON Monday last I convented the two Carriers before the Heads : And there to prevent future Clamour from the Country , enjoined them not to Travel with above Six Horses in a Wagon , and to begin on this day Seven Night . W. Cant. I Like the Course very well which you have begun with your Carriers , to prevent the Clamour of the Country ; for indeed the use of Carts with four Wheels cannot make such a spoil of the Highway as is made usually , if they do not overload them . And the extreme overloading of them is ventured on , because they may use as many Horses as they please . I am sorry to hear so many Soldiers take Oxford in their way ; but glad withal that you keep the Scholars so well from them , that all Disorders may be prevented , as you write they have hitherto been . Lambeth , June 19. 1640. W. Cant. NOtwithstanding the Accident which fell out upon Tuesday June 16th . between the Commanders and the Soldiers , which was a very mutinous Quarrel in their Drink , and cost some Blood. Oxford , June 22. 1640. A. Frewen . ON Friday June 19th . a Batchelor of Arts of Magdalen-Hall was found drowned in the River by New-Parks . His wide-sleev'd Gown , Hat and Band lay on the Bank , but the rest of his Cloaths were upon him , which makes us much suspect that he wilfully cast away himself . The Crowners Inquest hath found him not Mentis compotem . And I hear from good Hands that he was much troubled in Mind , for which reason at the opening of his Study I mean to observe what Books he used most , Oxford , June 22. 1640. A. Frewen . ON June the 25th . 1640. I sent by Dr. Baylie , Dean of Sarum , and President of St. John Baptist's-College , the Conveyances for the perpetual Settling of the Arabick Lecture in Oxford , and the Statutes which I made for the due reading of it , and desired that those Statutes might by the Vice-Chancellor's care be transcribed into the Original Statute-Book , and the Conveyances also , according as he finds done with other Lectures given by other Benefactors to the University . As also for the transcribing of these Statutes into all other Statute-Books of the University respectively , that those which are bound to be Auditors , may know both their Times and their Duties . These Directions I sent by Dr. Baylie , but sent no Letter at this time to the the University , because of the hast which I made to have the Business done , and to he out of my Hands in these broken Times , which gave me no leisure at all from more Publick Affairs to write unto them . As for the Evidences which belong to this Land , they are all in the Custody of the Town of Redding ; to which Town I gave all my Land lying in Bray in Berkshire , of which this to the Arabick Lecture is not a full fifth part , and could not dismember the Evidences ; and therefore thought it fittest to leave them there , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 part of the Land was settled to other charitable Uses . 〈◊〉 I have made the Vice-Chancellor for the time being , with some 〈◊〉 Heads of Colleges , perpetual Visitors of that which I have done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : A Counterpart whereof remains in the Custody of the 〈◊〉 and Fellows of St. John Baptist's College , of all which I gave 〈◊〉 present Vice-Chancellor an Account : June 25th . 1640. W. Cant. Right Honourable , YOUR Letters of the Seventh of this June with all Humility we have received : And according to Your Lordships Commands therein , we have diligently enquired and informed our selves , and do find that some Guests , being Recusants , do resort to the Inn called the Miter , and that Greene named in Your Lordship's Letter , was presented at the last Sessions for a Popish Recusant ; but not many Years since he was one of our Serjeants , and did then frequent the Church : And we finding that he Marrying the late Inn-holder's Widow of the said Inn , became Owner thereof during the Minority of his Son-in-Law ; and by that means , it being an ancient Inn of the Inheritance of Lincoln-College , he keepeth the same Inn. And touching the Authority and Licensing the said Greene so to do , His Majesty's Letters were lately procured and sent to us , that we should not meddle in the Licensing of any Person to keep Ale-Houses , or Victualling-Houses , but that we should leave the same to the Vice-Chancellor and the Justices that were Members of the University . And under pretence of that Letter , when we in Obedience to His Majesty's Proclamation , and his Highness's Writ directed to us for the observing of Lent , at the beginning of the last Lent did by Warrant Summon the Victuallers of our own Body only to become bound to His Majesty according to the said Proclamation , the Vice-Chancellor sent his Beadles to the Mayor , to tell him that the binding of Victuallers did belong to the Vice-Chancellor , and not to the Mayor : And thereupon the Vice-Chancellor presently made a Warrant to call all the Victuallers before him at another Place , one Hour before the time appointed in the Mayor's Warrant . And amongst others did take a Recognizance of the said Greene , but never certified the same Recognizance , not any other Recognizances to the Sessions according to the Law. And we make bold to certifie Your Lordships . That we have only the Name of Mayor and Magistrates , but the Vice-Chancellor , Doctors , and Proctors do interpose in the Town Affairs : That all our Liberties and Privileges are much lessened ; that of late we had much ado to get Mayor and Bailiffs ( there being so many that paid their Fines to refuse ) that the City was at last forced to refuse their Fines , and to compel them to take upon them the same Offices . Whereas heretofore when we enjoy'd our Liberties and Privileges , the same Places were much desired . And so hoping that , the Premisses considered , Your Lordships will not conceive us so careless therein , as in Your Lordships Letters is express'd , we humbly take leave , resting at Your Lordships Service . Oxon , 15 Junii , 1640. John Smith , Mayor . William Potter , Aldermen . John Sare , Aldermen . Henry Southam , Aldermen . Thomas Cooper , Aldermen . May it please Your good Lordship , ACcording to the Statute of Winchester , in the Thirteenth Year of the Reign of our late Sovereign Lord King Edward the First , and according to certain Orders and Directions publish'd by the Body of his Highness Privy-Council , 1630. A Watch was set by Mr. Mayor and his Brethren , with the Consent of the Vice-Chancellor ( these Rebellious times requiring the same ) part of which Watch , by reason of divers Inrodes and Inlets ( besides the Gates of the City ) were appointed by Mr. Mayor to walk about their several Wards and Liberties for the Safety thereof , and good Order ; by which Watch straggling Soldiers and others have been taken , and we have been safe . But Mr. Proctors question the said Watch , and exact of them 40 s. a time for such their walking : And for Non-payment thereof threaten to sue them in the Vice-chancellor's Court , and send for these Watch-Men very often to their Chambers , and make them attend them there , and have imprison'd some of the Constables , and have laid hold of the Watch-Men , and taken some of them to the Prison Gates with an intent to Imprison them ; and do say , that Mr. Mayor cannot give them Power to go from the Gates of the said City . And for these Causes Mr. Mayor is forced to discharge the Watch ; but the Watch in St. Thomas Parish ( being the Entrance from Farrington , where the late Rebellion was ) he did not discharge , and the last Night Proctor Allibond Imprisoned the Constable for setting the same Watch. All this we will prove to be true upon Oath , if it be denied : And therefore our humble Suit to Your Lordship is , That by Your good furtherance we may receive the Opinion of the Honourable Lords of His Majesty's Privy Council , what shall be done in the Premisses ; And whether Mr. Mayor shall be freed of all Danger for not setting a Watch in these troublesom Times or not . And so craving Pardon for our so often troubling You , we remember our Humble Service to Your Lordship , and render many Thanks , always remaining Oxon , June 24. 1640. Your Lordship 's to be commanded , John Smith , Mayor . William Potter , John Nixon , Thomas Smith , Leo. Bowman , John Sare , William Charles , Humphrey Whistler , Henry Southam , Martin Wright , Roger Griffin . Walter Cave , Bailiffs . William Poole , Bailiffs . SIR , THE Mayor of Oxford hath lately sent these two Letters above written , one to the Lords of the Council , and the other to the Earl of Berks , to shew to the Lords . And I here send you the Copies of them both . The Letter to the Lords is most concerning Greene and his Inn ; in which I do desire you to make a clear and distinct Answer to these Particulars following . As First , Whether this Inn be the Inheritance of Lincoln-College ; and whether Greene is possessed of it by the Marriage of the Widow in the Right of his Son-in-Law . And this the rather , because your first Information said , That the Town authorized him to keep this Inn. Secondly , You may see by this how angry they are about their Victuallers , where they directly charge you , That amongst others you took a Recognizance of the said Greene , but never certified the said Recognizance nor any other to the Sessions according to the Law : To which also it will be fit you give Answer . Thirdly , They say they have only the Name of Mayor and Magistrates ; and speak in all the rest of their Letter , as if all the Town Privileges were invaded by the University . And here I would have you answer two things . The one , That they offer to invade the University Privileges , which I conceive is true . And the other , Whether so many as they mention did refuse the Offices of Mayor and Bailiffs this last Year . Their second Letter is only concerning their Night-Watch ; in which I think there is a manifest invading of the Vniversity Privilege : And Proctor Allibond is challenged by Name . But they have taken a very cunning rise for their Business ; for they put it all upon their Care for a Watch , by reason of the Seditious Tumult at Farrington . There is great reason that Mr. Mayor should be freed from all Danger about setting of a Watch , save only such as is his Duty to set ; but the Lords will not give me their Opinion , till they have an Answer from the University how the Mayor's Watch and the University Privileges stand together . I pray therefore send a full Answer to this Particular especially . But I pray send your whole Answer in such fair Terms , as that I may shew it whole and entire to the Lords ; but let the matter be as full home as you can . Lambeth , July 3. 1640. W. Cant. Most Reverend , IN the Name of the whole University , as well as in my own , I return Your Grace humble Thanks for the Notice which by Your last Letter You have been pleased to give me of a late Information preferred by this Town unto the Lords of the Council against us . To the several Branches whereof I will make bold to return a brief Answer , that it may the more fully appear unto Your Grace , how false in some , and groundless in all Particulars , the Complaint is . 'T is true , That Green's House belongs to Lincoln-College , and that he now enjoys it by the Right of his Wife : But this makes it not to be an Inn , that must be done by License , which he must either have from the Town ( as all other Inns as yet have ) or else he hath none . For , confident I am that he hath not any from the Vniversity . By Virtue of His Majesty's late gracious Grant unto us , we License Ale-House-Keepers and Victuallers . Above which Rank ( until better informed now by the Town ) we conceived Inn-holders to be , and therefore meddled not with them . If Greene came in the throng at the beginning of Lent to be bound by me from dressing of Flesh ( the which I remember not ) he came not called . For by my Warrant I then Summoned none but Privileged Persons , and such only of the Town as by the Power given the University by His Majesty had been allowed by us . The Recognizance of those 〈◊〉 Licensed , I confess , I returned not to the Quarter-Sessions , and that for this Reason : His Majesty by the fore-mention'd Letter was pleased to grant us the same Authority over Ale-Houses and Victuallers , which the University of Cambridge hath . No Recognizances are returned there : ( whereof I am certain , for I sent thither purposely in November last to enquire . ) And therefore none by us . The University there keeps them in its own Power , and so do we . The Town-Clerk ( who Pen'd the Letter ) does , I grant , by this means lose some petty Fees , which ( the Poor Men now save in their Purses ) he formerly had , whilest the power of Licensing was in them . But this is a very weak Plea in a Business of such Consequence . Nor indeed are those Fees now considerable , we having already reduced those Ale-Houses to Five Score , which before were Three Hundred . A great number : And yet not to be marvelled at , when one Man , this Mayor's Father-in-Law , Bosworth a Brewer and Justice of the Town , was ( as I have credibly been informed ) in a very short time , the means of Licensing an Hundred for his part ; upon Conditions ( which tied them faster than their Recognizance to the King ) that they should take all their Beer of him ; nor did he stand single : Others they have who trod after him in the very same steps ; which makes me wonder with what Face they can complain of the Loss of a Power which they so grosly abused . And yet more , I marvel at their Complaint against us for invading their Liberties , when themselves are so notoriously guilty of daily Attempts upon ours , without any colour at all of Right for their so doing . Witness their Intrusion into the Office of Clerk of the Market : Their Enquiries at their Leets touching the Cleansing and Paving of the Streets : Their refusing to be regulated by the Vice-Chancellor ( as heretofore ) touching the Price of their Candles : Arresting and Suing of Privileged Persons in their City Court : Taking of Felons Goods , and interrupting our Proctors in their Night Walk . Nor can I amongst these Grievances omit their present multiplying of Cottages , and Inmates in all Parts of the Town , in despight of the Inhibition to the contrary sent unto them by Letters from the Lords of the Council ; whereof they have in a friendly manner been put in mind by the University , both at their Publick Sessions , and at other times . If the Mayors of Oxford have now ( as is pretended ) only the Title , not the Authority of the Place , they are the more to be blamed for being so ambitious of it : I presume Your Grace hath heard of the violent and drunken Competition that was between a Brewer and Baker at Michaelmas was Twelve Month ; how many Days , and how much Beer was spent in the Canvass , to the no small Scandal of this Place , and disparagement of the Office , which was to be procured by such unworthy Means . In the issue the Brewer prevailed , and his Beer wrought so well with the Commoners the whole Year after , that by the strength thereof his Brother ( the present Mayor ) came to succeed him in the Place ; That none either then or since have Fined for refusing the Office , either of Mayor or Bailiffs , though in their Letter they seem to pretend the contrary . The Mayor pretending the Statute of Edward the First for his Night-Watch , I did not oppose it ; though I saw little use of it here , and knew this Place to be exempt by an Act Eliz. 13. which confirms all our Charters unto us , notwithstanding any Acts of Parliament whatsoever . That Statute appoints the Watch to stand at the Gates ; where had they kept themselves , the Proctors had not questioned them . But when they took the boldness to walk the Streets to examine Scholars of all Conditions , to enter Houses , and search what Company there , then they thought it high time to appear , and stand up in defence of their own Authority , and the Privilege of the University . Your Grace , having been Proctor long since , cannot but know that the Night Watch hath of old belonged to the University , and was so confirmed unto us , as our Right by the Lords , at an hearing before them 'twixt the University and Town , 1612. Jacobi Decimo . Nor since then have the Townsmen disturb'd it at any time before now , when our unwillingness to trouble either Your Grace or the Lords of the Council with petty Complaints in these busie Times , hath so heartned them , that nothing will now satisfie them , unless they may trample our Charters under their Feet , and give Laws to them by whom they live . For the particular Passage 'twixt one of the Proctors and the Constable of St. Thomas Parish I am a Stranger , and therefore have sent Your Grace the sum of it under the Proctor's own Hand . A second Reason ( omitted before through hast ) for my not bringing to the Quarter Sessions the Recognizances which I have taken of Victuallers and Ale-Houses , is this ; because His Majesty hath by our Charter given to the University all the Fines , Amercements and Profits that accrue from them . Since I began to write , Greene hath been asked , and he makes Answer , That he keeps his Inn by virtue of a Licence from the Town ; but an ancient one it is . Oxon , July 6. 1640. A. Frewen . WHereas it hath been suggested by Mr. Mayor of Oxon to the Lord 's of His Majesty's most Honourable Privy-Council , That I committed the Constable of St. Thomas Parish for setting his Watch , it is my humble Suit that the Honourable Board will be pleased to take notice , that he was committed for these Reasons following : First , For taking upon him ( to the great Prejudice of the Privivileges of the University ) the Search of Houses . A thing not belonging to the Officers of the Town , but in Cases of Treason and Felony . Secondly , For an Outrage committed by his Watch upon one Wallis in his own Lodging ; he himself being at the same time at the Door . Thirdly , For doing and suffering these things beyond the bound of his Walk . For these Reasons above specified , I committed him to the Castle , yet so as a Delinquent , not as a Constable , I not being able to know his Office by his bare word without his Mace. Oxon , July 6. 1640. Peter Allibond , Proctor of the University of Oxon. Reverendissime Cancellarie , INTER ardua & elamosa Reipublisae negotia , inter bellorum strepitus & populi fromitus , etiam nunc tibi vacat animus , detineri minoribus Academiae curis ? Siccine acer es in exequendo proposito , ut benefaciendi horam ne tantillum differas , quin eam celeri manu prehensam è flammis arripias ? Circumquaque dum sonant arma , togique sumus in manibus quid nobis interim cum Orientalium linguis ? nisi forsan Musarum armatura sit penitus verbosa . Stylo quidem utimur , sed incruento ; calamum stringimus , sed sine 〈◊〉 . Ideoque provide curavit Munificentia vestra , ne ullo careamus apparatu , qui vim aut splendorem afferat qualicunque hinc belli Scholastici Disciplinae & castris fulminatis linguae . Gazophylacium Bodleio — Laudanum mirifice ditasti apportando Arabiam in Oxonium : At postquam ab Oriente spoliato huc appulit Literaria supellex , missa solis in libris Lingua substitit adhuc muta utpote ignotis characteribus impedita ; mox ubi accessit salarii clavis , & nimis doctam reseraturus Barbariem praelecto ; soluta est lingua . Verum & nondum facta est immortalis , 〈◊〉 ex unico vestro ( quod tamen infinitum optamus ) penderet filo . Huic demum succurrit incommodo Munificentiae vestrae , quae nunquam deficit , quam caepti in eductabilis nunquam paenitet , manus ultima , & pensionem annuam consolidavit in Glebam Hereditariam . Nunc omnes Arabum divitias unum hoc vestrum Linguae Arabicae Patrimonium longe superat . Dominos enim privatos perumtant fortunae , nunc hunc , nunc illum accipiunt ; at Lingua publica gaudet firmo inseparabilis praedii sustentaculo . Vt aeternam nos doceat gratitudinem , aeternamque tibi gloriam refundat . 〈◊〉 hanc muniunt prudentissimae ; quas etiam sanxisti , leges : Nihil enim languldum , nihil moriturum largiris ; sed beneficiis vestris omnino subest anima , quae & nobis utendi facultatem suppeditat , & sibi vitam conservat . Necesse est itaque , cum ante facti simus hoc modo Arabici , vel soelices nos esse vel petrosos ; foelices quidem , si mandatis vestris pie obsequamur , sui minus , misere petrosos & ingratos . O amabiles angustias ! quae probitatem nostram , & eruditionem tam arcte catenant , ut in Progressu Literario nutiquam possimus esse foelices , nisi genio vestro morigerl . Tales itaque futuri sumus ( quod enim utilius ? ) religiose tales , tam vestri causa , ne pereat Monumentum Amplissimi Conditoris , tum nostra , ne pereamus nos , Tui altera Monumenta , quibus illud conditur . E Domo nostrae Convocationis , Julii 6. 1640. Sanctitatis vestrae Cultrix humillima , Academ . 〈◊〉 . THERE was a Warrant respectively sent to the Vice-Chancellor and the Mayor of Oxford , dated July the 10th . to require both of them , and the Proctor Allibond , to appear before the Lords of the Council the 22th . of this present July , to make Proof of what was alledged on either side against each other in the former Letters . Berkshire Soldiers , who were upon their March as far as Brackley , recoyled back upon us yesterday , and were last Night our unwelcome Guests . Their Captains have been with me for Assistance according to the Proclamation , and are now busie in calling their scatter'd Forces together again . Oxford , Wednesday the 15th . of July , 1640. A. Frewen . At Whitehall the 22th . of July , 1640. PRESENT The KING's MAJESTY . Lord Arch-Bishop of Cant. Lord Keeper , Lord Treasurer , Lord Privy Seal , Lord Duke of Lenox . Lord Marquis Hamilton . Lord Admiral , Earl of Berks , Earl of Holland , Earl of Traquare , Lord Goring , Lord Cottington , Mr. Treasurer , Mr. Secretary Windebanke , Sir Tho. Rowe . WHereas His Majesty ( being present at the Board ) did this day hear the Complaints of the Mayor , Recorder , and others of the City of Oxford expressed in two Letters , the one of the 15th of June to the Board , the other of the 4th . of June to the Earl of Berks , a Member of the Board , concerning their Liberties , in the Presence of the Vice-Chancellor , and other Doctors of the University , and Mr. Allibond , one of the Proctors , whom the said Complaint did concern . After mature Debate it was ordered , That the University of Oxford , according to his Majesty's Gracious Letter , shall have the sole Licensing of Victualling-Houses in that City and Suburbs , in like manner as the University of Cambridge hath in the Town of Cambridge : And for that purpose it is ordered by His Majesty , with advice of the Board , That the Commission for the Peace in Oxford shall be renewed , and the Vice-Chancellor only made of the Quorum . Secondly , for the Complaint of the Building of Cottages , it is ordered , That the Vice-Chancellor and the Mayor shall make several Certificates of all the new Cottages built within Twenty Years , and shall distinguish which of them have been built by Privileged Persons upon College Lands , and which by Townsmen , and which by Privileged Persons upon the Town Wast by their leave : Upon return of which Cerficates their Lordships will give such farther Order therein as shall be fit . Thirdly , it was order'd , That his Majesty's Attorney and Sollicitor-General shall examine how the Orders , set down by Mr. Justice Jones for preventing of Disputes and Controversies between the University and City of Oxford , have been observed , and by whom there hath been any defailer therein admitted . Upon Certificate whereof their Lordships will take such Order as shall be fit for the due Observance of the same . Fourthly , it was ordered , That according to the Statute of Winchester , those to whom it belongeth ought to set Watches at the Gates of the City , according to the said Statute ; and that the said Watch continue there , without walking of the Streets , or moving from their Station , except it be for the suppressing of any sudden Tumult , or other Malefactors , whereof there is not time to give notice to the Vice-Chancellor and the Proctors of the said University . Lastly , it is ordered , That the Constable committed to Prison shall be delivered , but not without paying of Fees. After my hearty Commendations , DR . Frewen hath now born the troublesom Office of the Vice-Chancellorship of that University for the space of two whole Years , which is the time now usually given to execute that Office : And is certainly weight enough for any Man to bear so long . In the discharge of this Office he hath through the whole course of his time carried himself with great Care , Moderation and Prudence ; and that as well in all Businesses which relate to the Town , as in those which look more immediately upon the University . And among other great Services perform'd by him , I cannot forbear to single out one , and here publickly to give him Thanks for it , even above the rest : And that is the great Pains he hath taken , and the singular Dexterity which he hath used in bringing the Statutes concerning the Examinations into Use and Settlement . Which Statute , I dare be bold to say , being continued and kept up in the same Vigour to which it is now raised by his Care and Providence , will be of such singular use as that , for my part , I cannot easily tell whether it will be greater Honour or Benefit to that University ; but sure I am , it will be the one by the other , if it be kept up to the Life , as I hope it shall be . Dr. Frewen's time being thus happily spent both for his own Honour , and the University's Good , the Care now lies upon me to name another , to take up that Burthen which he lays down , and to go in those steps which he hath trod out before him . And I thank God for it , there is such Choice of able Men in that Place for this Service , that I cannot be to seek whom to name unto it . But I have for the present thought upon Dr. Potter , Dean of Worcester , and Provost of Queen's-College , as a Man whom I know to be of great Integrity and Sufficiency for that Place , and of whose Care and Industry therein I am very confident . To him , together with the Office , I do more especially recommend the Care of the Examinations in point of Learning , and a most strict Watchfulness and Observance against all haunting of Taverns or any other Meetings , private or publick , which may any way help to suppress the base Sin of Drunkenness , the Mother or the Nurse of almost all other Distempers , which may bring Obloquy upon that Place . These are therefore to let you know , that I do hereby nominate and chuse Dr. Potter to be my Vice-Chancellor for this Year ensuing : And do hereby pray and require you to allow of this my Choice , and to give him all due Respect and Assistance in all things necessary for that Government , and more especially in the two Particulars above-named ; that so Sobriety and good Manners as well as Learning may flourish in that Place . And thus not doubting of your readiness and willing Obedience herein , I leave both him and you to the Grace of God , and rest Lambeth , July 24. 1640. Your Loving Friend and Chancellor , W. Cant. AND for the future , I pray , let not the Town so much as begin to lay the Foundation of any Cottage or any other House whatsoever in any Place , but send me word of it presently , that I may acquaint the Lords with it , and command a stay . August 3. 1640. W. Cant. UPON a late Warrant from the Deputy-Lieutenants the Mayor hath freshly pressed and set out ten new Soldiers . Coat and Conduct-Money for these in their several Parishes was taxed upon all Privileged Persons , not only Stationers , Apothecaries , that trade and use Merchandize ( who are more liable ) but upon Doctors , Clayton , Sanders , Bambridge , and all Physicians , upon Mr. Crosse our Beadle , on our Butlers , Manciples , Cooks , who are our immediate Servants , and deal not with any Trade . All profess themselves very willing to advance His Majesty's Service , especially in these base and broken Times . Yet they hope , by your Grace's Favour , to enjoy the benefit of that Privilege which , being anciently granted to our University , was of late confirmed by His Majesty's Charter , and is enjoy'd by the other University . At my intreaty all of them in a manner have paid ; but their humble Suit unto Your Grace is , That hereafter their now Readiness may not prejudice them , nor be drawn into Consequence . Oxford , Aug. 4. 1640. Chr. Potter . UPON the Death of Young Devall , whom I made Toll-gatherer in Oxford after his Father , I nominated James Penne , Manciple of St. John Baptist College to succeed him . This I did by the Advice of the Vice-Chancellor and some Heads , who thought him a very fit Person for that Place . And I farther order'd , That out of the Profits of the Place he should allow the Poor Widow of old Devall Yearly Ten Pounds . September 4. 1640. W. Cant. UPON Sunday last being Sept. 6. there were two Seditious Sermons Preach'd at St. Mary's : The one in the Morning by Mr. Johnson of Magdalen-College , which was concerning Vniversal Grace , and contrary to His Majesty's Declaration in that behalf . The other in the Afternoon in a very bitter way against some Ceremonies of the Church , by Mr. 〈◊〉 of Magdalen-Hall . The Vice-Chancellor gave me notice of these by his Letters of September 7th . with a Promise , that he would see them both Censured ; and I writ back unto him that he should not fail to see it done , according to either of their Faults respectively . Sept. 11. 1640. W. Cant. THE Vice-Chancellor sends me farther word in his Letters of September 14th , That Wilkinson's Sermon was very Base and Factious , and merely intended to make a Party for the Scots . Sept. 14. 1640. W. Cant. THE Vice-Chancellor according to this my Direction convented both the Delinquents before the Heads ; and , with their Consent , enjoined them to submit , and make the Retractations following , viz. Whereas I John Johnson , Fellow of Magdalen College , preaching at St. Mary's upon Sunday September 6th in the Forenoon , did unadvisedly throughout my Sermon insist upon the Proof of Vniversal Redemption and Vniversal Grace , not without some bitterness against the contrary Opinions , hereby disobeying the Declaration and Command of His Majesty , to the Disturbance of the Peace of the Church and of the University , I do hereby acknowledge my Offence , and my Sorrow for it , humbly desiring , that this my Acknowledgment may be accepted : And I do promise for the time to come to conform my self in all humble Obedience to his His Majesty's said Declaration , and always to prefer the publick Quiet and Peace of the Church before any doubtful and disputable Opinion of mine own . Whereas I Henry Wilkinson , of Magdalen-Hall , preaching at St. Mary's upon Sunday September 6th in the Afternoon , did in several Passages of my Sermon uncharitably and indiscreetly glance at my Superiors , and other conformable Members of the Church of England , as at Men luke-warm and wanting Zeal , and inclining to favour Romish Superstitions and antient Heresies ; and also did indirectly accuse the present Condition of this Church , as if it never fared worse with good Men , and as if Goodness were discountenanced , discouraged , and punished , &c. I do hereby unfeignedly confess my Errour , and my Sorrow for it : And I do also promise ever hereafter , both in my Sermons and Discourses in publick and in private , to carry my self with all Obedience and Conformity to the Publick Government , being careful to give no just Offence or Scandal to the Church , or my Superiours . Upon the tender of these two Submissions Johnson recanted according to the Form , and so was dismissed ; but Wilkinson obstinately refused , and so was suspended from all execution of this Priestly Function within the University and Precincts thereof , according to the Statute , ( Coram Praefectis ) September 4th . I am not willing by an over-strictness to fasten discouragement up-Desert ; and yet I cannot but fear on the other side what a loose hand may work , by giving an easie way to Dispensations : Therefore in this Case if the Young Youth of Christ-Church , whom you mention , be of such known Desert , and that he wants but one Term , I shall leave him to your self and the Heads : Yet with my earnest and hearty desire , That you be very careful in all Dispensations . And I pray , now Term is beginning , be as careful for the upholding of all Exercises , and all Discipline there ; and especially the Examinations and the Manners of the Younger Sort. For if any thing prove to be amiss in these broken Times , both you and I shall be sure to hear of it , and perhaps where we would not . Lambeth , October 7. 1640. W. Cant. SIR , IN the end of Dr. Frewen's second Year , he had observed how in the great and useful Business of the Examinations of Proceeders , there might be a Collusion ; ( though as yet he thought it was never practised : ) He sent me word of it , and withal proposed this way of Remedy . The Collusion , which he feared might be , was by plotting before-hand between the Examinants and the Candidates , which by which should be examined , and consequently each Candidate might easily know upon what Questions he should be examined , and provide accordingly . The Remedy which he proposed against this was , ( and he practised it the last Term of his Office , ) That the Candidates should be examined in such Order as the Prector should rank them in a Paper to be set up over the Seat ( where the Examinants sit in the School ) every day immediately before the Exercise begins . By this means the Candidates being uncertain where they should pitch , must either tamper with all three Examiners , or run a very great hazard of missing their end , if they should apply themselves but to one only . This Remedy I did then approve , and your Predecessor put it in practice . And I desire you heartily to speak with him about it , and to pursue it with all Care and Diligence ; and not to suffer that Exercise , which will bring so much present Honour to the University , and so much future Benefit to the Church , either to 〈◊〉 or to be abused by any Collusion whatsoever . Lambeth , October 16. 1640. W. Cant. THE last Week I was present , and both the Proctors , at both the Days of Examinations . The School was full ; and the Invention will be of singular use for the encouragement of Studies , the honour of Learning , and the discountenancing of Ignorance . So that now the Church is more like to flourish with Peace , as well as Learning , when it shall be freed from those ignorant bold Bayerds , which first break into it by Symony , and after disorder it by Faction . I will therefore have an especial Eye to the Exercise , and either my self or the Proctors be usually there . Octob. 19. 1640. Chr. Potter , Vice-Chan . THE Outer Room before the Convocation-House is now handsomly fitted both for our Courts , and for the Meeting of the Heads , with a general Approbation and small Charge . Octob. 26. 1640. Chr. Potter . I Have already gather'd a pretty Purse of Mulcts from Taverns and such Places in my Night and Day Walks , and mean to continue the Course : Though I doubt not that some of our back Friends in Parliament will give us but little Thanks : Some there , perhaps many , rather desiring we should be guilty , that they might with more colour use us as they did the Monasteries . God preserve this miserable Nation from Sacrilege and Atheism : To which I say Amen . I hang'd up last Week this fair and short Monition following at the Door of the Congregation ; and it hath already brought in many Miniver-Hoods , and will in short time prevail ( I hope ) with all , without any word or murmur of Contradiction . Vetustissima hujus Vniversitatis Consuetudo est , ut Magistri Regentes , toto Regentiae suae tempore in omni Conventu Academico , praecipue vero in Congregationibus & Convocationibus , Caputiis ex Minuto-vario ( vulgo Miniver ) & non sericis , induti intersint . Atque ideo D. Vicecancellarius monet omnes & singulos Magistros Regentes , & insuper Collegiorum Aularumque Decanos , seu Praesentatores , ut hujus Consuetudinis & Juramenti sui memores in posterum Caputio Ordini suo & huic Domui competente , huc semper accedant : Sub poena in Statutis praescripta . Octob. 26. 1640. Ch. Potter . NON datur scribendi otium ; hoc tamen quale quale est arripio lubens , ut 〈◊〉 ad vos transmittam : Adhuc ( florentes Academici ) Tempora adsunt plusquam difficillima , nec Negotia , quae undique urgent , faciliora sunt . Quin & quo locores Ecclesiae sint , nemo non videt . Horum Malorum 〈◊〉 non unus est : Vnus tamen inter alios furor est eorum , qui sanam Doctrinam non sustinentes ( quod olim observavit S. Hilarius ) corruptam desiderant . Inter eos , qui hoc aestro perciti sunt , quam difficile sit vivere mihi plus satis innotescit , eui ( Deo gratias ) idem est vivere & 〈◊〉 facere . Sed mittenda haec sunt . Nec enim , quo 〈◊〉 ducant , datur scire , nec mitiora redduntur tempora , aut tutiora querimoniis . Interim velim sciatis me omnia Vobis fausta & foelicia precari , quo tuti sitis foelicesque , dum hic inter Sphaeras superiores Stella 〈◊〉 magnitudinis , vix motum suum tenent , aut prae nubium crassitie debile lumen emittunt . Dum sic fluctnant omnia , statui apud me in tuto ( id est , apud vos spero ) Manuscripta quaedam temporum priorum monumenta deponere . Pauca sunt , sed prioribus similia , si non aequalia . Et talia , quae , non obstantibus temporum difficultatibus , in usum vestrum parare , non destiti — Sunt vero inter hoec Hebraica sex , Graeca undecim , Arabica triginta quatuor , Latina viginti & unum , Italica duo , Anglicana totidem , Persica quinque quorum unum , folio digestum ampliori , Historiam continent ab orbe condito ad finem Imperii Sarracenici , & est proculdubio magni valoris . Haec per vos in Bibliothecam Bodleianam ( nomen veneror , nec superstiose ) reponenda , & caeteris olim 〈◊〉 apponenda cupio , & sub iisdem legibus , quibus & priora dedi . Non opus est multis donum hoc nostrum nimis exile ornare , nec id in votis me is unquam fuit . Hoc obnixe & quotidie à Deo. O. M. summis votis peto , 〈◊〉 Academia semper floreat , in 〈◊〉 Religio , & Pietas , & quicquid Doctrinam decorare potest , in altum crescat , ut tempestatibus , quae nunc omnia perstant , sedatis , tuto possitis & vobis & studiis , prae omnibus Deo frui : Quae vota semper erunt , Dat. ex AEdibus nostris Lambeth . Nov. 6. 1640. Fidelissimi & amantissimi Cancellarii vestri , W. Cant. AEternum Reverendissime 〈◊〉 , QVaenam haec lucta indefessa virtutis & prementium Angustiarum ? Dum nutat orbis , nictantque Stellae , Academiam firmare cogitas , unicam illustrare Academiam ; securus tui , de nobis sollicitus . Prioribus Manuscriptis , ingenti labore & pretio comparatis novam 〈◊〉 messem ; Pari linguarum varietate , argumentorum pondere , & exemplarium raritate spectabilem , numero quidem octoginta & unum Volumina , quae Pari fide & gratitudine sancte custodiemus , caste versabimus . Occurrit hos libros intuentibus vox plurimum diversa , unus tamen hic sensus , Te musis esse musam , & almae Academiae Altorem inexhaustum . Fuere haec temporis ante acti monumenta , sederunt Tui . Thesaurum historicum nobis nunc transmittendo , meruisti Historiam ; duplicat enim eximii hujus beneficii charitatem tumultuosa rerum praesentium difficultas ; quae cum aegre permittat scribendi otium aut legendi , loquendi otium aut tacendi insuperabili vestrae benefaciendi solertiae locum & consilii spatium relinquit . Quicquid in sinum Academiae congeris , in tuto collocatum existimas ; opinamur & nos extra fortunam id esse positum ; non quia nobis datur , sed quia datur , quia merces tantorum operum immortali cista reconditur . Nos interim quia in spem Ecclesiae nutrimur , ejusdem fato convoluimur : Seminario non parcet manus , quae odit hortum , & minatur Hortulano . Si in lubrico stet ille , venerandissimus ille , quo rectior non stat regula , quo prior est corrigenda Religio , num ulla erit nobis sub umbra tua latentibus fiducia ? Cerie sine Ecclesia , sine Te , salutem sperare non possumus : Solatium nolumus , non tenet nos incolumitatis nostrae tam turpis avaritia , tam pusillanimis complacentia . Eia lubentiores pereamus omnes , quam vivamus hanc mortem , ex arbitrio pendere furentium . Postquam supervenit infoelix ille dies , quando nihil erit invisius fidelissimis Dei Ministris , nihil periculosius innocentia , & vitio vertetur nimia integritas , nimium viximus . Malum istud , quod piget ominari , longe avertat Deus , & popularem compescat furorem qui sedat fluctus marinos . Nobis ad latus tibi claudendum stipante satellitio prompt a sunt mens ac membra : Sed mens per omnia intervalla praesentior . Hac ergo validissima superiorum agmina , densasque votorum Phalangas ordinabimus , exercebimus , Praelio committemus ; in Coelum acriter figentes oculum , tendentes manum , de genu pugnantes ; ut una cum reliquis Dono-datis , perfruamur hoc dono maximo , Te Datroc . E Domo nostrae Convocationis , Novemb. 10. 1640. Sanctitatis vestrae devotissima Cultrix , Academ . Oxon. WIthin the Precincts of the University I cannot hear of any one Convicted Recusant : Yet I am resolved to morrow to desire the Mayor to go along with me to view and search all Recusants Houses , what Munition or Arms they have . November 23. 1640. Ch. Potter . I Am very glad to hear from you , that you know of no Convicted Recusant in Oxford : Yet you shall do very well to make the Search which you mention . It will be a very good Justification both of your self and the Place . November 27. 1640. W. Cant. IN our Visit ( Mr. Mayor's and mine on Tuesday last ) of our Recusants Houses , we found nothing that was like to Arms , only in Mr. Napper's of Holy-Well , Furniture for one Light Horse , with which he is charged . In other Houses , ( most of them poor , mean Persons , seven or eight in all ) here a Pistol , and there a Sword rusty , and elsewhere a Birding-Piece ; so we are safe enough from them . God keep us from the Scots . In that View I found two Convicted : One here below East-Gate , a sorry labouring Mason . The other , one Mr. Hunt , by the Castle , a Stranger ; staying here only a while in a House of his own , till he can find some Brewer to take it , being fit for that purpose , and standing void . November ult . 1640. Ch. Potter . I Thank you for your Pains in your Search for Arms among Recusants , and am glad you find all so safe , and them so unfurnish'd . As for Mr. Hunt , if he be a Stranger , the sooner the Town is rid of him , the better . For the Confirmation of your Endowments upon your Professors and Orators , you shall do well when the great Businesses are more over , ( for till then it will not be intended ) to move for Confirmation in Parliament . And in the mean time it may be very for you fit to prepare a Bill by some good Council , which may contain them all in one , if it may be . It is true , you write that most Colleges have upon Christmas-day a Sermon and a Communion in their private Chapels , and by that means cannot come to the publick Sermon of the University at Christ-Church . And whereas you write farther , that some have wished , that in regard of this the Morning Sermon for the University might be put off to the Afternoon ( as it is upon Easter-day for the like occasion ) I for my part think the motion very good , it being a day of Solemn Observation . Yet I would have it proposed to the Heads , and then that which you shall do by publick Consent shall very well satisfie me . Lambeth , Dec. 4. 1640. W. Cant. MR. Wilkinson complained in Parliament against the Vice-Chancellor , for Censuring of his Sermon . The Vice-Chancellor , according to the Command of the Committee for Religion in the House of Commons , sent up the Copy of Wilkinson's Sermon , and his Exceptions against it upon Tuesday December 8th , the time appointed for the Committee . But the Carrier's late coming in hindred the delivery for that time ; but it was deliver'd the next Morning by Dr. Baylie . W. Cant. WHereas upon Enquiry made by Dr. Frewen , late Vice-Chancellor of Oxford , in two several Assemblies of the Heads of Houses there , none of them could inform him of any University-Man , whom he knew or probably suspected to be a Papist , or Popishly affected : Notwithstanding which Care of the Governors , and clearness of the Vniversity , it could not be avoided but some Persons suggestions should be put up to the High Court of Parliament , as if Mass were ordinarily said in the University , and frequented by Vniversity-Men without any Controll of the Governors there . We therefore the present Vice-Chancellor and the Heads of Houses , for the better clearing of our University from such foul Imputations , have thought fit under our Hands to testifie , That we are so far from conniving at the Celebration of Mass here , or knowing of any such Matter , that we neither know , nor can probably suspect any Member of our University to be a Papist , or Popishly addicted . In witness whereof we have Subscribed , Decem. 4. 1640. Christo. Potter , Vice-Chancel . Oxon. Nat. Brent , Praefect . Coll. Mert. Ro. Kettle , President of Trin. Coll. Jo. Prideaux , Rector Coll. Oxon & S. T. P. Regius . Jo. Wilkinson , Aul. Magd. Princ. Samuel Radclif , Coll. AEr . Nas. Princ. Jo. Tolson , Coll. Oriel . Praepos . Paul Hood , Rector Coll. Lincoln . A. Frewen , Pres. Coll. Magd. Rich. Baylie , Praesid . S. John. Tho. Clayton , Coll. Pembr . Magr. Med. Prof. Reg. Tho. Lawrence , Magist. Coll. Bal. Fran. Mansel , Coll. Jesu Princ. Tho Walker , Universit . Mr. Gilbert Sheldon , Ward . of All-Souls Coll. Daniel Escott , Ward . of Wadh. Coll. Guil. Strode , Eccl. Christ. Subdec . Adam Airay , Princip . of Edmond-Hall . Ro. Newlin , Praes . Coll. Corp. Christ. Rich. Zouch , Aul. All. Princip . Philip. Parsons , Aul. Cervin . Princip . John Saunders , Aul. Mur. Princ. Degory Wheare , Princ. Glouc. Hall. P. Allibond , Proct. Sen. N. Greaves , Proct. Jun. The other Headsof Houses were not in Town when this was Subscribed . MY Present Condition is not unknown to the whole World , yet by few pitied or deplored ; The righteous God best knows the Justice of my sufferings , on whom both in life and death I will ever depend : the last of which shall be unto me most welcome , in that my life is now burdensome unto me , my mind attended with variety of sad and grievous thoughts , my soul continually vexed with anxieties and troubles , groaning under the burden of a displeased Parliament , my name aspersed and grosly abused by the multiplicity of Libellous Pamphlets , and my self debarred from wonted access to the best of Princes , and it is Vox Populi that I am Popishly affected . How earnest I have been in my Disputations , Exhortations , and otherwise to quench such sparks , lest they should become Coals , I hope after my death you will all acknowledge ; yet in the midst of all my afflictions there is nothing more hath so nearly touched me as the remembrance of your free and joyful acceptance of me to be your Chancellor , and that I am now shut up from being able to doe you that Service which you might justly expect from me . When I first received this honour I intended to have carried it with me to my Grave ; neither were my hopes any less , since the Parliament ( called by his Majesties Royal Command ) committed me to this Royal Prison . But sith ( by reason of matters of greater consequence yet in hand ) the Parliament is pleased to procrastinate my Tryal , I doe hereby as thankfully resign my Office of being Chancellor , as ever I received that Dignity , entreating you to Elect some Honourable Person , who upon all occasions may be ready to serve you ; and I beseech God send you such an one as may do all things for his glory , and the furtherance of your most famous Vniversity . This is the continual Prayer of , Tower , June 28. 1641. Your dejected Friend and Chancellor , Being the last time I shall write so , W. Cant. FINIS . AN ANSWER TO THE SPEECH OF The Right HONOURABLE WILLIAM Lord Viscount Say and Seal , &c. SPOKEN IN PARLIAMENT , Upon the BILL about BISHOPS POWER in CIVIL AFFAIRS , AND COURTS of JUDICATURE , Anno 1641. By the Most Reverend WILLIAM LAUD Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , Then Prisoner in the TOWER . Non apposui ultimam manum , W. CANT . Arch-Bishop LAVD's ANSWER TO THE Lord SAY's SPEECH Against the BISHOPS . THIS Speech is said to have done the Bishops , their Calling , and their present Cause a great deal of harm , among the Gentry , and divers sober-minded Men : and therefore I did much wonder that so many learned Bishops , present in the House to hear it , should not , ( some of them ) being free and among their Books , so soon as it was printed , give it Answer , and stop the venom which it spits from poysoning , so many at least , as it 's said to have done ; especially that Bishop who stands named in the Margin , and against whom in particular the Speech was in part directed , should ( as I conceive ) to vindicate himself , as well as the Cause , have taken this task upon him . But since I see all Men silent , and the Speech go away in triumph , as if it were unanswerable truth , though the Bill be now past , and the Bishops with their Votes cast out of the House , and from all Civil Employment , yet I thought it fit , if not necessary , to call this Speech to an account in every passage , and with all due respect approve what is just , and give the rest such an Answer as it deserves . And though you may think this Answer comes too late , as indeed it doth to remedy the present Evil , yet I have thought fit to go on with these my Endeavours , that if these miserable distracted times have an end ( which I have no hope to live to see ) the Errours of this Speech may appear , and the Bishops perhaps recover their ancient Rights . If not ( as I confess 't is very hard in England ) that yet the World may see how unjustly they suffer'd , and with what misguided Zeal this Lord hath fallen upon the Church , as indeed he hath done in all kinds . And I pray God something fall not therefore upon Him and His. The Speech then begins thus : My Lords , I shall not need to begin as high as Adam in answer to what hath been drawn down from thence by a * Bishop concerning this Question , for that which is pertinent to it , will only be what concerns Bishops , as they are Ministers of the Gospel : What was before , being of another Nature , can give no Rule to this . Whether this Reverend Bishop , now Lord Arch-Bishop of York , did begin his Speech as high as Adam , I cannot tell , nor what proof he made after such beginning ; for I was committed long before this Speech was made : but if he did bring it down from Adam , I think there may be good Reason for it . For it will appear , for the two thousand years before the Law , and for two thousand years more under the Law of Moses , that the Priests , especially the High and Chief Priests , did meddle in all the great Temporal Affairs , which fell out in their times . And first for the time before the Law , 't is manifest , and receiv'd by all Men , that the † Primogenitus , the First-born was Priest , and the First-born in the Prime and Leading Families , were as the Chief-Priests in their several Generations : and 't is more than absurd to think that all these Prime Men in their several Families first , and Tribes after , being Priests , should be estranged from all their Civil and Temporal Affairs , and leave them in the hands of Younger and Weaker Men. And as before the Law there is no express Text for this their forbearance to help to manage Civil Affairs , so neither can there any sufficient Reason be given why they should abstain . Neither did they . For instance , Abraham was a Priest , and a great one , for he was a Patriarch , Heb. 7. 4. And his Priesthood appears in that he was the first Minister of the Sacrament of Circumcision . Gen. 17. 23. and yet he managed his Family , and trained up his Servants in that which is most opposite to the Priestly Function , even for War. Nay took them , and went in Person against five Kings , and redeemed his Kinsman Lot by the Sword , Gen. 14. 14 , 16. And Melchisedeck , who is expresly called the Priest of the high God , was King of Salem also : a King and a Priest too , so both capable by one Person . And as he received Tythes as a Priest , so no doubt can be made but he ordered and governed Civil Affairs as a King. Before these Noah was a Priest , and offered Sacrifice , Gen. 8. 20. and yet all the great care and trouble of building the Ark , and managing the preservation of the whole World , was committed to him by God himself , and undertook by him , Gen. 6. Under the Law the Case comes under fuller and clearer Proof . And in the first entrance Moses himself was Saccrdos Sacerdotum , the Man that consecrated Aaron , Exod. 40. 13. and after reckon'd with 〈◊〉 among the Priests of God , Psal. 99.6 . and yet the whole Princely Jurisdiction resided in him all his days . But God commanded him to settle the Priesthood upon Aaron , to teach the World that few Men's Abilities were fit for the Heighth of both those Places , since Moses himself was order'd to ordain Aaron , and divide the Burthen . After this division the High Priest did meddle in Civil Affairs , even the greatest , as well as Moses continued his Care of the Synagogue . In the numbering of the People for War , a thing of sole Imperial Cognisance , if any , Aaron was joined in Commission with Moses by God himself , to number them by their Armies ; and they did it , Numb . 1. 3. 17. 44. In the ordering of the Standards and Ensigns of the Children of Israel in their removes from place to place , God's own Command came alike to Moses and Aaron , Numb . 2. 1 , 2. the Silver Trumpets to call the Assemblies of the People together did belong to Moses , the People had nothing to do with them ; nor might they tumultuously assemble , but orderly , as the Sound of the Trumpets directed them ; but the Priests , the Sons of Aaron were to sound them , Num. 10. 8 , 9,11 . And this Duty lay upon them as well when they went to War , as when they sacrificed . In the Survey of the Land of Promise Aaron was interessed as well as Moses : And this appears plainly , First , in that when the Spies ( all save Joshua and Caleb ) had brought up an evil Report upon the Land , the People fall into a Murmuring , and were as mad against Aaron as against Moses , Numb . 14. 2 , 5. Secondly , because when the Land of Promise came to be divided among the Tribes , no Spiritual business was it , and yet in the Commission which Moses gave for the solemn Division of the Land , both to Reuben , Gad , and the half Tribe of Manasses on the one side of Jordan , and on the other side to the other Tribes , and to all the Princes of the several Tribes of Israel , Eleazar the Priest was first and principal , Numb . 32. 2 , 28. & 34.17 . even before Joshua himself : and that not only here during Moses his life , but even after , at the actual Division of the Land to every Tribe , though Joshua was then the Leader of the People , Josh. 19. 51. In the great Murmuring of the People at Kadesh , for want of Water , which was like enough to break out into an Insurrection , the Commission which God himself gave out to gather the Assembly together , and to satisfie the People with Water out of the Rock ( a harder thing for Moses to do when he looks upon the People , than for God when he looks upon the Rock ) went jointly to Moses and Aaron , Numb . 20. and they performed it accordingly . Thus far it went , and in all these great Particulars in Aaron's Life time ; as if God would give a pattern in the first High Priest under the Law , what his Successours in some Cases might , and in some must do in great and Civil Affairs . And not so only , but to instruct the Successours of Moses also what value they should put upon Aaron and his Successours , if they will follow the way which God himself prescribed , and which hath been taken up and followed in all well govern'd Kingdoms , as well Christian as Heathen , till this very time that this ignorant boisterous Faction hath laboured to bear sway , as a * learned Country-Man of ours hath observed . And therefore though God set the pattern in Aaron , yet he continued it farther , to shew ( as I conceive ) that his Will was it should continue . For no sooner was Aaron dead , but his Son Eleazar succeeded in all those great Civil employments , as well as in the Priesthood . For when the People of Israel were come into the plain of Moab near Jerico , and were ready to enter into the Land of Promise , God himself joyned Eleazar with Moses for the numbring of all the People that were found fit for War , which they were to expect at their entrance into Canaan , Numb . 26. 1 , 3. In the difficult point of Inheritance for the Daughters of Zelophehad , when they came and demanded right of Moses , their demand was made to him and Eleazar , and the Princes of the Congregation , Numb . 27. 2. which they would not have done had not Eleazar had a Vote in that Judicature with Moses and the Princes . And no less than God himself commanded Moses to declare Joshua to be his Successour in the presence of the Congregation , Josh. 17. 4. And orders farther that Joshua shall stand before Eleazar the Priest , and that Eleazar shall ask Counsel for him after the Judgment of Vrim before the Lord. Numb . 27. 18 , 19 , 23. Now I would fain know of this Lord , whether Eleazar might give Joshua the Counsel which he asked of God for him . If he might not , why did God appoint him to ask it for Joshua ? If he might , then he might give Counsel in Temporal Affairs , for so runs the Text about the War to be had with the Canaanites . At Eleazar's word they should go out , and at his word they should come in , both Joshua and all the Children of Israel . Phineas the Son of Eleazar , but Priest too , though not High Priest till after his Father's Death , was employed by Moses in the War against the Midianites , Numb . 31. 6. and the Trumpets put into his Hands . After the Victory over them , the Captains and the Spoil were brought to Moses , Eleazar , and the chief Fathers of the Congregation to divide them , v. 12 , 26. and an express Law ordained , that if there be a matter too hard for them in Judgment , ( I pray mark it , 't is between blood and blood , between plea and plea , between stroke and stroke ; these are no Ecclesiastical Matters , I trow , ) that they should go unto the Priests , the Levites , and to the Judges that shall be in those days , Deut. 17. 8 , 9. and he that will not hearken unto the Priest and Judge shall die , v. 12. Was the Priest here excluded from all Temporal affairs ? Nay , was he excluded from any , when his Judgment was required between Blood and Blood ? Nay , the Geneva Note adds here , * that the Judge was to give Sentence as the Priests counsel him by the Law of God ; which gives the Priest a greater power than the Judge , since he was to follow the Priest's Direction , and † Dr. Raynolds tells us very learnedly , that this Law was made to establish the highest Court of Judgment among that People , in which all harder Causes both Ecclesiastical and Civil should be determined without farther Appeal . When the People made War and came nigh unto the Battle , the Priest was to approach and speak unto them ; and when he had done , the Officers were to speak to them likewise ; which must needs imply that the Priests which were present were not strangers to some at least of the Counsels of the War , Deut. 20. 2 , 5. and the whole Law , the Judicial as well as the rest , was delivered by Moses , after he had written it , unto the Priests the Sons of Levi , and unto all the Elders of Israel , Deut. 31. 9. so was the Priest trusted with the Custody and in the discussing of the Law , and ( as is before mentioned . ) Eleazar had his Hand in distributing the Land of Canaan to the several Tribes , as well as Joshua , and the other Elders of Israel , Josh. 14. 1. Nay though this were not ordinary and usual ; yet Eli was so far trusted with and employed in Temporal Affairs , as that being High Priest , he was also Judge over Israel fourty Years , 1 Sam. 4. 18. and after him Samuel a Levite Judged Israel , and no Man better . Yea , and after the Captivity of Babylon also , for well near five Hundred Years , the Priesthood had the greatest Stroke in the Government ; as under the Maccabees , and they did all that belonged unto them very worthily , and it pleased God to make that Family very victorious . After Samuel , when that People had Kings to Govern them , in that great and most unnatural Conspiracy of Absalom against his Father David , in that great distress , Hushai was ordered by David to return and mix himself with the Counsels of Absalom , and to impart all things to Zadoc and Abiathar the Priests , that by them and their Sons , David might come to know what was useful or necessary for him to do , 1 Sam. 15. 27. 32. 35. and Hushai's making no scruple nor reply to this , makes it clear that Zadoc and Abiathar were formerly trusted with David's Counsels , and that Hushai had observ'd them to be prudent and secret . And when David was old , he called a kind of Parliament for the settling his Son Solomon in the Kingdom . To that great Assembly he gathered together all the Princes of Israel , with the Priests and the Levites , 1 Chron. 23. 1 , 2. so far was he from turning their Votes out of the House of that great Consultation , that Six Thousand of them were by the Wisdom of that Senate made Officers and Judges throughout the Kingdom , v. 4. and this was done on both sides of Jordan in all businesses of the Lord , and in the Service of the King , 1 Chron. 26. 30 , 32. In the beginning of Solomon's Reign , Abiathar the High Priest was in all the great Counsels of that State , but falling into the Treason of Adonijah , he was deprived by Solomon , and Zadock made High Priest in his Room , 1 King. 2. 27 , 35. And when Jehosaphat repaired the decays of that State , he set the Priests and the Levites in their right places again , according to that Law in Deut. 17. 8 , 9. and restored to them that Power in Judicature which was by God's appointment settled in them , 2 Chron. 19. 8. And that he had relation to that Law is manifest , because he pitches almost upon the same words , v. 10. as * Dr. Raynolds hath observed before me . And Jehoiada the High Priest was the preserver of Joash , the right Heir of the Crown , against the Usurpations of Athaliah ; and when he had settled him in his Kingdom , though not without Force of Arms , and they also ordered by Jehoiada , 2 Chron. 23. 8. he was inward in his Counsels , and was ruled by him in his Marriage , 2 Chron. 24. 2. and he died with this Testimony , that this young King did that which was right in the sight of the Lord , all the days wherein Jehoiada instructed him , 2 King. 12. But after his Death you may read what befel Joash , 2 Chron. 24. In all the Conduct of this People out of Egypt , in which many Temporal Businesses did occur , Aaron was joyned with Moses in and through all . Thou leadest thy People like sheep ( saith the Prophet , Psal. 77. ) by or in the Hand of Moses and Aaron . The Prophet David was a great Shepherd himself , and knew very well what belonged to leading the People ; and you see he is so far from separating Aaron from Moses in the great work of leading the People , that though they be two Persons , and have two distinct Powers , yet in regard the one is subordinate and subservient to the other , they are reputed to have but one Hand in this great Work. And therefore in the Original , and in all the Translations which render it , 't is said in Manu , not in Manibus , in the Hand , not in the Hands , of Moses and Aaron . So necessary did God in his Wisdom think it , that Aaron should be near about Moses in the Government of his People . And as the Priests and Levites were great Men in the great Sanhedrim at Jerusalem , so were two of them ever in all the lesser Sanhedrims in the several Cities of every Tribe , for so † Josephus witnesses expresly , that two of them were ever allotted to each Magistracy . Jeroboam's Sin it was , and a great one , to make the lowest of the People Priests , 1 King. 12. 13. and I pray God it be not the Sin of this Age to make the Priests the lowest of the People . So by this I think it appears , that nothing of like Antiquity can well be more clear , than that four thousand years before and under the Law , the Priests , especially the chief Priests did meddle in , and help manage the greatest Temporal Affairs . And this , as this Honourable Person cannot but know , so I presume he was willing warily to avoid . For he tells you he shall not need to begin so high . Not need ? And why so ? Why , it is because ( saith he ) the Question is only what concerns Bishops as they are Ministers of the Gospel , and that which was before being of another Nature can give no Rule to this . No Man doubts but this Question in Parliament belongs only to Bishops as they are Ministers of the Gospel , nay more particularly than so , as they are Ministers of the Gospel in the Church of England only . For either this must be said , or else granted it must be by this Honourable Lord , that the Parliament of England takes upon them to limit Episcopacy through all the Christian World , and to teach all States therein , what they are to do with their Bishops . And this were as bold a part for the English Parliament to do , as it is for a private English-man to censure the Parliament . And truly , for my own part , I cannot tell how to excuse the Parliament in this . For though in the Act * now past there be nothing enacted but that which concerns Bishops , and such as are in Holy Orders here , because their Power stretches no farther than this Kingdom , yet their Aim and their Judgment is general . And this appears by the Preface of that Act , which runs thus . Whereas Bishops , and other Persons in Holy Orders , ought not to be intangled with Secular Jurisdiction , &c. Ought not : Therefore in their Judgment 't is Malum per se , a thing in it felf unlawful for any Man in Holy Orders to meddle in , or help manage Temporal Affairs . For though their words be , Ought not to be intangled ( which as that word intangled bears sense in English , and stands for an absolute hindring of them from the works of their own Calling , I grant as well as they ) yet the Act proceeds generally to divest them of all Power and Jurisdiction in Civil Affairs , whether they be intangled with them or not . But be it so , that this Question belongs to Bishops only as they are Ministers of the Gospel , yet why may not the Ancient Usage before the Law , and the Law of God Himself give a Rule to this ? For sure , if they can give no Rule in this , then can they give no Rule to any thing else under the Gospel , that is not simply Moral in it self , as well as none to Prelates , and their assisting in Temporal Affairs . Which Opinion how many things it will disjoynt both in Church and State is not hard to see . First then , I shall endeavour to make it appear , that the practice of pious Men before the Law , and the Precept of the Law , can give a Rule to many things under the Gospel ; and then I will examine how , and how far those things may be said to be of another Nature , which is the Reason given why they can give no Rule in this . For the First , that they can give a Rule , I hope it will appear very plainly . For in things that are Typical , the Type must praefigure the Antitype , and give a kind of Rule to make the Antitype known : Therefore in Typical things no Question is or can be made , but that the things which were under the Law can give a Rule to us Christians . Though this bold Proposition runs universally , without excepting things Typical or any other . Besides , the Priests had a hand in all Temporal Affairs , and in matters which were no way Typical , but meerly belonging to Order and Government , as appears by the Proofs before made . And therefore the Jews may be Precedents for Christians , which could not possibly be if they could give us no Rule . Nor is this any new Doctrine . For that ancient Commentary under the Name of St * Ambrose tells us expresly , that that which is mentioned by St. Paul , 1 Cor. 14. 30. is a Custom of the Synagogue which he would have us to follow . And as this Doctrine is not new , so neither is it refused by later Writers , and some of them as Learned almost as this Lord. For that which was ordered , 1 Chron. 23. 30. that they should stand every Morning and Evening to thank and praise the Lord , is precedent enough to presume that the like is not against the Law of God. And † Calvin speaks it out expresly . In regard ( saith he ) that God himself instituted that they should offer Sacrifice Morning and Evening , inde colligitur , it is thence collected plainly , that the Church cannot want a certain Discipline . So here the Jews Discipline gives an express Rule to us . And it is very learnedly and truly observed by a late Writer * of Ours . That there is no such Light to the true meaning of Scripture , as the Practice of matters contained in it under the Synagogue , and in the Church afterwards . Now what Light can we possibly receive from the Synagogue , if those things which were before can give no Rule to us ? Besides , for ought I know of this Lord's Religion , he may brand all the Old Testament as deeply as the Manichees did of old , or go very near it , if it can give no Rule , and so be of no use to Christians . † St. Augustine was of another Mind through all his Books against Faustus the Manichee . And ‖ St. Ambrose most expresly , and very frequently recommended this , tanquam Regulam , as a Rule to the People . And in this very Case of Episcopacy , * Clemens Romanus tells us , There is a kind of Parallel between Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons , in the one , and High Priests , Priests and Levites in the other Church . And * St. Jerom speaks it out , that such as Aaron and his Sons , and the Tribe of Levi were in the Temple , the same are Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons in the Church of Christ. And this they might justly challenge to themselves , and make it a Rule . But 't is time to proceed to other Particulars . In the Case of Tythes we find that they were due Jure Divino , by Divine Right , to the Priests under the Law , and some were paid before the Law , no Man doubts ; but many will not grant that there is any Divine Right , commanding or ordering them to be paid to the Priests under the Gospel . Yet this is undeniable that Tythes have been paid to the Ministers under the Gospel , in all or most parts of Christendom , for many Hundreds of Years together ; and God be thanked the Payment continues yet in some Places . What was it then , if not Divine Right , that gave the Rule to Christians for this kind of Payment , but the Practice before the Law and the Precept under it ? Shall we say here , as this Lord doth , That what was before can give no Rule to this . Now God forbid . The whole Christian World thought otherwise . And whatsoever becomes of the Controversie about Tythes , yet this is certain , that the Ministers of the Gospel ought to have a liberal and free Maintenance . Men , whom they serve in and for Christ , must not open their Mouths too often to preach , and muzzle them whom they should feed . And the Rule for this is given by the Law , for it is written in the Law of Moses . Thou shall not muzzle the Mouth of the Ox that treads out the Corn. Doth God take care for Oxen , or saith he it altogether for our sakes ? For our sakes no doubt this is written , 1 Cor. 9. 9. And yet how many of these Oxen are poorly shuted , and in a manner muzzel'd , is evident enough . How comes this to pass ? How ? Why surely , the Apostle St. Paul was utterly deceived here , ask my Lord else ; for he proves this point of their Maintenance , because 't is so written in the Law of Moses , whereas that Law which was before can give no Rule to this . Again , The Lord himself hath ordained ( so saith St. Paul , v. 14. ) that they which preach the Gospel , should live of the Gospel . Not starve by the Gospel , but live upon it ; live plentifully and decently . But by what Rule did the Lord himself proceed in this ? If his Will had been his Rule , no Rule so strait , it could not but have been just . But St. Paul tells us there , v. 13. that God himself proceeded by another Rule , Do ye not know ( saith he ) that they which minister about Holy things , live of the things of the Temple , and they which wait on the Altar are partakers with the Altar ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , — even so hath the Lord ordained . Just so : That as the Priests and Levites under the Law , did wait on the Altar and live by it , so must they who preach the Gospel , by the Gospel . Just so : Why then , how did the Priest under the Law live ? 'T is set down at large , Deut. 18. 1. Numb . 10. 9. and a very full Portion they had , so full as that they might have no Inheritance amongst their Brethren , the Lord's Portion which was made theirs was so great , yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so the Lord ordained for the Ministers of the Gospel . Press this a little farther and 't will come to the quick . The Priests and Levites under the Law , besides their partaking with the Altar , had the Tythes of all duly paid them . Will not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reach to this too ? If so , then 't is clear in the Text , that the Lord himself ordained payment of Tythes to the Ministers of the Gospel . For the ordained that the Ministers of the Gospel , should live of the Gospel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , just as the Priests under the Law did of the Altar . I will not be peremtory in this sense of the Text , yet I would have it well considered . And howsoever , that a free and plentiful Certain Maintenance is the Ordinance of the Lord himself , is by this Text as clear as the Sun. Now this Lord should do well to tell St. Paul , that either he mistook the Lord's Ordinance , or if he did not , that then the Lord himself was mistaken in so ordaining for the Ministers of the Gospel , because what was before can give no Rule to this . Farther yet , you may see the Vanity , the Nothing of this bold Assertion in other particulars beside the Case of Tything . For if neither the State of Man before the Law , nor the Law it self can give any Rule in things of this kind , to us that live under the Gospel , then there is nothing in God's Law that can give a Rule to us , but that a Man may remove his Neighbour's Land-mark , he may lead the Blind out of the way , he may smite his Neighbour so it be secretly , he may marry in many Degrees of Consanguinity , and what may he not ? For all these and many things more are prohibited only in the Law , Deut. 27. Levit. 18. But that going before can give no Rule to these . Now the Apostle tells us , 1 Cor. 10. 6 , 11. That those things were our Examples , and written for our admonition . And he speaks of things before and under the Law. And more generally , Rom. 15. 4. Whatsoever things were written aforetime , were written for our Learning . Now , learn well and certainly we cannot , but by Rule ; and therefore most manifest it is , that those things which were before , can give us Rules , whatsoever is here said to the contrary . Two things there are which work much with me , why this Lord should say that the things which were before and under the Law can give no Rule in this : And if not in this , then not in things like to this . The one is the Power which Kings have in their several Dominions over the external Government and Polity of the Church . The Apostle's Rule goes in the general only , Let every Soul be subject . Rom. 13. 1. But the Rule drawn down to particulars is from the the commended Practice of the Kings of Juda under the Law. Now if these can give us no Rule , then we have none at all brought down to particulars , wherein that Power consists . And here this Lord being a known Separatist from the Church of England ( as appears most manifestly by another Speech of his Lordship 's in Parliament , and printed with this ) separates , I doubt , from her Doctrine too , and will not , ( could he speak out with safety ) allow Kings any Power at all in Church Affairs , more than to be the Executioners to see the Orders of their Assemblyes executed , in such things as they need the Civil Sword. And therefore he doth wisely in his generation , to say , That the things which were before can give no Rule in this . The other is , that there is of late a Name of Scorn fastned upon the Brethren of the Separation , and they are commonly called Round-heads , from their Fashion of cutting close and rounding of their Hair : A Fashion used in * Paganism in the times of their Mournings , and sad occurrences , as these seem to do , puting on in outward shew at least a sowr Look and a more severe Carriage than other Men. This Fashion of Rounding the Head , God himself forbids his People to practise , the more to withdraw from the Superstitions of the Gentiles . Ye shall not round the Corners of your Heads , Lev. 19. 27. This express Text of Scripture troubled the Brownists and the rest extreamly ; and therefore this Lord being a great favourer of theirs , if not one himself , hath thought upon this way to ease their minds , and his own . For 't is no matter for this Text , nor for their resembling Heathen Idolaters ; they may round their Heads safely , since those things which were before can give no Rule in this . And I do not doubt but that if this World go on , the dear Sisters of these Rattle-heads will no longer keep silence in their Churches , or Conventicles , since the Apostle surely is deceived , where he saith that Women are not permitted to speak in the Churches , because they are to be under Obedience , as also saith the Law , 1 Cor. 14. For the Law and those things which were before can give no Rule in this ; and therefore they shall not need to go as high as Adam to answer this . They shall not need in this , nor we in that of Episcopacy , go so high as Adam . But yet we may if we will , for so high the Apostle goes in this place . And I thank this Lord for that Liberty ( if he means so well ) that though we need not go so high , yet we may if we list . And this is most certain , that any State Christian may receive all or as much of the Judicial Law of Moses as they please , and find fit for them ; and as much of the Ceremonial as detracts not from Christ come in the Flesh. And since all Law is a Rule , this could not be done if those Laws being before could be no Rule to us . This is proof enough ( as I conceive ) that these things which were before , can give a Rule to us now under the Gospel . My Lord thinks not so , for this Reason , Because they are of another Nature . Secondly , therefore the Reason comes to be examined . Wherein I shall weigh two things . First , Whether the Law of Moses and the Gospel of Christ are things of another Nature , and how far ? And Secondly , Whether this be universally true , that among things of another Nature one cannot give a Rule to another . 1. For the first , I shall easily acknowledge a great deal of difference between the Law and the Gospel . They differ in the Strictness of the Covenant made under either : They differ in the Sacraments and Sacramentals used in either : They differ in the Extent and Continuance of either : They differ in the Way and Power of justifying a Sinner ; and perhaps in more things than these . And in these things in which they thus differ , and qua , as they so differ , the Law can give no Rule to Christians ; but whether these differences do make the Law and the Gospel things of quite another Nature , ( which are the words here used ) I cannot but doubt a little . First , because more or less strictness doth not vary the Covenant in Nature though it doth in Grace ; * for Magis & Minus non variant speciem , More or Less in any thing does not make a specifical Difference , and therefore not in Nature . And use of different Sacraments do not make things to be of another Nature , where Res Sacramenti , the Substance of the Sacrament is one and the same . And so 't is here . For one and the same Christ is the Substance of Circumcision and the Pascal Lamb , as well as of Baptism and the Eucharist . For our Fathers under the Law , did all cat the same spiritual meat , and did all drink of the same spiritual drink ; for they drank of that spiritual Rock that followed them : And that Rock was Christ , 1 Cor. 10. 3 , 4. And much less , can Extent or Continuance vary Nature : Not Extent ; for Fire contained in a Chimny and spread miserably over a City , is one and the same in Nature . Not Continuance ; for then a Father and his Son should not be of the same Nature , if the one live longer than the other . And as for the way and Power of Justification , they difference the Law and the Gospel , not so much in their Nature as in their Relation to Christ , who alone is our Justification , 1 Cor. 1. 30. and was theirs also who lived under the Law , for both they and we , were and are justified by the same Faith in the same Christ. And this seems to me very plain in Scripture . For to this day ( saith the Apostle ) the Vail remains upon the Jews in the reading of the Old Testament , which Vail is done away in Christ , but we all with open Face behold as in a glass the Glory of the Lord , 2 Cor. 3. 14 , 18. So one and the same Christ is in the Old Testament as well as in the New. Not so plainly ; but there , though under a Vail . Now a Vail on and a Vail off , a dimmer and a clearer sight in and by the one than by the other , do in no case make the things of another Nature . Again ; We find it expresly written Gal. 3. 24. That the Law was our School-master to bring us to Christ , that we might be justified by Faith. Our School-master ; therefore it must needs be able to give Rules unto us , or else it can never teach us . And the Rules it gives , are very good too , or else they can never bring us unto Christ , that we may be justified by Faith ; which to do , St. Paul here tells us is the End of the Law 's Instruction . And this Instruction it could not so fully give , if this School-master were so of another Nature as that it could not give us a Rule in this . Besides , the Type and the Antitype , the Shadow and the Substance , howsoever they may be of another Nature if you look upon their Entity , yet in their Relative Nature , as Type and Antitype , Shadow and Substance , they are of the same Nature , and have mutual dependence either upon other , and give Rules mutually either to other , and a Proof one of another . For a Man may take the measure of the Body by the Shadow , and of the Shadow by the Body . And so it is between the Law and the Gospel ; the Sacrifices in the One , and Christ in the other . For the Law had but the Shadow of good things to come , and not the very Image of the things themselves , and therefore with those Sacrifices could make nothing perfect , Heb. 10. 1. But Christ is the Body it self , Col. 2. 17. And when he came into the World , he saith , Sacrifice and burnt Offering thou wouldest not have , but a Body hast thou given me , Heb. 10. 4. How shall this appear ? How ? Why , by the very Rules given in the Law. For so the Prophet tells us in the Person of Christ. In the volume of the Book it is written of me , Psal. 40. 7. Nay , so says Christ himself , St. Joh. 5. 46. Had ye believed Moses ye would have believed me , for he wrote of me . And to bring all home close to the present business ; Christ , as God , of another Nature quite from Melchisedek , yet in Relation to the Priesthood , as Type and Antitype , not so ; for Christ was Man also , and the one gave a kind of Rule to the other . For Christ was made a Priest after the order of Milchisedek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Or as Mont. reads in the Margin Secundum Morem , according to the Form , Manner or Rule of Melchisedek's Priesthood . And as Melchisedek and Christ are Type and Antitype in their Priesthood , † so the Priesthood of Aaron under the Law , was but a shadow of the Priesthood of Christ under the Gospel . And therefore the Priestood which is now , ought in all Privileges to exceed that under the Law , in as much as the Antitype and the Body is of more worth than the Type and the Shadow . I say , in all Privileges which are not appropiated by God himself to the Priesthood of the Law. 2. Secondly , It may be considered too , whether this be universally true ; that among things which are of another Nature , one cannot give a Rule to another . For my own part , I doubt there is not Truth in the Rule , but instead of Truth a great deal of danger . And surely , if this be generally true , that that which was before ( being of another Nature ) can give no Rule to this ; that is , if that which was both before and under the Law concerning Priesthood can give no Rule , none at all , to the Ministery under the Gospel , then can it give no Rule in any thing else : Because the Law is as much of another Nature , in regard of other things , as of this . Nay , this very thing , the Priesthood , makes the Law to be of another Nature more than any thing else . And so the Apostle plainly , Heb. 7. 12. For the Priesthood being changed , made of Necessity a change also of the Law. But be this change , this other Nature what it will , if the Law can give no Rule at all in this ( which again is directly contrary to the Apostle 1. Cor. 9. 9 , 13. ) then can it no give Rule in any thing else pertaining to the Gospel . For the Reason if it be good , holds alike , 't is of another Nature . Nay , yet farther , if this Reason be true , universally true , ( as 't is here given ) then it reaches to , and thorough the whole Law. No part of it can give any Rule to Men , or things under the Gopsel . For if no Rule to things , then none to Men , who must do or leave undone ; and if so , then the Moral Law can give no Rule to Men under the Gospel , more than the Ceremonial or the Judicial Law. For the whole Law was before the Gospel , and here said , without any distinction , to be of another Nature , and so unable to give a Rule . And for ought I know this zealous Lord may be of this Opinion . For this lewd Doctrine hath been somewhat common of late among his Favourites , that Moral Honesty is an Enemy to the Grace of Christ ; that Harlots and debauched Persons are nearer to the Kingdom of God , than they which labor to shew themselves Moral Men , and the like . As if they went to teach the People to live lewdly , and to do evil that good may come thereof , whose Damnation the Apostle tells us is just , Rom. 3. 8. Whereas Christ came not to take away the Law , but to fulfill it for us , Mat. 5. 17. and in some measure to enable us to keep it also . And in the Gospel , when the Scribe told our Saviour , that to love God with all the Heart , and his Neighbour as himself , ( upon which Commandments hang the whole Law , S. Mat. 22. 40. ) was more than all burnt Sacrifices , our Saviour did not tell him that Harlots were nearer the Kingdom of God than he , or that this Law being of another Nature , could give him no Rule for his Life . But quite contrary , he told him for his Comfort , and the Comfort of Obedience , that he was not far from the Kingdom of God , S. Mar. 12. 34. And though this be bad enough , and will prove a fruitful Mother of all Libertinism and Prophaness , yet there is a greater danger behind . For if the Grace of Christ under the Gospel , be a discharge of the Moral Law , and disenable it to give a Rule , as being of another Nature , what shall become of God the Law-giver himself in all kinds ? For he is quite of another Nature , eminently and infinitely exceeding us , and whatsoever is , or can be naturally in us ; yea or supernaturally either . And what now ? Shall not God himself being of another Nature give us any Rule in this or any thing else . I know this Lord will say , this is not his meaning . No truly , I hope it is not . But then this Lord if he will needs be writing and printing , should so express himself , as that he may not expose his words to such unsavory Consequences as ( for ought I know ) may justly be gathered from them . And let me tell him in the mean time , 't is a dangerous thing to be so busie with the Law of God ; and so without distinction , as he is , lest he intrench upon the Law-giver before he be aware . Howsoever , in this Proposition of his , that that which is before being of another Nature , can give no Rule to this , leaves him at a loss which way soever to turn himself . For since 't is manifest by the Apostle in the places * before cited , that the Law of Moses which was before , doth give a Rule to divers things under the Gospel ; this Lord of the Separation is at a loss every way . For if the Law and that which was before be not of another Nature from this , then his Reason is false , which says it can give no Rule because 't is of another Nature , and so he is at a loss in that . And if it be of another Nature , yet it appears by the Apostle's practice , that for all that it can give a Rule in this . For that which can give the Apostle a Rule , can give a Rule to us : And so he is at a loss in the whole Proposition . For whether that which was before , be or be not of another Nature , yet it can give a Rule . I have been long upon this Passage , because I conceive the main Controversie hangs and turns upon this hinge . And if any Reader think it long or tedious , or be of this Lord's Mind , that he need not go so high for Proof , yet let him pardon me , who in this am quite of another Judgment . And for the pardon , I shall gratifie him , by being as brief as possibly I can in all that follows . Thus then this Lord proceeds : The Question which will lye before your Honours in passing this Bill , is not , Whether Episcopacy ( I mean this Hierarchical Episcopacy which the World now holds forth to us ) shall be taken away Root and Branch ; but , Whether those exuberant and superfluous Branches , which draw away the Sapp from the Tree , and divert it from the right and proper use , whereby it becomes unfruitful , shall be cut off , as they use to pluck up Suckers from the Root . After this Lord had told us we need not go so high for the business , he comes now to state the present Question . Where he tells us what himself means by Episcopacy . Namely , Hierarchical Episcopacy , such as is properly and now commonly so called in the World. And this his Lordship adds because of that distinction made by Beza in his Tract de Triplici Episcopatu , Divino scilicet , Humano & Satanico . In which , what part Beza plays I will forbear to speak , but leave him and his Gall of bitterness to the Censure of the Learned . Sir Edw. Deering in his printed Speeches tells us , that others in milder Language keep the same sense , and say there is Episcopus , Pastor , Praeses and Princeps . So in his account Episcopus , Princeps & Satanicus , is all one in milder terms . But the Truth is , that in the most learned and flourishing Ages of the Church , the Bishops were , and were called Principes , Chief and Prime , and Prince , if you will , in Church Affairs . For so * Optatus calls them the Chief , and Princes . And so likewise did divers others of the Fathers , even the best learned and most devout . And this Title is given to Diocesan or Hierarchical Bishops , which doubtless these Fathers would neither have given nor taken , had Episcopus , Princeps and Satanicus been all one . Nor would † Calvin have taught us , that the Primitive Church had in every Province among their Bishops one Arch-Bishop , and that in the Council of Nice Patriarchs were appointed which should be in order and dignity above Bishops , had he thought either such Bishops or Arch-Bishops to have been Satanical : And had Beza lived in those times , he would have been taught another Lesson . And the Truth is , Beza , when he wrote that Tract , had in that Argument either little Learning or no Honesty . But for this Lord , whether he means by Hierarchical Episcopacy , the same which Beza , I will not determine . He uses a Proper word and a Civil , and I will not purpose to force him into a worse meaning than he hath , or make him a worse Enemy to the Church ( if worse he may be ) than he is already . Though I cannot but doubt he is bathed in the same Tub. Having told us what he means by Episcopacy , he states the business thus : That the Question is not whether this Hierarchical Episcopacy shall be taken away Root and Branch . So then I hope this Lord will leave a Hierarchy ( such as it shall be ) in the Church . We shall not have it all laid level . We shall not have that Curse of Root and Branch ( * for less it is not ) laid upon us : Or at least not yet . But what shall follow in time , when this Bill hath us'd its edge , I know not . Well , if not Root and Branch taken away , what then ? What ? why , 't is but whether those exuberant and superfluous Branches , which draw away the Sapp from the Tree , and divert it from the right and proper use , whereby it becomes unfruitful , shall be cut off , as they use to pluck up Suckers from the Root . This Lord seems to be a good Husbandman , but what he will prove in the Orchard or Garden of the Lord , I know not : For most true it is , that Suckers are to be plucked from the Root ; and as true , that in the prime and great Vine , there are some Branches which bear no fruit , and our Saviour himself tells us , that they which are such , are to be taken away , St. Joh. 15. 2. And therefore I can easily believe it that in Episcopacy , which is a far lower Vine , under and in the Service of Christ , and especially in the husbanding of it , there may be some such Branches as this Lord speaks of , which draw away Sapp and divert it , and make the Vine less fruitful ; and no doubt but such Branches are to be cut off . So far I agree , and God forbid but I should . But then there are divers other Questions to be made and answered before this sharp Lord fall to cutting . As first , What Branches they be which are Exuberant and Superfluous ( as this Lord is pleased to call them ) What time is fittest to cut them off ? Whether they be not such as with Pruning may be made fruitful ? If not , then how near to the Body they are to be cut off ? Whether this Lord may not be mistaken in the Branches which he thinks divert the Sapp ? Whether a Company of Lay-Men without any Order or Ordinance from Christ , without any Example from the days of Christ , may , without the Church , take upon them to prune and order this Vine ? For , whatever this Lord thinks in the over abundance of his own Sense , the Lord hath appointed Husbandmen to order and prune this Vine , and all the Branches of it , in his Church , without his Usurpation of their Office : And while he uses a Bill ( which is too boisterous a Weapon for a Vine ) instead of a Pruning-hook , the Church it self which is the Vine , which bears Episcopacy , may bleed to death in this Kingdom , before Men be aware of it . And I am in great fear , if things go on as they are projected , that Religion is upon taking its leave of this Kingdom . But this Lord hath not quite done stating the Question , for he tells us next , That , The Question will be no more but this , Whether Bishops shall be reduced to what they were in their first advancement over the Presbyters ( which although it were but a Humane device for the Remedy of Schism , yet were they in those times least offensive ) or continue still with the addition of such things as their own Ambition , and the Ignorance and Superstition of succeeding times did add thereunto , and which are now continued for several Political Ends ; things Heterogeneal and Inconsistent with their Calling and Function as they are Ministers of the Gospel , and thereupon such as ever have been , and ever will be hurtful to themselves , and make them hurtful to others in the times and places where they are continued . Here my Lord states the Question again . He did it before under the Metaphor of a Tree and the Branches . Here , that Men of narrow Comprehensions may not mistake him , he lays it down in plain Terms , and tells us , the Question is no more but this , Whether Bishops shall be reduced to what they were in their first advancement over the Presbyters ? And you may be sure they shall be reduc'd if they once fall into the Hands of this Zealous Lord. Reduc'd out of doubt every way , if he may have his will , saving to that which they were in the Original , which his Lordship calls their first advancement over the Presbyters . For my own part , if it be thought fit to reduce the Christian Church to her first Beginnings , give us the same power , and use us with the same Reverence for our Works sake , as then our Predecessours were used , and reduce us in God's name when you will. But this Lord's Zeal burns quite another way . He tells us indeed , that the Question is no more , but whether Bishops shall be reduced to what they were in their first Advancement over the Presbyters ; but he means nothing less than their reducement thither : and this is manifest out of his own next Words . For there he says , their first advancement was but a Humane Device for avoiding of Schism . But a Humane Device ? Why first , our Saviour himself chose twelve Apostles out of the whole number of his Disciples , and made them Bishops , and advanced over the Presbyters , and all other believing Christians , and gave them the Name of Bishops as well as of Apostles ; as appears , since that Name was given even to Judas also , as well as to the other Apostles , and to the other Apostles as well as to Judas , since Matthias was chosen by God himself , both into the Bishoprick and Apostleship of Judas , Acts 1. 20 , 24 , 25. Now that Christ himself did ordain the Apostles over the ordinary Disciples , Presbyters or others , is evident also in the very Text ; for he chose them out of his Disciples , S. Luk. 6. And to what end was this chusing out , if after this choise they remained no more than they were before ? Nay , he chose them out with a special Ordination to a higher Function ; as appears S. Mar. 3. where 't is said , He ordained twelve that they should be with him ; that is , in a higher and nearer Relation than the rest were . Nay more than so , the Word there used by S. Mark is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he made them ; he made them somewhat which before that making they were not ; that is , Apostles and Bishops . Had they been such before , it could not have been said that he made them then . And our last Translation renders it very well , He Ordained them : so belike this Making was a new Ordination of them . And this appears farther by the choice of Matthias into the Apostleship of Judas : For * Matthias was one of the Seventy when he was chosen ; and then this choice needed not , if the LXX had been before of equal Place and Calling with the Apostles . For as S. Jerome speaks , he that is preferred , is preferr'd de Minori ad Majus , from a less and a lower , to a greater and a higher Degree . Now it is Traditio Vniversalis , the constant and universal Tradition of the whole Church of Christ , which is of greatest Authority next to Scripture it self , that † Bishops are Successors of the Apostles , and Presbyters made in resemblance of the LXX Disciples . And so the Institution of Christ himself ( for so by this Lord's leave I shall ever take Episcopacy to be ) is made but a Humane Device to avoid Schism . But there hath been so much written of late to prove Episcopacy no Humane Device , that I will not trouble the Reader with any more of it here : only we are thus far beholding to this Lord , that he thinks Bishops were in those times least offensive ; so belike in the Apostles times they were offensive , though less . And this makes me doubt , he thinks as much of the Apostles themselves , since they were so ambitious as to take on them Superiority over their Brethren , which this great Lord of the Separation , ( for so he is ) cannot endure , as being Antichristian , and therefore certainly ( if he may have his Will ) will reduce the Bishops farther yet , till they be of his Marring and not of Christ's Making . The other part of the Question stated by this Lord , is , Or whether the Bishops shall continue still with the additon of such things as their own Ambition , and the Ignorance and Superstition of succeeding times , did add unto them . I would my Lord had been pleased to tell us what those things are , which he says are thus added unto them . I should much the better have seen what his Lordship aims at , and been able to come up the closer to him . Now I must be forced to answer him in general . That there are many things of Honour and Profit , which Emperours and great Kings have conferred upon Bishops to the better Settlement of their Calling , and the great advancement of Christianity ; and for which Bishops in all times and places , in which they have lived , have been both thankful and very serviceable . And I could give many instances in this Kingdom of such Services done by them , as this Lord and all his Posterity will never equal . But what things their own Ambition or the Ignorance and Superstition of succeeding times have added to them , I may know when this busie Lord is at leisure to tell me . In the mean time I doubt the Piety and Devotion of these times is here miscalled Ignorance and Superstition , while the Knowledge of these times , in too many , is a running headlong into Sacrilege , as the best way to cure Superstition . But these things , what ever they be , his Lordship tells us , are now continued for several politick Ends. Yea , and with his Lordship's favour , for several and great Religious Ends too . But if they were continued for Politick Ends only , so the Policyes be good and befitting Christians , I know no Reason why they may not be continued . For , as for that which is here given by this Lord , 't is either weak or false . He says these things are Heterogeneal to their Function , that 's weak . For , 't is not possible for any Priest , that is not Cloistered , to live so in the World , as to meddle with nothing that is Heterogeneal to their Function . And he says farther , that these things are inconsistent with their Function ; and that 's false . For if these things were simply inconsistent with Priesthood , God himself would never have made Ely both Priest and Judge in Israel : Nor should † Six of each Tribe have been of the Sanhedrim , and so by Consequence Six of the Tribe of Levi ; and so the High Priest might be always one , and a chief in that great Court , which had Cognizance of all things in that Government : And their Functions , as they are Ministers of the Gospel , is no more inconsistent with these things than the Levitical Preisthood was . For beside their Sacrificing , they were to read and expound the Law , as well as we the Gospel . For so it is expresly set down , Deut. 33. 10. They ( that is , the Tribe of Levi , ) shall teach Jacob thy Judgments , and Israel thy Laws . So that medling with Temporal Affairs was as great a Distraction to them from their Calling , as from ours ; and as inconsistent with it , and so as hurtful to their Consciences and their Credits . And would God put all this upon them , which this Lord thinks so unlawful for us , if it were so indeed ? But this Lord goes yet farther , and tells us , that these things are such as have ever been , and will ever be hurtful to themselves , and make them hurtful to others in the times and places where they are continued . Good God! what fools we poor Bishops are , as were also our Predecessours for many hundred years together , that neither they nor we could see and discern , what was and is hurtful to our selves , nor what then did , or yet doth make us hurtful to others , in times and places where they are continued to us ? And surely , if my Lord means by this our medling in Civil Affairs , when our Prince calls us to it ( as I believe he doth ) I doubt his Lordship is much deceived . For certainly , if herein the Bishops do their Duties , as very many of them in several Kingdoms have plentifully done , they cannot hurt themselves by it ; and to others , and the very Publick it self , it hath occasioned much good both in Church and State. But now my Lord will not only tell us what these things are , but he will prove it also that they are hurtful to us . And these things alone ( says my Lord ) this Bill takes away ; that is , their Offices and Places in Courts of Judicature , and their Employment by Obligation of Office in Civil Affairs . I shall insist upon this to shew , First , how these things hurt themselves , and Secondly , how they have made and ever will make them hurtful to others . These things then you see which are so hurtful and dangerous to Bishops themselves , and make them as hurtful to others , are their Offices , and Places in Courts of Judicature , and their Employment by Obligation of Office in Civil Affairs . Where , First , for Offices ; I know no Bishop since the Reformation that hath been troubled with any , but only Dr. Juxon , when Bishop of London , was Lord High Treasurer of England , for about Five Years . And he was made when the King's Affairs were in a great strait ; and , to my knowledge , he carried so , that if he might have been left to himself , the King might have been preserved from most of those Difficulties , into which he after fell for want of Money . As all Kings shall be hazarded , more or less , in some time or other of their Reign , and much the more if their Purses be empty , and they forced to seek Aid from their Subjects . And this , as 't is every where true , yet 't is most true in England . As for Places in Courts of Judicature , the Bishops of England have ever sat all of them in Parliament , the highest Court , ever since Parliaments were in England . And whatsoever is now thought of them , they have in their several Generations done great Services there : And , as I conceive , it is not only fit but necessary they should have Votes in that great Court ; howsoever the late Act hath shut them out ; and that Act must in time be repealed , or it shall undoubtedly be worse for this Kingdom than yet it is . The Bishops sat in no other Courts , but the Star Chamber , and the High Commission . And of these the High Commission was most proper for them to sit , and see Sin punish'd : For no Causes were handled there but Ecclesiastical , and those such as were very heinous , either for the Crime it self , or the Persons which committed it , being too great or too wilful to be ruled by the inferiour Jurisdictions . As for the Star Chamber , there were ordinarily but two Bishops present , and it was fit some should be there : For that Court was a mix'd Court of Law , Equity , Honour and Conscience , and was compos'd of Persons accordingly from the very Original of that Court. For there were to be there two Judges to take care of the Laws , and two Bishops to look to the Conscience , and the rest Men of great Offices or Birth , or both , to preserve the Honour , and all of them together to maintain the Equity of the Court. So here were but two Bishops employ'd , and those only twice a Week in Term time . As for the Council Table that was never accounted a Court , yet as Matters Civil were heard and often ended there , so were some Ecclesiastical too . But the Bishops were little honoured with this Trouble since the Reformation : For many times no Bishop was of the Council-Table , and usually not above two . Once in King James's time I knew Three , and once Four , and that was was the highest , and but for a short time . And certainly the fewer the better , if this Lord can prove ( that which he says he will insist upon ) that those things are hurtful to themselves , and make them hurtful to others . And to do this he proceeds ; They themselves art hurt thereby in their Conscience and in their Credits . In their Conscience , by seeking and admitting things which are inconsistent with that Function and Office which God hath set them apart unto . His Lordship begins with this , That the Bishops are hereby hurt both in their Consciences and their Credits . Two great hurts indeed , if by these things they be wounded in their Consciences towards God , and in their Credits before Men. But I am willing to hope these are not real but imaginary hurts , and that this Lord shall not be able to prove it otherwise : Yet I see he is resolved to labour it as much as he can . And first , he would prove that these things , and not the ambitious seeking of them only , but the very admitting of them , though offer'd , or in a manner laid upon some of them by the Supream Power , are hurtful to their Consciences , because they are inconsistent with the Function to which God hath set them apart . But I have proved already , that they are not inconsistent with that Function , and so there 's an end of this Argument . For Bishops , without neglect of their Calling , may spend those few Hours required of them , in giving their assistance in and to the forenamed Civil Affairs . And 't is well known that S. Augustin did both in great Perfection , so high up in the Primitive Church , and in that Great and Learned Age : For he * complains that he had nor Fore-noon , nor After-noon free , he was so held to it , Occupationibus Hominum , by the Businesses which Men brought to him ; and he desires that he may ease himself in part upon him that was at his desire designed his Successor ; to which the People expressed their great liking , by their Acclamation . And these Businesses he dispatch'd with that great Dexterity to most Mens content , † that Men did not only bring their Secular Causes before him , but were very desirous to have him determine them . ‖ And S. Ambrose was in greater Employment for Secular Affairs than S. Augustin was , for he was Bishop and Governour of Milan both at once ; and was so full of this Employment , that S. Augustin , being then upon the Point of his Conversion , complains he could not find him at so much leisure as he would . And this , besides many Bishops and Clergy-Men of great Note , who have been employ'd in great Embassics , and great Offices under Emperors and Kings , and discharged them with great Fidelity and Advantage to the Publick , and without detriment to the Church . And surely they would never have taken this Burthen upon them , had their Conscience been hurt by it , or had it been inconsistent with their Function , or absolutely against the ancient Canons of the Church , of which they were so conscientious and strict Observers . My Lord goes on to another Argument and tells us ; They are separated unto a special Work , and Men must take heed how they mis-employ things dedicated , and set apart to the Service of God. They are called to Preach the Gospel , and set apart to the Work of the Ministery ; and the Apostle saith , Who is sufficient for these things ? Shewing that this requireth the Whole Man : and all is too little . Therefore for them to seek or take other Offices , which shall require and tie them to employ their Time and Studies in the Affairs of this World , will draw a Guilt upon them , as being inconsistent with that which God doth call them , and set them apart unto . This is my Lord's next Argument : And truly I like the beginning of it very well , and I pray God this Lord may be mindful of it when time may serve . For surely Men ought to take heed how they mis-employ Things dedicated and set apart to the Service of God. And therefore , as Ministers must not mis-employ their Persons or their Times , which are dedicated to God and his Service ; no more must Lay-Men take away and mis-employ the Church Revenues devoutly given , dedicated and set apart to maintain and hold up the Service of God , and to refresh Christ in his poor Members upon Earth . And if ever a Scambling time come for the Church-Lands ( as these Times hereafter must ) I hope his Lordship will remember this Argument of his , and help to hold back the Violence from committing more Sacrilege , whereas too much lies heavy on the Kingdom already . The rest of the Argument will abide some Examination . First then , most true it is , that Bishops are called to Preach the Gospel , and set apart to that Work ; but whether they be so set apart , as that what Necessity soever requires it , they may do nothing else but Study and Preach , is no great Question . For certainly , they may in Times of Persecution labour many ways for their Perservation , and in Times of Want for their Sustenance , and at all Times ( if they be called to it ) give their best Counsel and Advice for the publick Safety of the State as well as their own . Nor doth that of the Apostle , 2 Cor. 2. 16. Who is sufficient for these things ? hinder this at all . For though this great Calling and Charge requires the whole Man , though all that the ablest Man can do in it , be too little ( all things simply and exactly consider'd ) yet he that saith here , None are sufficient for these things , ( for so much the Question implieth ) saith also in the very next Chapter , that God hath made him and others able Ministers of the New Testament , 2 Cor. 3. 6. and if able , then doubtless sufficient . And the Greek word is the same , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sufficient in the one place , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made us sufficient in the other : Besides , it may be the sense of the Places will bear it ; that no Man is sufficient for the Dignity of the Office , which brings with it the savour of Life or Death to all Men , and yet that many Men are made sufficient by God's Grace to perform this Office ; that is , to bring both the one and the other . But howsoever , be the Office as high as it is , and be the Men never so sufficient , yet the Function is such as cannot be daily performed by the Priest for the Preaching part , nor attended by the People for their other necessary Employments of Life , which made the Wisdom of God himself command a Sabbath under the Law , and the Church to settle the Lord's-Day , and other Holy-days under the Gospel , for the Publick Service and Worship of God , and the Instruction of the People . I say , in regard of this , a Bishop or a Priest who shall be judged fit for that Publick Service , may give Counsel in any Civil Affairs , and take upon him ( if not seek ) any Office temporal , that may help and assist him in his Calling , and give him Credit and Countenance to do the more good among his People , but not to the desertion of his Spiritual Work. And this Lord is much deceived if he thinks all Offices do require and tie them to employ their Time and Studies in the Affairs of this World. If they be such Offices as do , I grant with him , that to take them ( unless it be upon some urgent Necessity ) may draw a Guilt upon them : But if they be such as Clergy-Men may easily execute in their empty Hours , without any great hindrance to their Calling , and perhaps with great Advantage to it , then , out of doubt , it can draw no Guilt upon them which take them . And this Lord in this Passage is very cunning : For , instead of speaking of Bishops having any thing to do in Civil Affairs , he speaks of nothing but taking of Offices . Now a Clergy-Man may many ways have to do in Temporal Affairs , without taking any set Office upon him , which shall not tie up his Time or his Studies to the Affairs of this World , as it seems this Lord would persuade the the World all do . Now that a Bishop or other Clergy-Man may lawfully meddle with some Temporal Affairs ( always provided that he * entangle not himself with them ; for that indeed no Man doth that Wars for Christ as he ought , 2 Tim. 2. 4. ) is , I think , very evident , not only by that which the Priests did , and might do under the Law ; but also by that which was done after Christ , in the Apostle's time , and by some of them . To Study and Practise Physick is as much inconsistent with the Function of a Minister of the Gospel , as to Sit , Consult , and give Counsel in Civil Affairs : But St. Luke , though an Evangelist , continued his Profession , as appears Colos. 4. 14. where St. Paul says thus , Luke the beloved Physician greets you ; where St. Paul would never have called him a Physician had he left off that Calling to attend the Gospel only . And S. Paul himself , when he might have lived on the Gospel by the Lord 's own Ordinance , 1 Cor. 9. would never have betaken himself to live by making of Tents , Acts 18. only for a Convenience ( as I conceive ) that he might work the more upon the People while he charged them not , if in so doing he had found it a hindrance to his Preaching the Gospel : And this Lord and others , who would not have Ministers meddle with Civil Affairs , are content , not only to the Disgrace of the Ministery , but even of Religion it self , to hear Felt-makers , and Iron-mongers , and Gardiners , and Brewers , Clerks , and Coachmen preach God knows what Stuff , and countenance them in this Sacrilegious Presumption . Nay , and are never troubled that these Men have all their time taken up in the Affairs of the World , but rather say their Gifts are the greater , that they are able to do both . Out of doubt they hope that their Coachmen-Preachers shall hurry them to Heaven in some Fiery Chariot ; and I my self in time might be brought to believe it too , did I not see Phaeton setting the Christian World on fire , but no Elias there . Nor yet will S. Paul's Example any whit advantage them : For he was no ignorant Tradesman , but a learned Pharisee brought up under Gamaliel , Acts 22. And it was the Custom of their Doctors ( as it is at this Day in Turkey , and many other places in the East . ) to breed up their Scholars to a Trade as well as to the Knowledge of their Law ; both that they might know the better how to spend their empty Hours honestly , and be able to get their Living should Necessity overtake them . Now let these bold Men shew under what Gamaliel they were bred , and how they profited under him ; or that they have S. Paul's Revelation as well as his Trade , and then I 'll say more to them . But this Lord is very full in this Theam , and falls upon another Argument . In this respect ( saith he ) our Saviour hath expresly prohibited it , telling his Apostles that they should not Lord it over their Brethren , nor Exercise Jurisdiction over them , as was used in Civil Governments among the Heathen . They were called Gracious Lords , and exercised Jurisdiction , as Lords , over others ; and sure they might lawfully do so . But to the Ministers of the Gospel our Saviour gives this Rule , It shall not be so done to you ; if you strive for Greatness , he shall be Greatest that is the greatest Servant to the rest . Therefore in another place he saith , He that putteth his hand to the Plough , and looketh back to the things of this World , is not fit for the Kingdom of God ; that is , the Preaching of the Gospel , as it is usually called . This Argument will be somewhat indeed , if it proves such as this Lord says it is . For he says that our Saviour hath expresly prohibited it : and if it be so , there 's an end of the Controversie . No Question but it is utterly unlawful if our Saviour prohibited it . But where is it that he hath done so ? Where ? Why 't is where he tells his Apostles , that they should not Lord it over their Brethren . Not Lord it over their Brethren ? that 's true : Nor exercise Jurisdiction over them ? that 's false , if the Proposition be general ; for then there can be no Order , no Government among Church-Men . And if it be particular , no such Jurisdiction as was used in Civil Government among the 〈◊〉 , then 't is fit to weigh this place through and throughout . Well then ! the Mother of Zebedee's Children desired of Christ for her two Sons , that the one might sit at his right hand , and the other at his left hand in his Kingdom , S. Matth. 20. 21. Where first it appears plainly , that this was not only a piece of Feminine Ambition , for her Sons made the suit as well as she ; so S. Mark 10. 35. tells us ; and they came with her when she made it . So St. Matth. 20. 20. And little doubt need be made but that they set their Mother on to move it , as may appear partly by our Saviour , who says nothing to the Mother , but first puts a Question to the Sons , which they answer , and then gives his Answer to them , Ver. 22 , 23. which ( I conceive ) he would not have done , had not they been in the Business : And partly , because the other Ten * disdained at the two Brethren for this , Ver. 24. Secondly , if it were here meant by them , to sit at his right hand and at his left in his Kingdom in Heaven , as may be thought not altogether improbable by the Question Christ puts to them about his Baptism and his Cup , both preparatory to that Kingdom . And if it be so ( and so some think it is ) then this Text is applied by this Lord to no purpose , if it meddles nothing with Temporal Offices and Employments , but relates to the Kingdom of Heaven . But if they meant by this sitting at his right Hand and at his left , the honourable Places about him in his Earthly Kingdom , which the Apostles sometimes fancied he should here have , as some think , because of the other part of Christ's Answer , that the Princes of the Gentiles exercise Dominion over them , but it shall not be so amongst you , ver . 25 , 26. Then the Answer is clear , that Christ did not here forbid them the taking of such Places upon them simply , but he forbids either an absolute independent Power ; for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies , which takes not away Superiority over others , so they be subject to the Prince and State. Or else the using of such Places after the Lordly and Tyrannous Manner of some Heathens . And the Geneva Divines in their Notes upon the Bible tell us , That the meaning of Christ's Answer to them in these words , to sit at my right hand at my left is not mine to give , ver . 23. is , that God the Father had not given him Charge to bestow Offices of Honour here , but to be an Example of Humility to all . So Christ came not then to give such Places ; but here 's no Prohibition for the Apostles to take them at their Hands who would give them for the good of the Church . And howsoever , if this place must be understood of Temporal Honours and Employments , then it follows , that though these two Apostles had not those Seats , some other of them should . For Christ says plainly , That the sitting at his right Hand and at his left shall be given to them for whom it is prepared by his Father . So then it shall be given to some , and doubtless to some of the Apostles : Strangers should not be preferred before them . And 't is all one to our present Business , which of the Apostles sat there , so some did , or were to do ; and rather than yield this , his Lordship perhaps were better grant , that this is to be understood of another Kingdom , and that this Text meddles with no Temporal either Offices or Employments , but that by occasion of this our Saviour preaches Humility to them , yet so as still to keep up Authority and Government in the Church , to which he applies it . And for that other parallel Place , be ye not called Rabbi , S. Matth. 23. 8. that cannot prejudice all Juridiction in Men in Holy Orders ; as if to meddle with it were forbidden by Christ , or , as if it were Antichristian , as now 't is made ; since it is plain that Christ there forbids neither the Title , nor the Preheminence , nor the Authority , but the Vain-glorious Affectation of it , ver . 5 , 6. and that 's a Sin indeed , no Man doubts . And it may be observed too , if this Lord pleases , that this Precept was given to the People too , as well as to the Disciples , ver , 1. and then , for ought I know , this Truth will come in as strongly to pull down Temporal Lords , as Bishops ; and what will his Lordship say to that ? As for that which is added by this Lord , If ye strive for Greatness , he shall be greatest who is the greatest Servant to the rest : Though the words differ somewhat from the Text , yet my Lord must be content to hear , that there is a twofold Greatness ; the one in God's account , and that 's Greatness indeed : And so our Saviour means it here , that he is Greatest who is the greatest Servant to the rest , ( if this Lord will needs read it so : ) The other is in Man's account , when one Man hath Power and Superiority over another ; and which was that which the Apostles affected . In which case , though our Saviour's Precept be , Whosoever will be great among you , let him be your Servant ; that is , the more serviceable to you and the Church , the greater he is ; yet these words ( it shall not be so with you ) do not deny this Authority or Greatness which one may have over another in the Church of Christ for the necessary Government thereof , though they neither do nor may Domineer over their Brethren . And therefore where St. Matthew reads it , he that will be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , great , and , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , first among you ; there St. Luke hath it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , greater , and , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Chief or Leader . Nor doth he say so as St. Matthew does , he that would be so , but , he that is , which argues clearly , that even in our Saviour's own account and Institution too , there was then , and should be after his Ascension greater and less , such as were to lead , and such as were to be led . No Parity , and yet no barbarous Lording ; but orderly and Christian Governing in the Church . And this must needs be so , or else Christ lest his Church in a worse Condition , than this Lord acknowledges the Civil Governments were among the Heathen , which he says might lawfully govern so . For I hope he will not say that even the Heathen might tyrannize . If this be not sufficient , this Lord puts us in mind that our Saviour says in another place , That he which lays his hand to the Plough , and looks back to the things of this World , is not sit for the Kingdom of God ; that is , the Preaching of the Gospel , as 't is usually called , St. Luke 9. ult . Where , first , it may be doubted whether this laying of the hand to the Plough belong to the Ministers of the Gospel only , or to others also . For if it belongs to others as well as to them ( though perhaps not so much ) then no Christian , though he be not a Minister , may have to do with Worldly Affairs ; and then we shall have a devout wise World quickly . Secondly , it may be doubted too whether this looking back be any kind of meddling at all with worldly Affairs , or such a meddling as shall so entangle the Husbandman that his Plough stands still , or so bewitches him , that he forsakes his Plough , that is , his Calling altogether . If it be no meddling at all , no Man can live ; if it be no meddling , but that which entangles , then any Minister may meddle with Worldly Affairs , so far and so long as he entangles not himself with them : And so far as to entangle himself , no Christian may meddle , that will live Godly in Christ Jesus . If this be not sufficient , this Lord will prove it e'er he hath done , for he goes on . To be thus withdrawn , by entangling themselves with the Affairs of this Life , by the Necessity and Duty of an Office receiv'd from Men , from the Discharge of that Office which God hath called them to , brings a Woe upon them . Woe unto me ( saith the Apostle ) if I Preach not the Gospel . What doth he mean ? If I Preach not once a Quarter , or once a Year in the King's Chapel ? No. He himself interprets it , preach the Word , be instant in season and out of season ; rebuke , exhort or instruct with all long-Suffering and Doctrine . He that hath an Office must attend on his Office , especially this of the Ministery . I see my Lord will not mend his Terms , though they marr the Sense , and mislay the Question . For no Man says that which this Lord so often repeats ; namely , that a Bishop or any other Clergy-Man may entangle himself with the Affairs of this Life ( which yet may be with Covetousness and Voluptuous Living , as much or more than with being called to Council in Civil Affairs ) by any Office received from Man , from the discharge of that Office , which God hath called them unto . No! God forbid ! this would bring a Woe upon them indeed . But since no Man says it , this Lord fights here with his own Shadow . For all that is said is this , that a Bishop being grown old and full of Experience , if the King , or the State in which he lives , thinks him for his Wisdom , Experience and Fidelity fit to be employed in Civil Councils or Affairs , be it with an Office or without , the Bishop may lawfully undertake this , so he be able to discharge it without deserting the Office which God and his Church have laid upon him . But if he takes it , and be not able to discharge both ; or being able , doth loiter and not discharge them ; either of these is Vitium Hominis , the fault of the Person , but the thing is lawful . As for the place of Scripture which his Lordship adds , I doubt his Lordship understands it not as the Apostle means it ; for 't is a Text very much abused by ignorant Zeal . For when he saith , Woe unto me if I preach not the Gospel , 1 Cor. 9. 16. what doth he mean ? if he Preach not once a Quarter ? No sure , that 's too seldom . What then ? if he Preach not once a Year in the King's Chapel ? No sure , much less . For in those days there was no King in Corinth , nor any where else , that was Christian , to have a Chapel to Preach in . So this Lord might have let this Scorn alone , had it so pleased him . No ; nor is it if a Man Prate not three or four times a Week in one of his Lordship's Independent Congregations , and then call it Preaching : The Apostle knew no such Schismatical Conventicles . No sure , None of this . Why but what is this Preaching then , the neglect whereof draws this Woe after it ? This he tells you St. Paul interprets himself , 2 Tim. 4. 2. 't is to Preach the Word . 'T is indeed , and neither Schism nor Sedition , which are the common Themes of these Times . 'T is to be instant in Preaching the Word , as God gives Ability and Opportunity ; 't is to be instant in season and out of season ; that is , to take God's Opportunity rather than our own , and not Preach out of season only , as some of this Lord 's great Favourites use to do ; 't is to rebuke , exhort and instruct with Knowledge and Gravity , and not spend Hours in idle and empty Discourses . And all this is to be done with all long-Suffering and Doctrine ; and let the Clergy but study hard , and provide that their Doctrine be sound and good , and I will pass my word this Lord and his Friends shall take order they shall do it with all the long Suffering that may be ; and if they do not suffer enough , or not long enough , it shall not be his Fault , so dearly doth he love that they should Preach the Word . Nay , I must go farther yet . To preach the Word in this manner , is not only to go up into the Pulpit , and thence deliver wholsom and pious Instructions , and necessary and Christian Reproof , though this be , as the commendable , so the ordinary way of publick Preaching , that most at once may hear . For he may be said to Preach the Gospel , that any ways declares Christ 〈◊〉 , and informs the Understandings and Consciences of Men , for right Belief and true Obedience , be it privately or publickly ; be it by word of Mouth or by Writing : and a Man may be seasonably instant this way sometimes , when in the publick way of Preaching he cannot . And if this be not so , how is it said of the Apostles , Acts 5. 42. that in the Temple and in every House , they ceased not to teach and to preach Jesus Christ , Acts. 20. 20. I have taught you publickly , and from House to House . And I believe some Bishops , whom this Lord in this passage is pleased to jeer at , have preached more and to more purpose , than any of his Lordship's Divinity-darlings . That which follows is true , that he which hath an Office , must wait upon his Office , Rom. 12. 7. and especially this of the Ministery ; of which Office there the Apostle principally treats . But this again no Man denies . And yet by his Lordship's good leave , no Man is bound to starve by waiting upon his Office. He must wait upon it , that 's true ; but he must provide necessarys too , that he may be able to wait . Next this Lord tells us , The Practice of the Apostles is answerable to the Direction and Doctrine of our Saviour . There never was , nor will be , Men of so great Abilities and Gifts as they were endued withal , yet they thought it so inconsistent with their Calling , to take Places of Judicature in Civil Matters , and Secular Affairs and Employments upon them , that they would not admit of the Care and Distraction that a business far more agreable to their Callings than these would cast upon them , and they give the Reason of it in the Sixth of the Acts , v. 2. It is not Reason that we should leave the Word of God , and serve Tables . There is no doubt but that the Practice of the Apostles was answerable to the Direction and Doctrine of our Saviour . And as certainly true it is , that there never were , nor ever will be , Men of so great Abilities and Gifts , in Supernatural and Heavenly things especially , as they were endued withal . But how will this Lord prove , that they thought it a thing absolutely inconsistent with their Callings to meddle with Temporal or Civil Affairs . No one of them hath in any place of Scripture expressed so much . Against entangling themselves with the World and the Affairs of it , I confess they have , but no more . Yet this Lord proves it thus : They would not admit of the Care and Distraction , that a business far more agreeable to their Calling than these would cast upon them . His Lordship means the Deacon's Office : And therefore surely they would not take these . But this Argument by his Lordship's leave is inconsequent : For if any Offices or Employments , how agreeable soever to their Calling , bring with them such Care and Distraction as shall in a manner quite take them off from Preaching the Gospel , the Apostles did not , and their Successours may not trouble themselves with them : When as yet the Apostles might , and their Successours may take on them other Employments , though in their Nature less agreeable to their Calling , if they be less distractive from it . Now the Deacon's Office ( as it was then ) brought more trouble upon them for the Poor and the Widows , than any Places of Judicature or Council do upon Clergy-men now . Which may appear by the very Reason they have given , and here remembred , that it was no Reason they should leave the Word of God and serve Tables . For there it is not said , that they might not at all meddle with the ordering of those Tables , but that it was not fit they should so meddle with them as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — leaving the word of God to attend them . And this to do no Man says is lawful now . But his Lordship presses this Argument yet farther . And again , when they had appointed them to choose Men fit for that business , they institute an Office rather for taking Care of the Poor , than they by it would be distracted from the principal Work of their Calling , and then shew how they ought to apply themselves : But we ( say they ) will give ourselves continually unto Prayer , and to the Ministery of the Word . Did the Apostles , Men of extraordinary Gifis , think it unreasonable for them to be hinder'd from giving themselves continually to preaching the Word and Prayer , by taking care for the Tables of Poor Widows ; and can Bishops now think it reasonable or lawful for them to contend for sitting at Council Tables , to govern States , to turn States-men instead of Churchmen , to sit in the highest Courts of Judicature , and to be employed in making Laws for Civil Polities and Government ? It is true indeed that the Apostles appointed the Disciples to choose Men fit for that business , and that they did institute the Office of Deacons to take care of the Poor , rather than they would be distracted from the principal Work of their Calling . But when was this done ? When ? Why not till the Disciples were multiplied ; not till there arose Contentions between the Greeks and the Hebrews , that that their Widows were neglected in the daily Ministration , Acts 6. 1. Therefore till the Work grew so heavy , and the Contentions so warm , the Apostles themselves did order those Tables , and attend them too . Therefore the Work was not unlawful in its self for them , for then it had been Sin in them to do it at all at any time . For that which is simply evil in , and of it self , is ever so ; therefore the most that can be made of this Example is , that it was lawful , very lawful and and charitable too , for the Apostles to take care of those Tables themselves ; and they did it . For all the Provision for the Poor was brought and laid at the Apostles feet , Acts 4. 35. which doubtless would never have been done , had it been unlawful for the Apostles to order and to distribute it . But when they found the encreasing Burthen too heavy for both the one Work and the other , then , though both were lawful , yet it was more expedient to leave the Tables than the Word of God , with which the World was then as little acquainted , as now 't is full of ; ( and I pray God it be not full to a dangerous Surfeit . ) Now this , as I conceive in Humility , states the Bishops Business : For to me it seems out of Question , that it is most lawful for Bishops to be conversant in all the Courts , Councils , and Places of Judicature , to which they have been called since the Reformation in the Church and State of England , till they find themselves , or be found unable to discharge the one Duty and the other . And then indeed I grant no serving of Tables , no nor Council Tables is to be preferred . But then you must not measure Preaching only by a formal going up into the Pulpit : For a Bishop ( and such Occasions are often offer'd ) may Preach the Gospel more publickly , and to far greater Edisication in a Court of Judicature , or at a Council Table , where great Men are met together to draw things to an Issue , than many Preachers in their several Charges can ; and therefore to far more Advancement of the Gospel , than any one of his Lordship's Sect at a Tables end in his Lordship's Parlour , or in a Pulpit in his Independent Congregation , wheresoever it be . And when he hath said all that he can , or any Man else , this shall be found true , that there is not the like Necessity of Preaching the Gospel lying upon every Man in Holy Orders , now Christianity is spread and hath taken Root , as lay upon the Apostles and Apostolical Men , when Christ and his Religion were Strangers to the whole World. And yet I speak not this to cast a Damp or Chilness upon any Man's Zeal or Diligence in that Work : No , God forbid ! For , though I conceive there is not the same Necessity , yet a great Necessity there is still , and ever will be , to hold 〈◊〉 both the Verity and Devotion which attend Religion ; and — Non 〈◊〉 est Virtus , quam quaerere , parta tueri . So there may be as great Vertue in the Action , though perhaps not equal Necessity of it . Besides , Deacons were not Lay Men , but Men in Holy Orders , though inferiour to the Apostles ; as appears by Stephen's undertaking the Libertines and Cyrenians in the Cause of Christ ; and Philip's Preaching of Christ in Samaria , and Baptizing . And if they were of the Seventy ( as Epiphanius thinks they were , Haer. ) then they were Presbyters before they had this Temporary Office ( if such it were ) put upon them . Therefore , if to meddle with these things were simply unlawful in themselves , or for Men in Holy Orders : Or , if all meddling with them were such a Distraction , as must needs make them leave the Preaching of the Gospel , then these Seventy might not discharge the Office to which they were chosen ; and if this be so , then this Lord must needs infer that the Apostles , and all which chose them , did sin in Instituting such Men to take care of the Tables , and to distract them from Preaching of the Word ; which they thought unfit for themselves to do . And yet , I hope , my Lord will not say this in his privatest Conventicle . Nay , yet more ; though this Care was delivered over to the Deacons in ordinary , yet Calvin tells us plainly , that in things of moment they could do nothing — Nec quicquam — without the Authority of the Presbyters . So they meddled still . Next this Lord shews , since the Apostles did not think fit to distract themselves with Business about these Tables , how they ought to apply themselves . And this he sets down in the Apostle's Words , Acts 6. 4. But we will give our selves continually to Prayer , and the Ministery of the Word . And yet I hope this Lord doth not think the Apostles by this word continually , meant to do nothing else but Pray and Preach : For if they did one of these two continually without any intermission , then they could do nothing else , which is most apparently false . And indeed ( which it seems this learned Lord considered not ) this word continually is not in the Text. For in the Greek the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we will be constant and instant in Prayer and Ministration of the Word ; which may and ought to be done , though neither of them continually ; and which many of God's Servants have done , and yet meddled some way or other with temporal or worldly Affairs . The Argument is over : The rest of this Passage is this Lord's Rhetorick , which I shall answer as I repeat it . Did the Apostles ( saith his Lordship ) Men of extraordinary Gifts , think it unreasonable for them to be hindred from giving themselves continually to Preaching the Word and Prayer , by taking care of the Tables of the poor Widows ? No ; sure they they did not think it unreasonable ; that is this Lord's word to make the present business of the Bishops more Odious , as if it were against common Reason . But there 's no such word in the Text. The word is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is not meet . Now many things may not be meet or comely , which yet are not altogether unreasonable : Nay , which at some times , and upon some occasions , may be meet and comely enough ; nay , perhaps necessary for the very Gospel it self , and therefore no way unreasonable ; howsoever at this time unfit for the Apostles , and worthily refused by them . Well ; the Rhetorick goes on . Did the Apostles thus , and can the Bishops now think it reasonable or lawful for them ? Yes , the Times and Circumstances being varied , and many things become fit which in some former Times were not , they can think it both reasonable and lawful , nay , necessary for some of them . What ? To contend for sitting at Council Tables ? No ; God forbid , perhaps not to sue for sitting there , but certainly not to contend for it ; but to sit there being called unto it , and to give their best Advice there , never unlawful , and oft-times necessary : And here let me tell this Lord by the way , that the Bishop which he hath sufficiently hated , was so far from contending for this , that though he had that Honour given him by His Majesty to sit there many Years , yet I do here take it upon my Christianity and Truth , that he did never move His Majesty directly or indirectly for that Honour , and was surprized with it as altogether unlooked for , when His Majesty's Resolution therein was made known unto him . Nor ever did that Bishop take so much upon him , as a Justiceship of the Peace , or meddle with any Lay-Employment , save what the Laws and Customs of this Realm laid upon him in the High Commission and the Star-Chamber , while those Courts were in being ; and continued Preaching till he was Threescore and four , and then was taken off by Writing of his Book against Fisher the Jesuit , being then not able at those Years to continue both . And soon after the World knows what trouble befel him , and in time they will know why too , I hope . Besides , the Care of Government , which is another part of a Bishop's Office , and a necessary one too , lay heavy upon him , in these Factious and broken Times especially . And whatsoever this Lord thinks of it , certainly , though Preaching may be more necessary for the first planting of a Church , yet Government is more noble and necessary too , where a Church is planted ; as being that which must keep Preaching and all things else in order . And Preaching ( as 't is now used ) hath as much need to be kept in order as any , even the greatest Extravagance that I know . Nor is this out of Christ's Commission , Pasce Oves , John 21. 15. for the feeding of his Sheep . For a Shepherd must guide , govern , and defend his Sheep in the Pasture , as well as drive them to it . And he must see that their Pasture be not tainted too , or else they will not thrive upon it . And then he may be answerable for the Rot that falls among them . The Rhetorick goes farther yet . To contend for sitting at Council Tables to govern States . No , but yet to assist them being called by them . To have States-Men instead of Church-Men . No , but doing the Duty of Church-Men , to mingle pious Counsels with States-Mens Wisdom . To sit in the highest Courts of Judicature : And why not , in a Kingdom where the Laws and Customs require it ? Not to be employed in making Laws for Civil Polities and Government . And I conceive there is great Reason for this in the Kingdom of England , and greater since the Reformation than before . Great Reason , because the Bishops of England have been accounted , and truly been , grave and experienced Men , and far fitter to have Votes in Parliaments for the making of Laws , than many young Youths which are in either House : And because it is most fit in the making of Laws for a Kingdom , that some Divines should have Vote and Interest to see ( as much as in them lies ) that no Law pass , which may perhaps , though unseen to others , intrench upon Religion it self , or the Church . And I make no doubt but that these and the like Considerations settled it so in England , where Bishops have had their Votes in Parliaments , and in making Laws , ever since there were Parliaments ; yea , or any thing that resembled them in this Kingdom . And for my part , were I able to give no Reason at all why Bishops should have Votes in Parliament , yet I should in all Humility think that there was and is still some great Reason for it , since the Wisdom of the State hath successively in so many Ages thought it fit . And as there is great Reason they should have Votes in making Laws , so is there greater Reason for it since the Reformation than before . For before that time Clergy-Men were governed by the Church Canons and Constitutions , and the Common Laws of England had but little Power over them . Then in the Year 1532. the Clergy submitted ; and an Act of Parliament was made upon it : So that ever since the Clergy of England , from the Highest to the Lowest , are as much subject to the Temporal Laws as any other Men , and therefore ought to have as free a Vote and Consent to the Laws which bind them , as other Subjects have . Yet so it is , that all Clergy-Men are and have long since been excluded from being Members of the House of Commons , and now the Bishops and their Votes , by this last Act , are cast out of the Lord's House . By which it is at this Day come to pass , that by the Justice of England , as now it stands , no Clergy-Man hath a Consent , by himself or his Proxy , to those Laws to which all of them are bound . In the mean time , before I pass from this Point , this Lord must give me leave to put him in mind of that which was openly spoken in both Houses ; that the Reason why there was such a Clamour against the Bishops Votes was , because all or most of them Voted for the King , so that the potent Faction could not carry what they pleased , especially in the Vpper House . And when some saw they could not have their Will to cast out their Votes fairly , the Rabble must come down again , and Clamour against their Votes ; not without danger to some of their Persons . And come they did in Multitudes . But who procured their coming I know not , unless it were this Lord and his Followers . And notwithstanding this is as clear as the Sun , and was openly spoken in the House , that this was the true Cause only why they were so angry with the Bishops Votes ; yet this most Godly and Religious Lord pretends here a far better Cause than this ; namely , that they may , as they ought , carefully attend to the Preaching of the Word , and not be distracted from that great Work , by being troubled with these Worldly Affairs . And I make no doubt , but that the same Zeal will carry the same Men to the devout taking away the Bishops and the Church Lands , and perhaps the Parsons Tythes too , and put them to such Stipends as they shall think fit , that so they may Preach the Gospel freely , and not be drawn away with these Worldly Affairs from the principal Work of that Function , Well! my Lord must give me leave here to Prophesie a little : and 't is but this in short , Either the Bishops shall in few Years recover of this Hoarseness , and have their Honour and their Votes in Parliament again ; or , before many Years be past , all Baseness , Barbarity and Confusion will go near to possess both this Church and Kingdom . But this Lord hath yet somewhat more to say ; namely , that If they shall be thought fit to sit in such Places , and will undertake such Employments , they must not be there as ignorant Men , but must be knowing in Business of State ; and understand the Rules and Laws of Government , and thereby both their Time and Studies must be necessarily diverted from that which God hath called them unto . And this surely is much more Vnlawful for them to admit of , than that which the Apostles rejected as a distraction unreasonable for them to be interrupted by . Why but yet if they shall be thought fit to sit in such Places , and will undertake such Employments , what then ? Why then they must not sit there as ignorant Men , but they must be knowing Men , and understand the Rules and Laws of Government . This is most true ; and if any Man sit in those places as an Ignorant , 't is an ill Choice that is made of him , and he doth not well that accepts them . But sure , if Bishops sit there as Ignorants , they are much to be blamed . For if they spend their younger Studies before they meddle with Divinity , as they may and ought , sure there is some great Defect in them , if they be not as knowing Men in the Rules of Government as most Noblemen or others are , who spend all their younger time in Hawking and Hunting , and somewhat else : And this younger time of theirs , if Bishops have spent as they ought , they may with a little Care and Observation , and without any great Diversion of their Time and Studies from that which God hath called them unto , perform those Places with great Knowledge and much Happiness to the States in which they serve , as hath formerly in this , and doth at present in other Neighbouring States appear . And for ought this Lord knows , if some Counsels had been followed , which some Bishops gave , neither the King , nor the State , nor the Church , had been in that ill Condition in which they now are . Nor are these Places more Unlawful for Bishops to admit of in these Times and Conditions of the Church , than that which the Apostles rejected as a Distraction , but not as an unreasonable one , in those Times and Beginnings of Christianity , as is proved before . But the Zeal of this Lord burns still , and as it hath fired him already out of the Church , and made him a Separatist ; so it would now sire the Bishops out of the State , and make them Members of Antichrist . His Lordship goes on therefore , and as before he told us the Practice of the Apostles was answerable to the Doctrine of Christ , so here he tells us again ; The Doctrine of the Apostles is agreeable to their Practice herein . For St. Paul , when he instructs Timothy for the Work of the Ministery , presseth this Argument from the Example of a good Soldier : No Man that warreth entangleth himself with the Affairs of the World. The Doctrine of the Apostles is agreeable indeed to their Practice herein , and in all things else ; and I would to God with all my Heart this Lord's Opinions were agreeable to either their Practice or their Doctrine ; and then , I am sure , he would be a better Soldier for Christ , than this poor Church hath cause to believe he is . But his Lordship says that Paul when he instructs Timothy for the Work of the Ministery , presseth this Argument from the Example of a good Soldier ; That no Man that warreth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , entangles himself with the Affairs of the World. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies involvere & permiscere se , to involve and , as it were , throughly to mingle himself with that which he undertakes ; to be so busied , ut extricare se non possit , that he cannot untwist himself out of the Employment : And I easily grant that no good Christian , much less any good Bishop , may so entangle himself with the World , as either to Desert his Calling , or to be so distracted from it , as not to do his Duty in it , But this bars not all meddling with it . For the Geneva Note upon that place says plainly , he may not extangle himself ; no , not so much as with his Houshold and other ordinary Affairs . But then if he shall not meddle with , or take care of these at all , he may beg or starve , unless he have better Means than the Competency which this Devout Age thinks sufficient for the Ministery . Nay , which is more , he may by so doing fall under that heavy Sentence of the Apostle , 1 Tim. 5. 8. That if he provide not for his own , he hath denied the Faith , and is worse than are Insidels . Nay , which is yet more , if all meddling with Temporal Affairs , all Care of the World be an Entanglement , the Clergy must needs be in a Perplexity whatsoever they do . For if they meddle with any Worldly Business , and entangle themselves , they do that they ought not , 2 Tim. 2. 4. And if they do not meddle with Worldly Affairs , and so do not provide for their own ; and provide they cannot without some meddling . Then , for sear of this Lord 's sowr Divinity , that all meddling with is entangling in them , they are worse than Infidels . Now a Perplexity which shall wrap a Man up in Sin which way soever he sets himself to Action , is so contrary to Divine Justice , as that no Law or Scripture of God can command it , nor any right Reason of Man approve it . But examining this Text farther I find two things more observable . The one , that the Soldier here , whose Example is the ground of this Argument , is not bound under Pain of any Sin , not to busie himself with the Affairs of this Life ; but he doth it not ( saith the Text ) to the end he may please him whose Soldier he is . So then , if any Man , the better to please God , forbears this Employment , and his Conscience and Love to his Calling be his Motives so to do , he does well . But if another Man , who hath no scruple in himself , and finds he can do both without an Entanglement by the one to the prejudice of the other , and thereupon be so employ'd ( for ought I know ) he doth not sin . The other is , perhaps this Lord may find that St. Paul here in this place instructs Timothy , not so much for the Work of the Ministery ( as here he affirms ) as for the general Work of Christianity . For , Ver. 1. he exhorts to Constancy and Perseverance , that he be strong in the Grace which is in Jesus Christ. And then this Argument falls upon other Christians as well as upon Ministers , though not so much . And then I hope this Lord , who is so careful for our Spiritual Warfare , will take some care of his own also ; if the great care which he takes at this present for the Militia of the Kingdom entangles him not . But his Lordship is now come to conclude this Point . I conclude ; That which by the Commandment of our Saviour , by the Practice and Doctrine of the Apostles , and I may add by the Canons of ancient Councils grounded thereupon , is prohibited to Ministers of the Gospel , and shewed to be such a distraction unto them from their Calling and Function , as will bring a Woe upon them , and is not reasonable for them to admit of ; if they shall notwithstanding entangle themselves withal , and enter into , it will bring a Guilt upon their Souls , and hurt them in respect of their Consciences . His Lordship is now come ( so he tells us ) to conclude this Point ; and in this Conclusion he artificially sums up , and briefly , all his Arguments . I shall as briefly touch at my Answers before given , and stay upon nothing , unless I find somewhat new . This done , I shall wait upon him ( for that 's his desire Clergy-Men should ) to the next Point . And truly , I find nothing new in the folding up this Conclusion , but that he says , he may add that Ministers are prohibited from meddling with Wordly Affairs , by the Canons of Antient Councils grounded upon the Apostles Doctrine . The Church is much beholding to this Lord that he will vouchsafe to name her Antient Councils : He doth not use to commit this Fault often , and yet lest he should sin too much in this kind , he doth but tell you that he may add these , but he adds them not . It may be he doubts , that if he should name those Canons , some sufficient Answer might be given them , and yet the Truth remain firm , that it is not only lawful , but fit and expedient in some times and cases , for Bishops to intermeddle with , and give Counsel in Temporal Affairs ; and though this Lord names none , yet I will produce and examine such Canons and Antient Councils as I find , and see what they say in this business . The first I meet withal is — But here I find my self met with and prevented too , by a Book entituled Episcopacy asserted , made by a Chaplain of mine , Mr. Jer. Taylor , who hath learnedly looked into and answered such Canons of Councils as are most quick upon Bishops or other Clergy-Men for meddling much in Temporal Affairs . And therefore thither I refer the Reader , being not willing to trouble him with saying over another Man's Lesson ; only I shall examine such Councils ( if any I find ) which my Chaplain hath not met with or omitted . And the last that I meet with is the † Council of Sardis ; which though the last , is as high up in the Church as about the Year 347. And there was a Canon to restrain Prelats from their frequent resorts to the Court : Yet there are many Cases left at large in which they are permitted to use their own Judgment and Freedom . So that Canon seems to bring along with it rather Counsel than Command . And howsoever they are well left to their Liberty ( as I conceive it ) because to frequent the Court , as over-loving the place , is one thing ; and to go thither , though often , when good Cause calls for them ( be that Cause Spiritual or Temporal ) is far from an Offence . For if it be Spiritual , they must go ; that 's their Office and Duty directly : And I see no Reason why the Physitians should be forbid to visit the places of greatest Sickness . This I am sure of , * Constantine the Great commanded the personal attendance of Bishops and other Clergy-Men in his Court. And if it be Temporal ; they may go : that 's their Duty by Consequence , especially , if they be called . For as their exemplary Piety may move much , so do I not yet know any designs of State , which are made the worse by Religion ; or any Counsels of Princes hurt by being communicated with Bishops , in whom doth , or should reside the Care of Religion and Religious Conversation . But perchance I have known some Counsels miscarry for want of this . The next is the first † Council at Carthage , and there the Prohibition runs thus , They which are of the Clergy , non accedant ad Actus seu Administrationem , vel Procurationem domorum ; which forbids ( as I conceive it ) this only , that they should not be Stewards of the Houses , or Bailiffs of the Lands of great Persons . And this may be both in regard of the great trouble belonging to such Places , and the hazard of Scandal which might arise , in case there should happen any failure in such great Accounts . And in the * Code of the African Councils it is thus read , non sint Conductores & Procuratores , nec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & inhonesto negotio , victum quaerant : which I think is the truer Reading . And then this Council doth not fordid all meddling in in Secular Affairs , but such as by their dishonest gain draw Scandal upon the Church : And there is great Reason such should be forbidden them . A third I meet withal , and that is the Council of † Eliberis about the Year of our Lord 306. where the Canon seems to be very strict against Clergy-Men's going to Markets and Fairs negotiandi causa , to make profit by negotiation ; but require them to send their Son , their Friend or their Servant to do such business for them . And yet this Prohibition as strict as it seems , is not absolute , nor binding , farther than that they shall not pursue those matters of Gain out of their own Provinces ; but if they will and think fit , they might for all this Canon negotiate , either for their necessary maintenance or improvement of their Fortunes , so that they wandred not abroad out of their own Province where they serve . In the mean time when all these , or any other Councils are duly weighed , and their meaning right taken , this will be the result of all ; that neither Bishop nor other Clergy-Man might or may , by the Canons of Holy Church , ambitiously seek , or voluntarily of himself assume any Secular Engagement . And as they might not ambitiously seek great Temporal Employments , so might they not undertake any low or base ones for sordid and covetous ends . Nor might they relinquish their own Charge to spend their Strength in the assistance of a foreign one . But though they might not seek or voluntarily assume Secular Employment , * yet they might do any lawful thing impos'd on them by their Superiours . And so might the Bishop ( who had no Superiour in his Province ) if the Prince required his Service ; or that he thought it necessary for the present State of the Church in which he liv'd : † For if he might transmit his Power to those of the inferiour Clergy , no doubt but he might deal himself in such Civil Affairs , as are agreeable to the dignity of his Place and Calling : and generally the Bishop , or any other Clergy-Man , may and might by the ancient Canons of the Church be employed in any Action of Piety , though that Action be attended with Secular care and trouble . And this is without any strain at all collected out of that great and famous Council of Chalcedon , one of the four first General Councils , approved of highly throughout all Christendom , and with great reverence acknowledged in the Laws of this Kingdom . And therefore after the Canon of that Council had laid it down in general terms , that neither Bishop , Clerk , nor Monk , should farm Grounds , or immescere se , mix himself as it were with such Temporal Affairs , it adds some exceptions of like Nature to those by me expressed , especially the last of them . And some of these will expound the Canon of any Council which I have yet seen , that speaks most against Clergy-Mens embarking themselves in Secular Business . And therefore though this Lord would not , yet I have laid before you whatsoever is come to my Knowledge out of the Antient Councils ; where by this last cited and great Council , his Lordship may see , that Bishops should meddle with and order some Temporal Affairs , as Persons in that kind fitter to be trusted than other Men of what Rank or Condition soever ; and therefore excepts from its own general Canon the Cases of Orphans and Widows , and the Estates of such Persons as most need Ecclesiastical help , or where any Cause in the fear of God requires it . In which Cases the Widows and the Fatherless have had much cause to bless God , when they have been referred to the Conscience , Trust and Care of Bishops . But this were in a manner to make them Masters of the Wards or Guardians to them , which I know this Lord will not like by any means . It would come too near his Office ; and then he would cry out indeed , that this was a greater Distraction of them from their Function to which God had called them , than that of the attending poor Widows Tables was to the Apostles : And yet he sees what some Canons of Antient Councils have decreed in this Case . Besides , we cannot have a better or a clearer Evidence of the true meaning of the Antient Canons than from the Practice of the Antient Fathers of the Church , who were strict and consciencious Observers of the Canons , and yet ( as is before proved ) meddled in many , and some the greatest Givil Affairs , being employed as Ambassadors from great Emperors and Kings : And * Balsamon observes , that whensoever it shall please the Prince to call any Bishops to such Employments , they neither are to be restrained by the aforesaid Canons , nor censured by them . I conclude this Point then , that Bishops are not prohibited to meddle with Civil publick Affairs , either by Christ's command , or by the Apostle's either Doctrine or Practice ( though all their Practice doth not give an absolute Rule for all future Obedience as their Doctrine doth ) and I may add not by Canons of Antient Councils ( rightly understood ) nor are all of them such Distractions as will bring a Woe upon Bishops or other Clergy-Men , though they meddle with them : I rather believe some things will be in a woful Case if they meddle not . And in some Cases there 's all the Reason in the World they should be not only permitted , but some of them commanded to meddle ; to the end that in all Consultations , especially the greatest , in Parliament , and at Council Table , it might be their care to see that Religion were kept upright in all ; and that nothing by Practice or otherwise pass , cum detrimento Religionis & Ecclesiae , with detriment to Religion or the Church , always provided that they do not so entangle themselves in any of these Affairs , as shall much prejudice their Function ; and this done , I know no Guilt that this meddling can bring upon their Souls , or hurt their Consciences . But this Lord having ( as he thinks ) concluded the contrary , proceeds now to the next Point , and says , that In the next place this meddling in Temporal Affairs doth 〈◊〉 them , and strike them in their Credits ; so far from Truth is that Position which they desire to possess the World withal , that unless they may have those outward Trappings , or worldly Pomp added to the Ministery , that Calling will grow into Contempt and be despised . Good God! How Pious this Lord is , and what a careful Friend over the Church ! First , he takes care the Bishops Consciences may not be hurt , and now he is as jealous over their Credits . But I doubt he is jealous over them amiss : For he is of Opinion , that meddling in Civil Affairs strikes them in their Credit ; and he thinks farther , that the Position with which they would possess the World in this case is far from Truth . Let 's examine this Position then , what it is , and what it works . The Position is , ( as this Lord reports it ) That unless they may have these outward Trappings , or worldly Pomp added to the Ministery , their Calling will grow into Contempt . First , there was never any Age in any Kingdom Christian , in which the Bishops were ridden with so much Scorn and Contempt as they are at this day in England ; and this makes this Lord , though he be a very ordinary Horseman for any good Service , please himself with Trappings . Secondly , for the worldly Pomp which he means and expresses , the Train of that hath been long since cut short enough in England ; and he that will not look upon the Bishops with an evil Eye must needs acknowledge it . Well , but what then doth this Position work ? Why they may not have these Trappings , there will follow Contempt upon their Calling ; so he makes the Bishops say . Is this Lord of that Opinion too ? No sure ; for he says , The Truth is , these things cast Contempt upon them in the Eyes of Men. They gain them Cap and Courtesie , but they have cast them out of the Consciences of Men ; and the Reason is this , every thing is esteemed as it is eminent in its own proper Excellency ; the Eye in seeing , not in hearing ; the Ear in hearing , not in speaking . The one would be rather monstrous than comely , the other is ever acceptable , being proper . So is it with them : their proper Excellency is Spiritual , the denial of the World , with the Pomps , and Preferments , and Employments thereof . This they should teach and practice . Well then , the question is , Whether the Honour of Bishops and their Employments in Temporal Affairs , as they are at this day moderated , in the Church and State of England , bring Contempt upon them and their Calling , as this Lord says ; or help to keep off Contempt , as he says the Bishops would possess the World. First , I am clear of Opinion that Solomon was almost as wife as this Lord thinks himself , and yet he says plainly , Eccles. 9. 16. That though Wisdom in its self be far better than Folly , yet the poor Man's Wisdom is despised , and his Words not heard . And we see in daily Experience , that a poor Minister's Words are as much slighted in the Pulpit , as a poor Man 's in the Gate . And therefore these things which this Lord calls Trappings , are many times very necessary to keep off that Contempt and Despight which the boisterous Multitude , when their Sins are reproved , are apt to cast upon them . And whatsoever this Lord thinks , t is a great Credit and Support to the rest of the Clergy , and being well used , a great advantage to their Calling , that the Bishops and other Eminent Men of the Clergy should have moderate Plenty for Means , and enjoy Honour and external Reputation ; and though it be well known that the Church consider'd in Abstract , in and by its self only , is not promoted nor advanced by such Employments , yet , as she is considered in her Peregrination and Warfare , she gains by them great both Strength and Encouragement . Secondly , That which this Lord adds , that those things gain the Bishops Cap and Courtesie , but have cast them out of the Consciences of Men. 'T is well that these things gain them that . For the Age is grown so churlish to that Calling , that I believe they would have very little of either , were it not for these things ; as will too soon appear now this last Act of Parliament hath taken away their Trappings . As for that which follows next , that these things have cast them out of the Consciences of Men , that 's not so : For in other Kingdoms that are Christian , and some Reformed as well as other , they have more Employment in Civil Affairs than with us , and yet are in high esteem in the Consciences of Men. But the Truth is , Schisin and Separation have so torn Men from Clergy and Church , from God and Christ and all , that they have not only cast Bishops , but Religion too out of their Consciences , and their Consciences are thrown after , God knows whither . Now for the Reason which this Lord gives , he is quite wide in that also . For every thing is not esteemed as it is eminent in its own proper Excellency ( as he says it is ) : Indeed it ought to be so , but so it is not . For in the place before cited , Eccles. 9. 16. Wisdom is better than Folly , and is most eminent in its own proper Excellency , but is it always esteemed so ? No sure ; for the poor Man's Wisdom is despised . There , however it ought to be esteemed for its proper Excellency , yet if it be found in a poor Subject , 't is despised and accounted as mean and vile as he is that hath it . And as for the Illustration which his Lordship makes of this his Proposition , 't is meerly fallacious . For Arguments drawn from Natural Things , which ever work constantly the same way , to Moral Things , which depend upon voluntary and mutable Agents , will seldom or never universally follow : And therefore though it be true , that the Eye is esteemed for seeing , not hearing ; and the Ear for hearing , not speaking ; and should it be otherwise it would be rather monstrous than comely . That 's true , because they are Agents determined ad unum , to that one Operation , and cannot possibly do the other ; but then , by his Lordship's leave , so it is not with Bishops ; for though their proper Excellency be indeed Spiritual , yet they may meddle with other things so long as they can observe the Apostle's Rule , 1 Cor. 7. 31. and use this World as if they used it not ; that is , use it so long and so far as may help their Service of God , and cast it off when it shall hinder them . But this Lord thinks all use of these things , and Employments in them , to be unlawful for our Calling . And therefore he adds , That when they , contrary hereunto , seek after a worldly Excellency , like the great Men of the World ; and to Rule and Domineer as they do , contrary to our Saviour's Precept , Vos autem non sic , But it shall not be so amongst you : Instead of Honour and Esteem , they have brought upon themselves , in the Hearts of the People , that Contempt and 〈◊〉 which they now lie under ; and that justly and necessarily , because the World sees that they prefer a worldly Excellency , and run after it , and contend for it , before their own ; which being Spiritual is far more excellent , and which being proper to the Ministery , is that alone which will put a Value and Esteem upon them that are of that Calling . All this which follows is but matter of Ampliation , to help aggravate the business , and to make Bishops so hateful to other Men , as they are to himself . For I hope no Bishops of this Church do seek after worldly Excellency contrary to their Function ; at least I know none that do : And they are far from being like the Great Men of the World. As to Ruling , 't is proper enough to them , so far as Authority is given , but Domineer they do not . This comes from this Lord's Spleen , not from their Practice : And by that time his Lordship hath sat a while longer in the State , Men will find other manner of Domineering from him , than they found from the Bishops . Nor do they in their meddling with Civil Affairs in such sort as is now practised in England , go contrary to our Saviour's Precept , Vos autem non sic , It shall not be so amongst you , as I have proved before . Most true indeed it is , that the poor Bishops of this Church do now instead of Honour and Esteem lie under Contempt and Odium in the Hearts of the People . Of some , not of all ; no nor either of the greater or the better part , for all the noise that hath been raised against them ; and this Lord is much deceived to say they have brought it upon themselves . For it is but part of the Dirt which this Lord and his fellow Sectaries have most unchristian-like cast upon them : And this only to wrest their Votes out of Parliament , that now they are gone , they may the better compass their ends against Church and State , which God preserve against their Malice and Hypocrisie . But this Lord says farther , That the Bishops have brought this Contempt upon themselves justly and necessarily . Now God forbid that it should be either ; and his Lordship proves it but by saying the same thing over again , namely , because the World sees that they prefer a worldly Excellency , and run after it , and contend for it before their own . And surely if they do this , they are much to blame ; but I believe the World sees it not , unless it be such of the World as look upon them with this Lord's Eyes , and that when they are at the worst too . And I verily persuade my self and I think upon very good grounds , that the present Bishops of this Kingdom , all or the most of them , are as far from any just tax in this or any other kind , as they have been in any former Times since the Reformation . 'T is true , that their own Calling being Spiritual , is far more excellent ; and I shall the better believe it , when I see this Lord and the rest value it so . For I have told his Lordship already , that every thing which is more excellent in its self , is not always so esteemed by others : And though this Excellency be never so proper , yet by his good leave , it is not that alone which will put a value and esteem upon them and their Calling . There must be some outward helps to encourage , and countenance , and reward them too , or else Flesh and Blood are so dull , that little will be done . And suppose this Religious Lord , and some few like himself , would value and esteem them for their Spiritual Calling only , yet what are these to so many as would 〈◊〉 them ? And yet to speak the Truth freely , I do not see this Lord , nor any of that Feather , put a value upon that Calling for the Spiritual Excellency only ; for then all Ministers that do their Duty should be valued and esteemed by them , the Calling being alike Spiritual and alike Excellent in all : whereas the World sees they neither care for nor countenance any Ministers , but such as separate with them from the Church of England , or are so near to it , as that they are ready to step into an Independent Congregation , so soon as by the Artifice of this Lord and others , it may be made ready to receive them . Now this Lord having thus belaboured these two Points , that Bishops by meddling in Civil Affairs do hurt themselves in their Consciences and in their Credits ; he proceeds to instruct us farther . And thus , As these things hurt themselves in their Consciences and Credits , so have they , and if they be continued , still will make them hurtful to others . The Reason is , because they break out of their own Orb and move irregularly . There is a Carse upon their leaving their own Place . My Lord is now come to his second general part of his Speech , and means to prove it if he can , that Bishops by any kind of meddling in Civil Affairs do not only hurt themselves in Conscience and in Credit , but also , if they continue in them , they will make them hurtful to others also . And that he may seem to say nothing without a Reason , his Lordship tells us the Reason of this is , because they break out of their own Orb and move irregularly . But I conceive this Reason weak enough . For first ( as is before proved ) these Stars ( to follow my Lord in his Metaphor ) are not so fixed to their Orb of Preaching the Gospel , but that they may do other things also at other times , so this be not neglected . And therefore it will not follow that all their Motions out of this Orb are irregular . Secondly , when they do thus move , they are not violently to break out of their Orb , but to sit still till Authority find cause to call any of them a little aside , to attend Civil Affairs , that they may proceed never the worse , and the Gospel the better . As for that Curse which this Lord speaks of , which follows upon their leaving of their own Place ; I know of none , nor any leaving of their own Place . This I am sure of , whatever this Lord says , that many extraordinary Blestings and Successes have come both upon this Kingdom and other Nations , by Counsels given by Clergy-Men ; and I pray God his Counsels , such as they have been , do not bring Dishonour , and a Curse to boot , upon this Church and Kingdom . But his Lordship goes on with his Metaphor , and argues very strongly by Similitudes ; which hath but a Similitude of Argumentation . The Heavenly Bodies while they keep within their own Spheres give Light and Comfort to the World , but if they should break out and 〈◊〉 from their regular and proper Motions , they would set the World on 〈◊〉 So have these done . While they kept themselves to the Work of the Ministery alone , and gave themselves to Prayer and the Ministery of the Word , according to the Example of the Apostles , the World received the greatest Benefits from them ; they were the Light and Life thereof . But when their Ambition cast them down like Stars from 〈◊〉 to Earth , and they did grow once to be advanced above their Brethren ; I do appeal to all who have been versed in the antient Ecclesiastical History , or modern Histories , whether they have not been the common Incondiaries of the Christian World , never ceasing from Contention one with another about the Precedency of their Sees and Churches , Excommunicating one another , drawing Princes to be Parties with them , and thereby casting them into bloody Wars . This Argument is grounded upon si 〈◊〉 ruat , if Heaven falls we shall get store of Larks . But Heaven cannot sall , and so 't is here . The Heavenly Bodies while they keep within their own Spheres , give Light and Comfort to the World ; but if they should break out , which is impossible , and fall from their Regular Motions , which cannot possibly be , they would set the World on fire ; or perhaps drown it again ( had not God promised the contrary ) according as the Irregular Motion bended . So have these done . Nay , not so with this Lord's leave . For First , Clergy-Men are not so fixed to their Orbs as those Heavenly Bodies are , but in themselves are free and voluntary Agents , which those Bodies are not . And Secondly , they may and ought as occasion is offered them , do many things in publick Civil Affairs , which may much advantage the Gospel of Christ , and they will never Fire the World by such attendance upon them ; and they may and ought give themselves to Prayer and to the Ministery of the Word notwithstanding this : and they may be the same Benefits to the World of Light and Life as before . Yea , and I make no doubt , but that when this Lord and his Followers will be as liberal and devout as the Primitive Christians were , who sold their Land and 〈◊〉 the Money , and laid it at the Apostles Feet , Acts 4. 37. to make a Stock for their and the Church's Wants , the Bishops will be well content to follow the Apostles Example , as far and as well as they can . But if the Bishops may meddle with no Temporal Affairs , according to the Example of the Apostles ; how came the Apostles to meddle with the Receiving first , and after with the Layings out of all this Money ? For , say it was to be employed on charitable Actions , yet some Diversion more or less it must needs be to the Preaching of the Gospel . But since the Example and Practice of the Apostles is so often pressed by this Lord , I would willingly his Lordship should tell me ( if he will make their Practice a Rule general and binding ) why now among Christians all should not be common , as the Apostles and other Believers had it ; and that no Man might say that ought of the things which he possessed was his own , Acts 4. 32. and then where is the Property of the Subject ? And then why do we not go up and down and Preach at large , according to the Examples of the Apostles , and endure neither Division of Parishes nor Parish Churches ? And why do we not receive the Communion after Supper , at 't is well known Christ and his Apostles . did ? Indeed , if any Bishops or other Clergy-Men should become falling Stars from Heaven to Earth ; especially if their Sin should be so like the Devil 's as to cast themselves down by their own Ambition : That , as it makes the Fall heavy to them , so yet I must say to this Lord , that both Fall and Fault is the Person 's ; the Episcopal Office is not the cause of it , as is here charged by him . Nor did they become falling Stars so soon as they did once grow to be advanced above their Brethren , as this Lord insinuates it . For among the Apostles themselves there was a Chief in order , S. Luke 22. 26. and some were advanced to Dignity and Power above their Brethren , even in the Apostles Days ; whom yet , I presume , this Lord will not be so ill advised as to call fallen Stars . As for the Appeal which he makes to all them who have been versed in Antient or Modern Ecclesiastical Histories ; that 's no great matter . For in all Histories you shall find great Men of all sorts doing what in Honour and Duty should not be done ; and Ambition hath been the cause of very much of this , and Ambition sticks so close to Humane Nature , as that it follows it into all Professions and Estates of Men : And I would to God Clergy-Men had been freer from this Fault than Histories testifie they have . But this hath been but the fault of some ; many Reverend Bishops in all Ages have been clear of it , and 't is a personal Corruption in whomsoever it is , and cannot justly be charged upon the Calling , as this Lord lays it . Neither have the worst of them ( some Popes of Rome excepted ) been the common Incendiaries of the Christian World. But Incendiaries is grown a great word of late with this Lord ; and some of the poor Bishops of England have been made Incendiaries too by him and his Party . But might it please God to shew some token upon us for good , that they which hate us may see it , and be ashamed , Psalm 86. 17. there would be a full discovery who have been the Incendiaries indeed in these Troubles of England ; and then I make no question but it will appear that this Lord flames as high and as dangerously as any Man living . But behold ( saith God ) all ye that kindle a Fire , that compass your selves about with Sparks ; walk in the light of your own Fire , and in the Sparks which your selves have kindled . This shall ye have of my hand , ye shall lie down in Sorrow , Isai. 50. 11. Next I pray be pleased to consider , how unworthily , and fallaciously withal , this Lord manages this Proof . For all this Discourse tends to prove it unlawful for Bishops to intermeddle in Secular Affairs ; that so to do is hurtful to themselves in Conscience and in Credit , and to others also by this their irregular Motion . And this he proves by their never ceasing from Contention one with another , either about the Precedency of their Sees or Churches . They have indeed some , and sometimes , contended too eagerly for their Sees and Churches ; but neither all , nor any that I know with a never-ceasing , but the Bishop of Rome for his Supremacy . And say this were so , yet these Contentions were about their own proper Places , not about Civil Affairs , which now should lie before his Lordship in Proof ; and therefore was no irregular Motion of theirs in regard of the Object , but only in regard of the manner . Nor were they out of their Orb for this , though faulty enough . The like is to be said for that which follows , their Excommunicating one another upon these Quarrels . As for their drawing of Princes to be Parties with them , thereby casting them into bloody Wars ; this hath seldom happened , and whenever it hath happened , some Church business or other hath unhappily set it on , not their meddling in Temporal Affairs . But whatever caused it , the Crime of such misleading of Princes is very odious , and as hateful to me as it can be to his Lordship . But the Persons must bear their own Faults , and not the Calling ; and , sure I am , this Lord would think me very wild , if I should charge the antient Barons Wars in England , upon his Lordship and the Honourable Barons now living . But howsoever by this 't is plain , that this Lord would not only have the Bishops turned out of all Civil Employments , but out of their Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions also : They must have no Power nor Superiority there neither ; their Sees must be laid as level as Parity can make them . For all these Mischiefs came on ( saith he ) as soon as they were once advanced above their Brethren . And one thing more I shall take occasion to say . Here 's great Clamour made against the Bishops , and their meddling in Civil Affairs ; but what if the Presbytery do as much or more ? Do they Sin too by breaking out of their Orb , and neglecting the Work of the Ministery ? No , by no means : Only the Bishops are faulty . For do you think that Calvin would have taken on him the Umpirage , and composing of so many Civil Causes as he did order between Neighbours , if so great Sin had accompanied it ? For he dealt in Civil Causes , and had Power to a inflict Civil Punishments in his Consistory . For he committed divers to Prison for Dancing , and those not mean ones neither ; and he b arbitrated divers Causes ; and in a great Controversie between the Senate of Geneva , and a Gentleman , he tells one Frumentius who laboured for a Reconciliation , that the Church of Geneva was not so destitute , but that c Fratres mei ( saith he ) huic Provinciae subeundae pares futuri essent , some of his Brethren might have been fit for that Work. Belike he took it ill , that in such a Business , though meerly Civil , he and his Fellow-Ministers should be left out . And for matters in the Common-wealth he had so great Power in the Senate , and with the People , that all things were carried as he pleased . And himself brags of it , that the d Senate was his and the People his . And to encrease his Strength , and make it more formidable , he brought in Fifty or more of the French his Country-men and Friends , and by his solicitation made them Free Denizons of the City ; e of which and the Troubles thence arising he gave an account to Bullinger , Anno 1555. Or can you think that Beza would have taken upon him so much Secular Employment , had he thought it unlawful so to do ? For whereas in the Form of the Civil Government of that City , out of the Two hundred prime Men there was a perpetual Senate chosen of Sixty , as f Bodin tells us ; my worthy Predecessour g Arch-Bishop Bancroft assures me , Beza was one of these Threescore . And yet what a crying Sin is it grown in a Bishop to be honoured with a Seat at the Council-Table ? Besides this ; when Geneva sent a solemn Embassie to Henry IV. of France , about the razing of a Fort which was built near their City by the Duke of Savoy , * Beza would needs go along to commend that Spiritual Cause unto the King ; and how far he dealt , and laid Grounds for others to deal in all such Civil Causes , as were but in Ordine ad Spiritualia , is manifest by † himself . And I am sure Laesus proximus may reach into the Cognizance of almost all Civil Causes . Or can any Man imagine that so Religious a Man as Mr. Damport , the late Parson of St. Stephen's in Coleman-street , would have done the like to no small hindrance to Westminster-Hall , had he thought that by this meddling he had hurt both his Conscience and his Credit , whereas ( good Man ) he fled into New-England to preserve both . Or , if Mr. Alexander Henderson would have come along with the Scottish Army into England , and been a Commissioner ( as he was ) in that whole Treaty , wherein many of their Acts of Parliament concerning the Civil Government of that Kingdom were deliberated upon and confirm'd ; if he had thought his so doing inconsistent with his Calling ? Or that the Scots ( being so Religious as they then were , even to the taking up of Arms against their King for Religion ) would have suffered him to take that place upon him , so contrary to the command of Christ , and the Practice of the Apostles , if it had been so indeed ? Or , would they have suffer'd their Preachers , which then attended their Commissioners at London , not only to meddle with , but to preach so much temporal Stuff as little belonged to the Purity of the Gospel , had they been of this Lord's Opinion ? Surely , I cannot think it . But let the Bishops do but half so much , yea , though they be commanded to do that which these Men assume to themselves ; and 't is a venture but it shall prove Treason against the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom , and an endeavouring to bring in an Arbitrary Government . Well! I 'll tell you a Tale. There 's a Minister at this day in London , of great Note among the Faction , well esteem'd by this Lord and others of this Outcry against the Bishops Votes in Parliament , and their meddling in Civil Affairs ; this Man ( I 'll spare his Name ) being pressed by a Friend of his , how he came to be so eager against the Church , of which and her Government he had ever heretofore been an Upholder , and had Subscribed unto it , made this Answer ; Thou art a Fool ; thou knowest not what it is to be the Head of a Party . This Man is one of the great Masters of the present Reformation ; and do you not think it far more inconsistent with his Ministerial Function to be in the Head of a turbulent Faction ( to say the least of them ) than for a Bishop to meddle in Civil Affairs ? Yet such is the Religion of our Times . But 't is no matter for all this ; his Lordship hath yet more to say against the Ambition of the Prelates . For , Their Ambition and intermeddling with Secular Affairs and State Business , hath been the cause of shedding more Christian Blood than any thing else in the Christian World ; and this no Man can deny that is versed in History . This is the same over and over again ; saving that the Expression contains in it a vast Untruth . For they that are versed in History must needs say 't is a loud one , that Bishops meddling in Temporal Affairs hath been the cause of shedding more Christian Blood , than any thing else in the Christian World. What a happiness hath this Lord that his pale Meagerness cannot blush at such thing as this . Yea , but he will prove it here at home in this Kingdom . For , says he , We need not go out of our own Kingdom for Examples of their Insolency and Cruelty . When they had a dependency upon the Pope , and any footing thereby out of the Land , there were never any that carryed themselves with so much Scorn and Insolency towards the Princes of this Kingdom , as they have done . Two of them the Bishop that last spake hath named , but instances of many more may be given , whereof there would be no end . 'T is true indeed we need not go out of our own Kingdom for Examples of their Insolency and Cruelty . For in so many Ages 't is no wonder in any Kingdom to find some bad Examples , be it of Insolency , Cruelty or what you will : Especially in the midst of so much Prosperity as accompanied Clergy-Men in those times . But 't is true too , that there are far more Examples of their Piety and Charity , would this Lord be pleased to remember the one with the other . As for their bad Examples his Lordship gives a Reason why not all , but some of them , carryed themselves with so much Scorn and Insolency towards their Princes , even with almost as much as this Lord and his Faction carry themselves at this day towards their mild and gracious King. And the Reason is a true one ; it was their dependency upon the Pope , and their footing which thereby they had to subsist out of the Land : which may , and I hope will be a sufficient warning to his Majesty and his Successours , never to let in again a foreign Supream Power into any of his Dominions . For 't is to have one State within , yet not dependent upon the other , which can never be with Safety or Quiet in any Kingdom : And I would have the World consider a little with what Insolency , and perhaps Disallegiance this Lord and his Round-head Crew would use their Kings , if they had but half so strong a foreign dependance as the Bishops then had , that dare use the most gracious of Kings as they do this present day . Two of these Insolent ones ( this Lord says ) the Bishop that last spake named . Lincoln stands in the Margin , by which it appears that Dr. John Williams then Bishop of Lincoln , and since Arch-Bishop of York , was the Man that named two ; but because this Lord names them not , I know not who they are , and therefore can say nothing for or against them , but leave them to that Lord which censured them . As for that which follows , that the instances of many more may be given , whereof there would be no end . This is a piece of this Lord 's loud Rhetorick , which can have no Truth in it , especially relating , as it doth , to this Kingdom only . But whereas this Lord said immediately before , that their meddling in State business hath been the cause of shedding more Christian Blood , than any thing else in the Christian World , and in the very next words falls upon the proof of it in this Kingdom ; I must put him in mind that one Parliament in England , namely , that which most irreligiously and trayterously deposed Richard II. was the cause of the effusion of more Christian Blood amongst us , than all the Bishops that ever were in this Kingdom . For that base and unjust Parliament was the cause of all the Civil Wars , those Bloody Wars which began in the Heir's time after the Usurpation of Henry IV. and ceased not till there were slain of the Royal Blood and of Nobles and the common People a Numberless Number : And I heartily beg it of God , that no disloyal Parliament may ever bring this Kingdom into the like distress . For our Neighbours are far stronger now than they were then , and what desolation it might bring upon us , God in Heaven knows . So this Lord may see , if he will , what a Parliament it self being misgoverned may do . But will his Lordship think it Reason to condemn all Parliaments because this , and some few more , have done what they should not do , as he here deals by Bishops ? Sure he would not . But having done with the Bishops dependency on the Pope , he goes on and tells us farther , that Although the Pope be cast off , yet now there is another Inconvenience , no less prejudicial to the Kingdom , by their sitting in this House ; and that is , they have such an absolute dependency upon the King , that they sit not there as free Men. I am heartily sorry to see this Lord thus far transported : The Pope is indeed cast off from domineering over King , Church , and State. But I am sorry to hear it from this Lord , that this other Inconvenience by Bishops sitting in the House of Parliament , is no less prejudicial to the Kingdom . Where , first I observe that this Lord accounts the Pope's ruling in this Kingdom , but a matter of inconvenience ; for so his words imply . For that must be one Inconvenience , if the Bishops voting be the other ; and I am sure the Laws both of this Church and State , make it far worse than an Incovenience . Had I said thus much , I had been a Papist out of Question . Secondly ; I 'll appeal to any prudent and moderate Protestant in the Christian World , whether he can possibly think that the Bishops having Votes in the Parliaments of England can possibly be as great , or no less an Inconvenience , than the Pope's Supremacy here . And I believe this Lord when he thinks better of it , will wish these words unsaid . Well! but what then is this inconvenience that is so great ? Why , my Lord tells us , 't is because they have such an absolute dependency upon the King that they sit not there as free-Men . Where first , 't is strange to me and my Reason , that any dependency on the King , be it never so absolute , can be possibly so great an Inconvenience to the King , as ( that upon ) an Independent foreign Power is ; the King being sworn to the Laws , but the Pope being free , and ( as he challenges ) not only independent from , but superiour to , both King and Laws . Secondly , I conceive the Bishops dependency is no more absolute upon the King than is the dependence of other Honourable Members of that House , and that the Bishops sit there as absolute free-men as any others , not excepting his Lordship . And of this Belief I must be till the contrary shall be proved ; which his Lordship goes thus about to do . That which is requisite to Freedom is , to be void of Hopes and Fears ; he that can lay down these is a Free-man , and will be so in this House : But for the Bishops , as the case stands with them , it is not likely they will lay aside their Hopes ; greater Bishopricks being still in expectancy ; and for their Fears they cannot lay them down , since their Places and Seats in Parliament are not invested in them by Blood , and so hereditary ; but by annexation of a Barony to their Office , and depending upon that Office ; so that they may be 〈◊〉 of their Office , and thereby of their Places at the King's pleasure . My Lord's Philosophy is good enough ; for to be void of Hopes and Fears is very requisite to Freedom , and he that can lay these down , is a Free-man , or may be if he will : But whether he will be so in that great House , I cannot so well tell . For though no Man can be free that is full charg'd with Hopes or Fears ; yet there are some other things which collaterally work upon Men , and consequently take off their Freedom , almost as much as Hopes and Fears can do . Such are Consanguinity , Affinity , especially if the Wife bears any sway ; private Friendship , and above all Faction . And therefore though I cannot think that every Man will be a Free-man in that House , that is void of Hopes and Fears , yet I believe he may if he will. Now I conceive that in all these collateral Stiflings of a Man's Freedom , the Lay Lords are by far less free than the Bishops are . Again , for the main bars of Freedom , Hopes and Fears , into which all the rest do some way or other fall , I do not yet see but that Bishops , even as the case stands with them , may be as free , and I hope are , in their Voting as Temporal Lords . For their Hopes , this Lord tells us 't is not likely they will lay them aside , greater Bishopricks being still in expectancy . Truly , I do not know why a deserving Bishop may not in due time hope for a better Bishoprick ; and yet retain that Freedom which becomes him in Parliament , as well as any Noble-man may be Noble and Free in that great Court , and yet have moderated Hopes of being called to some great Office , or to the Council-table , or some honourable and profitable Embassage , or some Knighthood of the Garter ; of all , or some of which , there is still expectancy . Lay your Hand on your Heart , my Lord , and examine your self . As for Fears , his Lordship tells us roundly the Bishops cannot lay them down . Cannot ? Are all the Bishops such poor Spirits ; But why can they not ? Why , because their Places in Parliament are not hereditary , but by annexation of a Barony to their Office , and depending upon it ; so that they may be deprived of their Office , and thereby of their Place at the King's pleasure . First ; I believe the Bishops gave their Votes in Parliament as freely to their Conscience and Judgment as this Lord or any other . Secondly ; If any of them for Fear or any other motive have given their Votes unworthily ; I doubt not but many Honourable Lords have at some time or other forgot themselves and born the Bishops company : though in this I commend neither . Thirdly ; I know some Bishops who had rather lose not their Baronies only , but their Bishopricks also , than Vote so unworthily as this Lord would make the World believe they have done . Lastly , it is true their Seat in Parliament depends on their Barony , their Barony on their Office ; and if they be deprived of their Office , both Barony and Seat in Parliament are gone . But I hope my Lord will not say we live under a Tyrant ; and then I will say Bishops are not deprivable of their Office , and consequently not of the rest , at the Kings Pleasure . But this Lord proceeds into a farther Amplification : And to whet his inveterate Malice against the King , says as follows . Nay , They do not so much as sit here , dum bene se gesserint , as the Judges now by your Lordships Petition to the King have their Places granted them , but at Will and Pleasure ; and therefore as they were all excluded by Edward the First , as long as he pleased , and Laws made excluso Clero , so may they be by any King at his Pleasure in like manner . They must needs therefore be in an absolute dependency upon the Crown , and thereby at Devotion for their Votes , which how prejudicial it hath been , and will be to this House , I need not say . If I could wonder at any thing which this Lord doth or says in such Arguments as these , when his Heart is up against the Clergy , I should wonder at this . For if he will not suppose the King's Government to be Tyrannical , the Bishops have their Places during Life , and cannot justly be put out of them , unless their Miscarriage be such as shall merit a Deprivation . And therefore , by this Lord 's good leave , they have as good a Tenure as the Judges is of a Quamdiu bene se gesserint . And this they have without their Lordships Petition to the King , as his Lordship tells us was fain to be made for the Judges , thereby galling the King for giving some Patents to the Judges during Pleasure ; which , as the Case stood with them , whether he had Reason to do or not , I will not dispute . So that manifest it is , that the Bishops do not hold their Bishopricks at the King's Will and Pleasure , and consequently neither their Baronies nor their Places in Parliament . And I would have my Lord consider , whether all the Noblemen that sit in that House , by Blood and Inheritance , be not in the same Condition upon the matter with the Bishops . For as Bishops may commit Crimes worthy Deprivation , and so consequently lose their Votes in Parliament ; so are there some Crimes also which Noblemen may commit ( God preserve them from them ) which may consequently void all their Rights in Parliament , yea , and taint their Blood too . And as for the Bishops Baronies , they are not at the King's Will and Pleasure neither : For they hold their Baronies from the Crown indeed , but by so long Prescription as will preserve them from any Disseisure at Will and Pleasure of the King. So if they merit not Deprivation by Law and Justice , their Baronies are safe , and that by as good Right , and far antienter Descent , than any the antientest Nobleman of England can plead for himself . For Edward the First , he was a brave Prince , and is of glorious Memory , and respected the Dutifulness of his Clergy very Royally . As for the Acts of Parliament made in his Time , and the Time of his Royal Successor Edward the Third , I conceive nothing can be gathered out of the Titles or Prefaces of those Acts , against either the Bishops presence at , or their Voting to those Laws , by any Prohibition of Exclusion of them , by those famous Kings . For though the Statute of Carlisle , 35 Edw. I. not Printed , be recited in the Statute 25 Edw. III. of Provisoes , and says , that by the Assent of the Earls , Barons , and other Nobles , and all the Commonalty , at their Instances and Requests in the said full Parliament , it was ordained . &c. without any mention at all of the Prelates ; yet it is more than probable , that the Prelates were Summoned to , and present at these Parliaments . For first , it appears expresly that the Statute of the Staple , 27 Edw. III. made in the same Parliament with the Statute of Provisoes , that the Prelates were Assembled and Present there : And I rather think that in all these Statutes of Provisoes ( being professedly made against the Liberty and Jurisdiction of the Pope , in those Times challenged in this Kingdom , to whose Power the Bishops were then Subject ) they voluntarily chose to be absent , rather than endanger themselves to the Pope , if they Voted for such Laws ; or offend the King and the State , if they Voted against them . But these Laws were not made excluso Clero , and that as long as the King pleased ( as this Lord affirms ) and this is very plain in the Statute it self of 38 Edw. III. For in the last Chapter of that Statute , though the Prelates be omitted in the Preamble , yet there 't is expresly said , That the King , the Prelates , the Dukes , Earls and Barons , &c. So here was not exclusion of the Bishops by the King , but their own voluntary Absence , which made those kind of Laws pass without them . As for the Parliament at Carlisle , I conceive the Books are misprinted , and a common Errour risen by it . For that Parliament was held Anno 35 Edw. I. and was the first of Provisoes ; and as appears in the Records , the Prelates were present . * But in 25 Edw. I. the Parliament was Summoned to London , and the Bishops called to it . And there was † another Summons to Salisbury in the same Roll , to which the Prelates were not called . But this , I conceive , was a Summons of the King 's Great Council only , and not of a Parliament , the Commons not being called any more than the Prelates : Nor were there any other Summons , 25 Edw. I. but these two . That which his Lordship infers upon this , is , that therefore the Bishops are in absolute dependency upon the Crown ; which is manifestly untrue , since they cannot be outed at Will and Pleasure , but for Demerit only ; and that may fall upon Temporal Lords as well as Bishops . And therefore neither are they at Devotion for their Votes ; and therefore , in true Construction , no Prejudice can come by them to that Honourable House . And I pray God their casting out be not more prejudicial both to State and Church than I am willing to forespeak . After this his Lordship tells us what he hath done in this great Argument , saying , I have now shewed your Lordships how hurtful to themselves and others these things , which the Bill would take away , have been . I will only Answer some Objections which I have met withal , and then crave your Pardon for troubling you so long . His Lordship tells us he hath shewed how hurtful these things are both to the Bishops and others , which this Bill would hew down ; and out of his Zeal and Love to the Church he hath gone farther than any Man in this Argument ; yet I conceive he hath not shewed what he thinks he hath . 'T is true , he hath strongly laboured it , but I hope it will appear he hath not master'd it . I shall now see how he Answers such Objections , as his Lordship says he hath met with . And the First Objection is , his Lordship says , 1. That they have been very Antient. 2. That they are Established by Law. 3. That it may be an Infringement to the House of Peers , for the House of Commons to send up a Bill to take away some of their Members . To these three the Answer will be easie . I know not how easie the Answer will be , but these must needs be hard Times for Bishops , if neither Antiquity can fence them against Novelty , nor Law defend them against Violence , nor fear of weakning the House of Peers preserve them against the Eagerness of the House of Commons ; and that in the very House of Peers it self . Let us see then and consider how easie the Answer will be to these , and how sufficient also . To the First . Antiquity is no good Plea ; for that which is by Experience found hurtful , the longer it hath done hurt , the more cause there is now to remove it , that it may do no more . Besides , other Irregularities are as antient which have been thought fit to be redressed ; and this is not so antient , but that it may truly be said , Non fuit sic ab initio . This Answer may be easie enough ; but sure 't is not sufficient : Nor do I wonder that Antiquity is no good Plea in this Lord's account ; for he is such an Enemy to it , that he will have his very Religion new . If any thing be antient it smells of Antichrist . Yea , but if it be found hurtful , the longer it hath done hurt , the more cause to remove it . That 's true ; if it be hurtful in and of it self ; so is not this . If it does hurt constantly or frequently ; else you must cast out the Lay Lords Votes too , and his Lordship 's with the rest . For out of all doubt their Votes do hurt sometimes , and it may be more often and more dangerously than the Bishops Votes : And when this Lord shall be pleased to tell us what those other Irregularities are , which are as antient and yet redressed , I will consider of them , and then either grant or deny . In the mean time , I think it hath been proved that it is no Irregularity for a Bishop that is called to it by Supreme Authority , to give Counsel , or otherwise to meddle in Civil Affairs , so as it take him not quite off from his Calling . And for his Lordship 's Close , That this is not so antient , but that it may be truly said , Non fuit sic ab initio ; his Lordship is much deceived . For that Speech of our Saviour's , St. Matthew 19. 8. is spoken of Marriage which was instituted in Paradise , and therefore ab initio , from the beginning , must there be taken from the Creation , or from the Institution of Marriage soon after it . But I hope his Lordship means it not so here , to put it off that Bishops had not Votes in the Parliaments of England from the Creation : For then no question but it may be truly said , Non fuit sic ab initio . But if his Lordship , or any other , will apply this Speech to any thing else , which hath not its beginning so high , he must then refer his Words and meaning to that time , in which that thing he speaks of took its beginning ; as is this particular to the beginning of Parliaments in this Kingdom . And then , under Favour of this Lord , the voting of Bishops in Parliament is so antient that it cannot be truly said , Non fuit sic ab initio : For so far as this Kingdom hath any Records to shew , Clergy-Men both Bishops and Abbots , had free and full Votes in Parliament ; so full , as that in the first Parliament of which we have any certain Records , which was in the Forty and ninth Year of Henry the Third , there was Summoned by the King to Vote in Parliament , One hundred and twenty Bishops , Abbots and Priors , and but Twenty three Lay-Lords . Now there were but Twenty six Bishops in all , and the Lords being multiplied ( to the unspeakable Prejudice of the Crown ) into above One hundred , besides many of their young Sons called by Writ in their Father's Life-time , have either found or made a troubled time , to cast the Bishops and their Votes out of the House . 2. To the Objection for being Established by Law , his Lordship says , The Law-makers have the same Power and the same Charge to alter old Laws inconvenient , as to make new that are necessary . The Law-makers have indeed the same Power in them , and the same Charge upon them , that their Predecessors in former Times had ; and there 's no question but old Laws may be Abrogated and new ones made : But this Lord , who seems to be well versed in the Rules and Laws of Government ( which the poor Bishops understand not ) cannot but know that it 's a dangerous thing to be often changing of the Laws ; especially such as have been antient , and where the old is not inconvenient , nor the new necessary ; which is the true State of this Business , whatever this Lord thinks . 3. And for the Third Objection , the Privileges of the House , this Lord says , it can be no Breach of them . For either Estate may propose to the other by way of Bill , what they conceive to be for publick Good , and they have Power respectively of accepting or refusing . This is an easie Answer indeed , and very true . For either Estate in Parliament may propose to the other by way of Bill , and they have Power respectively of accepting or refusing ; and there is no Breach of Privilege in all this . But this easie Answer comes not home . For how my Lord understands this Objection , I know not ; it seems as if it did reach only to the external Breach of some Privilege , but I conceive they which made the Objection meant much more . As namely , that by this Bill there was an aim in the Commons to weaken the Lords House , and by making their Votes fewer , to be the better able to work them to their own Ends in future Businesses . So the Argument is of equal , if not greater strength against the Lord's yielding to the Bill to the Iufringement of their own strength , than to the Commons proposing it , and there is no doubt but that the Commons might propose their Bill without Breach of Privilege ; but whether the Lords might grant it without impairing their own strength , I leave the future Times , which shall see the Success of this Act of Parliament , to judge of the Wisdom of it , which I shall not presume to do . I thought his Lordship had now done , but he tells us , 4. There are two other Objections which may seem to have more force ; but they will receive satisfactory Answers . The one is , that if they may remove Bishops , they may as well next time remove Barons and Earls . This Lord confesses the two Arguments following are of more force , but he says they will receive satisfactory Answers . And it may be so . But what Answers soever they may receive , yet I doubt whether those which that Lord gives be such : For to this of taking away of Barons and Earls next , his Lordship Answers two things . First he says , The Reason is not the same ; the one sitting by an Honour invested in their Blood and Hereditary , which though it be in the King alone to grant , yet being once granted he cannot take away . The other sitting by a Barony depending upon an Office , which may be taken away ; for if they be deprived of their Office , they sit not . To this there have been enough said before , yet that it may fully appear this Reason is not Satisfactory , this Lord should do well to know , or rather to remember , for I think he knows it already , that though these great Lords have and hold their Places in Parliament by Blood and Inheritance , and the Bishops by Baronies depending upon their Office ; yet the King , which gives alone , can no more justly or lawfully alone away their Office without their Demerit , and that in a legal way , than he can take away Noblemens Honours . And therefore , for ought is yet said , their Cases are not so much alike as his Lordship would have them seem . In this indeed they differ somewhat , that Bishops may be deprived upon more Crimes , than those are for which Earls and Barons may lose their Honours ; but neither of them can be justly done by the King's Will and Pleasure only . But Secondly , for farther Answer this Lord tells us , The Bishops sitting there is not so essential . For Laws have been , and may be made , they being all excluded ; but it can never be shewed that ever there were Laws made by the King and them , the Lords and Earls excluded . This Reason is as little satisfactory to me as the former . For certainly , according to Law and Prescription of Hundreds of Years , the Bishops sitting in that House is as essential as the Lords . And this about the Laws made without them , is built only upon some difficult emergent Cases , from which they desired to be exempt and free themselves : Not from any constraint of the State ; nor from any Opinion of the King , Peers or People , that it was fit to make Laws without them . But to this we have given an Answer before . But this Objection of taking away the Earls and Barons next , strikes ( as I conceive ) another way at the Lord's House , than either of those Answers or Reasons seem to meet with . And perhaps this Lord himself is willing to pass it by , if he does see it ; and 't is thus . The House of Commons sees and knows well enough , that should they bring up a Bill open , and with a bare edge to take away the Votes from the Lords , it could not possibly be endured by either King or Peers . Therefore the Bill which may come to take them away next , and which may be meant in this Objection , may be a Bill to make one House of both , and set them altogether , under the pretence of greater Unity , and more free and quick dispatch of all Business , all Messages and Conferences , and breach of Correspondencies , and Differences happening between the Two Houses , while they are Two , being by this means taken away . And this I am sure hath been much spoken of since this Parliament began , and may with far more ease be next compassed now the Bishops are thrust out ; both because there are fewer in the Lord's House to help to cast out such a Bill , and because the Commons House , which would willingly receive the Lords in among them , would never admit the Bishops into their House . So that both ways this is made far more easie to Pass . And , should this happen , I would fain know of this Lord , wherein this Objection would fail , that they might the next time remove the Barons and the Earls . Not remove them from making Laws ( as his Lordship speaks of it ) but remove them into the House of Commons , where their Votes shall be swallow'd up among the many , and might be quite overmaster'd , though they should not all Agree and Vote one way . For then the meanest Commoner in that House would have his Vote as great as the greatest Earls . Whereas now in their own House being distinct , though all the House of Commons agree upon a Bill , or any thing else ; the Lords may , if they see Reason , alter or reject it . So that if hereafter they be reduced to one House , I make no question but their Votes are gone next after the Bishops . And if his Lordship shall think this an impossible Supposition ; let him know , it is not half so impossible , as that which he made before , of the Heavenly Bodies breaking out of their own Spheres . But we are now come to the last Objection , the other of the two , which his Lordship says are stronger . And , 5. The other Objection is this , That this Bill alters the Foundation of this House ; and Innovations , which shake Foundations , are dangerous . And truly this Objection seems to me very strong ; but perhaps that is by reason of my Weakness ; for my Lord tells us before , that it is capable of a satisfactory Answer ; and here his Lordship gives two for failing . I Answer , First , That if there should be an Errour in the Foundation , when it shall be found , and the Master-Builders be met together , they may , nay , they ought rather to amend it , than to suffer it to run on still to the prejudice and danger of the whole Structure . This Answer , whatever this Lord thinks of it , is not satisfactory ; and the thing will be full of danger , whensoever it shall be put to trial . For Foundations are seldom meddled withal but with great hazard , and a Fundamental Errour in a Kingdom is born with more Safety to the whole than it can be taken away . And this happens partly because among the many Subjects of a Kingdom there are different Judgments , and as different Affections ; whence it follows , that all Men are not of Opinion , that that which is called an Errour in the Foundation , is so indeed : Nor do the Affections of all Men dislike it , nay perhaps the greater , perhaps the better part will approve it . In this Case , if the Master-Builders fall to mending of this somewhat boisterously , may they not rend all in pieces , to fall about their own Ears , and other Mens ? And partly , because the Master-Builders which are to meet to repair the decays of the State , though in all Ages they have the same Authority to make Laws , yet they have not in all Ages the same Skill and Wisdom , for the making or the mending of them . Whence it follows , that even the Master-Builders themselves may mistake , and call that the Errour , which is indeed a great part of the Strength of the Foundation : And so by tampering to mend that which is better already , endanger the shaking , if not the fall , of the whole Structure , which they would labour to preserve . And I pray God Posterity do not find it , that even the Master-Builders which are now met , be not so deceived , and with as ill Success , in casting the Bishops Votes out of the House , under the Name of an Errour in the Foundation . But if this Answer satisfie not , his Lordship may hope his next will. For , Secondly ; he says This is not Fundamental to this House . For it hath stood without them , and done all that appertains to the Power thereof without them , yea , they being wholly 〈◊〉 : and that which hath been done for a time at the King's pleasure , may be done with as little danger for a longer time ; and when it appears to the fit , and for publick good , not only mahy , but ought to be done altogether by the Supreme Power . It seems this Lord distrusts his former Answer about mending Fun damental Errours in a State , and therefore here he denies that Bishops and their Votes are Fundamental to the Lords House . But I doubt his Lordship is mistaken in this . For that is Fundamental in any Court , which in that Court is first laid and settled , upon which all the future Structure is raised . Now in the Lords House of Parliament , the Bishops Votes were laid at the very first , as well as the Votes of the Lords Temporal . Nay , with a Precedency both in Place and Number , and all the Ordinances and Powers of that great Court have equally proceeded from the Votes of the Bishops and the Lords : and therefore for ought which yet appears to me , either the Lords Vote are not Fundamental to that House , or the Bishops are . But his Lordship proves they are not Fundamental to that House , because that House hath stood without them . But weakly enough , God knows , like a House whose Foundations are shaken upon one side , and because that House hath done all that appertains to the Power of it without them . It may be so . But I doubt whether it did all that appertains to the Wisdom of it without them . For this relation again to that Parliament under Edward the First , from which , his Lordship says Bishops were excluded ; and we know that Parliament is called Indoctum Parliamentum , the unlearned Parliament : For all the Lawyers were excluded from that Parliament as well as the Clergy-Men . And therefore were this Lord indifferent , he might argue that Lawyers Votes are not Fundamental in the Commons House ; which is true , tho' no way convenient , rather than that Bishops Votes are not Fundamental in the Lords House ; which is utterly against all Truth and Convenience . But his Lordship's Tooth is so sharp , and so black against that Order , that he snaps at them upon all , and upon no Occasion , and would invenom them had he Power . To make this seem the better , his Lordship ends this Speech with a piece of Philosophy , which I cannot approve neither . For he says , That which hath been done for a time at the King's Pleasure , may be done with as little danger for a longer time . For First , this Proposition is unsound in it self : For many Cases may happen , in which divers things may be done for a Prince's Pleasure once , or for a time , and with no great danger ; which continued or often repeated , will be full of danger , and perhaps not endured by the Subject . Secondly , I am confident , let the Tables be but turned from a Bishop to a Lay-Man , and this Lord shall eat his own Proposition . For instance ; in another Parliament , and in a time generally received to be as good as that of Edward the First , in Queen Elizabeth's time , and within my own Memory , Mr. Peter Wentworth moved in the House of Commons to have an Heir apparent declared for the better and securer Peace of the Kingdom in After-times . The Queen , for her meer Will and Pleasure ( for that which he did was no Offence against Law ) took him either out of the House , or so soon as he came out of the House , clap'd him up in the Tower , where he lay till his Death . What will this Lord say to this ? Will he say this was done once at the Prince's Pleasure ? Why then I return his Proposition upon him , and tell him , that that which was done once at one Prince's Pleasure , may be done oftner at other Prince's Pleasure with as little danger . Or will this Lord say this was not done at the Queen's Pleasure , but but she might justly and legally do so ? Then other Princes of this Realm having the same Power residing in them , may do by other Parliament Men , as she did with this Gentleman . And which soever of the two he shall say , King Charles had as good Right , and with as little Breach of Parliament-Privilege , to demand the Six Men which by his Attorney he had accused of Treason , as that great Queen had to lay hold on Mr. Wentworth . Since I had written this , the Observer steps in and tells us , That a meer Example ( though of Queen Elizabeth ) is no Law ; for some of her Actions were retracted : and that yet without question Queen Elizabeth might do that which a Prince less beloved could never have done . 'T is true , that a meer Example is not a Law , and yet the Parliaments of England , even in that happy Queen's Time , were not apt to bear Examples against Law ; and if that she did were not against Law , that 's as much as I ask . For then neither is that against Law which King Charles did upon a far higher Accusation , than could be charged against Mr. Wentworth . 'T is true again , that Queen Elizabeth might do that which a Prince less beloved could not have done ; that is , she might do that with safety , which a Prince less beloved could not do , that is , not do with safety . But whatsoever is lawful for one Prince to do , is as lawful for another ; though perhaps not so expedient , in regard of what will be well or ill taken by the People . But otherwise the Peoples Affection to the Prince can be no Rule nor Measure of the Princes Justice to the People . I will be bold to give him another Instance . King Charles demanded Ship-Money all over the Kingdom : Either he did this justly and legally for the Defence of himself and the Publick ; or he did it at his Will and Pleasure , thinking that an honourable and fit way of Defence . I am sure this Lord will not say he did it legally , for his Vote concurred to the condemning of it in Parliament : And if he say he did it at his own Will and Pleasure , then I would fain know of his Lordship , whether this which was done for a time at the King's Pleasure , may be done with as little danger to the Liberty of the Subject , and the Property of his Goods , for a longer time , and so be continued on the Subject ? And if he says it may , why did he Vote against it as a thing dangerous ? And if he says it may not , then he must Condemn his own Proposition . For he cannot but see , that that which is once done , or done for a short time at a Prince's Will and Pleasure , cannot be often repeated or continued , but with far greater danger than it was once done . Though for the thing it self , if it were not legal , I am sorry it is not made so . For it would be , under God , the greatest Honour and Security that this Nation ever had : Whereas now the Tugging which falls out between the King's Power , and the Peoples Liberty , will in time ( unless God's infinite Mercy prevents it ) do that in this Kingdom , which I abhor to think on . This Lord goes on yet and tells us , That that which hath been so done for a time , when it appears to be fit and for publick Good , not only may , but ought to be done altogether by the Supream Power . So then here this is his Lordship's Doctrine , that that which was once done at a Prince's Will and Pleasure , when it shall appear to be fit , and for the publick Good ( as he supposeth here the taking away of Bishops Votes to be ) it not only may , but ought to be done altogether by the Supream Power , as now that is done by Act of Parliament . Not only may , but ought ! Soft a little ; His Lordship had the same Phrase immediately before . Why but , First , every thing that is fit , ought not by and by to be made up into a Law : For fitness may vary very often , which Laws should not . Secondly , Every thing that is for the publick Good , is not by and by to be made up into a Law. For many things in Times of Difficulty and Exigency may be for publick Good , which in some other Times may be hurtful , and therefore not to be generally bound within a Law. And if his Lordship shall say , as here he doth , that they ought to be done altogether , and be made up into a Law by the Supream Power , but fitted only to such Times ; under his Lordship's Favour , that ought not to be neither . For let such a Law be made , and he that is once Master of the Times , will have the Law ready to serve his turn and theirs , whether the Times bear the like Necessity or not . And since every thing that is fit , and is for publick Good , ought not by and by , without more Experience of it , to be made up into a Law ; then much less that which appears so ; yea , though it appear never so evidently ; yea , and to the wisest Parliament that ever sat . 'T is true , they may make such a thing into a Law , and 't is fit for the most part so to do ; but to say they ought to do it , is more than I can believe . For no Parliament is or can be so wise as to be infallible , and no Evidence can be so apparent unto them in those things of infinite variety for the publick Good , and in which is so much uncertainty ; but that they may both piously and prudently forbear the making of some of them into a Law if they please . But no Man may forbear that which he ought to do , when he ought to do it : And till that time comes , he ought not . This Lord hath now done , and so have I : And I shall end with my Prayers to God , that this Act of Parliament now made to cast the Bishops and their Votes out of the Parliament , how fit soever it seems , and how much soever it appears to this Lord to be for the publick Good , do not turn to the decay of Religion , and the great Damage and Detriment of King and Peers , of Church and State. Amen . A SPEECH Delivered in the STAR-CHAMBER , On Wednesday the Fourteenth of June , 1637. AT THE CENSURE OF J. Bastwick , H. Burton , and W. Prinn ; CONCERNING Pretended Innovations IN THE CHURCH . By the Most Reverend Father in GOD , WILLIAM LAUD , Then Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . TO HIS MOST Sacred Majesty , CHARLES , By the Grace of GOD , King of Great Britain , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. Most Gracious and Dread Sovereign , I Had no purpose to come in Print , but Your Majesty commands it , and I obey . Most sorry I am for the Occasion that induced me to speak , and that since hath moved You to command me to Print . Nor am I ignorant that many things , while they are spoken and pass by the Ear but once , give great Content ; which when they come to the Eyes of Men , and their often Scanning , may lie open to some Exceptions . This may fall to my Lot in this particular , and very easily , considering my many Diversions , and the little time I could snatch from other Imployment to attend this . Yet chuse I rather to obey Your Majesty , than to Sacrifice to mine own Privacy and Content . Since then this Speech uttered in publick in the Star-Chamber , must now come to be more publick in Print ; I humbly desire Your Sacred Majesty to Protect me , and it , from the undeserved Calumny of those Men , whose Mouths are spears and arrows , and their Tongues a sharp sword , Psal. 57. 4. Though as the wise Man speaks , their foolish Mouths have already called for their own stripes , and their Lips ( and Pens ) been a snare for their Souls , Prov. 18. 6 , 7. The Occasion which led me to this Speech is known . There have of late been divers Libels spread against the Prelates of this Church . And they have not been more bitter , which is the Shame of these raging Waves , than they are utterly false , which is Our Happiness . But I must humbly beseech Your Majesty to consider , That 't is not We only , that is , the Bishops , that are struck at , but , through our sides , Your Majesty , Your Honour , Your Safety , Your Religion , is impeached . For what Safety can You expect , if You loose the Hearts of Your People ? And how can You retain their Hearts , if You change their Religion into Superstition ? And what Honour can You hope for , either present , or derivative to Posterity , if You attend Your Government no better than to suffer Your Prelates to put this Change upon You ? And what Majesty can any Prince retain , if he lose his Honour and his People ? God be thanked 't is in all Points otherwise with You : For God hath blessed You with a Religious Heart , and not subject to Change. And he hath filled You with Honour in the Eyes of Your People : And by their Love and Dutifulness He hath made You safe . So that Your Majesty is upheld , and Your Crown flourishing in the Eyes of Christendom . And God forbid any Libellous Blast at Home from the Tongues or Pens of a few , should shrivel up any growth of these . We have received , and daily do receive from God , many and great Blessings by You : And I hope they are not many that are unthankful to You , or to God for You. And that there should be none in a Populous Nation , even Enemies to their own Happiness , cannot be expected . Yet I shall desire even these to call themselves to an Account , and to remember , that Blasphemy against God , and slandering the Footsteps of his Anointed , are joined together , Psal. 89. For he that Blasphemes God , will never stick at the Slander of his Prince ; and he that gives himself the liberty to Slander his Prince , will quickly ascend to the next Highest , and Blaspheme God. But then , as I desire them to remember , so I do most humbly beseech Your Majesty to account with Your self too : And not to measure Your Peoples Love by the Vnworthiness of those few . For a Loyal and Obedient People You have , and such as will spare nor Livelihood , nor Life , to do You Service ; and are joyed at the Heart to see the Moderation of Your Government , and Your Constancy to maintain Religion , and Your Piety in Exampling it . And as I thus beseech You for Your People in General , so do I particularly for the Three Professions which have a little suffer'd in these Three most Notorious Libellers Persons . And first for my own Profession , I humbly beg of Your Majesty to think Mr. Burton hath not in this many Followers , and am heartily sorry he would needs lead . The best is , Your Majesty knows what made his Rancour swell ; I 'll say no more . And for the Law , I truly Honour it with my Heart , and believe Mr. Prynn may seek all the Inns of Court , ( and with a Candle too if he will ) and scarce find such a Malevolent as himself against State and Church . And because he hath so frequently thrust mistaken Law into these Pamphlets , to wrong the Governors of the Church , and abuse your good and well-minded People , and makes Burton and Bastwick utter Law which , God knows , they understand not , ( for I doubt his Pen is in all the Pamphlets ) I do humbly , in the Church's Name desire of Your Majesty , that it may be resolved by all the Reverend Judges of England , and then published by Your Majesty , That our keeping Courts , and issuing Process in our own Names , and the like Exceptions formerly taken , and now renewed , are not against the Laws of the Realm , ( as 't is most certain they are not ) that so the Church-Governnors may go on chearfully in their Duty , and the Peoples Minds be quieted by this Assurance , that neither the Law , nor their Liberty , as Subjects , is thereby infringed . And for Physick , the Profession is honourable , and safe ; and I know the Professors of it will remember that , Corpus Humanum , Man's Body , is that , about which their Art is conversant , not Corpus Ecclesiasticum , or Politicum , the Body of the Church , State , or Commonwealth . Bastwick only hath been bold that way . But the Proverb in the Gospel , in the Fourth of St. Luke is all I 'll say to him , Medice , cura teipsum , Physician , heal thy self . And yet let me tell Your Majesty , I believe he hath gained more by making the Church a Patient , than by all the Patients he ever had beside . Sir , both my self , and my Brethren have been very coursely used by the Tongues and Pens of these Men , yet shall I never give Your Majesty any sow'r Counsel ; I shall rather manifie Your Clemency , that proceeded with these Offenders in a Court of Mercy as well as Justice : Since ( as the Reverend Judges then declared ) You might have justly called the Offenders into another Court , and put them to it in a way that might have exacted their Lives , for their stirring ( as much as in them lay ) of Mutiny and Sedition . Yet this I shall be bold to say , and Your Majesty may consider of it in Your Wisdom , That one way of Government is not always either fit or safe , when the Humours of the People are in a continual Change : Especially , when such Men as these shall work upon Your People , and labour to infuse into them such malignant Principles , to introduce a Parity in the Church or Commonwealth . Et si non satis sua sponte insaniant , instigare , And to spur on such among them as are too sharply set already : And by this means make and prepare all Advantages for the Roman Party to scorn Vs , and pervert Them. I pray God bless Your Majesty , Your Royal Consort , and Your hopeful Posterity , that You may Live in Happiness ; Govern with Wisdom ; Support Your People by Justice ; Relieve them by Mercy ; Defend them by Power and Success ; And Guide them in the true Religion by Your Laws and most Religious Example , all the long and lasting Days of Your Life : Which are and shall be the daily Prayers of Your Sacred Majesty's most Loyal Subject , and Most Dutiful Servant , as most bound , W. Cant. Arch-Bishop LAVD's SPEECH AT THE CENSURE OF J. Bastwick , H. Burton , and W. Prinn . My LORDS , I Shall not need to speak of the infamous Course of Libelling in any kind : Nor of the Punishment of it , which in some Cases was Capital by the Imperial Laws ; as appears , Cod. l. 9. T. 36. Nor how patiently some great Men , very great Men indeed , have born Animo civili ( that 's Sueton. his word * ) laceratam existimationem , The tearing and rending of their Credit and Reputation , with a gentle , nay , a generous Mind . But of all Libels , they are most odius which pretend Religion : As if that of all things did desire to be defended by a Mouth that is like an open Sepulchre , or by a Pen that is made of a sick and a loathsom Quill . There were Times when Persecutions were great in the Church , even to exceed Barbarity it self : Did any Martyr or Confessor , in those Times , Libel the Governours ? Surely no ; not one of them to my best Remembrance : yet these complain of Persecution without all shew of cause ; and in the mean time Libel and Rail without all measure . So little of kin are they to those which suffer for Christ , or the least part of Christian Religion . My Lords , It is not every Man's Spirit to hold up against the Venome which Libellers spit . For S. Ambrose , who was a stout and a worthy Prelate , tells us , not that himself , but that a far greater Man than he , that 's King David , had found out ( so it seems in his Judgment 't was no matter of ordinary Ability ) Grande inventum , a great and mighty Invention , how to swallow and put off those bitter Contumilies of the Tongue † : And those of the Pen are no whit less , and spread farther . And it was a great one indeed , and well beseemed the greatness of David . But I think it will be far better for me to look upward , and practise it , than to look downward , and discourse upon it . In the mean time I shall remember what an Antient , under the name of S. Hierom , tells me * , Indignum est & praeposterum , 'T is unworthy in it self , and preposterous in demeanour for a Man to be ashamed for doing good , because other Men glory in speaking ill . And I can say it clearly and truly , as in the presence of God , I have done nothing , as a Prelate , to the uttermost of what I am conscious , but with a single Heart , and with a sincere Intention for the good Government and Honour of the Church , and the maintenance of the Orthodox Truth and Religion of Christ , professed , established , and maintained in this Church of England . For my Care of this Church , the reducing of it into Order , the upholding of the external Worship of God in it , and the setling of it to the Rules of its first Reformation , are the Causes ( and the sole Causes , whatever are pretended ) of all this malicious Storm , which hath lowred so black upon me , and some of my Brethren . And in the mean time , they which are the only , or the chief Innovators of the Christian World , having nothing say , accuse us of Innovation ; They themselves and their Complices in the mean time being the greatest Innovators that the Christian World hath almost ever known . I deny not but others have spread more dangerous Errors in the Church of Christ ; but no Men , in any Age of it , have been more guilty of Innovation then they , while themselves cry out against it : Quis tulerit Gracchos ? And I said well , Quis tulerit Gracchos ? For 't is most apparent to any Man that will not wink , that the Intention of these Men , and their Abettors , was and is to raise a Sedition , being as great Incendiaries in the State ( where they get Power ) as they have ever been in the Church ; Novatian himself hardly greater . Our main Crime is ( would they all speak out , as some of them do ) that we are Bishops ; were we not so , some of us might be as passable as other Men. And a great trouble 't is to them , that we maintain that our Calling of Bishops is Jure Divino , by Divine Right : Of this I have said enough , and in this place , in Leighton's Case , nor will I repeat . Only this I will say , and abide by it , that the Calling of Bishops is Jure Divino , by Divine Right , tho' not all Adjuncts to their Calling . And this I say in as direct opposition to the Church of Rome , as to the Puritan Humour . And I say farther , that from the Apostles times , in all Ages , in all Places , the Church of Christ was governed by Bishops : And Lay-Elders never heard of , till Calvin's new-fangled Device at Geneva . Now this is made by these Men , as if it were Contra Regem , against the King , in Right or in Power . But that 's a meer ignorant shift ; for our being Bishops , Jure Divino , by Divine Right , takes nothing from the King 's Right or Power over us . For though our Office be from God and Christ immediately , yet may we not exercise that Power , either of Order or Jurisdiction , but as God hath appointed us , that is , not in His Majesty's , or any Christian King's Kingdoms , but by and under the Power of the King given us so to do . And were this a good Argument against us , as Bishops , it must needs be good against Priests and Ministers too ; for themselves grant that their Calling is Jure Divino , by Divine Right ; and yet I hope they will not say , that to be Priests and Ministers is against the King , or any his Royal Prerogatives . Next , Suppose our Callings , as Bishops , could not be made good Jure Divino , by Divine Right , yet Jure Ecclesiastico , by Ecclesiastical Right , it cannot be denied . And here in England the Bishops are confirmed , both in their Power and Means , by Act of Parliament . So that here we stand in as good Case as the present Laws of the Realm can make us . And so we must stand till the Laws shall be repealed by the same Power that made them . Now then , suppose we had no other string to hold by ( I say suppose this , but I grant it not ) yet no Man can Libel against our Calling ( as these Men do ) be it in Pulpit , Print or otherwise , but he Libels against the King and the State , by whose Laws we are established . Therefore , all these Libels , so far forth as they are against our Calling , are against the King and the Law , and can have no other purpose , than to stir up Sedition among the People . If these Men had any other Intention , or if they had any Christian or charitable desire to reform any thing amiss ; why did they not modestly Petition his Majesty about it , that in his Princely Wisdom he might set all things right , in a Just and Orderly manner ? But this was neither their Intention nor Way . For one clamours out of his Pulpit , and all of them from the Press , and in a most virulent and unchristian manner set themselves to make a Heat among the People ; and so by Mutiny , to effect that which by Law they cannot ; and by most false and unjust Calumnies to defame both our Callings and Persons . But for my Part , as I pity their Rage , so I heartily pray God to forgive their Malice . No Nation hath ever appeared more jealous of Religion , than the People of England have ever been . And their Zeal to God's Glory hath been , and at this day is a great honour to them . But this Zeal of theirs , hath not been at all times and in all Persons , alike guided by knowledge . Now Zeal , as it is of excellent use , where it sees its way ; so it is very dangerous company , where it goes on in the * dark : And these Men knowing the Disposition of the People , have laboured nothing more , than to misinform their knowledge , and misguide their Zeal , and so to fire that into a Sedition , in hope that they whom they causlesly hate , might miscarry in it . For the main scope of these Libels is to kindle a Jealousie in Mens Minds , that there are some great Plots in Hand , dangerous Plots ( so says Mr. Burton expresly ) to change the Orthodox Religion established in England ; and to bring in , I know not what , Romish Superstition in the room of it . As if the external decent worship of God could not be upheld in this Kingdom , without bringing in of Popery . Now by this Art of theirs , give me leave to tell you that the King is most desperately abused and wounded in the Minds of his People , and the Prelates shamefully . The King most desparately : For there is not a more cunning trick in the World , to withdraw the Peoples Hearts from their Sovereign , than to persuade them that he is changing true Religion , and about to bring in gross Superstition upon them . Aud the Prelates shamefully : For they are charged to seduce , and lay the Plot , and be the Instruments . For his Majesty first . This I know , and upon this occasion take it my Duty to speak : There is no Prince in Christendom more sincere in his Religion , nor more constant to it , than the King. And he gave such a Testimony of this at his being in Spain , as I much doubt whether the best of that Faction durst have done half so much as his Majesty did , in the Face of that Kingdom . And this you , my Lord , the Earl of Holland , and other Persons of Honour , were Eye and Ear Witnesses of , having the happiness to attend Him there . And at this day , as his Majesty ( by God's great Blessing both on him and us ) knows more , so is he more settled and more confirmed , both in the Truth of the Religion here established , and in Resolution to maintain it . And for the Prelates ; I assure my self , they cannot be so base , as to live Prelates in the Church of England , and labour to bring in the Superstitions of the Church of Rome upon themselves and it . And if any should be so foul , I do not only leave him to God's Judgment , but ( if these Libellers , or any other , can disdover that his base and irreligious falshood ) to shame also , and severe Punishment from the State : And in any just way , no Man's Hand shall be more , or sooner against him , than mine shall be . And for my self , to pass by all the scandalous reproacbes , which they have most injuriously cast upon me , I shall say this only . First , I know of no Plot , nor purpose of altering the Religion established . Secondly , I have ever been far from attempting any thing that may truly be said to tend that way in the least degree : And to these two , I here offer my Oath . Thirdly , If the King had a mind to change Religion , ( which I know he hath not , and God forbid he should ever have ) he must seek for other Instruments . For as basely as these Men conceive of me , yet I thank God , I know my Duty well , both to God and the King : And I know that all the Duty I owe to the King , is under God. And my great happiness it is ( though not mine alone , but your Lordships and all his Subjects with me ) that we live under a Gracious and a Religious King , that will ever give us leave to serve God first , and Him next . But were the days otherwise , I thank Christ for it , I yet know not how to serve any Man against the Truth of God , and I hope I shall never learn it . But to return to the business ; what is their Art to make the World believe a change of Religion is endeavoured ? What ? Why forsooth , they say , there are great Innovations brought in by the Prelates , and such as tend to the advancing of Popery . Now that the Vanity and Falshood of this may appear , I shall humbly defire your Lordships to give me leave to recite briefly all the Innovations charged upon us , be they of less or greater Moment , and as briestly to answer them . And then you shall clearly see , whether any cause hath been given of these unsavory Libels ; and withall , whether there be any shew of cause to fear a change of Religion . And I will take these great pretended Innovations in order , as I meet with them . First , I begin with the News from Ipswich . Where the First * Innovation is , that the last Years Fast was enjoyned to be without Sermons in London , the Suburbs , and other infected Places , contrary to the Orders for other Fasts in former times : Whereas Sermons are the only means to humble Men , &c. To this I say First . That an after-Age may without Offence , learn to avoid any visible Inconvenience observed in the former . And there was visible Inconvenience observed in Mens former flocking to Sermons in Infected Places . Secondly , This was no particular Act of Prelates ; but the business was debated at the Council-Table , being a matter of State , as well as of Religion . And it was concluded for no Sermons in those Infected Places , upon this Reason , that Infected Persons or Families , known in their own Parishes , might not take occasion upon those by-days to run to other Churches where they were not known , as many use to do , to hear some humorons Men Preach ; For on the Sundays , when they better kept their own Churches : The Danger is not so great altogether . Nor Thirdly , is that true , that Sermons are the Only means to humble Men. For though the Preaching of God's Word , where it is performed according to his Ordinance , be a great means of many good Effects in the Souls of Men ; Yet no Sermons are the only means to humble Men. And some of their Sermons are fitter a great deal for other Operations : Namely , to stir up Sedition , as you may see by Mr. 〈◊〉 ; for this his printed Libel was a Sermon first , and a Libel too . And 't is the best part of a Fast to abstain from such Sermons . 2. The Second Innovation is , † That Wednesday was appointed for the Fast-day , and that this was done with this Intention , by the Example of this Fast without Preaching , to suppress all the Wednesday Lectures in London . To this I answer First , That the appointing of Wednesday for the Fast-day was no Innovation . For it was the day in the last Fast before this : And I my self remember it so , above forty years since more than once . Secondly , If there be any Innovation in it , the Prelates named not the day ; my Lord Keeper , I must appeal to your Lordship : The day was first named by your Lordship , as the usual and fittest day . And yet I dare say , and swear too , that your Lordship had no aim to bring in Popery ; nor to suppress all , or any the Wednesday Lectures in London . Besides , these Men live to see the Fast ended , and no one Wednesday Lecture suppressed . 3. The Third Innovation † is , that the Prayer for seasonable weather was purged out of this last Fast-Book , which was ( say they ) one cause of Ship-wrecks and tempestuous weather . To this I say , First in the General ; this Fast-Book , and all that have formerly been made , have been both made and published by the command of the King , in whose sole Power it is to call a Fast. And the Arch-Bishop and Bishops to whom the ordering of the Book is committed , have power under the King , to put in , or leave out , whatsoever they think fit for the present Occasion ; as their Predecessors have ever done before them . Provided that nothing be In contrary to the Doctrine or Discipline of the Church of England And this may serve in the General for all Alterations , in that or any other Fast-Book , or Books of Devotion upon any particular Occasions , which may and ought to vary with several times , and we may , and do , and will justifie , under his Majestys Power , all such Alterations made therein . Secondly , For the particular . When this last-Book was set out , the weather was very seasonable . And it is not the custom of the Church , nor fit in it self to pray for seasonable weather when we have it , but when we want it . When the former Book was set out , the weather was extreme ill , and the Harvest in Danger ; Now the Harvest was in , and the weather good . Thirdly , 〈◊〉 most inconsequent to say , that the leaving that Prayer out of the Book of Devotions , caused the Shipwrecks and the Tempests which followed . And as bold they are with God Almighty , in saying it was the cause : For sure I am , God never told them that was the cause . And if God never revealed it , they cannot come to know it ; yet had the Bishops been Prophets , and foreseen these Accidents , they would certainly have prayed against them . Fourthly , Had any Minister found it necessary to use this Prayer at any one time during the Fast , he might with ease and without Danger , have supplied that want , by using that Prayer to the same purpose , which is in the Ordinary Liturgy . Fifthly , I humbly desire your Lordships to weigh well the Consequence of this great and dangerous Innovation . The Prayer for fair weather was left out of the Book for the Fast ; Therefore the Prelates intend to bring in Popery . An excellent Consequence , were there any shew of Reason in it . 4 The Fourth Innovation * is , That there is one very useful Collect left out , and a Clause omitted in another . To this I answer First , As before ; It was lawful for us to alter what we thought fit . And Secondly , Since that Collect made mention of Preaching , and the Act of State forbad Sermons on the Fast-days in infected Places , we thought it fit , in pursuance of that Order , to leave out that Collect. And Thirdly , For the branch in the other , which is the first Collect , though God did deliver our 〈◊〉 out of Romish Superstition , yet ( God be blessed for it ) we were never in . And therefore that clause being 〈◊〉 expressed , we thought fit to pass it over . 5. The Fifth Innovation * is , That in the sixth Order for the Fast , there is a passage left out concerning the abuse of Fasting in relation to Merit . To this I answer . That he to whom the ordering of that Book to the Press was committed , did therefore leave it out ; because in this Age and Kingdom there is little Opinion of Meriting by Fasting . Nay , on the contray , the Contempt and Scorn of all Fasting ( save what humorous Men call for of themselves ) is so rank , that it would grieve any Christian Man to see the necessary Orders of the Church concerning Fasting , both in Lent and at other set times , so vilified as they are . 6. The Sixth Innovation † is , That the Lady Elizabeth and her Princely Children are dashed ( that 's their phrase ) out of the new Collect , whereas they were in 〈◊〉 Collect of the former Book . For this First , The Author of the News knows full well that they are left out of the Collect in the latter Editions of the Common Prayer-Book , as well as in the Book for the Fast. And this was done according to the Course of the Church , which ordinarily names none in the Prayer but the Right Line descending . Yet this was not done till the King himself commanded it ; as I have to shew under his Majesty's Hand . Secondly , I beseech your Lordships to consider , what must be the Consequence here : The Queen of Bohemia and her Children are left out of the Collect , therefore the Prelates intend to bring in Popery ; For that ( you know ) they say , is the end of all these Innovations . Now if this be the end and the Consequence , truly the Libellers have done very dutifully to the King , to poyson his People with this conceit ; that the Lady Elizabeth and her Children would keep Popery out of this Kingdom , but the King and his Children will not . And many as good Offices as these have they done the King quite thorow these Libels , and quite thorow his Kingdoms . For My part , I honour the Queen of Bohemia , and her Line , as much as any Man whatsoever , and shall be as ready to serve them , but I know not how to depart from my Allegiance , as I doubt these Men have done . 7. The Seventh Innovation ‖ is , That these words ( who art the Father of thine Elect and of their Seed ) are changed in the Preface of that Collect , which is for the Prince and the King's Children . And with a most spiteful inference , that this was done by the Prelates to exclude the King's Children out of the number of God's Elect. And they call it an intolerable Impiety and horrid Treason . To this I answer , First , That this Alteration was made in my Predecessor's time , before I had any Authority to meddle with these things farther than I was called upon by him Secondly , This is not therefore to lay any 〈◊〉 upon my Predecessor ; for he did in that but his Duty : For his Majesty acknowledges it was done by his special Direction , as having then no Children to pray for . And Thirdly , This Collect could not be very old , for it had no being in the Common Prayer Book all Queen Elizabeth's time , she having no Issue . The Truth is , it was made at the coming in of King James ; and must of necessity be changed over and over again pro ratione Temporum , as Times and Persons vary . And this is the Intolerable Impiety , and horrid Treason they charge upon Vs. In this Method the Innovations are set down in the News from Ipswich . But then in Mr. Burion's News from Friday-street ( called his Apology ) they are in another Order , and more are added . Therefore with your Lordship's leave I will not repeal any of these , but go on to the rest , which Mr. Burton adds . 8. The eighth Innovation † is , That in the Epistle the Sunday before Easter , we have put out In , and made it At the Name of Jesus every knee shall bow ; which Alteration , he saith , is directly against the Act of Parliament . Here give me leave to tell you , 't is At the Name of Jesus , in the late Learned Translation made in King James his time . About which many Learned Men of best note in the Kingdom were imployed , besides some Prelates . But to this I Answer : First , 'T is true , the Common Prayer Book was confirmed by Act of Parliament , and so all things contained in it , at the passing of that Act. But I hope if any thing were false Printed then , the Parliament did not intend to pass those slips for current . Secondly , I am not of Opinion , that if one word be put in for another , so they bear both the same Sense , that there is any great matter done against the Act of Parliament . Thirdly , This can make no Innovation . For In the Name , and At the Name of Jesus , can make no Essential Difference here . And Mr. Pryn ( whose Darling business it hath long been to cry down the Honour due to the Son of God , at the mentioning of his saving Name Jesus ) knows the Grammar Rule well , In a Place or at a Place , &c. Fourthly , If there were any Errour in the change of In into At ; I do here solemnly protest to you , I know not how it came : For authority from the Prelates , the Printers had none ; and such a word is easily changed in such a negligent Press as we have in England . Or if any altered it purposely , for ought I know , they did it to gratifie the Preciser sort . For therein they followed the Geneva Translation , and Printed at Geneva , 1557 * . where the words are , At the Name of Jesus . And that is 94 years ago ; and therefore no Innovation made by us . Fifthly , This I find in the Queen's Injunctions † , without either word In or At. Whensoever the Name of Jesus shall be in any Lesson , Sermon , or otherwise pronounced in the Church ( 't is injoyned ) that due Reverence be made of all Persons , Young and Old , with lowliness of Coursy and uncovering of the Heads of the Men-kind , as thereunto doth necessarily belong , and heretofore hath been accustomed . So here 's necessity laid upon it , and custom for it , and both expressed by Authority in the very beginning of the Reformation ; and is therefore no Innovation now . 9. The Ninth Innovation * is , That two places are changed in the Prayers set forth for the Fifth of November : And ordered to be read ( they say ) by Act of Parliament . The first place is ohanged thus , from Root out that Babylomish and Antichristian Sect , which say of 〈◊〉 , &c. Into this form of Words ; Root out that Babylonish and Antichristian Sect ( of them ) which say , &c. The second place went thus in the old : Cut off these Workers of Iniquity , whose Religion is Rebellion . But in the Book Printed 1635 , 't is thus altered ; Cut 〈◊〉 those Workers of Iniquity , who turn Religion into Rebellion , &c. To this I say , First , 'T is a notorious Vntruth , that this Book was ordered to be Read by Act of Parliament . The Act of Parliament indeed is Printed before it ; and therein is a Command for Prayers and Thanksgivings every Fifth of November ; but not one Word or Syllable for the Form of Prayer : That 's left to the Church ; therefore here 's no Innovation against that Act of Parliament . Secondly , The Alteration first mentioned , that is , That Sect , or That Sect of 〈◊〉 ; if of so small Consequence , as 't is not worth the speaking of : Besides , if there be any thing of moment in it , 't is answered in the next . Thirdly , Both for that and the second place , which seems of more moment ; and so for the rest not only in that Book , but that other also for His Majesty's Coronation ; His Majesty expresly commanded Me to make the Alterations , and see them Printed . And here are both the Books with His Majesty's Warrant to each of them . So that herein I conceive I did not offend , unless it were that I gave not these Men notice of it , or asked them leave to obey the King. Against this there can be but two Objections , should Malice it self go to work . The one is , That I moved His Majesty to command the Change. And the other , That now , when I saw my self challeng'd for it , I procured His Majesty's Hand for my security . To these I Answer clearly , First , That I did not move the King , directly or indirectly , to make this Change. And Secondly , That I had His Majesty's Hand to the Book , not now , but then , and before ever I caused them to be Printed ; as now they are . And that both these are true , I here again freely offer my self to my Oath . And yet Fourthly , That you may see His Gracious Majesty used not his Power only in commanding this Change ; but his Wisdom also ; I shall adventure to give you my Reasons , such as they are , why this Alteration was most fit , if not necessary . My first Reason is , In the Litany in Henry VIII . his time * : and also under Edward VI. † there was this Clause : From the Tyranny of the Bishop of Rome , and all his detestable Enormities , from all false Doctrine , &c. Good Lord deliver us . But in the Litany in Queen Elizabeth's time this Clause about the Pope was left out , and it seems of purpose , for avoiding of Scandal : And yet the Prelates for that not accounted Innovators , or Introducers of Popery . Now 't is a far greater Scandal to call their Religion Rebellion , than 't is to call thir chief Bishop Tyrant . And this Reason is drawn from Scandal , which must ever be avoided as much as it may . My second Reason is , That the Learned make but Three Religions to have been of old in the World , Paganisns , Judaism , and Christianity . And now they have added a Fourth , which is Turcism , and is an absurd mixture of the other Three . Now if this ground of theirs be true ( as 't is generally received ) perhaps it will be of dangerous Consequence sadly to avow , that the 〈◊〉 Religion is 〈◊〉 . That some Opinions of theirs teach Rebellion , that 's apparently true , the other would be thought on , to say no more . And this Reason well weighed , is taken from the very Foundations of Religion it self . My third Reason is , Because if you make their Religion to be Rebellion , then you make their Religion and Rebellion to be all one . And that is against the ground both of State and the Law. For when divers Romish Priests and Jesaits have deservedly suffered Death for Treason , is it not the constant and just Profession of the State , that they never put any Man to Death for Religion , but for Rebellion and Treason only ? Doth not the State truly affirm , That there was never any Law made against the Life of a Papist , quatenus a Papist only ? And is not all this stark false , if their very Religion be Rebellion ? For if their Religion be Rebellion , it is not only false , but impossible , that the same Man in the same Act should suffer for his Rebellion , and not for his Religion . And this King James of ever blessed Memory understood passing well , when ( in his Premonition to all Christian Monarchs * ) he saith , I do constantly 〈◊〉 that no Papist either in my time , or in the time of the late 〈◊〉 , ever died for his Conscience . Therefore he did not think their very Religion was Rebellion : Though this Clause passed through Inadvertency in his time . And this Reason is grounded both upon the Practice and the Justice of the Law. Which of these Reasons , or whether any other better , were in His Majesty's Thoughts , when he commanded the Alteration of this Clause , I know not . But I took it my Duty to lay it before you , that the King had not only Power , but Reason to command it . 10. The Tenth Innovation † is , That the Prayer for the Navy is 〈◊〉 out of the late Book for the Fast. To this I say , There is great Reason it should . For the King had no declared Enemy then , nor ( God be thanked ) hath he now . 〈◊〉 had he then any Navy at Sea. For almost all the Ships were come in before the Fast-Book was set out . But howsoever , an excellent Consequence it is , if you mark it ; The Prayer for the Navy was left out of the Book for the Fast , therefore by that , and such like Innovations , the Prelates intend to bring in Popery . Indeed , if that were a piece of the Prelates Plots to bring in Popery from beyond Sea , then they were mightily overseen that they left out the Prayer for the Navy . But else what Reason or Consequence is in it , I know not , unless perhaps Mr. Burton intended to befriend Dr. Bastwick , and in the Navy bring hither the Whore of Babylon to be ready for his Christening , as he most prophanely Scoffs . Well : I pray GOD the time come not upon this Kingdom , in which it will be found , that no one thing hath advanced or ushered in Popery so fast , as the gross Absurdities even in the Worship of God , which these Men , and their like , maintain , both in Opinion and Practice . 11. The Eleventh Innovation * is , The Reading of the Second Service at the Communion-Table , or the Altar . To this , First , I can truly say , That since my own Memory , this was in use in very many Places , as being most proper ( for those Prayers are then read which both precede and follow the Communion , ) and by little and little this antient Custom was altered , and in those Places first , where the Emissaries of this Faction came to Preach . And now if any in Authority offer to reduce it , this antient Course of the Church is by and by called an Innovation . Secondly , With this the Rubricks of the Common-Prayer Book agree : For the first Rubrick after the Communion tells us , that upon Holy-Days , though there be no Communion , yet all else that 's appointed at the Communion shall be read . Shall be read ? That 's true , but where ? Why , the last 〈◊〉 before the Communion tells us , That the Priest , standing at the North-side of the Holy Table , shall say the Lord's Prayer , with that which follows . So that not only the Communion , but the Prayers which accompany the Communion ( which are commonly called the Second Service ) are to be read at the Communion Table . Therefore if this be an Innovation , 't is made by the Rubrick , not by the Prelates ; And Mr. Burton's Scoff , that this Second Service must be served in for Dainties † , savours too much of Belly and Prophanation . 12. One think sticks much in their Stomachs , and they call it an Innovation ‖ too . And that is Bowing , or doing Reverence at our first coming into the Church , or at our nearer Approaches to the Holy Table , or the Altar , ( call it whether you will ) in which they will needs have it , That we Worship the Holy Table , or God knows what . To this I Answer : First , That God forbid we should Worship any thing but GOD Himself . Secondly , That if to Worship GOD when we enter into his House , or approach his Altar , be an Innovation , 't is a very old one . For Moses did Reverence at the very Door of the Tabernacle , Numb . 20. 6. Hezekiah , and all that were present with him , when they had made an end of offering , bowed and worshipped , ( 2 Chron. 29. 29. ) David calls the People to it with a Venite , O come let us Worship , and fall down , and kneel before the Lord our Maker , ( Psal. 95. 6. ) And in all these Places ( I pray mark it ) 't is bodily Worship . Nor can they say , That this was Judaical Worship , and now not to be 〈◊〉 . For long before Judaism began , Bethel , the House of GOD , was a place of Reverence , ( Gen. 28. 17 , &c. ) Therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Of , and To GOD. And after Judaical Worship ended , Venite , Adoremus , as far up wards as there is any track of a Liturgy , was the Introitus of the Priest , all the Latine Church over . And in the daily Prayers of the Church of England , this was retain'd at the Reformation ; and that Psalm , in which is Venite , Adoremus , is commanded to begin the Morning Service every Day . And for ought I know , the Priest may as well leave out the Venite , as the Adoremus ; the calling the People to their Duty , as the Duty it self , when they are come . Therefore even according to the Service-Book of the Church of England , the Priest and the People both are call'd upon , for external and bodily Reverence and Worship of GOD in his Church . Therefore they which do it , do not Innovate . And yet the Government is so moderate , ( God grant it be not too loose therewhile ) that no Man is constrained , no Man questioned , only religiously called upon , Venite , Adoremus , Come , let us Worship . For my own part , I take my self bound to Worship with Body as well as in Soul , when ever I come where God is Worshipped . And were this Kingdom such as would allow no Holy Table standing in its proper place , ( and such places some there are ) yet I would Worship God when I came into His House . And were the times such , as should beat down Churches , and all the curious carved Work thereof , with Axes and Hammers , as in Psal. 74. 6. ( and such Times have been ) yet would I Worship in what place soever I came to Pray , tho there were not so much as a Stone laid for Bethel . But this is the misery , 't is Superstition now adays for any Man to come with more Reverence into a Church , than a Tinker and his Bitch come into an Ale-house ; the Comparison is too homely , but my just Indignation at the Prophaneness of the Times , makes me speak it . And you my Honourable Lords of the Garter , in your great Solemnities , you do your Reverence , and to Almighty God , I doubt not , but yet it is versus Altare , towards his Altar , as the greatest place of God's Residence upon Earth . ( I say the greatest , yea greater than the Pulpit . For there 't is Hoc est Corpus meum , This is my Body : But in the Pulpit 't is at most but Hoc est Verbum meum , This is my Word . And a greater Reverence ( no doubt ) is due to the Body , than to the Word of our Lord. And so , in Relation , answerably to the Throne where his Body is usually present , than to the Seat whence his Word useth to be proclainted . And God hold it there , at His Word ; for , as too many Men use the matter , 't is Hoc est Verbum Diaboli , This is the Word of the Devil , in too many places . Witness Sedition , and the like to it . ) And this Reverence ye do when ye enter the Chapel , and when you approach nearer to Offer . And this is no Innovation , for you are bound to it by your Order , and that 's not New. And Idolatry it is not , to Worship God towards His Holy Table ; For if it had been Idolatry , I presume , Queen Elizabeth and King James would not have practised it , no not in those Solemnities . And being not Idolatry , but true Divine Worship , You will , I hope , give a poor Priest leave to Worship God , as Your selves do : For if it be God's Worship , I ought to do it as well as You : And if it be Idolatry , You ought not to do it more than I. I say again , I hope a poor Priest may Worship God with as lowly Reverence as you do , since you are bound by your Order , and by your Oath , according to a Constitution of Henry the Fifth , ( as appears * ) to give due Honour and Reverence , Domino Deo , & Altari ejus , in modum Virorum Ecclesiasticorum ; That is , to the Lord your God , and to his Altar ( for there is a Reverence due to that too , though such as comes far short of Divine Worship ) and this in the manner as Ecclesiastical Persons both Worship and do Reverence . The Story which led in this Decree is this : King Henry the Fifth , that Noble and Victorious Prince , returning gloriously out of France , sat at this Solemnity ; and finding the Knights of the Order scarce bow to God , or but slightly , and then bow towards Him and His Seat , startled at it ( being a Prince then grown as Religious , as he was before Victorious ) and after asking the Reason ; for till then the Knights of the Order never bowed toward the King or his Seat ; the Duke of Bedford answer'd , it was setled by a Chapter Act three Years before . Hereupon that Great King replied . No , I 'll none of this , till you the Knights do it satis bene , well enough , and with due performance to Almighty GOD. And hereupon the forenamed Act proceeded , that they should do this Duty to Almighty GOD , not slightly , but ad modum Virorum Ecclesiasticorum , as low , as well , as decently , as Clergy-Men use to do it . Now if you will turn this off , and say , it was the Superstition of that Age so to do ; Bishop Jewell will come in to help me there . For where Harding names divers Ceremonies , and particularly howing themselves , and adoring at the Sacrament , I say , adoring At the Sacrament , not adoring the Sacrament ; there Bishop Jewell ( that Learned , Painful and Reverend Prelate ) approves all , both the Kneeling and the Bowing , and the Standing up at the Gospel ( which as antient as it is in the Church , and a common Custom , is yet fondly made another of their Innovations : ) And farther , the Bishop adds , * That they are all commendable Gestures , and tokens of Devotion , so long as the People understand what they mean , and apply them unto GOD. Now with us the People did ever understand them fully , and apply them to GOD , and to none but GOD , till these Factious Spirits , and their like , to the great disservice of GOD and His Church , went about to persuade them that they are Superstitious , if not Idolatrous Gestures : As they make every thing else to be , where GOD is not served slovenly . 13. The Thirteenth Innovation † is , The placing of the Holy Table Altar-wise , at the upper end of the Chancel , that is , the setting of it North and South , and placing a Rail before it , to keep it from Prophanation , which Mr. Burton says , is done to advance and usher in Popery . To this I Answer , That 't is no Popery to set a Rail to keep Prophanation from that Holy Table ; nor is it any Innovation to place it at the upper end of the Chancel as the Altar stood . And this appears both by the Practice , and by the Command and Canon of the Church of England . First , By the Practice of the Church of England . For in the King 's Royal Chapels , and divers Cathedrals , the Holy Table hath ever since the Reformation stood at the upper end of the Quire , with the large or full side towards the People . And though it stood in most Parish Churches the other way , yet whether there be not more reason , the Parish Churches should be made conformable to the Cathedral and Mother Churches , than the Cathedrals to them , 〈◊〉 leave to any reasonable Man to judge . And yet here is nothing done , either by violence or command , to take off the Indifferency of the standing of the Holy Table either way , but only by laying it fairly before Men , how fit it is there should be Order and Vniformity ; I say still reserving the Indifferency of the standing . But howsoever I would fain know , how any discreet moderate Man dares say , that the placing of the Holy Table Altar-wise ( since they will 〈◊〉 call it so ) is done either to advance to usher in Popery ? For did Queen Elizabeth banish Popery , and yet did she all along her Reign from first to last leave the Communion Table so standing in her own Chapel Royal , in St. Paul's and Westmidster , and other places ; and all this of 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 on usher in that Popery which she had driven out ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 since her Death have two Gracious Kings kept out Popery all their 〈◊〉 , and yet 〈◊〉 the Holy Table standing , as it did in the Queen's time , and all of purpose to advance or usher in Popery which they kept out ? 〈◊〉 what 's the matter ? May the Holy Table stand this way in the 〈◊〉 Chapel , or Cathedrals , or Bishops Chapels , and not elsewhere ? 〈◊〉 , if it be decent and fit for God's Service , it may stand so ( if 〈◊〉 please ) in any Church . But if it advance or usher in any 〈◊〉 and Popery , it ought to stand so in none . Not hath any King's Chapel any Prerogative ( if that may be call'd one ! ) above any ordinary Church to dis-serve God in , by any Superstitious 〈◊〉 Where , give me leave to tell you , that the King and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most 〈◊〉 , and with Scorn abused , in the last Leaf of Mr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Appeal , for such it is . 〈◊〉 , This appears by the Canon or Rule of the Church of 〈◊〉 too , for 't is plain in the last Injunction of the Queen , That the Holy Table ought to stand at the upper end of the Quire , North and South , or Altar-wise . For the words of the Queen's Injunctions are these . The Holy Table in every Church ( mark it I pray , not in the Royal 〈◊〉 or Cathedrals only , but in every Church ) shall be decently made , and set in the place where the Altar stood . Now the Altar stood at the upper end of the Quire , North and South , as appears before by the 〈◊〉 of the Church . And there to set it otherwise , is to set it cross the place , not In the place where the Altar stood : and so , Stulti dum vit ant vitia — weak Men , as these Libellers are , run into one Superstition while they would avoid another ; For they run upon the Superstition of the Cross. while they seek to avoid the Superstition of the Altar . So you see here 's neither Popery nor Innovation in all the Practice of Queen Elizabeth , or since . These words of the Injunction are so plain , as that they can admit of no shift . And give me leave to tell you , That a very learned Prelate of this Church , and one whom I think these Men will not accuse , as a Man like to advance or usher in Popery , is of the same Opinion : 'T is my Lord the Bishop of Salisbury . Some difference was lately rising about placing the Communion-Table in a Parish Church of his Diocese . The Bishop , careful to prevent all Disorder , sends his Injunction under his Hand and Seal to the Curate and Church-Wardens , to settle that business : In which he hath these two Passages remarkable . I have seen and read the Order . The first Passage is this ; By the Injunction of Queen Elizabeth ( saith he ) and by Can. 82. under King James , the Communion Tables should ordinarily be set and stand with the side to the East Wall of the Chancel . Therefore this is 〈◊〉 , since there is Injunction and Canon for it . The other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this , 'T is Ignorance ( saith that learned Bishop ) to think that the 〈◊〉 of the Holy Table there , relishes of Popery . Therefore , if it do not to much as relish of Popery , it can neither advance it , nor usher it in . 〈◊〉 therefore this is a most odious Slander and Scandal cast upon 〈◊〉 So here 's enough 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Rule of the Church of England since the 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that time , both in this and other Churches of 〈◊〉 , in the 〈◊〉 and West ordinarily , the Holy Table or Altar stood so : 〈◊〉 this Mr. Burton says little . But the Lincolnshire Minister comes in to play the Puritan for that . Concerning which Book ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in my way ) and the Nameless Author of it , I shall only 〈◊〉 these two things . The one is , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the first word to the 〈◊〉 in the Book ; for he 〈◊〉 on him both for the Name and for the placing of the Holy Table , and the like , to prove , that Generally and Vniversally , and Ordinarily in the whole Catholick Church , both East and West , the Holy Table did not stand at the upper end of the Quire or Chancel . And this he must prove , or he doth nothing . Now when he comes to make his Proofs , they are almost all of them particular , few or none general and concludent ; for he neither brings Testimonies out of the General and received Rituals of the Easteru and Western Churches , nor of Fathers and Histories of the Church , which speak in General terms of all , but where they speak of particular Churches only . So that suppose the most that can be , that is , suppose his Quotations be all truly alledged , and true too in the sense that the Minister takes them , ( though in very truth , the 〈◊〉 , most of them , are neither truly alledged , nor sensed ) yet they 〈◊〉 but exceptions of , and exemptions from the general Practice . And you know both in Law and Reason , Exceptio firmat Regulam in non 〈◊〉 . So that upon the sudden I am not able to resolve , whether this Minister hath done more wrong to himself or his Readers , for he hath abused both . The other is , that in the Judgment of very many learned Men , which have perused this Book , the Author is clearly conceived to want a great deal of that learning , to which he pretends ; or 〈◊〉 to have written this Book wholly and resolvedly against both his Science and his Conscience . And for my own part , I am 〈◊〉 of Opinion , this Book was thrust now to the Press , both to 〈◊〉 these Libellers , and , as much as in him lay , to fire both Church and State. And tho I wonder not at the 〈◊〉 , yet I should wonder at the Bishop of the Diocese ( a Man of Learning and Experience ) that he should give Testimony to such a Business , and in such Times as these . And once more , before I leave the 〈◊〉 Table , Name and Thing , give me leave to put you in mind , that there is no danger at all in the Altar , Name or Thing . For at the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Reformation , tho' there were a Law for the taking down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Altars , and setting up of Holy Tables in the room of 〈◊〉 ; yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 places the Altars were not suddenly removed . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Queen in her Injunction to this ? Why she says , That there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of great moment in this , saving for Vniformity , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Law in that behalf . Therefore for any danger or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was in the Altars , Name or Thing , they might even then have been left standing , but for Vniformity , and the Imitation of the Law. But howsoever , it follows in the same Injunction , That when the Altar is taken down , the Holy Table shall be set In ( not cross ) the place where the Altar stood : which ( as is aforesaid ) must needs be Altar-wise . 14. The Fourteenth and the last Innovation comes with a mighty Charge , and 't is taken out of an Epistle to the Temporal Lords of His Majesty's Privy Council . Of which Epistle we got one Sheet , and so ( for ought I yet know ) that Impression staid : In that Sheet is this Charge ; the words are . The Prelates , to justifie their Proceedings , have forged a new Article of Religion , brought from Rome ( which gives them full power to alter the Doctrine and Discipline of our Church at a Blow ( as they interpret it ) and have foisted it ( such is their Language ) into the beginning of the 20th Article of our Church . And this is in the last Edition of the Articles , Anno 1628. in affront of His Majesty's Declaration before them , &c. The Clause ( which they they say is forged by us ) is this , The Church ( that is , the Bishops , as they expound it ) hath Power to Decree Rites and Ceremonies , and Authority in matter of Faith. ( The word is Controversies of Faith , by their leave . ) This Clause ( say they ) is a Forgery fit to be Examined , and deeply Censured in the Star-Chamber . For 't is not to be found in the Latin or English Articles of Edward VI. or Queen Elizabeth , ratified by Parliament . And then in the Margent thus , If to Forge a Will or Writing be censurable in the Star-Chamber , which is but a wrong to a private Man ; how much more the Forgery of an Article of Religion , to wrong the whole Church , and overturn Religion , which concerns all our Souls ? This is a heavy Charge , my Lords ; but I thank God the Answer 's easie . And truly I grant , that to Forge an Article of Religion in whole or in part , and then to thrust it upon the Church , is a most hainous Crime , far worse than the Forging of a Deed. And is certainly very deeply Censurable in this Court. And I would have humbly besought you , that a deep Censure might have been laid upon it , but that this Sheet was found after , and so is not annext to the Information , nor in Judgment at this present before you . But then , my Lords , I must tell you , I hope to make it as clear as the Day , that this Forgery was not , that this Clause mentioned was added by the Prelates to the Article , to gain Power to the Church , and so to serve our turns . But that that Clause in the beginning of the Article was by these Men , or at least by some of their Faction , rased out , and this to weaken the just Power of the Church to serve their turns . They say ( to justifie their Charge ) that this Clause is not to be found in the Articles , English or Latin , of either Edw. VI. or Q. Elizabeth . I answer : The Articles of Edw. VI. and those made under Q. Elizabeth differ very much . And those of Edw. VI. are not now binding . So whether the Clause be In or Out of them , 't is not much material . But for the Articles of the Church of England , made in the Queen's time , and now in force , that this Clause for the Power of the Church to Decree Ceremonies , and to have Authority in Controversies of Faith , should not be found in English or Latin Copies till the Year 1628. that it was set forth with the King's Declaration before it , is to me a Miracle ; but your Lordships shall see the Falshood and Boldness of these Men. What ? Is this Affirmative Clause in no Copy , English or Latin till the Year 1628 ? Strange : Why , my Lords , I have a Copy of the Articles in English of the Year 1612 , and of the Year 1605 , and of the Year 1593 , and in Latin of the Year 1563 , which was one of the first Printed Copies , if not the first of all . For the Articles were agreed on but the Nine and twentieth day of January 〈◊〉 1563. And in all these , this Affirmative Clause for the Churches Power is in . And is not this strange boldness then to abuse the World , and falsely to say 't is in no Copy when I my self , out of my own store am able to shew it into so many , and so antiently . But My Lord's , I shall make it plainer yet : For 't is not fit concerning an Article of Religion , and an Article of such Consequence for the Order , Truth , and Peace of this Church , you should rely upon my Copys , be they never so many or never so ancient . Therefore I sent to the Publick Records in my Office , and here under my Officers Hand , who is a Publick Notary , is returned me the Twentieth Article with this Affirmative Clause in it . And there is also the whole Body of the Articles to be seen . By this your Lordships see how free the Prelates are from Forging this part of the Article . Now let these Men quit themselves and their Faction , as they can , for their Index Expurgatorins and their foul Rasure in leaving out this part of the Article . For to leave out of an Article is as great a Crime as to put in ; And a Main Rasure is as Censurable in this Court as a Forgery . Why , But then my Lords ; what is this Mystery of Iniquity ? Truly , I cannot certainly tell , but as far as I can I 'll tell you . The Articles you see were fully , and fairly agreed to and subscribed in the Year 1563. But after this , in the Year 1571 , there were some that refused to subscribe , but why they did so , is not recorded . Whether it were about this Article or any other I know not . But in Fact this is Manifest , that in that Year 1571 , the Articles were Printed both in Latin and English , and this Clause for the Church left out of both . And certainly , this could not be done , but by the malicious cunning of that Opposite Faction . And though I shall spare dead Men's Names where I have not certainty ; Yet if you be pleased to look back and consider who they were that Governed businesses in 1571 , and rid the Church almost at their pleasure ; And how potent the Ancestors , these Libellers began then to grow , you will think it no hard matter to have the Articles Printed , and this Clause left out . And yet 't is plain , That , after the stir about Subscription in the Year 1571 , the Articles were setled and subscribed unto at last , as in the Year 1562 , with this Clause in them for the Church : For looking farther into the Records which are in mine own Hands , I have found the Book of 1563 subscribed by all the Lower House of Convocation , in this very Year of Contradiction , 1571 , Dr. John Elmar ( who was after Lord Bishop of London ) being there Prolocutor : Alexander Nowel Dean of St. Paul's , having been Prolocutor in 1563 , and yet living and present and subscribing in 1571. Therefore , I do here openly in the Star-Chamber charge upon that pure Sect this foul Corruption of falsifying the Articles of the Church of England ; let them take it off as they can . I have now done , and 't is time I should , with the Innovations charged upon the Prelates , and fit to be answered here . Some few more there are , but they belong to matter of Doctrine , which shall presently be answered , Justo Volumine , at large , to satisfie all Well-Minded People . But when Mr. Burton's Book which is the Main one , is answered ( I mean his Book no this Railing ) neither Prynn , nor Bastwick ; nor any Attendants upon Rabshakeh , shall by me or my care be answered . If this Court find not a way to stop these Libellers Mouths and Pens , for me they shall rail on till they be weary . Yet one thing more , I beseech you , give me leave to add . 'T is Mr. Burton's Charge † upon the Prelates . That the Censures formerly laid upon Malefactors , are now put upon God's Ministers for their Vertue and Piety . A heavy charge this too . But if he or any Man else can shew that any Man hath been punished in the High Commission , or elsewhere , by the Prelates , for Vertue and Piety , there is all the Reason in the World we should be severely punished our selves . But the Truth is , the Vertue and Piety for which these Ministers are punished , is for Preaching Schism and Sedition , many of their Sermons being as bad as their Libels , As Burton's Libell was one of his Sermons first . But whether this stuff have any Affinity with Vertue and Piety , I submit to any Christian Reader . And yet Mr. Burton is so confident of his Innocency , even in this Cause wherein he hath so fouly carryed himself , that he breaks forth into these words , * I never so much as once dreamed , that Impiety and Impudency it self , in such a Christian State as this is , and under such a gracious Prince , durst ever thus publickly have called me in Question , and that upon the open Stage , &c. You see the boldness of the Man , and in as bad a Cause , as ( I think ) in this kind ever any Man had . I shall end all with a passage out of S. Cyprian , ‖ when he , then Bishop of Carthage , was bitterly railed upon by a pack of Schismaticks , his answer was , and 't is now mine ; They have railed both bitterly and falsly upon me , and yet non oportet me paria cum illis facere , it becomes not me to answer them with the like either Levities or Revilings , but to speak and write that only which becomes Sacerdotem Dei , a Priest of God. Neither shall I in this give way ( though I have been extremely vilified ) to either Grief or Passion to speak , remembring that of the Psalmist , Psal. 37. 8. Fret not thy self , else shalt thou be moved to do Evil. Neither yet , by God's Grace , shall the Reproaches of such Men as these make me faint or start aside , either from the Right-way in matter of practice ( they are S. Cyprian's words again * ) or , a certa Regula , from the certain Rule of Faith. And since in former times , some spared not to call the Master of the House , Beelzebub , how much more will they be bold with them of his Houshould , as it is in St. Matthew 10. 25. And so bold have these Men been ; but the next words of our Saviour are , Fear them not . I humbly crave Pardon of your Lordships for this my necessary length , and give you all hearty thanks for your Noble Patience , and your Just and Honowable Censure upon these Men , and your unanimous dislike of them , and defence of the Church . But because the business hath some Reflexion upon my self , I shall forbear to censure them , and leave them to God's Mercy and the King's Justice . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A67877-e340 Dr. Frewen Vicechancellour . The Election of the R. R. Father William Laud Bp. of London , to be Chancellour . Convocation At London-House for Admission of their Chancellour Elect. The Letters Patents of the University . Dr. Frewen continued Vicechancellour . The Chancelor's Speech . Order taken for weekly Letters from the Vicechancellour . Concerning the making and settling the Statutes . To Dr. Tolson the Vicechancellour's Deputy about two disorderly Sermons . To Dr. Frewin Vicechancellor , about observing Formalities . My first Letters to the Convocation . A 〈◊〉 in Christ Church given to the Hebrew Reader for ever . The observing of Formalities . The not spolling of his Majesty's Game . Dr. Smith Warden of Wadham College apopinted Vicechancellour . Dr. Smith . A Letter of Thanks from the Vniversity , for my Letters to Them. Dr. 〈◊〉 the Hebrew Reader 's Thanks for the Prebend of Christchurch , procured by me . Certain Advertisements given the Vicechancellour at Michaelmas 〈◊〉 , Octob . 6 : 1630. An Order De accumulandis Gradibus . Octob. 11. 1630. Dr. Prideaux his Letter De Accumulandis Gradibus . My Answer to Dr. Prideaux his Letter de accumulandis gradibus . Concerning Act Questions . A Clause of my Letters to the Vicechancellour de susceptione Gradûs Baccalur . in SS . Theologiâ . Octob. 15. 1630. De gradibus accumulandis . Dr. Prideaux his Thanks , and an Answer to my former Letters . 〈◊〉 . The Act Question . Dr. Prideaux his Thanks and Acknowledgement of the Justness of my Proceedings . The Proctors of the University their Thanks concerning Reformation . Concerning the Principal of St. Edmund's Hall. To the Vice-Chancellour concerning the Choice of a Principal of St. Edmund's-Hall . An Act concerning the Commission for Fees. Thanks from the University for my Care of their Liberties . My Letters to the Vicechancellour about the publishing of Mr. Page's Book concerning Bowing at the Name of Jesus . The occasion of the next foregoing Letter . Mr. Baker's Letter to Mr. Page about the not publishing of his Book &c. In my Predecessour's time . Annus Cancellarii Secundus . Dr. ( Smith continued Vice-Chancellour a Second year . My Letters sent with his Majesties to the University about Fees. July 4. 1631. His Majesties Letters to be Register'd The Delegates to settle presently the Business of Fees. His Majesties Letters to me about the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 . Thanks from the University about their Fees. My Building at S. John's A 〈◊〉 of my Letters to the Vice-chancellour concerning Boots , Taverns , and the Kings Declaration , &c. Sept. 23. 1631. This Letter was here placed out of order , to the end there might come nothing between the great Business which follows . Bachelors of 〈◊〉 to uncover their heads when they meet their Superiours in Degree or be in presence with them . Dr. Prideaux and Dr. Fell to read their Lectures according to the Statutes . The keeping of his Majestys Declaration urged : And to punish Offenders against it . The troublesome 〈◊〉 arising in the 〈◊〉 against Government . Dr. Duppa's Letters to me concerning the late Disorders in Oxford . Dr. Smith , Vicechancellor , his Petition to the King against Ford's Sermon . The Viceehancellors Appeal to his Majesty 〈◊〉 Ford's Case . 8. Aug. The great Hearing at Woodstock . His Majesties Letter sent to the University after the great Hearing at Woodstock , Aug. 24. 1631. Forde , Thorne and Hodges banish'd the 〈◊〉 . The Proctours Bruche and Doughty to resign their Office . Hyde and Hill to be warned at their Return to be in a readiness to answer to their several Charges Every man to give in a true Copy of his Sermon at the Demand of the Vicechancellor and that upon Oath . Any man commanded to Prison by the Vicechancellour , to submit The Delegates commanded to draw up the first two Statutes concerning Appeals before they Proceed . A weekly Meeting every Monday of the Heads of Colleges and Halls . Convocatio habita circa Edicta Regis . The Proctours Obey , and lay down their Offices . Procuratores . Mag. Erles 〈◊〉 Coll. Merton . Mag. Washington Nas. 〈◊〉 Coll. AEn . Bannitio Magistrorum praemissorum secundum Edicta Regis . The Chappel of Queen's-Coll . Wainscotted . Mr. Hill's Letter to me , how he was mislead by Dr. Prideaux in this business . Another Letter of Mr. Hill's to me about Dr. Prideaux . Mr. Loyde's Letter to the Vice-Chancel lour . Convocatio habita 15 Decemb . 1631. circa Statuta quaedam de appellat . & convent . praefectotum . De Appellationibus . Mr. Hodges his submission Decemb . 15. 1631. in Convocation . Mr. Hill's submission , Decem. 15. 1631. in Convocation . Mr. 〈◊〉 submission . Mr. Hodges his Letters os Thanks . My Letters to the Convocation about the disorders in the Schools the last Lent. Procuratores Mr. Chaworth ex AEn . Christ. Mr. Meridith e Coll. Omni. Anim. His Majestie 's Letters to me about the Tumults in Lent Disputations . Bannitio Mr. Masters 1632. see p. 156. Dr. Duppa Dean of Christ-Church chosen Vice-Chancellour . An Order conceived in Oxford touching the Kings Declaration about the five Articles Feb. 9. 1631 / 2. A passage of my Letters touching the Order the Heads had conceived about the Five Articles . My Letters to the Convocation about the Patent for Printing . A second Patent procured , The Printer ; not to be confirmed in their places till 〈◊〉 some orders concerning them be 〈◊〉 led . Letters of Thanks from the University for getting their Patents of Printing . Procuratores Mr. White , 〈◊〉 C. C. C. Mr. Page , 〈◊〉 Coll. Exon A passage of my Letters to the Vice-Chancellour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Concerning Noble Mens 〈◊〉 , their conforming themselves to the Discipline of the University . An Order about hastning the New Statutes . Phisick Garden . Queen's-College Chappel . Dr. Duppa continued Vice-Chancellour . a second year . A Letter to me from the Lords Commissioners for the Navy about the University Privileges for Carriages . Certain passages utterd by Dr. 〈◊〉 upon Dr. Heylins Questions at the Vespers , on July 6. 1633. Dr. Prideaun's answer to these particulars received August 22 Ex. Act. 20. Dr. 〈◊〉 . his Protestation . The University submit their Statutes to me and my ordering of them . Letters of Thanks concerning their Privileges . Thanks from Oxon. for their Mortmain , and the Letters from the Counsel about Cottages . Procuratores Mr. Pellam e Coll. Magd. Mr. Warren e Coll , Wadh. My Proclamation for a Toll-gatherer in Oxford , &c. May 2. 1634. Christopher Dival chosen Tol-gatherer . The Sentence for distutoring of Mr. Oxenbridge of Magd. Hall. May 27. An Order about the setling of the Statutes , 12. Sep. 1633. University College . Dr. Pink appointed Vice-chancellor . My Letters to the Convocation about publishing 〈◊〉 Statutes , &c. The Statutes to be publish'd for a years probation . Thanks from the University about their Statutes then sent down , and published in Print for a years probation . My Letters to the Convocati on concerning the Book of the Statutes delivered to the King and Sir Kenelm Digby's Manuscrspts , &c. Manuscripts given by Sir 〈◊〉 Digby to the University Two Advertisements of Sir Ken. Digby concerning his Manuscripts to be observed . Thanks from the University for the Delivery of their Statutes to the King , and for Sir 〈◊〉 Digby's Manuscripts procured by me . A Project to set the Poor of Oxford on work Decemb. 28. 1634. Mr. Escots answer to certain of mine concerning the Poor of Oxford . Recep . March the 10. 1635. My Letters to the University , wherein I then gave them certain Manuscripts . A Condition to be kept concerning the Manuscripts . Thanks from the University for my Manuscripts I gave them . Magdalane College . Smith-gate . Thames brought up to Oxford . Henry Birkhead of Trinity Col. seduced by 〈◊〉 Jesuite . Dr. Pink continued 〈◊〉 another year . A Branch of my Letters to my Lord of Winchester , concerning New Coll. in Oxon. Feb. 2. 1635. Concerning the Probationers of New Coll. their reading of Calvin's Institutions too soon . My Letters to the University concerning their large Patent procured from his Majesty . Letters of Thanks to be sent to his Majesty for their large Patent . The Decree of the Lords sent . Thanks from the University for their large Patent procnted by 〈◊〉 . Thanks for a Prebend procured for the University Orator and his Successors . Vniversity Coll. The Agreement between the University and town of Oxford to stand to a final Order upon the hearing of the difference about Felons Goods , &c. vid. page 199. Procuratores Mr. Brown ex AEd. Chri. Mr. Good e Coll. Novo . My Letters to the Convocation , when the new Statutes were to be published . Commissioners sent by his Majesty about the publishing of the Statutes . A Convocation on the 22 of June for the publishing of the new Statutes . Mr. Secretary 〈◊〉 Speech in Convocation at the Publication of the new Statutes . A Meeting at Dr. Pink's Lodgings about the Protestation of the Provost and Fellows of Queen's . Coll. June 22. 1636. A Protestation of the Provost and Fellowes of Queen's-Col . about their right of the choice of the Principal of St. Edmund's Hall. A Convocation on the 9th of July 1636. wherein my Letters sent to the University were read . My Letters to the University when I sent them my second Manuscripts and Coyns . The Effigles of King Charles sent to the University . Coyns sent . Two Idols 〈◊〉 . Thanks from the University for perfecting and confirming the Statutes . Three Fellowships in Oxford given by King Charles to Scholars of the Isles Jarsey and Garnsey . Thanks from the University for my second Manuscriprs , Coyns and the Effigies of King Charles in Brass . St. John's Buildings finishit . The new ConvocationHouse . The Windows of Queen's Col. Chappel . Dr. Baylie President of St. John's chosen Vice-Chancel lour . My Letters to the Vice-Chancellour about the settlement of the Plays in Oxford against his Majesties coming . The University to contribute to the Plays at Christ-Church . The materials of the Plays to be safely laid up and kept . My Letters concerning the business of the Plays to be registred . Four experienced men to be appointed to look to the rates of the Materia's for the Plays . Thanks from the University for setting up the Arabick Lecture . which I founded for my own time , ( having not means to make it perpetual ) in hope , that by Charity it may grow into perpetuity . I appointed Mr Edw. 〈◊〉 . of C. C. C. my Reader , and the Supend I allow is 〈◊〉 Per Annum . Concerning my Entertainment of the King at Oxford . I came into Oxford to make things ready for this entertainment upon Thursday August 25. I came in privately at Dinner hour , having sent most of my Servants thither the night before , and my self lay that night at my Ld. of Oxford's . August 〈◊〉 . The two Princes names entred in St. John's College . The 2 Princes and other Honorable Persons made Masters of Art. The King and Queen ; Prince Elector , and Prince Rupert with other Honorable Persons feasted by me at 〈◊〉 . John's . The latter Play at Christ Church acted over again by the Queen's Players at Hampton Court. Novem. 26. My Letters to the Vice-chancellor about the Service to be in Latin at the beginning of Terms , &c. The Communion to be Celebrated in the Chancel . The Vice-chancellor and he that 〈◊〉 with him at the Communion , to wear the Surplice . The Singing Men to answer in 〈◊〉 . My Letters to them concerning business of Importance to be Registred . 〈◊〉 from the 〈◊〉 versity for my delivery of their Letters to the Queen about their Play. 〈◊〉 of Agreement between the University of Oxon , and the Company of Mationers , Feb. 16. 〈◊〉 . * The Books are specified in the Order from the Council to the Company of Stationers . The Copy of a part of my Letters to the 〈◊〉 about the Stationers agreement , and the reserving of the 200 l. Per Ann. for the settling of the Learned Press Feb. 24. The Doctors made at his Majesties late being at Oxford either to pay 20 l. a Man , or to do their Exercise . And this to be Published in Convocation . About . Concerning the strict observation 〈◊〉 the new 〈◊〉 . A care to be had of Noctivagation , &c. Speaking of Latin urged . To Dr. Prideaux concerning his review of Mr. Chillingworths Answer , &c. March 3. Books Licensed to the Press to have a form of Approbation annexed . The Benefit from the Charter of Printing , and the Agreement with the Stationers upon it , turned to the Learned Press . April . 10. 〈◊〉 Mr. 〈◊〉 , Coll. Oriel . Mr. Glisson , Coll. Trin. Concerning the calling in of the last English Translation of Bishop Sales his Book of Devotion . May 5. Mar , 5. A Branch of my Letters to the 〈◊〉 concerning the Matrices , Letters , and Composer for the 〈◊〉 ss . My Book of 〈◊〉 sent for the Library 〈◊〉 to see their Daties . Concerning the keeping 〈◊〉 the Statutes too close . Additions to be inserted inthe Statute-book of every Col. and Hall. Concerning the Proctors collecting the Mulcts . 〈◊〉 . A Branch of a Letter to the 〈◊〉 concerning Mr. 〈◊〉 his Degree of Master , May 19. 〈◊〉 Mr. 〈◊〉 . So much of the Statutes , as con cern manners or exercise , to be contracted into a little Volume , and Printed for the Use of the Younger 〈◊〉 . The 〈◊〉 Book of Statutes to be 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 . Part of a Letter to the Vice-chancellor concerning the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Bedells , their assistance at the learned Press May 26. To bring in some Batchelors of Art to be Yeomen-Bedels to serve the Press . Divinity Disputations . Speaking of Latin urged again . The Clerkship of St. Mary's and the be stowing of it . The Clerk of St. Mary's not to be Clock-keeper . A 〈◊〉 to the Vice-chancellor concerning Answerers in the 〈◊〉 and Phisick Act. June 16. The proceeders in either Faculty toprovide his Answererhimself A Passage of a Letter to the Vice-chancellor for Mr. Crofts and his great Horses to depart Oxford . Hereupon Mr. Crofts presently left Oxsord . Dr. Baylie continued Vice-chancellor a second Year . To the Vice-chancellor concerning the Act in the dangerous time of infection June 30. My Letters to the Vicechancelor in the behalf of William Ball for a Yeoman Bedel's Place . July 14 1637. He had the Place . Mr. Greaves Deputy Arabick-Reader . in Mr. Pocock's absence . A Passage of a Letter to the Vice-chancellor concerning Mr. Brown and the Stationers July 28. Dr. Fell's Letter to me concerning the too great Number of Victualling-Houses in Oxford . Ale-Houses 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 , 94. August 26. My 〈◊〉 to Dr. 〈◊〉 , Letter concerning a Number of Ale-Hoases unlicenced in Oxford . Letters from Oxford to Mr. Fish of Clarkenwell to convey two Youths beyond Sea. Mr. Fish brought me this Letter August 29. 1637. My Letters to the Vice-chancellor ( August 29. 1637. ) sent presently away , for care to be had of this Business . September , 1. 1637. A Passage of a Letter to the Vice-chancellor concerning Mr. Greenwood of Brazen-nose , and the formet business concerning the Letter sent to Mr. Fish. An Account from the Vice-chancellor about the business concerning Pullin of St. Johns , Received Sept. 5. in answer to my Letters on the Wednesday before . I left him to the Vice-chancellors disposal , but withal to look well to him , and what Letters came to him . To the Vice-chancellor concerning the Addition to the new Library , Sept. 8. The Act taken away by reason of the Sickness . To the Vice-chancellor , Sept. 15. concerning Knot 's having Mr. Chillingworth's Book from the Press , sheet by sheet . A Passage of my Letters to the Vice-chancellor Sept. 22. about Mr. Chillingworth's answering the second Part of Knott's Book . Letters to Dr. Shelden about Dr. Fell's resignation of the Marg. Lecture , and Dr. Lawrence succeeding him Novemb. 3. 1637. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of my Letters to the Vice-chancellor Nov. 3. concerning Mr. Brevin of 〈◊〉 his incorporation . Samure . Concerning the Care of the Proproctors and Masters of Schools for Exercise in Divinity . Novemb. 〈◊〉 To the Vice-chancellor concerning Prayers before Sermons according to Canon The Degradation of five men for neglecting to appearat the Act should have been kept . Received Nov. 18. December . 1. To the Vice-chancellor , their 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 within a 〈◊〉 Compass of 〈◊〉 . To the Vice-chancellor 〈◊〉 , Mr. Chudley's Dispensation for a term to be made Master . . Mr. Kilby censured for breach of the Five Articles , Feb. 12. 〈◊〉 . Out of a Letter of the Vice-chancellor , concerning some disorders between Christ-Church and Exeter Coll. Men in the Schools in the second Week of 〈◊〉 this Year 〈◊〉 . Letters from the University for the taking down of the Conduit at Carfax for a 〈◊〉 . My Answer to the University-Letters concerning the 〈◊〉 Dr. Lawrence chosen to be the Lady Margaret's Reader Mar. 20. To the Vice-chancellor concerning the Non-Incorporation of Masters of 〈◊〉 &c. 〈◊〉 . ult . 〈◊〉 . Masters and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Restored . Two Passages of my Letter to the Vice-chancellor , April 13. about strengthening the Schools . About Martin Wescombe to be Master this next All. Notice of some disorders of the Youth this Week against the Proctor with my Answer . 〈◊〉 Mr. 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Coll. Mr. 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 . Coll. April 27. 1638. Concerning Gilpin's Expulsion from Magdalen Hall. Concerning the Riotous Disorder against Proctor Lawford . May 4. My dislike of the Punishment resolved on by the Heads , for the late Disorder . Upon this the in his 〈◊〉 May 7. 〈◊〉 . that he could not make full 〈◊〉 against any , else he would have been more Severe . May 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Cafe in Residing in the University , and having two 〈◊〉 with Cure. He hath obeyed and is 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 upon one of his 〈◊〉 . An 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 in liturgia 〈◊〉 â justam 〈◊〉 Scandali Materiam ? Hereupon the Respoadent and 〈◊〉 were changed 〈◊〉 upon the Receipt of these Letters . The Suppressing of the Act or 〈◊〉 it only , left to the choice of the Heads . The Sickness encreasing in all these neighbouring Parts the Act was supprest in Convocatition on Thursday the 28th of June , 1638. Dr. Frewen chosen my Vice-chancellor . Aug. 3. 1638. To the Vice-chancellor to look to Scholars , for Taverns , &c. Aug. 10. For Care about Ale-houses . To look to the Scholars at his Majesty's coming to Woodstock by reason of my Absence , which was never before since I was Chancellor . Aug. 17.1638 . To the Vice-chancellor about Gowns . The fault appeared to be the Taylors only , and so I gave order for Punishment . From the Vice-chancellor , Aug. 27.1638 . To the Vice-chancellor , Sept. 20. concerning the placing at St. Maries , the Sons of Earl's Daughters marryed to Knights . Passages out of the Vice-chancellor's Letters , with Answers to them . 1. Concerning Examinations in Term time . It needs not ; the one being in Statute , the other being by Statute put into the Hands of the Proctors . 2. Concerning Proctor Corbet of Merton-College , about his assisting at the Communion at the begining of Term. Proctor Corbet's Petition . Notwithstanding this to your 〈◊〉 ; you shall give the Proctor no Answer at all from me . 〈◊〉 . Every 〈◊〉 to have a distinct Bell tolled to his Lecture . This is since ordered by the Heads and settled . The New Convocation-House in use . Octob. 10. Examination for Degrees . Out of the Vice-chancellor's Letter , Octob. 15. The Manner of Proctor 〈◊〉 , Conformity . To the Vice-chancellor , Octob. 18. to send away Mr. Little and Mr. Verier to reside upon their several Benefices . It was time to take this 〈◊〉 , for the Vice-chancellor sent me word , Octob. 22. that there is much declaiming at St. Maries against Non-Presidents in general . Of which these give too just Cause . Woodruff's Non-Resistence . To the Vice-chancellor , Octob. 31. My Resolution about Non-Residents in general . A Note to be brought in of all the Beneficed Men in every College and Hall. Which was done accordingly . The Guernsey Man's Incorporation . Mr. Vane incorporated Master . A Petition against the 〈◊〉 of Oxford for spoyling the High-ways by their too great Carriages . My Answer for redress of this abuse , directed to the Vice-chan cellor . Out of Dr. Turner's Letter to me ( of Merton-College ) of the good Success of the new Statute , de Examinandis Candidat sent about 〈◊〉 time . The Care and Moderation of the Vice-chancellor herein . No more than 15 Doctors to attend His Majesty at Woodstock . The King's Letters to Christ-Church for suppressing their Westminster Supper , dated about the 20. of December . Out of my Letters to the Vice-chancellor for Privileged Men to provide Arms , January , 17th . 20 Priviledged Men charged with Corslets and 30 with Musquets . To the Vice-chanceller , Feb. 7. for watchfulness against the Jesuites . * His Name is Weale . To the Vice-chancellor , concerning the Masters wearing their Hats and Lawyers Gowns , and for him to look to them . Feb. 20. 〈◊〉 . I approve their sitting bare , so long as they go along the Streets in their Caps , and keep Form , which the Vice-chancellor assures me they do . To the Vice-chancellor , Feb. ult . the forbidding of Set Coursing betwixt Colleges in Lent. From the Vice-chancellor , March 4. Circuiting for Degrees to begin from the Schools . Batchelors Disputations in Lent. The Vice-chancellor concerning the Towns requiring Contributions of the Priviledged Persons towards their 15 Soldiers out of his Letters , April 15. Procuratores Mr. Fulbamex AEd. Christi . Mr. Heywood , E. Coll. AEr . Nas. An Information how divers Discontinuers from Oxford resort to Cambridge for their Degrees , to elude the Statutes of their own University . A Branch of my Letter ( of April 25. ) to the Vice-chancellor upon this Information . The Vice-chancellor of Cambridge his Answer to Dr. Frewen's Letter touching the Business aforesaid . To Dr. Fell , Dean of Christ-Church , concerning his private Examinations after the publick . Dr. Fell hath assured . that there shall be no Examination in the College hereafter but it shall preceed Examinations of the University . To the Vice-chancellor concerning Adamus Francius . Both the Vice-chancellors sent me word that they could hear of no such Man for the present , but that they would enquire further after him . The Difference between Proctor Fulham and Dr. Fell Dean of Christ-Church , in the case of Moore . My Letters to Dr. Fell about the aforesaid Business . My Letters to the Convocation the third time , when I sent them my Manuscripts and Coins , with the Book belonging to them , Entituled , Elenchus Numismatum . Thanks from the University for my 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . * Volumina , quae misi de proprio , fuere Mille 〈◊〉 duo . July 10. Two ignorant Batchelors repelled by the Vice-chancellor from their Admission ; They were of Glocester-Hall . 831 l. brought into the University Chest for this Year . Annuity of 8 l. per Ann. bought in . The University stock at present . Dr. Frewen continued Vice-chancellor a second year . Warning , given , that the Masters keep their Seats , whilest either any publick Letters are read , or solemnSpeeches made in Convocation . No Man to enter the Convocation-House upon pain of Imprisonment , that is not a Member of that Body . The Vice-chancellor sent his Warrant for three Scholars , who had shewn College-plate in Town which 〈◊〉 had batter'd together . Fixt Seats for the Examiners and the Candidates . A Branch of my Letters ( of Octob. 4. ) to the Vice-chancellor about the observing of Formalities . Elzy the Attorney . The Chandlers about the Price of Candles . A Passage out of the Vice-Chancellor's Letters touching the Seats for the Examinations . A Passage of my Letters to Dr. Fell , D. of Christ Church , concerning a 〈◊〉 made to him by the Students there , for the change of their hour of Vespers from four to five . Sir H. 〈◊〉 Greek Letters in Turner the 〈◊〉 hands . On Thursday 〈◊〉 . 13. the Greek Letters , and deliver'd them by weight as 〈◊〉 receiv'd them : there were 〈◊〉 any wanting . He came very unwillingly 〈◊〉 . To Mr. Thomas 〈◊〉 , of C. C. C. concerning my 〈◊〉 Lecture . Mr. Greaves was at this time Deputy-Reader to Mr. 〈◊〉 , who . The State of the Title of the Chancellor and Vice-Chancellor of Oxford , for Licensing and Suppressing of 〈◊〉 , &c. And this against the Mayor and Justices of the Town . This was drawn up by Council out of that which was shewed them by the University . His Majesty's 〈◊〉 to confirm this Right for appointing of 〈◊〉 , &c. in the Chancellor and Vice-Chancellor . From the Vice-Chancellor : The Submission of the Chandlers to the University . From the Vice-Chancellor concerning my 〈◊〉 . of Danby's gift of an 100 l. for the Physick-Garden . My Answer to the foresaid Passage . To the Vice-Chancellor for some of the Heads to be now and then at the Examinations . Charge given to the Library-keepers by the Vice-Chancellor and Visitors to look well to my Manuscripts and Coins . My Answer to the Vice-Chancellor's foresaid Passage , touching the care to be 〈◊〉 to my Manuscripts and Coins . A Gent. unknown came to hear the Examinations Nov. 16. 1639. My Answer to the foresaid Passage . The Vice-Chancellor sent me word that now the Heads were of the same Opinion . A Passage out of the Vice-Chancellor's Letter Dec. 2. concerning Mr. Bowden of Trinity-College . Mr. Baylie concerning Mr. Bowden . He was found drown'd on Thurs. Dec. 12. 1639. at Kings Mills by Holywell . And the Coroners Inquest found him a distractedMan ; and so indeed he was . An Information from the Vice-Chancellor ; touching two Fellows of Wadham-Coll . assaulted and wounded by a Commoner lately expell'd that House . To the Vice-chancellor about settling Judge Jones's Order between the University and the City , concerning their Court-Leets , &c. Dr. Lawrence La. Margaret's Reader , to be dispens'd with for not Reading , by reason of his Sickness and often Relapses . Concerning 300 Alehouses in Oxford , and the ordering of them according to his Majesty's Letters . The Order by which the Vice-Chancellor proceeded in the 〈◊〉 . That almost all this vast number of Ale-houses were Licens'd by the Mayor and the Town-Justices . Vid. Dalton . p. 376 , & 377. Alderman Bosworth ( as I have been since inform'd by very good hands ) Licensed 100 for his part , and tied them all to take their Beer of him . All these Passages are collected out of the Vice-Chancellor's Letters to me of Novemb . 20. of Nov. 25. and of Decemb. 2. From the Vice-Chancellor concerning an old Composition , 23 Eliz. which gives the University half the Amercements of the Court Leets . Outlandish Workmen sent by the Earl of Danby for the Physick-Garden . Warning given for the Oxford Men to use the Prayer which the Canon requires before the 〈◊〉 at St. 〈◊〉 Cross. The Vice-Chancellor hath undertaken this by his Letters of Dec. 16. 39. An Accumulation desired at Cambridge by Mr. S. Wilkinson , once of Madg. Hall , Oxon. Dec. 20. Out of the Vice-Chancellor's Letter , Frenche's Answer concerning the aforesaid Passage . My Lord Holland's Recommendations of Wilkinson to Cambridge , and his Lordship's promise that 〈◊〉 . should keep the Agreement made with Oxford about Proceeders . Out of the Vice-Chancellor's Letter : The Mayor's proclaiming that there should be no Market for Christmas-day . The Battlements of the School thrown down by the Wind. From the Vice-Chancellor , Jan. 6. The Registership of the Vice-Chancellor's Court 〈◊〉 for by John George . The Vice-Chancellor's Information concerning Jo : George , and the having of ne'er a Table of Fees to regulate that Court. Jan. 13. Certain Passages out of the Vice-Chancellor's Letters of Jan. 27. Mr. Burton's Legacy . A Dunce of New-Inn . A Division in the Town about the Ale-Houses . The Vice-Chancellor's Warrant . A Privileged Person drowned . The Town not warning a Jury at the command of the Coroner to warn one . Warning given for orderly Disputations this Lent. Amesius and F. Hommius , Patrons for Presbyterial Government , reprinted at Oxford . A Fire in Jesus College-Lane . St. Mary's Bell and Steeple . A Scholar of Trinity College robbed and wounded . Ostendorpfe , a Dutch-Man , not to be incorporated Doctor . The Examinations again approved . The Examinations and the Effect of them upon Proceeders . Tavern haunting and overmuch Drinking again complained of . To the Vice-Chancel . 〈◊〉 the . Care to be taken of the well Ordering and Educating Young Noblemen . To Dr. Baylie , about the Abuse and Letter aforesaid . The Vice-Chancellor's Reply concerning the Abuse . One of Trinity College committed . That their drunken good Fellowship , beaten by the Vice-Chancellor out of Taverns and Ale-Houses , is crept into private Colleges . A young Kinsman of mine , Mr. 〈◊〉 . Webbe , serving the Bishop of Oxon , was the Week before-barbarously abused by this Hull , upon little or no Provocation , to the endangering of his Life . The other Disaster was the Young Earl of Downe's Quarrel with Dr. 〈◊〉 his Son , and other Captains . What Course to be held for present Remedy of this Abuse in Colleges . Hull to be Punish'd . Care to be taken of the Young Earl of Downe , and other Young Noblemen . Judge Jones's approbation of the Reformation of the Ale-houses . Burgesses for the Parliament . The Misgovernment of Noblemens 〈◊〉 in Oxford . Young Caufield of Exeter College . My Charge concerning this . This Message of mine was delivered by the Vice-Chancellor . I have written to the Dean by this days Carrier . The Young Earl hath left the University . The Degree of Doctorship denied to Mr. Sympson of Trinity Colleges I gave way to the 〈◊〉 . The Proctors yearly to Accompt for the 〈◊〉 due to the University ; from such Regents as neglect the Duties of their Regency . The 〈◊〉 were startled at this Message , not looking for such an after-Reckoning . Dr. Frewen , March 30. Lent-Dispntations passed quietly . The Examinations the cause of it . No Scholars found stirring in the Night , or at Taverns . Procuratores , Mr. Allibond , è 〈◊〉 . Lincoln ; Mr. Greaves , è Coll. Om. Animarum . The Examinations at a dead stand revived : Concerning the Examinations . Dr. Jackson's Sermons , if they offend against his Majesty's Declaration , &c : Greene , a 〈◊〉 Inn-Keeper at the Miter in Oxford . My Answer to the foresaid Passage . Hull expelled . Disputations in Quodlibets . The Oxford Carriers not to Travel with above six Horses , &c. Soldiers passing through the Town , and mutinying in their Drink . The Scholars were free in this also . Mr. Davis of Magdalen-Hall found drowned by New-Parks . The Arabick-Lecture settled for ever . The Mayor of Oxford's Letter to the Lords about Greene's Inn , with a Complaint against the University , for invading the Town Privileges . The Mayor of Oxford's Letter to the Earl of Berks , their Steward , to shew to the Lords touching their Night Watch. My Letters to the Vice-Chancellor , touching these two Letters of the Mayor . The Vice-Chancellor's Answer to the two Letters of the Mayor of Oxford . Proctor Allibond's Answer to that which concerns him in the Mayor of Oxon's Letter . Thanks from the University for settling my Arabick Lecture for perpetuity . The Council's Warrant for the Vice-Chancellor and the Mayor . Berkshire Soldiers . The Order of the Council concerning the difference between the Vice-Chancellor and the Mayor . Dr. Potter chosen my Vice-Chancellor . Concerning Cottages . Another Breach of the Town 's upon the University's Privilege , by taxing Coat and Conduct-Money upon Privileged Persons , yea and upon some Doctors of Physick . James Penne nominated Toll-gatherer in Oxford , Sept. 4. Two Seditious Sermons by Mr. Johnson and Mr. Wilkinson . The Recantation enjoin'd to Mr. Johnson . Mr. Wilkinson's Recantation refused . Wilkinson suspended . A Son of Dr. Fell's dispensed with for one Term to proceed Batchelor of Arts. Examinations to prevent Collusion in them . A Branch of my Letters to the Vice-Chancellor . The Vice-chancellor's Answer to this Passage about the Examinations . The Room before the Convocation-house fitted for Courts , &c. My Letters to the University the fourth time , when I sent the Manuscripts . A Search for Arms in Recusants Houses . Confirmation of the Lecturers Endowments by Parliament . Christmas-day's Morning Sermon put to the Afternoon . This was concluded by a general consent of the Heads , Decem. 7th . 1640. The Censure of Mr. 〈◊〉 Sermon complained of in Parliament . No University-Man suspected of Popery . Resignation of the Chancellorship , in a Letter to the University . Notes for div A67877-e60220 * The Bishop of Lincoln . † Sacerdotium 〈◊〉 ante Legem , apud Colentes Deum , secundum humanam determinationem , qui hanc dignitatem Primogenitis attribuebant . Tho. 1. 2. q. 103. 〈◊〉 1. ad 3. Ante tempus veteris Legis non erant determinati Ministri 〈◊〉 cultûs , sed dicitur , quod Primogeniti erant Sacerdotes , qui duplicem portionem accipiebant . Tho. 2.2 . q. 87. à 1. ad 3. And it is irresragably manifest by the Lord's Commands to Moses , that he should take the Levites instead of the First-born , Numb . 3. 45. Why instead of the First-born , if the First-born did not perform the Publick Service of the Lord before that time ? Gen. 14. 18. Heb. 7. 1. Levit. 8. 1. * They would have Clergy-Men not admitted , or very sparingly to Matters of State , contrary to the practice of all well govern'd Common-wealths and of our own till these late Years . Geo. Cranmer , Epist. to Mr. Hooker . p. 13. * Annot. in Deut. 17. 9. † Confer . with Hart , c. 6. Divis . 2. p. 203. * Conf. with Hart , c. 6. Divis . 2. p. 203. † Oppidatim praesint septem viri probatae virtutis & justitiae cultores : 〈◊〉 Magistratibus attribuantur duo Ministri de Tribu Levitica . Joseph . l. 4. Antiq. c. 8. * Feb. 15. 1641 / 2. * S. Ambros. in 1 Cor. 14.30 . Traditio Synagogae est quam nos vult sectari . † Calv. in Act. 3. 1. * Her. Thorn. dike , Epistle to the Reader before his Tract of Religious Assemblies . † S. Aug. contra Faustum . ‖ S. Aug. lib. 6. Confess . c. 4. Vetera Scripta Legis & Prophetarum , tanquam Regulam dillgentissime commendavit Ambrosius in popularibus Sermonibus . * Clem. Ep. ad Corinth . p. 52 , 53. * Quod Aaron & filii 〈◊〉 , atque 〈◊〉 in Templo fuerunt , hoc sibi Episcopi , Presbyteri atque Diaconi vendicant in Ecclesia . S. Hier. Ep. ad Evagr. * It is 〈◊〉 the Graecians did wear long Hair , and therefore Homer calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Capite 〈◊〉 Achivos , L. 2. Iliad . And Eustathius , 〈◊〉 upon that place , saith , they wear it long at other times , but cut it in the time of Sorrow . And Achilles and his Company . cut off their Hair , and cast it upon the dead Body of Patroclus to cover it . Homer . l. 23. Il. And at the Funerals of Achilles , the Graecians are said to shed warm Tears 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — and to have cut their Hair. Homer . l. 24. Od. That the Romans wore their Hair long , is evident by Varro , who saith that Barbers were not known in Italy before the year 454 , post U. C. About that time Ticinius Menas brought them in . Varro , L. 2. de Re Rust. c. ult . And that they did cut their Hair at Funerals , is plain in Andreas Tiraquel . — Romani in aliis luctibus quam funerum Capillum Barbantque promittebant . Annot. in Alex. ab Alex. l. 3. c. 7. But then they cut them . And when this rounding went 〈◊〉 , indeed it came somewhat near Baldness ; which the Jews were likewise forbidden to make upon themselves for the Dead , Deut. 14. 1. & Jerem. 16. 6. And as this Rounding of the Head was sometimes a sign of superstitious sorrowing , so was it ( with some difference ) used as an esseminate and luxurious Fashion . And therefore Ganimedes were said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , circumtondere . Dio. Chrysoft . Orat. 2. de Regno . And Harlots . After which manner they say Harlots were cut , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And that it was a kind of rounding the Head , 〈◊〉 in Lexico , verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Which kind of rounding the Hair Tertullian mentions L. de Cultu Foeminatum , c. 8. and L. de Pallio , c. 4. he objects the use of it to his Carthaginians . And in some places , this rounding of the Head was a mark of Servitude and Vassallage , as among the ancient French , where the King only and the Heir apparent had Jus Capilitii , in token of his 〈◊〉 , and the rest were Circumtonsi . Selden , Praefat. to his Titles of Honour , Ex Cedreno . But whether our Round-heads do it for Superstition , or for Luxury , or out of any Base and Servile Condition , I cannot tell ; though I think there need be little Question , but that many of them are guilty of all three , their 〈◊〉 being not a Robe large enough to hide all of them ; and some of their Conventicles have of late 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * And so Arist. persues it . Imperare & parere , non differunt secundum Magis & Minus , quia differunt specie . Arist. L. 2. Polit. c. 8. † For those Priests served but to the Example , and to the Shadow , &c. But how hath he obtained a more excellent Ministery . Heb. 8. 5 , 6. * 1 Cor. 9. 9. 13 , 14. Rom. 15.4 . 1 Cor. 10. 〈◊〉 11. 〈◊〉 . 16. p. 122. * Apices & Principes omnium . Optat. L. adv . Parm. Princeps Ecclesiae . S. Hilar. L. 8. de Trin. Prin. Greg. Nazianz. ascribit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Principatum , ad Regimen Animarum Episcopo . Orat. 17. & 20. Quid aliud est Episcopus quam is qui omni Principatu & Potestate superior est ? in materia & gradu Religionis . Ignat. Ep. ad Trall . Principes Ecclesiae fiunt , &c. Opus imperf . in S. Matth. 〈◊〉 . 35. Principes futuros Ecclesiae Episcopos nominavit . S. Hier. in Esai . 6. 60. † Qued autem singulae Provinciae unum habebant inter 〈◊〉 Archiepiscopum , quod item in Nicena Synodo constituti sunt Patriarchae , qui essent Ordine . & Dignitate Archiepiscopis Superiores , id ad Disciplinae conservationem pertinebat . Calv. 4 Inst. E. 4.4 . * Job . 18 , 16. S. Luke , 6. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Euseb. L. 1. Hist. c. 12. & L. 2. c. 1. S. Hieron . Ep. ad Occan. † Apud nos Apostolorum locum tenent Episcopi ; apud eos ( i. e. Moutani Sectatores ) Episcopus tertius est . S. Hier. Ep. ad Marcel . adv . Montan. Patres missi sunt Apostoli , pro Apostolis filii nati sunt , ibi constituti sunt Episcopi . S. Aug. in Psal. 44. Sicut autem duodecim Apostolos forman Episcoporum praemonstrare nemo est qui dubiter , sic & hos LXXII figuram Presbyterorum , i. e. secundi Ordinis Sacerdotium egessisse sciendum est . Beda in Luc. 10. Apostoli cognoverunt contentionem de Nomine Episcopatûs oboriturum , & ideo constituerunt praedictos , & cum consensu Universae Ecclesiae . Clem. Ep. 1. ad Corinth . p. 57. But I am prevented here by a Chaplain of mine , 〈◊〉 Jer. Taylor , in his Book entituled Episcopacy Asserted ; §. 10. † Bertram de Polit. Jud. c. 6. * S. Aug. Ep. 110. † Et 〈◊〉 quidam causas suas saeculares apud nos finire 〈◊〉 , &c. S. Aug. Epist. 147. & Amb. L. 5. Epist. 33. ‖ Non 〈◊〉 quaetere ab eo poteram quod volebam ficut volebam , secludentibus me ab ejus Aure & Ore Catervis Negotiorum hominum , quorum infirmitatibus serviebat . S. Aug. L. 6. Confess . c. 3. Similiter Zozomen . refert de Epiphanio , L. 6. Hist. c. 3. Et de Jacobo quodam , Theod. L. 2. Hist. c. 30. Et de Chrysostomo , Socrat. L. 7. Hist. c. 8. Et Constantinus communicabat cum Episcopis Consilia de Expeditione sua contra Persas . Euseb. L. 1. de Vita Constant. c. 35. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , implicatur . * Or were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Annot. in St. Matth. 20. 23. St. Matth. 20. 26 , 27. * And St. Paul uses it for a Bishop or Governor , Heb. 13. 1. St. Luke 22.26 . Acts 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Acts 8. 5. 〈◊〉 . Acts 6. 6. Calvin in Acts 21. 2 Tim. 2. 4. Annot. ibid. Episcopacy asserted §. 49. † Conc. Sardicens . edit . 〈◊〉 apud Bion. To. 1. par . 1. p. 431. * Euseb. de Vita Constant. L. 1. c. 35. † Conc. Carthag . 1. Can. 〈◊〉 * Cod. Can. Eccl. Affric . Can. 16. † Episcopi , Presbyteri & Diaconi de locis suis Negotiandi causâ non diseedant , nec 〈◊〉 Provincias quaestuosas 〈◊〉 sectentur . Sane ad Victum suum conquirendum , aut Filium , aut Libertum , aut Mercenarium , aut Amicum , aut 〈◊〉 mittant : & si voluerint negotiari intra Provinciam , negotientur . Conc. Eliberit . Can. 18. * Aut negotijs 〈◊〉 se immiscere 〈◊〉 pupillorum si forte Leges imponant in excusabilem curam , aut Civitatis Episcopus Ecclesiasticarum rerum solicitudinem habere praecipiat , aut Orphanorum & Viduarum , eorum qui sine 〈◊〉 defensione sunt , ae personarum quae maxime indigent Ecclesiastico adjutorio , & propter timorem Domini causa deposcat . Conc. Chalced. Act. 15. Can. 3. † Balsamon . in Concil . Chalcedon . c. 3. p. 327. * Balsam . in Conc. Carthagprima , Can. 16. p. 328 , 329. a Omnes in Carcerem conjecti sunt , &c. Calvin . Epist. ad Farellum . b Calvin . Epist. ad Viretum , fol. 373. Edit . 1575. c Calvin . Epist. ad Farellum , sol . 384. d Senatum esse nostrum . Calvin . ad Farellum , fol. 72. Populum esse nostrum . Calvin . ad Viretum , fol. 73. e Calvin . Epist. ad Viret . sol . 163. f Bodin , l. 2. de Repub. c. 6. g Survey of the pretended Holy Discipline , c. 26. * Thuan. Hist. Anno 1600. c. 125. † Beza de Excommun . p. 47. Et Similiter in the Statute of 27 Ed. 3. and 38 Ed. 3. both of Provisces . * Rotulo 〈◊〉 . 25 Ed. 1. M. 6. 〈◊〉 . † M. 25 Dorso . Observations upon some of His Majesty's late Answers , p. 7. Notes for div A67877-e80380 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 13. Psal. 89. v. 50. Wherewith thine Enemies hath Blasphemed Thee , and slandered the Footsteps of thine Anointed . St. Luke 4. 23. * In Jul. c. 75. † In Apol. 1. David . c. 6. Ad Ocean . de Ferend . Opprob . Burton's Apol. p. 110. * You may see it in the Examplé of S. Paul himself , whose very zeal in the darkness of his Vnderstanding , which he then had , made him persecute Christ and his Church , Act. 22. 3 , 4. And he was very dangerous company then ; for he breath'd out threatnings against the Disciples , Act. 9. 1. So true is that of Saint Greg. Naz. Orat. 21. Zelus Iracundiam acuit : All Zeal puts an edge to Anger it self : And that must needs be dangerous in the dark . Page 5. * Page . 〈◊〉 † Page . 〈◊〉 † Page . 3 * Page . 3. * Page . 3. † Page . 3. ‖ Page . 3. † Burton's Apology , pag. 2. * In Octavo . † Injunction 52. * Page . 3. * It was put into the Litany of Hen. VIII.'s time , as appears in his Primer , with his Injunction before it . † And 't is in both the Service Books of Edw. VI. both that which was Printed 1549 , and in that which was after , Anno 1552. * Pag. 336. † Pag. 3. * Page 105. † Page 105. [ Then the Second Service , as Dainties , must be said there . ] ‖ Page 105. * In Libro Nigro Windesoriensi , p. 〈◊〉 . * B. Jewell's Reply to Harding's Answer , Art. 3. Div. 29. † Page . 4 , 5 ; 105. May 17. 1637. Injunct . ultim . † Page 175. * Page 7. ‖ Lib. 1. Ep. 3. * Ib. p. 10. 
A15082	----	A replie to Iesuit Fishers answere to certain questions propou[n]ded by his most gratious Matie: King Iames By Francis White D: of Div· deane of Carlile, chaplaine to his Matie. Hereunto is annexed, a conference of the right: R:B: of St Dauids wth the same Iesuit* White, Francis, 1564?-1638. 1624 Approx. 2260 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 354 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A15082 STC 25382 ESTC S122241 99857393 99857393 23125 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A15082) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 23125) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 692:5) A replie to Iesuit Fishers answere to certain questions propou[n]ded by his most gratious Matie: King Iames By Francis White D: of Div· deane of Carlile, chaplaine to his Matie. Hereunto is annexed, a conference of the right: R:B: of St Dauids wth the same Iesuit* White, Francis, 1564?-1638. Laud, William, 1573-1645. Baylie, Richard, b. 1585 or 6, attributed name. Cockson, Thomas, engraver. Fisher, John, 1569-1641. [36], 592, [4]; [4], 74, [2] p. : port. (metal cut) Printed by Adam Islip, London : 1624. Includes John Fisher's answer, here first printed. The title page is engraved. The frontispiece is signed "T Cocksonus sculp"; the title page is probably also by Cockson. The first leaf and the last leaf are blank. "An ansvvere to Mr Fishers relation of a third conference betweene a certaine B. (as he stiles him) and himselfe. .. here giuen by R.B. chapleine to the B. that was imployed in the conference", i.e. Richard Baylie, but in fact by William Laud. Includes index. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Fisher, John, 1569-1641 -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Church of England -- Apologetic works -- Early works to 1800. Catholic Church -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-12 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion EFFIGIES DOCTISSIMI UIRI D NI FRANCISCI WHITE , S. T. PROFESSORIS ET ECCLESIAE CATHIS CARLEOLENSIS DECANI Aº AETA 59 ANNO 1624 Wisdome and grace see in that modest looke . Trueth 's 〈◊〉 errors downfall in this booke Maerebunt piscatores Isa. 19. 8. HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE BEATI PACIFICI Bv Francis WHITE D. of Div Deane of Carlile , Chaplaine to his Matie . Hereunto is annexed a Conference of the right : R : B : of St Dauids wth the same Iesuit . Cirprianus de lapsis . Nec Ecclesiae iungitur qui ab Euāgelio seperatur . VERITAS VNIVOCA . VERITATE APERIT DIES MENDACIV̄ AEQUIVOCŪ . ERROR CAECUS ET FALLAX PISCATORIS RETE HABET RANAS LONDON Printed by Adam Islip . 1624. TO THE MOST HIGH AND POTENT MONARCH , JAMES , OF GREAT BRITTAINE , FRANCE , and IRELAND , King , Defender of the Faith ; my Soueraigne Lord and Maister . MOST GRACIOVS , and Religious Soueraine , it is apparent , that the externall Tuition and Projection of Orthodoxall Veritie , and Religion , next vnder the Almightie , doth principally belong to Christian Princes , which are by Office and Vocation , the Lords Annointed , Sonnes of the most High , and supreme Regents of this inferior World , vnder God. The Donates in times past denyed the lawfull Authoritie of Christian Princes , in superuising and externall gouerning Ecclesiasticall Causes , saying , Quid est Imperatori cum Ecclesia ? What hath Imperiall ( or Regall ) Maiestie to doe with the Church . But Optatus stileth this a braine-sick Error , saying , Ille Parmenio furore succensus , &c. And S. Augustine contesting with these malepart Heretikes , saith , Jn hoc Reges Deo seruiunt , &c. Kings , according to the Diuine Precept , serue the Lord as they be Kings , when they command good , and prohibite euill ; not in Ciuile Affaires onely , but in Matters which concerne Diuine Religion . Jsiodor . Hispal . saith , Secular Princes sometimes ( that is , when they are Christians ) haue eminent Authoritie , intra Ecclesiam , within the Church , to fortifie Ecclesiasticall Discipline . Princes of the Earth ( saith S. Augustine ) serue Christ , by making Lawes for Christ. And againe , Ciuile Vertues ( in higher Powers ) auaile them not for eternall Beatitude , vnlesse withall they gouerne their People in true Religion . And in another Epistle : Jt appertaines to Religious Princes , to represse by iust seueritie , not onely Adulterie , Homicide , and other hainous Crimes ( against men ) but also Sacrilegious Jmpietie ( against God. ) The Euangelicall Prophet fore-tells , that Kings should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nursing , or Foster-Fathers of the Christian Church , Esa. 49.23 . Also they are Shepheards of the Almightie , and concurrents for the building of his House , Esa. 44.28 . King Josiah reformed the Iewish Church , suppressed Impietie , restored true Religion , 2. King. 23. And hee was herein so farre from transcending the bounds of Regall Authoritie , that the Holy Ghost faith of him , Like him , was there no King before him ; neither after him arose there any like . Constantine the Great , by Imperiall Lawes established true Religion : Hee appointeth Festiuall Dayes , prescribeth what Bishops shall doe , for the Churches auaile ; Hee 〈◊〉 Synods , is himselfe an Assessor and Agent among the Nicene Fathers ; Hee 〈◊〉 , and directeth the Bishops ; Hee confirmeth the Decrees of the Great Councell of Nice , and compelleth his Christian subjects to professe the Faith determined in that Synod . Now of this Grand Patron of Christian Faith , and the true Professors thereof , S. Augustine affirmeth , The God of Heauen enriched him with such large Blessings in this World , Quanta optare nullus auderet , as one could not haue presumed to wish . S. Cyrill of Alexandria writing to Christian Princes which did the like , sayth : The Orient Pearles , and bright-shining Diamonds of Jndia , doe not so much adorne your Royall Heads , as your care and protection of true Pietie , maketh your sacred Persons venerable , and glorious . Your most excellent Maiestie walketh in the Religious wayes of those renowned Princes , and their example hath euer been the President of the exercising your Royall Authoritie in sacred Causes , and of your constant resolution in professing and protecting true Religion . The Almightie hath placed you ( within your Dominions ) his supreme Vicegerent : He hath made you greater than Joseph ouer his House , and a Joshua ouer his People ; you are a Signet vpon the Lords right hand , neuer to be plucked off ; He hath exalted you , in Hominem a Deo secundum , & quicquid est a Deo consecutum , & solo Deo minorem ( as Tertullian speaketh ) the immediate visible person ( within your Kingdomes ) vnder himselfe , receiuing all your Authoritie and Maiestie from his owne hand ; and hee hath made you inferior to none , but himselfe : and to vse S. Cyrils words , vttered to Theodosius , Vestrae serenitati nullus status est aequalis , No State is equall ( much lesse may ouer-top ) your serene Maiesties . But together with your Regall Power and Authoritie , the Almightie hath enriched your heart , aboue many other Princes of the World , with incomparable Wisdome and Iudgement in matters Religious and Diuine ( as not onely your owne subiects , but euen Forrainers haue obserued : ) and that is fulfilled in you , which S. Athanasius once vttered in an Epistle to Jouianus the Emperour , Decora & eximia res est in principe , mens discendi auida , & rerum Coelestium cupido , inde enim fit , vt cor tuum vere sie in manu Dei ; It is a gracious and excellent qualitie in a great Prince , to haue a mind desirous of knowledge , and affecting the intelligence of Coelestiall things : for hereby it commeth to passe , that your heart is indeed in the hand of God. It is the happinesse therefore of your loyall and Orthodoxall subiects , which answere for Veritie against Error , that they may defend the same before a King , expert in the Questions whereof they dispute , and whose cleare-seeing Iudgement , like the fining Furnace , is able to make difference betweene Gold and Drosse . And this hath animated me , to present my Replie ( To a Jesuits Answere of certaine Questions controuerted betweene Papals and vs ) to your most sacred Maiestie . I receiued the Aduersaries Disputation by my Lord Duke of Buckingham ; who enioyned me , in your Maiesties Name , to examine , and answere the same . I could not but admire your Princely zeale , to haue true Religion maintained , as well by Disputation , as by your iust Lawes . And although I was conscious to my selfe , of the want of those more eminent Graces which are found in greater Diuines ; yet hauing sensibly obserued your owne vnfained and 〈◊〉 loue to the Religion which we professe , and being greatly encouraged by the Noble Duke ( who is your Maiesties very Image , in the constant profession and maintenance of Orthodoxall Veritie ) I became obedient to your sacred Commandement . And now concluding , I most humbly desire you ( who resemble him , that dwelling on high , despiseth not things below , accepting euen the poore Widowes Mite , and Goats hayre , where greater substance is wanting ) to giue me leaue to consecrate this my Reply to your most serene Maiestie . I confesse , this Worke to be ouermeane , in respect of your exact Iudgement , and excelse Dignitie : yet in regard of the Author , it is a free will Offering , intended to the honour of God , and of your sacred Maiestie , and to confirme your Liege people in right Faith , and true loue and obedience of your most iust and gracious Gouernment . As an Angell of God , so is my Lord the King , to discerne good and bad ; therefore the Lord thy God will be with thee , 2. Sam. 14. 17. Your Maiesties Chapleine , and Seruant , FRAN. WH . TO THE READER . IT is now two yeeres , since I was first called , by my Lord Duke of Buckingham , to conferre with an Honourable Person , who as then began to make Reuolt from the true Faith and Religion professed in our Church . By this Occasion , J entred into a Disputation with one Mr Iohn Fisher , a Jesuit , the same person which was the Author of the two Bookes , against which my younger Brother , Dr Iohn White , wrote his Way to the true Church , and the Defence of the same . After my first Conference with the aforesaid Jesuit , ensued ( not long after ) a Second , at which his most excellent Maiestie himselfe was present . The Cause ( as J afterwards perceiued ) of his Presence , was a gracious desire to recouer the foresaid Honorable Person out of the Fishers Net. Then there followed a Third Conference , betweene a most Learned and Reuerend Bishop , and the said Jesuit , intended to the same purpose . Lastly , his Royall Maiestie , in his deepe Judgement , hauing obserued by the former Conferences , and especially by the second , that our Aduersaries are cunning and subtile , in eluding our Arguments brought against them , but of no strength ( especially in particular Questions ) when they come to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and confirmation of their owne Tenet ; He was pleased to haue Nine Questions of Controuersie propounded to the Jesuit , that hee might in writing manifest the Grounds , and Arguments , whereupon the Popish Faith in those Points was builded . For his Maiestie , in his owne Judgement and Experience , knew most certainely , That Romists are not able to confirme 〈◊〉 Faith , either by sacred Scripture , or by antient Tradition . And therefore their manner is , when they dispute with Protestants viua voce to auoid other Controuersies , and to set vp their rest vpon the Questions of the Visibilitie and Authoritie of the Church . Therefore the better to discouer their weakenesse , and to plucke them out of their Fox-hole of Personall Succession , and Vistbilitie , the King imposed this Taske , of writing vpon the Nine Questions . Besides , his Maieftie had experience of the mfaithfull dealing of Pontificians , when they make Relation of such things as passe by word of mouth onely , in priuate Disputations : and hee well vnderstood , 〈◊〉 the Cretising Jesuit had dealt with a 〈◊〉 Bishop , and with my selfe : For had wee beene Schoole-Boyes of thirteene yeeres old , he could not haue made vs seeme more childish and vnskilfull than hee did , dispersing Hundreds of Papers , to his owne prayse , and our disgrace . Wherefore it was necessarie , that some publique Worke , containing the Grounds and Arguments of his part , and the Answere and Replie on ours , might be extant ; wherein neither his nor our Yea and Nay , should take place , sed res cum re , causa cum causa , &c. the weight of matter on each part , might testifie for it selfe . Now who could command this to be done , but the King himselfe ? who therefore made the former proposition of Nine Questions to the Jesuit , that the World might see the vttermost of his strength ; and againe , they might haue meanes to iudge rightly of our Cause , and of our proceedings in handling the same . Mine owne purpose at the first was , to haue published in Print a Narration of my two Disputations , and ( as farre as my Memorie would serue me ) I had to that end collected in writing the summe of those Conferences . But obseruing afterwards , by another Disputation which was printed , that our Aduersaries will perpetually tumultuate , and accuse of falsitie , all things which passe not vnder their owne hands ; knowing also , that my selfe could not exactly remember all passages of the Jesuits Disputation and mine , there being not a word written at the time when wee disputed ; J deferred the printing thereof , vntill this greater Worke was finished . The Aduersarie in this Answere , which his Friend deliuered the King , hath disputed Eight of the Questions propounded by his Maiestie , and he declineth the Ninth , for Reasons well knowne to the World ; and in stead of a Disputation , he passeth ouer that Article of deposing Kings , with a Rethoricall Declamation . But before the Nine Questions , hee placeth a large Disputation ( prouided , no doubt , aforehand , and expecting onely a prosperous Wind of Occasion , to send it abroad ) touching the Rule of Faith , concerning Scripture and Tradition , the Notes of the Church , &c. Then , to counterpoise the Kings Nine Articles , he chargeth our Church with Nine remarkable Errors ( as he accounteth them . ) Jn the former part of his Tractate , is contained the summe and substance of the first Conference betweene him and me , before the Lord Keeper , and the Lord Duke of Buckingham . Jn the Questions of Jmages , Transubstantiation , & Communion in both kinds , is contained also the summe of the second Conference : but there are many Additions in each Question ; and hee handleth matters more exactly in his written Worke , than hee did in his priuate Disputations . J haue examined his whole Treatise , and answered euery passage thereof , printing his Worke verbatim with mine owne . The World must take notice , that I am a constant Preacher , in a Pastorall Charge , and therefore J could not ose such expedition as other men may , which imploy their whole time & strength in writing . Besides , my Worke being finished before Michaelmas last , bath bin long in Printing , by reason of the number of Quotations in the Margen . These Citations are for this cause word for word out of the Authors , placed in my Booke , that the Worke may be more vsefull , especially to such persons as want the benefit of Libraries , and much Reading , themselues . J haue with as much diligence as morally a Scholler can vse , collected my Testimonies out of the very Authors themselues . The Reader shall not need to feare , or distrust , vnlesse where the Printer hath made Escapes ( which cannot alwayes be auoided in a Worke of this nature . ) And I must entreat the Reader , where he obserueth any Error in the Print , to correct the same with his Pen. Neither must the vnlearneder sort be offended , if they light vpon some hard passages , because the matter it selfe is many times very abstruse ; and disputing with Aduersaries which are Sophisters , I am compelled to vse Schollasticke tearmes , and to turne their owne Weapons vpon themselues : But so farre as I am able , I haue endeuored to be perspicuous . Of my Aduersaries I request nothing at all ( for it is in vaine : ) But if they reply , it shall be for their greater honour to set downe my Text , as I haue done theirs . And they shall but beat the ayre , vnlesse they confirme the maine Branches of their Doctrine by Principles of Diuine Reuelation , because Humane Testimonie is not sufficient to myse Articles of Faith. And I rest assured , that each intelligent person will obserue by reading this Worke , that the Aduerfarie ( notwithstanding he is well verst in Controuersie , and hath in substance said as much as his Cause will permit ) yet he is deficient of Diuine proofe in euery Article , and farre more specious in eluding our Arguments , than happie in confirming his owne . But if it be certaine that Popish Faith wanteth the Suffrage of Diuine Testimonie , then we haue sufficient cause to reiect their Doctrine . And if wee could not demonstrate , that the Articles which they maintaine against vs , were contra verbum Dei , contradictorie to the Word of God ; yet if by deficiencie of proofe on their side , it appeare , they be extra & praeter , without or besides the Word of God , they cannot be the obiect of Diuine Faith. Lastly , I entreat all , of our part , to prayse God for the benefit of true Religion , maintayned in our Church , to auoid Contention among themselues ; for in all Ages the same hath proued pernicious and scandalous . Also , to be as deuout in the way of Pietie , as Aduersaries seeme to be in the way of Superstition . And because it hath euer beene an Honor to our Profession , to be loyall and obedient to higher Powers , let this be still an indelible Caracter of euery true Brittish Protestant , to reioyce in the peaceable and happy Gouernment of his most sacred Maiestie ; & let vs all , so far as it is possible , by our feruent votes and prayers , striue to adde encrease to his dayes , and happines . Far be it from any of our part , in their secret thoughts , to misconster his actions , or to entertaine the least iealousie of any abatement of his wonted loue to true Religion , planted among vs : for assuredly he vnderstands the Mysterie of Poperie too well , to thinke any otherwise of it , than formerly he hath done ; and no subiect can lay the Cause of Religion more neere their heart , than his most Religious Maiestie doth . And we haue all great cause to glorifie God , who hath blessed our Church with such a wise and constant Defender of the Faith. Now my Conscience vrgeth me to deliuer thus much concerning his Maiestie , because the Aduersarie , in some passages of his ensuing Treatise ( as by reading you shall obserue ) rhetoriseth suspitiously , intending ( no doubt ) to raise some iealousie in credulous minds , contrarie to this which I haue spoken . My selfe therefore , through the gracious Clemencie of his Maiestie , being admitted to approach so neere , as to be an eare-witnesse of his admirable Iudgement and constant Resolution in point of Religion , and hereby certainely knowing , that the Jesuit departing from the King , added no improuement to his Popish Cause , but vanished with foile and disgrace ; J trust J shall incurre no Censure from men iudicious , and louers of Truth , for certifying that , which J obserued by mine owne experience . And thus commending my Labors to the blessing of the Almightie , to the examination of my Superiors in the Church , and to the perusall of those which desire to read them , I addresse my selfe to the ensuing Disputation . April . 10. 1624. THE CATALOGVE OF QVESTIONS , DISPVTED in this Worke. 1. WHether , of all other , it be the most important Controuersie , to vnderstand the Qualitie of the Romane Church ? Fol. 1. 2. Whether Diuine Faith be resolued finally into vnwritten Tradition , or into Scripture ? 12 3. Touching the Visibilitie , and Notes of the Church in generall . 49 4. Whether the Romane Church is the Onely , Holy , Catholike , and Apostolike Church ? 103 5. Whether Protestants erre fundamentally in the Faith ? 146 6. Whether Protestants erre fundamentally about Tradition ? 149 7. Whether they doe the like , in their Doctrine about Generall Councels ? 152 8. Whether they erre , by denying Papall Supremacie ? 157 9. Whether they erre in point of Iustification ? 161 10. Whether they erre in point of Merit of Good Works ? 169 11. Whether they doe the like , concerning the Sacrament of Baptisme ? 175 12. Whether they erre in the Doctrine of Reall presence ? 178 13. Whether they doe the like about Penance , and Absolution ? 185 14. Whether they erre about the Article of the Catholique Church ? 193 15. Touching Worship of Images . 209 16. Concerning Inuocation of Saints departed . 287 17. Touching prayer of the ignorant in an vnknowne Tongue . 365 18. Concerning repetitions of Pater-Nosters , Aues , and Creeds , with reference to Merit . 384 19. Concerning Transubstantiation . 390 20. Of Communion in one kind . 459 21. Of workes of Supererogation , and Popes Pardons . 510 22. Of deposing Kings , and giuing away of their Kingdomes by Papall power , directly , or indirectly . 569 IESVIT . TO THE KINGS MOST EXCELLENT MAIESTIE . Most Gratious and dread Soueraigne , A Conference about Religion , betweene Doctour White and me , was occasion that your Maiestie called mee to your Gratious presence , not disdaining to dispute with one so meane and vnworthie as my selfe , imitating his benignitie whose Vicegerent you are , and according to the phrase of holy Scripture , his Angell . And as it is the propertie of the good Angell , first to strike feare and terrour into them to whom hee appeares , but in the end , to leaue them full of comfort : In like sort , your Maiestie : For though the first salutation carried a shew of seueritie , yet your dismissing me , was benigne and gratious , not onely pardoning my earnestnesse , in defending the part of the Catholike Church , but also saying , You liked me the better . ANSVVER . MIrum est , si in facie hominis , tantum interuallum inter frontem & linguam , vt frons non comprimat linguam : It is strange ( saith St. Augustine a that there should be such a great distance betweene the front of a man , and his mouth , that the shame of his forehead should not represse the impudencie of his tongue . It is vntrue , that his Royall Maiestie , at the Cloase of the Conference , ( whereof you speake ) gaue you any applause , or the least occasion to coniecture , That hee was taken with any passage of your Disputation . For you propounded nothing , to demonstrate your owne Tenet , or to confute ours , worthie of the great Presence to which you were admitted . But you kept your selfe within your Trenches , and sometimes you were driuen to dissemble your owne Tenet , other-while ( according to the Romish manner ) by wyre-drawne distinctions and euasions , to elude the waight of his Maiesties Arguments , making good the saying of Maxentius , Mens contentioni Indulgens , & non sanari , sed vincere cupiens , auersa ab eis quae rectè dicuntur , tantum intenta est in hoc , vt inueniat quod pro partibus suis loquatur : A contentious mind , desirous of victorie , and not willing to be reformed , but auerse from right sayings , only deuiseth how to elude Truth , and to speake for his owne part . And as for those words of his royal Maiestie ( I like you the better ) they were vttered vpon this occasion : When the Iesuit being pressed about the point of Temporall authoritie , &c. did at the first seeke euasions , in the end kneeling downe , he said , I will deale plainly with your Maiestie ; vpon this , the King said , I like you the better : wherin hee was so farre , from gracing his whole Disputation , that not long after , his Maiestie told him , He neuer heard a verier , &c. IESVIT . The gratefull acknowledgement and admiration of this your Princely clemencie , makes me desire ( from the bottome of my soule ) that I could fully satisfie your Maiestie of my dutifull and loyall affection , which is fast tied vnto your sacred person , by a threefold inuiolable bond . The Law of Nature obligeth me thereunto , as being your Maiesties borne subiect , the transgression whereof , were 〈◊〉 , barbarous , inbumane . The Law of God requires the like constant and perfect allegiance at my bands , binding mee to regard you , as his Lieutenant , and to acknowledge your power and authoritie , as his Ordination . So that according to the Doctrine of the Catholicke Church , I must not onely out wardly observe , but also admit your Maiesties will and command with reuerence , into the secret closet of my inmost conscience and soule . The Constitutions also of the Order , whereof J am an vn worthie member , doe strictly command me the same , in seuerest manner charging the subiects thereof , no wayes to meddle in State matters , or in Princes affaires : much lesse vnder pretence of Religion , to attempt any thing , or to consent vnto any enterprise , that may disturbe the quiet and tranquilitie of Kings and Kingdomes . And seeing wee are so deuoted to our owne Jnstitute , that our Aduersaries thereupon ( amongst many other calummiations ) lay to our charge , That we more reuerently esteeme , and carefully obserue the Constitutions of our Rule , than the Law of God ; I shall for your Maiesties fuller satisfaction set downe some part of our Constitutions in this point , in maner following . Vt ab omni specie mali abstineatur , & querelis etiam ex falsis suspitionibus prouenientibus , quoad fieri poterit occurratur , praecipitur nostris omnibus in virtute Sanctae obedientiae , & sub poenae inhabilitatis ad quaeuis officia & dignitates seu praelationes , vocisque tam actiuae quam passiuae priuationis , ne quispiam publicis & secularibus Principum negotijs quae ad rationem status vt vocant pertinent , vlla ratione se immiscere , nec etiam quantumuis requisitus & rogatus eiusmodi res politicas tractandi curam suscipere audeat aut praesumat . Illa autem omnia , quae à spirituali instructione diuersa sunt , negotia status censeri debeat , qualia sunt quae ad Principum inter se foedera , vel ad regnorum iura , & successiones pertinent , vel ad bella tam ciuilia , quam externa . Iubet Regula 41. vt secularia negotia vtpote quae sunt à nostro instituto aliena & vehementer à spiritualibus auocant , multum auersemur . Iubentur concionatores societatis a reprehensionibus Principum & Magnatum Reipublicae abstinere , & obedientiam erga Principes & Magistratus frequenter & serio , suis in concionibus populo commendare . Iubent constitutiones 〈◊〉 vatijs in locis , vt oremus speciatim pro Principibus , eorumque spirituali salute praecipua cura procuranda ac promouenda inuigilemus , ob vniuersale bonum , quod ad multos alios , qui eorum authoritatem sequuntur , vel per cos reguntur proueniet . Extat denique Instructio pro confessarijs Principum , qua nostris serio interdicitur , ne occasione huius muneris , rebus politicis aut Reipublicae gubernationi se immisceant : iubenter etiam hanc instructionem Principibus ostendere , curareque vt ij plane intelligant quid societas ab eo postulet , quem confessarium sibi eligunt , neque per leges nostras licere nobis alijs conditionibus id oneris suscipere . J humbly craue pardon for offering so many particulars of our Rule vnto your Maiesties 〈◊〉 , which J should not haue done , but out of a most strong desire , to giue your Maiestie satisfaction against such wrongfull aspersions , wherewith maleuolencie and suspition laboureth to disgrace vs , and to make vs odious to them , whom ( howsoeuer disaffected from vs ) we must perpetually reuerence and obey ; of whom vnder God , 〈◊〉 and the successe of our labours doth principally depend . And when I consider your Maiesties gracious disposition , and excellent maturitie and sharpenesse of iudgement , to penetrate assuredly into the depth of affaires , together with our innocencie , whereof our owne conscience is vnto vs in stead of a thousand witnesses , and which ( as we are persuaded ) doth in the course of our actions and whole proceedings , appeare to any that shall vnpartially , and without passion looke into them : I cannot despaire , but the Prayers which for this intent , with teares and afflicted hearts wee daily poure foorth , will at last so much preuaile with the soueraigne Gouernour of the world , in whose hands are the hearts of Princes , that your Maiestie may conceiue some better opinion of your ( without 〈◊〉 so much calumniated ) 〈◊〉 , as to iudge of vs , according as our Constitutions frame vs , and our Actions deserue ; not as it pleaseth disaffection to paint vs foorth . And as your Maiestie is a liuing Monument of that 〈◊〉 paragon of France , Henry the fourth , and of his wisedome and other Princely excellencies : So why may wee not entertaine afarre off , an hopefull thought , that your Maiestie may one day bee better informed against so many maleuolent suggestions , and see that they proceed from another origin , than our desert : as that famous Prince did , thereupon restoring them , whom sinister information had banished out of his Kingdome ; for which fact ( saith the Historiographer of France ) hee receiued thankes from all parts of the world , euen out of Peru , and Chochin , Iapon , Goa , and China , with presents of some singularities of the Countrey . I obserued ( saith the same Authour ) the pleasure which he tooke in speaking of the same action , and what content hee receiued , when as a great Cardinall told him , That by this restoring , his Maiestie had gotten two thousand learned pennes for his seruice , and perpetuall fame . When as the Iesuits represented vnto him the Catalogue of Colleagues , and the thankes of the three Prouinces of France , he vsed these words vnto them , which should serue as an Epigraph vpon all their houses : Assurance follows confidence , I trust in you , assure your selues of me ; with these Papers I receiue the hearts of all your company , and with the effects I will witnesse mine vnto you : I haue alwayes said , That they which feare and loue God well , cannot but doe well , and are alwayes most faithfull to their Prince . We are now better informed , I did hold you to be otherwise than you are , and you haue found me to bee other than you held mee . I would it had beene sooner , but there is meanes to recompence what is past . Loue me , and I will loue you . ANSWER . Your Oratorie in this Preface is plausible a , and God grant you prooue as faithfull in deeds , as you are a wilie Humiliate in words . The three grounds of Loyaltie and Allegiance to our Soueraigne , related by your selfe ; and his Princely Clemencie , which hath superabounded , euen towards his enemies , are bonds of Adamant , to tye euery honest heart , to a constant resolution of thankfulnesse and fidelitie . And although experience hath raught that , which is the generall voyce of the world , Fides Iesuitica , fides punica , and their pretensions of loue to all those which are aduerse to them in Faith , ( as his Sacred Maiestie is , and euer must bee ) are but semblances , and personations of Truth : yet high transcendent Charitie may sometimes suggest Hope , that it is possible , euen for enemies , to be ouercome with goodnesse , Rom. 12.21 . And therefore I will suspend odious presages and coniectures . But it must also be obserued , that Iesuits are zealous propugners of certaine dangerous Positions , most aduerse to the soueraigne right of Princes , to wit , Of the absolute immunitie of the Clergie , from their Iurisdiction ; The temporall dominion of Romane Popes , ouer absolute Kings and States ; Papall power of dispensing with oathes , which may open a wide sea of mischiefe , and frustrate all pretended Rules and Constitutions of Orders , so as no securitie can thereby accrue to Princes or temporall States , because the grand Lord Paramount may at his pleasure cancell and release them , or interprete them agreeably to the present occasion . Lastly , their perfidious Doctrine of Equiuocation , and Mentall reseruation , playeth fast and loose , and iuggleth vnder board , nay aboue board , whensoeuer aduantage may be thereby made against vs. But to view a little neerer the flourishes which the Iesuite makes to get entertainement . Whatsoeuer he pretendeth with his Protestations and Complements , of admitting his Maiesties commands , into the secret closet of his inmost brest : Yet in the very Allegations and Proofes , brought for his and his fellowes sinceritie , towards his Maiestie , hee layeth open that polt-foote , which he indeauoureth to hide ; persuading in this manner : 1. A priori , thus , No Iesuit obseruing the Constitutions of his Order , can intermeddle in State matters , or Princes affaires . Euery Iesuit obserueth and obeyeth the constitutions of his order , &c. Ergo : No Iesuit medleth with state matters . Touching the Maior , we haue learned out of your owne Schoole , how easie it is for you to euade . For State matters ( according to your Tenet ) In ordine ad Deum , and Ad bonum spirituale , become spirituall matters , and so may belong to the Iesuits proper cognisance . Also , Princes affaires , when the Pope pleaseth to declare them no Princes ; are not Princes affaires , but Papall and Ecclesiasticall affaires ; and then the Iesuits , statising , are still in their owne Element . Secondly , a man must be of strong faith to beleeue your Minor to be Defide , or of morall certitude , if such constitutions be vnderstood as the words sound . At least he must be a stranger to the world , and haue liued an Anchoret , or Recluse in some Caue , who neuer heard of Campian , Parsons , Creswell , Garnet , Suares , Bellarmine , &c. Did F. Parsons obserue these constitutions of his Order , when he wrot his Dolman against his Maiesties title , & c ? Did Creswell the same , when he published his Philopater ? Or , Bellarmine , and Suares , when the one wrote his Apologie , and the other , his Contra sectam Anglicanam ? Did Mariana and Garnet this , when the one instructeth how to cure State mischiefes , by applying a dispatching Antidote to the head ; and when the other put his annointed finger into the Powder ? Now , what further assurance haue we , That this fawning persuader holdeth himselfe more bound than his fellowes , to such constitutions as he pretendeth , doe oblige the whole Order ? But the truth is , the Iesuiticall constitutions are of two sorts : Either Open and diuulged precepts , blased ad faciendum populum ; [ Mens bona , fama , fides , haec clarè , & vt audiat Hospes . We Iesuits may not vnder pretence of Religion , attempt or consent to any enterprise , that may disturbe the quiet of Kings and Kingdomes . ] Or else , priuate and secret instructions , to be put in vre as aduantage for promoting the Papacie and Catholike cause , shall be offered . These , as higher and more sacred Principles , ouerrule the former : and so a Iesuit Breaking his rule , obserueth his rule . This distinction seemeth to be implyed in the very title of instructions here set downe by the Iesuit , being in the margent stiled , Monita generalia , prohibiting them to interrmeddle with affaires , Quae adrationem status pertinent , there specifying , Principum foedera , regnorum iura & successiones . And besides , nay against these , Generalia monita , they may haue speciall countermanding instructions , inabling them to thrust their sickle into the haruest of Kings : or at least , dispensing , pardoning , and accepting such seruices of theirs , if prosperously performed . Neither haue we heard that euer any of that brood was punished by his Superiour , or by the Popes holy Fatherhood , for attempting in this kind , though without successe . In which case , the endeauours of their fierie zeale , are accounted acceptable sacrifice to the Roman deitie , as may appeare by the indulgence vsed towards such of that Order , as haue in England , France , and other countries , either by seditious bookes disturbed the successions of Kingdomes , or by traiterous proiects endeauoured the shaking and subuerting of them . Your other argument of persuasion , is , à posteriori , from an example of the Renowned French King , Henry the fourth , to whom you wish his Maiestie to bee a parrallell . Your reference looketh this way : Henry the fourth ( a wise King ) was prosperous in reentertaining the Iesuits : for he receiued thanks and presents from Peru , China , &c. Also , hee purchased two thousand learned pennes for his fame , &c. Hee found assurance , and safetic followed his confidence in them : hee loued them , and they him . Ergo : The King of great Brittaine shall doe well to be better enformed of the Iesuits fidelitie , and to entertaine them . Verily , either this Iesuit preuaricateth and pleadeth against his owne Order , or else he by mistake and forgetfulnesse infarceth here a rapsodie of some discourse , written in defence and praise of the French Iesuits before Aprill 1610 , which euer since that time , hath beene out of date and cassated . An instance more vncouth and preposterous , in regard of the issue , he could not haue light vpon . This he saw well enough , when he presumed thus to write to his Maiestie , but he had his aime another way . And what though he paralogize in the seeming direct proposing of his argument , yet he hath his end in mentioning an instance knowne to the world , Direfull and Tragicall . And so , That troope may hope to intrude by terror , if they cannot creepe in by fauour . But alas , What poore flashes of proofe doth hee point at ? That King bad thanks from the vttermost parts of the world , &c. a deepe deuise for Iesuits farre dispersed to write or procure letters grat ulatorie for the nesting of birds of their owne feather . I thinke if Iesuits might haue Colledges in England , Their remote brethren would thanke vs more than we should doe them : ô , but if the Iesuits were admitted into our bosome , wee should haue ( as that King had ) presents sent of some Singularities , &c. Rare trinckets , no doubt , for which wee could not pay too deare , though wee sold our Religion and Libertie for them . But in the Example cited , that which surpasseth , is , The Armie of learned Pennes , which by thousands will march vpon the Plaine of Paper Monuments , for extolling those which nurse vp that brood . But would to God these men did not write sometimes with blood : How they requited that Kings loue , and what securitie hee enioyed by them , the dolefull Catastrophe shewed . Male ominatis Parcite verbis . IESVIT . No labours would wee spare , nor any indeauours omit , nor sticke to venter the losse of any thing deare vnto vs ( except the grace of God , and our eternall saluation ) to purchase a small portion of that fauour your Maiesties meanest Subiects enioy , that wee might in some sort cooperate to the felicitie of the Christian world , which ( as wee are persuaded ) doth on your Maiesties person singularly depend . For God ( rich in Mercie and Goodnesse ) as hee hath made your Maiestie partaker of his Power and Authoritis , in gouerning this inferiour world ; so likewise hee hath adorned you with many excellent gifts , as Wisedome , Learning , Authoritie with forraigne Princes and Common-wealths , made you beloued of your Subiects , that on you are cast the eyes of all Christian Countreys , as on the Person whom the Prince of Peace hath beyond the rest , inabled to ioyne together againe the parts of Christendome , distracted one from another through Contiouersies of Religion . ANSWER . It is sufficient , that you haue libertie to deprecate his Gratious Maiestie to forget things past , against himselfe and the State , and to thanke his Princely clemencie for the benefit of his mercifull Gouernment , whereof you and others haue tasted beyond expectation . But in stead heereof , you discouer in your selues a restlesse minde , neuer to be satisfied , vntill that ( like the Serpent ) hauing once got in your head , you winde in all your bodie . Surely , some euill Genius guideth you , otherwise you could not be so impudent , as to sollicite a most iuditious and resolute Prince , to be an Apostata from his Faith , and to expose his naturall and loyall Subiects , to the grosse errours and sharking rapine of Romish Harpies . And wherefore must his Maiestie condescend to these heauie conditions ? forsooth , to ioyne together againe , the parts of Christendome distracted , that is , in plaine English , vnder pretext of Religion , to establish lewd Superstition and Roman Tyrannie a . Libanius the Sophister , in antient time , vpon the like ground , sollicited Iulian the Emperour to Apostasie : but wee say with Saint Hilarie b , Speciosum nomen est pacis , & pulchra est opinio vnitatis , &c. The name of Peace is specious , and the opinion of Vnitie carries a faire shew , but there is no Euangelicall Peace without Christ ( that is , without true Faith and Charitie in Christ. ) Saint Augustine c saith , Habet & superbia appetitum quendam vnitatis , &c. Euen pride it selfe hath a certaine desire of vnitie , that it might bee Omnipotent . If Peace bee iust and honest ( saith Polybius d ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , It is a worthie possession , and most profitable ; but if it bee dishonourable and base , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is of all things most shamefull and pernitious . IESVIT . If the requests of the pretended Reformers were such as the Roman Church might yeeld vnto them , without ouerthrowing the very foundations of the vnitie of Faith : If in stead of Catholicke Principles mis-liked by them , they did propose such other of their owne , as she might see some probabilitie , or almost possibilitie of assured continued peace , likely to follow vpon her yeelding in some Points ; feeling compassion ( in regard of the wound of discord , bleeding in the heart of Christendome ) would mooue her to the vttermost approach towards Protestants , that the Law of God can permit , though with some disparagement to her honour . ANSWER . You should rather say , If the request of Protestants ( among whom the King of Great Britaine is most emment ) were such , as that the Romane Prelates might yeeld vnto , without hazard of their vsurped Monarchie ; If Protestants would consent to sond the holy Scriptures packing , and not reckon the same among Diuine Principles a ; if they would purchase remission of sinnes , by paying tribute into his Holinesse his Checker b , and not seeke to obtaine the same by the merits of the Lambe of God ; in a word , if they would permit the Romane Nahash to plucke out their right eye , that their deuotion might be framed according to the rule of implicite Faith and blinde Obedience c : sensible feeling of her owne reuiuing greatnesse and lucre , would mooue the Romane Mother ( being tender-hearted to them which present her with Red and White d ) to approach towards Protestants , and to hugge them in her armes , as Apes doe their Whelpes , vntill with ouer-much kindnesse shee crush out their breath . IESVIT . But so it is , that those that defre her Reformation , bee so many for number , and for Opinions so diuided amongst themselues , that it is impossible shee should satis fie all . Their Conditions of peace are , That she reforme her selfe , by forsaking definitions of generall Councells , Customes , Doctrines vniuersally receiued for many ages , time out of minde confessedly , without any knowne beginning since the Apostles . In stead of these means ( so potent to stay staggering consciences , and to keepe the Christian world in peace ) they present her with the Scriptures vnderstood by priuate illumination ( the source of discord , from which an Ocean of strife must needes flow . ) These things considered , your most Iuditious Maiestie cannot but see , that her yeelding would not compose debates alreadie begun , but rather open a wide gap to innumerable new brawles , and bring them into Kingdomes , bitherto ( with such dissention ) vntoucht . ANSWER . Whosoeuer abideth in errour ought to reforme . The Roman Church abideth in errour , Ergo , The Roman Church ought to reforme . The Assumption is manifest , by the repugnancie of Roman Doctrine , against the Faith of the holy Scriptures , and against the Doctrine of the Primatiue Church , which shall hereafter be prooued in euery point of Difference betweene Romists and vs. But as the Synagogue of the Iewes hated reformation , and persisteth in hardnesse of heart to this day , so likewise Babylon will not be healed , Ierem. 51.9 . The Iesuit deliuereth three reasons , why the Romane Church cannot yeeld to reformation . The first , is taken from the manifold diuisions of Protestants among themselues , &c. But this Argument ( to say nothing of the leading part thereof ) is inconsequent : for if Romists erre , then they ought to reforme , whosoeuer they are that admonish them and conuince them of errour . And when the antient Church abounded with Schismes and ruptures a , a meanes was vsed to restore vnitie , to wit , a common submission to free and lawfull Councells , congregated , not by Romane Popes , but by Christian and religious Emperours b : and these commanded points of Controuersie to bee decided , according to the rule of holy Scriptures c ( as I shall heereafter make manifest in this Treatise ) yea sometimes the doctrine of one sound member of the Church , hath beene a Soueraigne meanes to conuert errants , and consequently to reforme such as were misled by errour . Neither is reformation vnreasonable or impossible , although they which reprooue others , are themselues exorbitant in some things ; because the same must bee performed , not by accomodation to the humor of Reproouers a , but according to the diuine rule , wherein all things are straight and perfect . Lastly , when the Roman Church it selfe is in Schisme and Combustion ( which hapned at the Councell of Constance and Basill , and in the dayes of Antipopes , ) shall no reformation be required , because the Parties litigant , being of contrarie opinions , the same cannot be proportioned according to euery ones seuerall humour ? The second reason taken from Councells , Customes , &c. is deficient in both the parts . For neither are the Romish doctrines , to wit , Communion in one kind , Popes pardons , Latin Seruice , Purgatorie , Apocryphall Scriptures , Vulgar Translation preferred before the Originall Text , Transubstantiation , &c. defined by any generall Councell , or deriued from the Apostles or Primitiue Church , by custome and vniuersall consent : And later Councells and Customes must giue place to holy Scripture . Yea according to S. Augustine b , no vnderstanding man did euer make the Councells of Bishops , equall to Sacred Scripture : And some of our learned Aduersaries c confesse , That a generall Councell of Popes , Cardinalls , and Bishops , is not of equall Authority with the Colledge of the Apostles . Others d also of them affirme , That such Councels are fallible , and subiect to errour . The third reason wherein it is affirmed , That Protestants forsaking the common rule of Faith , present the world , with Scriptures vnderstood by priuate Illumination ; is grounded vpon a false suggestion : for we assume to our selues no other Illumination than only of ordinarie grace ; and we maintaine no other exposition of Scripture as diuine , but such as is deliuered by the holy Ghost in the Scripture . And the sence of holy Scripture deliuered by the Primitiue Church , is followed by Protestants with farre more respect , than by Romists . But our Aduerfaries are the men , who dissembling the same in words , doe in truth maintaine priuate Illumination : For they affirme , That the Bishops of Rome haue infallibilitie of Iudgement , by the immediate inspiration of the Holy Ghost , and not by the studie and meditation of holy Scripture a . IESVIT . Wherefore , there beeing no possibilitie , that the Catholike part could gaine Peace to Christendome , by any yeelding vnto our Aduersaries , either reasonable or vnreasonable ; whither should louers of Concord turne themselues , but vnto your gracious Maiestie , that haue in your Power the Affections of Protestants , and therefore would bee the fittest Instrument for their Re-vnion with the Romane Church ? The God of Charitie hath put into your Maiesties Heart a desire of Vnitie of the Church , and in your Hand an Oliue-Bough-Crowne of Peace , which you may set on the Head of Christendome ; which ( wearie of endlesse Contention ) poureth foorth vnto your Maiestie her Suppliant Complaint , Quem das finem ( Rex magne ) laborum . And seeing nothing hindereth , but that your selfe are not yet satisfied in some Doctrines of the Roman Church , particularly in the Nine Points your Maiestie hath set downe in writing ; J humbly present vnto your Maiestie these my poore Labours , for your satisfaction , so much desired of the Christian World. And to the end that this my Answere may be in it selfe more solid , and better accepted of your Maiestie , before J descend vnto particulars , J thinke best first to shew in generall the Romane to bee the onely true Church : For this was the Occasion and Subiect of the Conference betwixt Dr White , and mee . ANSWER . What a vast and impossible ( I will not heere say , impious ) enterprise doe you , in the depth of your sublimated wit , cast vpon our Gracious Soueraigne ? Must his Maiestie haue the Office of a Proctor , and Factor , for the Court of Rome ; nay , of a Lieutenant of the Papall Forces , to revnite all Protestants to the Church of Rome ? Had you meant the procuring of a Free Generall Coancell of all Christendome , or ( at least ) of all the Westerne Church , for the reducing eyther of the Deuiate parts home to the Truth , or the exasperated parts to a more charitable complying , in things indifferent , or tollerable ( in which discussion , as well the Papacie it selfe , as other matters , might bee subiect to Tryall ; ) such a Worke might be fit for a Church-man to mooue , and for his Majestie to affect : than whom , no Prince ( no , nor priuate Christian ) is more forward in Zeale , and furnished in Wisedome , to purge the Distempers , and heale the Wounds of the Christian Church . But your former words shew the frensie of the Demand , when you fore-lay this for a Ground ( Satis imperitè , nimis obstinatè ) That those particular Enormities that wee Protestants call to haue reformed , are the verie Foundations of the Vnitie of Faith , Catholike Principles , &c. And so this your dreamed Re-vnion must bee , not to come ( on your part ) one step towards vs , but our running headlong to you ; which is no other , than a slauish subjection of all Churches to the Papacie , and the trampling Gods Truth , and Gods People , vnder the foot of the vnerrable , vncontroulable Grand Seigniour of the seuen-Hilled Citie . It seemeth you haue forgotten , or would extinguish the validitie and memorie of his Majesties most judicious Writings , in maintenance of Orthodoxe Religion , and of the Libertie of Christendome , and shaking the verie Foundations of Papall Corruptions , and Tyrannie : Otherwise , you neuer would thus boldly and leaudly call to so puissant a Champion in the Lords Battailes , to sound Retreat : To whom the state of Christendome ( to speake in your phrase ) poureth foorth her Suppliant Complaint ; but to an end opposite to your Projects . — Qua Roma patet , fera regnat Erinnis : In facinus iurasce putes : Dent ocius omnes , Quas Meruere pati ( sic stat sententia ) poenas . TOVCHING THE NECESSITIE OF VNderstanding the Qualitie of the ROMAN CHVRCH . IESVIT . Thinke best first to shew in generall the Roman to be the onely true Church . For this was the occasion and subiect of the conference betwixt Dr. WHITE and me , and is the most important , and manifest point of controuersie , in which all other are inuolued . ANSVVER . THe most important ? Neither most nor important at all , to all , but onely to those who are either inuolued in that Church , or vexed by it . If people may attaine saluation without knowing the qualitie of the Romane Church , then it is not of all Questions and Controuersies most important , to know whether the Romane Church is the true Church or not . But many people may bee saued without this knowledge , for all they may attaine saluation which are baptised , and which beleeue and repent , Mark 16 , 16. Acts 2 , 38. and which haue all the ordinarie meanes of Saluation , 1. Tim. 2 , 4. But without vnderstanding the qualitie of the Romane Church , people may be baptised , beleeue , and repent , and haue all the ordinarie meanes of saluation , as appeareth by the Iewes , Asts 2 , 41. and the Eunuch , Acts 8 , 37. and Lydia , Acts 16 , 14. and many Gentiles Acts 13 , 48. and the elect Ladie and her children 2. Iohn v. 1 , 2 , 4. and the Corinthians , Galatians ; Ephesians , and the seuen Churches of Asia , Apoc. 2 , 3. &c. Occham saieth a that after Christs ascension many people were saued before the Roman Church had anie being : and AEneas Siluius b affirmeth , That the first 300 yeares , before the Nicene Counsell , small regard was had of the Roman Church . Iohannes Maior saieth , c It were ouer hard to affirme , that the Indians and other Christans , which liue in remote countries , should be in the state of damnation , because they were ignorant , That the Bishop of Rome is head of the Church , if they beleeue other necessarie Articles of Saluation . And Alchasar saieth , d Before such time as the publique nuptials betweene the Roman and other Churches were celebrated , by a common receiued custome , a lesse frequent communion with that Church was sufficient . Seconly , It is no Article of the Apostles Creed , or of any other ancient Creed , neither is it delinered in any plaine text or sentence of holy Scripture , That all Christian people must receiue their beleefe from the Roman Church ; or that the same intirely shall in all ages continue in the doctrine and faith receiued from the Apostles ; yea the contrarie is taught in holie Scripture , Rom. 11 , 22. But if the doctrine aforesaid were fundamentall , and of greatest importance , the same must haue beene plainely deliuered either in holy Scripture , e or in all , or some of the auncient Creedes . IESVIT . The Church is the pillar and foundation of Truth , 2. Tim. 3 , 15. The eminent Rocke and Mountaine filling the whole world , on the top whereof standeth the Tradition of sauing Doctrine conspicuous and immooueable , Ergo , Jt is the most important Controuersie of all other to know , whether the Roman Church be the true Church . ANSVVER . Foure texts of Scripture are produced , to proue , that it is the most important controuersie of all other , to know whether the Roman Church be the true Church : but neither are the places of Scripture expounded rightly , neither is the Iesuits islation from them consequent or firme . 1 Although it were granted that the totall certaintie of Christiantie dependeth vpon the Church , yet because the Roman Church is not the whole Church , but onely a part and member thereof , Rom. 1 , 6. and such a member as may erre a and proue vnsound , Rom. 11 , 22. The knowledge of the state and qualitie of that Church , cannot be simply necessarie , and consequently not a matter of greatest importance to be vnderstood . 2 The places of Scripture , 1. Tim. 3 , 15. Math. 16 , 18. Esay 2 , 1. Dan. 2 , 35. proue not the question . The first place , to wit Math. 16 , 18. is expounded by manie interpreters of Christ himselfe , b and by the most , of the faith which S. Peter confessed touching Christ. c And our Sauiour affirmeth not in this Text , that the Roman Church of euerie age is a Rocke ; but that the Church of right beleeuers is builded vpon a Rocke , d and so the Church is one thing , and the Rocke another , because nothing is builded vpon it selfe . The second place 1. Tim. 3 , 15. 〈◊〉 , that the Church which is the house of the liuing God is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the pillar and ground of Truth . 1. If by the Church we vnderstand the Catholicke Church , as it containeth the holie Apostles , e then this commendation agreeth fully and perfectly to it , in respect of the Apostles , who were led into all Truth , Iohn 16 , 13. and which taught whilest they 〈◊〉 , all Truth , and they do at this present day , in the Scripture , teach the fulnesse of Truth . a 2. If by the Church we vnderstand the Church of Christ , liuing after the Apostles , the same is by office and calling the pillar and ground of Truth in all ages . And some part or other thereof Truth of God 〈◊〉 to saluation . b But the present Church is not 〈◊〉 and simply , in all things , the pillar and ground of Truth , but so farre onely as it teacheth the doctrine reuealed by the holie Ghost , and groundeth her faith vpon the word of God : c and this is proued , because the Church Apostolicall was free from all errour , but succeeding Pastors and Doctors may erre in Ecclesiasticall censures , d in degrees legislatiue , e in sermons , disputations , and other tractats ( as our Aduersaries themselues f confesse ; ) and they which propugne the infallible authoritie of the present Church , restraine the same to the Pope and Councell ( of which S. Paul is silent , 1. Tim. 3 , 15. ) And from hence I inferre , That the Church wherein the Apostles taught and gouerned , was the ground and pillar of Truth , fully , intirely , and in all things : But the present Church is so , with limitation , conditionally , and so farre forth onely , as it deliuereth the Apostles doctrine . Lastly , the Roman Church can challenge no greater priuiledge of Infallibilitie from this Scripture , than the church of Ephesus , g of which the Apostle speaketh litterally in the said Text. But although the Church of Ephesus was by office the pillar and ground of Truth , yet the same did afterwards degenerate and depart from the right Faith ; which argueth , that particular Churches , such as were the Roman , Ephesine , Corinthian , &c. are not in such sort the pillar and ground of Truth , as that they are in no danger of errour h . The other two places Esay 2 , 1. Dan. 2 , 35. are principally vnderstood of Christ i and his Apostles , and they proue not the Iesuits position , which is , It is the most important controuersie of all other , to know whether the Roman Church is the true Church ; for the present Church of Rome is a Molehill , and not the Mountaine prophesied of Esay 2. the same filleth not the whole world , but onely a small part of the world ; neither did the same antiently , for 500 yeares at the least , fill the whole world , for many people , both in the East and West were Christians , without depending vpon it : neither is the same alwaies illustrious for Vertue and Truth , but sometimes notorious for Superstition and Vice a . If our Adnersaries will contend , That there is in all ages avisible Church , like vnto a great Mountaine filling the whole world , vpon the top whereof standeth the Tradition of all true doctrine , conspicuous and illustrious . 1. The places of Esay and Daniell affirme not this , concerning all times and ages of the Church . 2. The Scriptures foretell a large reuolt and apostasie from heauenly trueth b . 3. Our Aduersaries themselues acknowledge , that the outward face of the visible Church , at some times hath beene , and againe may be , miserably polluted with foule and enormious scandals , and abominations c IESVIT . If this Church bee ouerthrowne the totall certainetie of Christianitie cannot but with it fall to the ground . ANSVVER . The totall certainetie of Christianitie dependeth not vpon a Church illustrious , and conspicuous to the eie of the whole world , and hauing such externall pompe and Visibilitie as Papals imagine d . Therefore if such a Church be ouerthrowne , that is , be proued in sundrie Articles to be corrupt and vnfound ( which is our Tenet concerning the present Roman Church ) the certaintie of Christianitie may still subsist . The Tenet which wee maintaine , touching the qualitie of the present Roman Church , 〈◊〉 to the reformation of errours , and abuses in the same , and not to the ouerthrowing of the lawfull authoritie of the Visible Church . The certainetie of Religion in the time of the Iewes , did depend as much vpon the authoritie of the Visible Church of Iuda , as it can in our daies depend vpon the authoritie of the Roman Church , or of any other : for that Church was by office the keeper of the Canonicall Scripture , Rom. 3 , 2. the teacher of heauenly trueth , Ezek. 44 , 23 , Mal. 2 , 7. a ministeriall Iudge of controuersies , Deut. 17 , 9. Ezek. 44 , 24. and yet notwithstanding the said Church was reprooued by the holie Prophets , Mal. 2 , 8. 2. Chron. 29.6 , 7. Esay 56 , 10. Ezek. 34. and the religious kings of Iuda reformed the same , 2. Chron. 14.3 , 4. and cap. 17.7 , 8 , 9. and cap. 29.3 . &c. and cap. 34.3 , 4. and cap. 33.15 . Now like as when a Physition discouereth the diseases of the bodie , and prescribeth remedies and medecines , he doth thereby heale , and not destroy the state of the bodie ; so likewise , they which out of the Oracles of God , haue reuealed the errours and corruptions of the Roman Church , and sought reformation thereof a , doe not ouerthrow the certainetie of Christianitie , nor impaire the lawfull authoritie of the Church , but repaire and establish the same . IESVIT . If it be hidden and made inuisible , men must needs wander in the search of the first deliuered Christian Doctrine , without end or hope of euer ariuing at any certaine Issue . And if this Controuersie be not examined and determined in the first place , disputation by Scripture will proue fruitlesse ; by the sole euidence whereof , no victorie can be gotten against proteruious error , or at least not victorie that is verie apparant ; neither will answers about particular Doctrines satisfie a mind preoccupated with a long continued dislike of them . ANSVVER . In this Section two things are deliuered , First , If the Church be hidden , &c. Secondly : Controuersies cannot be decided by sole Scripture , &c. To the first I answer , The Church , ( that is the societie of Christian people , professing sauing Faith ) is at no time totally bidden and inuisible b , but in Persecution , the same may be hidden and vnknowne to them which 〈◊〉 no will to know it , 2. Cor. 4 , 3. or which defire to know it , that they may persecute and oppresse it , Reuelat. 12 , 14. And the same may sometimes cease to be largely , and in a 〈◊〉 and pompous . manner visible , Math. 10 , 23. and 23 , 34. Heb. 11 , 38. And in the state of Persecution , when the same is hidden and vnknowne to enemies , the friends of this Church , to whom it is knowne , may by the Ministerie thereof exercised in priuate a , receiue the certaintie of beleefe : and if it be vnknowne or hidden to any of them , these may by priuat reading , or meditation of that which they haue formerly learned , supplie the defect of publique Ministerie b , euen as some Christians at this day , being slaues in Turkie or Barbarie , may be saued without externall Ministerie . And it is also possible for such to be Instruments of conuerting and sauing others c , Ruffin . Hist. Eccles. li. 1. c. 9 , & 10. Besides , we do also acknowledge , that the Popish Church , although it were corrupt and vnsound in many things , yet it preserued the Bookes of holie Scripture , and taught the Apostles Creed , and sundrie parts of Diuine veritie collected from the same d : and by these Principles of Christianitie preserued in that Church , iuditious and pious men might with studie and diligence find out , what was the first deliuered Christian Doctrine , in such things as are necessarie to Saluation ; as in the Iewish Church , when the same was corrupt in manners and doctrine , Mal. 2 , 8. Esay 56 , 10. 2. Kings 16 , 11 , 16. Marc. 6 , 34. the Bookes of holie Scripture , and many remnants of Diuine truth ( which were able to saue Gods elect ) remained and were sufficient Principles , from whence all sauing truth might be deriued e , and pernitious errours and abuses discouered and reformed . And thus although the true Church be granted at sometimes to be hidden and inuisible , in manner before expressed , well affected people shall not want all meanes to vnderstand what was the first deliuered Christian faith . The Iesuit in the next passage laboureth to make it appeare impossible , to end and determine Controuersies of Religion , without the authoritie of a perpetuall visible Church , whose iudgement is alwaies infallible , and free from all error . But if his speech be resolued from a Rhethoricall flourish , into forme of Argument , the loosenesse of it will appeare . For he proceedeth in this or the like manner : IESVIT . By all such meanes as is of it selfe sufficient to declare what was the first deliuered Christian Doctrine apparant , victorie may be gotten against proteruious errour , and minds preoccupated with long dislike of particular Doctrines may be satisfied . By sole Scripture no apparant victorie can be gotten against proteruious errour , neither can long dislike of particular Doctrines be satisfied : Ergo , sole Scripture is not a sufficient meanes to declare what was the first deliuered Christian Doctrine . ANSVVER . First , If by apparant Victorie , be meant such Victorie , as proteruious errants will confesse , or persuade themselues to bee a Victorie against them , then the Maior Proposition is false . For when our Sauiour himselfe confuted the Pharisees , by such demonstration as none could be greater , yet they resisted the Truth , and in like sort they resisted St. Stephen , Acts 7 , 53. and S. Paul , Acts 28 , 23. and in the best Councels of Nice , Ephesus , &c. no such apparant Victorie was gotten of proteruious Heretiques a . Secondly , If by apparant Victorie , be meant a true and sufficient confutation and conuiction of Errants , then the Minor is false ; for that is a sufficient means to obtaine Victorie , by which our Sauiour himselfe subdued Sathan , Math. 4.4 , 7. and the Heretiques of his time , Math. 12 , 3. & 22 , 29 , 43. and by which St. Paul confuted the Pharisees , and other Aduersaries , Acts 17 , 2. and 28 , 23. And whereby the Fathers of the Nicene Councell conuicted the Arrians b , Socrat. Hist. l. 1. c. 6. c and which are giuen by inspiration to be an effectuall meanes to reprooue and confute error , 2. Tim. 3 , 16. Chrys. d. fid . & leg . nat d . But the Iesuit may cauil , saying , that euen as a sword in the hand of a Giant , is sufficient to 〈◊〉 an enemie , but not in the hand of a child who cannot vse it ; so the Scriptures are a meanes to conuict proteruious 〈◊〉 , as they were vsed by Christ and his Apostles , and by the 〈◊〉 Councels or Papall Councels , and the Bishops and Doctors of the Roman Church , &c. Answ. First , Our Sauiour and his Apostles did both vse the Scriptures themselues , and commanded others , euen simple men to vse them a , Iohn 5 , 39. Ephes. 6 , 17. and they are commended who examined Doctrine by them . Acts 17 , 11. Secondly , they which vnderstand and applie the Scriptures truely , vse them as Christ and his Apostles did , and so the Scripture in their vse is a word of power , and not as a sword in a childs hand . Thirdly , Scriptures were meanes to conuict Hereticks ( as they were vsed by the Fathers of the Church , and other holie Persons ) before any generall Councells were gathered , to wit the first three hundred yeares , and before the Papall Supremacie was aduanced in the Church . Fourthly , it is ridiculous to imagine , that the present Roman Church , and the sole Adheres thereof , according to the Trident Creed , are the only true expositors of holy Scriptures ; or that 〈◊〉 exposition of Scripture , repugnant and diuers from the present Roman Creed , is false or Haereticall : for neither hath the holie Ghost by expresse testimonie , or euident demonstration , appropriated the key of knowledge to this Church , and few Heretickes haue more fouly corrupted and abused the Scriptures . And the pillars of this Church 〈◊〉 sundrie times been vnskilfull Ideots , vnlettered Gulls , Monsters of mankind , with whom the holie Spirit vseth not to haue commerce b , Wisdom . 1. 2. Cor. 6. 15. Fiftly , the place of Tertul. d. Praescript . c. 19. doth not 〈◊〉 the imperfection of holie Scripture to conuict proteruious error , according to the latter part of my former distinction ; for then he could not haue said , Scripturae plenitudinem adoramus ; We adore the plenitude of the 〈◊〉 , and , Let Hermogenes teach c , that it is written : and if it be not written , let him feare the Wo denounced against them which add or detract any thing from the word of God : but be 〈◊〉 of the Scriptures , according to the first part of my distinction , to wit , That Heretickes blinded with malice , and either denying or corrupting the text a of the Scriptures , b cannot be so conuicted by them , but they will still vse cauils , and by Sophisticall slights borrowed from Philosophers c elude the euidence of the plaine Texts of Scriptures . But if this argue the Scriptures of imperfection , it will also prooue the Authoritie of the Church , and of Tradition , to be insufficient , as appeares in the Arrians and Donatists . And Heretickes may with no lesse pretext , take exception against Tradition , and Ecclesiasticall Authoritie , than against the Scripture , Ireneus li. 3. ca. 2. When they are confuted by Scriptures , they accuse them as being not well written , and destitute of Authoritie , or else so ambiguous that one cannot find the Truth by them &c. And in like manner when we prouoke them to stand to triall by Tradition , which came from the Apostles d &c. they oppose the same &c. And thus they will consent neither to Scripture nor Tradition e . And Gregorie Valence f himselfe saith , The infallible teaching and proposition of the Church is no lesse obscure vnto vs than any other Article which we are to beleeue . Sixtly , we acknowledge the lawfull Power and Authoritie of the Church g , about expounding holy Scriptures , and for maintaining Vnitie in right Faith , and appeasing contention , & repressing proteruious Errants , Heb. 13.17 . Math. 18.17.1 . Timoth. 3.15 . 2. Thessal . 5.12 . And in particular , first wee beleeue the authority of Councels General and Nationall , lawfully assembled , and accordingly proceeding , to be sacred . h And all Councels of this nature we reuerence with the same honour the ancient Church did , i affirming that priuate Christians and particular Churches , are to submit their iudgement to the authority of the same , except it bee manifest that they depart from Truth . Secondly , wee highly and reuerently esteeme exposition of Scripture , deliuered by the vnanimous consent of the Primatiue Fathers a : and although wee yeeld eminent and supreme Authoritie to the holy Scriptures b , because the same is absolutely diuine , yet when any question ariseth concerning Expositions , we allow not priuate persons c vpon vncertaine or probable reasons , to reiect the sence , which hath bin antiently and commonly receiued , and against which no strong or solid exception can be produced . Now this being obserued , and other helps of expounding Scripture vsed , there followeth nothing from our Tenet , whereby Christianitie should be made vncertaine , and Disputation from sole Scripture prooue fruitles , or which may hinder apparent Victorie ( by the same ) against proteruious Error . IESVIT . The Preface ended , our Aduersarie descendeth to his disputation , and herein , first he setteth downe a maine proposition , which hee intendeth to prooue , to wit , The Roman Church is the onely true Church . Secondly , He deliuereth fiue Principles manifest in themselues , and presupposed and confessed by Papists and Protestants . Principle 1. No man can be saued without firme and sure apprehension of supernaturall Truth , concerning his last end , and the meanes to attaine thereunto . Secondly , Assurance of this kind is not had by cleere sight Demonstration , humane Discourse , or humane Authoritie , but by Faith grounded vpon Gods Word , reuealing things vnknowne by other meanes . Thirdly , God reuealed all Supernaturall Truth to Christ , and Christ reuealed the same to the holy Apostles , partly by vocall Preaching , but principally by the immediate teaching of his holy Spirit , to this end , that they should deliuer them to mankind , to bee receiued and beleeued euerie where ouer the World , euen to the consummation thereof . Fourthly , the Apostles fulfilled this preaching to all Nations , and deliuering partly by writing , and partly by word of mouth , the whole entire Doctrine of Saluation ; planted an vniuersall Christian companie , and to deliuer vnto 〈◊〉 , all they had 〈◊〉 from them . Fiftly , though the Apostles and their Primatiue Hearers be deceased , yet there still remaines in the World a meanes , by which men may assuredly know what the Apostles preached , andthe Primatiue Church receiued of them , because the Church , euen to the endof the World , must be founded on the Apostles , and beleeue nothing as matter of Faith , but that which was deliuered by them . The former grounds being confessed , a question remaineth to be examined : What is the principall infallible meanes whereby a Christian may know what was , and is the Doctrine of Faith , originally preached by the Apostles , Whether holy Scripture of the Apostles and Euangelists bee that meanes , or perpetuall Tradition vnwritten , deriued by Succession from the Apostles ? ANSVVER . The Iesuit affirmeth the latter , and produceth foure Arguments to prooue his Tenet ; and then supposing that he hath prooued the Question , inferreth that the Roman Church is the only true Church , because it is the only faithfull keeper and teacher of this Tradition . IESVITS 1. Argument . If the maine and substantiall points of our Faith are beleeued to bee Apostolicall , because written in the Scripture of the New Testament , and the Scriptures of the New Testament are beleeued to come from the Apostles , vpon the voice of perpetuall Tradition vnwritten ; then our resolution , That our Faith is Apostolicall , stayeth finally vpon Tradition vnwritten . But the maine and substantiall points of our Faith are beleeued to be Apostolicall , because they are written in Scriptures , and the Scriptures &c. are beleeued to come from the Apostles by perpetuall Tradition vnwritten . Ergo , Our resolution that our Faith is Apostolicall , resteth finally vpon Tradition vnwritten . ANSVVER . If the second part of the Antecedent , to wit , And the Scriptures of the new Testament , are beleeued to come from the Apostles vpon the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Tradition vnwritten , bee vnderstood without any further explication or addition , then the sequell of the Maior is denied : and if onely , or principally , bee added to vnwritten Tradition , then the Assumption is false . First , although the Scriptures of the new Testament , are beleeued to come from the Apostles , vpon the voyce of perpetuall Tradition , yet because they are not beleeued thus to descend by the said voyce , as vpon the onely or principall ground , therefore it is inconsequent to inferre , our resolution that our faith is Apostolicall , stayeth lastly and finally vpon Tradition . If the Argument be reduced to a Categoricall forme , the defect will easily appeare : That vpon whose voyce the Scriptures of the new Testament are beleeued to come from the Apostles , is the grouud whereupon our faith lastly and finally stayeth . Perpetuall Tradition , is that vpon whose voyce the Scriptures of the new Testament are beleeued to come from the Apostles . Therefore perpetuall Tradition is the ground whereupon our faith lastly and finally stayeth . In this Argument the Maior proposition is false , for that is not alwayes the last ground of Resolution , vpon whose voyce and testimony we doe first of all , or prioritate or dinis , vel temporis , in priority of time , or order , beleeue things : because there may be other grounds of beleefe , equall , or of greater authoritie than the first voyce ; and the first voyce vpon which we beleeue b , may be only an introduction or motiue of credibility . For example : One may beleeue that Moses or the Prophets were the Authors of the Scriptures of the old Testament , vpon the voyce and testimony of the Iewes , yet this testimony is not the last ground of resolution , &c. One may beleeue vpon the testimony of Iosephus , c That Iesus Christ was a wise man , yea more than a man , and that hee wrought many great miracles , and was crucified , and appeared againe the third day aliue , and was honoured by Iewes and Gentiles : yet this voyce and Testimony of Iosephus is not the finall ground of faiths resolution . If 〈◊〉 bee taken to these 〈◊〉 , that they proceed 〈◊〉 from humane 〈◊〉 , whereas the voyce of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 ; I 〈◊〉 ere two things . First , that the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of faith , is not alwayes made into that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vpon whose voyce and 〈◊〉 as appeareth by St. Iohn Baptist , for vpon his voyce and 〈◊〉 , which did not finally and principally 〈◊〉 their 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but into the voyce of Christ himselfe , Iohn 5. 33 , 36. Secondly , although the vocall Tradition of the Apostles themselues , concerning the Scriptures of the new Testament , when they deliuered or commended the same a to their immediate hearers , was totally and perfectly diuine , both in regard of the matter testified , and in respect of their owne persons who were witnesses immediatly sent and inspired of God ; yet the subsequent History , and report of this former , made by those which were remote from the Apostles age , is not simply and perfectly diuine , but onely in part , for when it faithfully reporteth that which the Apostles said and did , it is diuine in regard of the matter and thing testified , but is humane b in regard of the quality of the witnesses , and the manner of testification , because these succeeding witnesses were not equall in verity to the holy Apostles , 〈◊〉 free from possibility of errour , nor such as immediatly heard the Apostles . Hereupon Aquinas himselfe holdeth , c that our faith doth onely rest vpon those reuelations which the Authours of the holy Scriptures published : and Durand d with many other Schoolemen e saith , that the faith which is grounded vpon the approbation of the Church is onely acquisite . f And if this be true , then because the credit of vnwritten Traditions , dependeth in respect of vs , vpon the authority of the Church since the Apostles , ( which Churches voyce being not formally diuine , can of it selfe onely produce acquisite faith ) the last and finall resolution of diuine faith , cannot bee made into the voyce of Tradition vnwritten . And thus much concerning the sequel of the Maior proposition . But if the Iesuite , when he saith , the Scriptures of the new Testament are beleeued to come from the Apostles , vpon the voyce of perpetuall Tradition vnwritten , doe means that the said Scriptures are beleeued to 〈◊〉 from the Apostles , vpon the voyce of vnwritten Tradition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then the assumption is false : for they are 〈◊〉 to come from the Apostles by written Tradition , as well as by vnwritten , and more principally vpon the voyce of the Apostles , speaking in and by their Scriptures , than vpon the onely testimony of vnwritten Tradition . It is vsuall and common for one man to certifie another , of such matters as he desireth he should know , by an Epistle or writing : So likewise the holy Apostles desiring a that all the world , for whose instruction they wrote , should know that these Scriptures are their worke , haue declared the same by their owne testimonie , recorded in those bookes . St. Iohn affirmes , that hee is the Author of his Gospell , and of the Reuelation , Iohn 21 , 24. Reuel . 1 , 4. St. Paul and other Apostles doe the like concerning the Epistles , Rom. 1 , 1. 2. Cor. 10 , 10. Collos. 4. 18. 1. Pet. 1 , 1. Iam. 1 , 1. Iude v. 1. And that the holy Apostles and Euangelists doe speake vnto people of all ages by their bookes and writings , is affirmed by the Fathers : St. August . saith , b Ipsum Paulum audi , &c. Heare thou , euen Paul himselfe . St. Chrysost. c If thou desirest , thou mayest heare Paul , Peter , Iohn , and the whole company of the Prophets speaking vnto thee , take the bookes of these blessed ones into thine hands , reade their Scriptures , and thou mayest heare , not Paul onely , but euen Pauls Lord speaking vnto thee by Pauls mouth . But it is obiected against this , by Bellarmine and others , d that counterfeit Authours may speake in the name and person of the Apostles ; to wit , a Bastard Hereticke , in the name of St. Bartholomew , or St. Peter , &c. I answere with St. Augustine , e the same may be done in all humane , and ecclesiasticall writings , and yet sufficient meanes are found , partly in the History of times , partly in the writings of euery Authour , to confute Impostors . And concerning the holy Scriptures , wee haue two meanes to know their Authours : the one Ecclesiasticall , to wit , the perpetuall History of the Church , since the Apostles departure , f whereby is produced a morall persuasion and credibilitie , than which none can bee greater in that kinde , by reason of the antiquity , number , consent , and sanctitie of the witnesses which testifie this : the other totally diuine , g to wit , the matter , and forme of Doctrine contained in the the said bookes to be 〈◊〉 and if they be can speake in them . And that within those bookes , is affirmed by the 〈◊〉 Among which 〈◊〉 are taken from the internall a matter and maiesty of the bookes ; and Gregory Valence b contained in the same Scripture , &c. And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c , that the 〈◊〉 of God is seene by faith in the holy d faith , The Scripture is a faire 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 e You haue before , 2. Pet. 1. 19. And 〈◊〉 August . f . And therefore , as a 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 others , by the same light or 〈◊〉 manifests it selfe g : so the holy Scripture inlightning the Church , demonstrates his owne 〈◊〉 and vertue . And thus 〈◊〉 we be first directed and holpen by vnwritten Tradition to know the Scriptures , yet the Tradition of the present Church , is 〈◊〉 the onely last and principall ground whereunto we resolue 〈◊〉 . If the Iesuits Argument be retorted vpon himselfe , it will demonstrate , that our Faith is finally resolued into holy Scripture , and not into vnwritten Tradition h ; for inuerting 〈◊〉 order of the 〈◊〉 , and retaining the matter , I argue as followeth . If the maine and 〈◊〉 points of Faith are 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 , because of the 〈◊〉 of perpetuall Tradition vnwritten , and 〈◊〉 Tradition vnwritten is beleeued to be Apostolicall , because of the authoritie of the Scripture ; then our resolution , that our Faith is Apostolicall , resteth finally vpon the Scripture . But the Antecedent is true , Ergo &c. The Assumption is confirmed two waies . First , by the practise of Papals which confirme their doctrine of Tradition , by testimonies of Scripture , alledging , 2. Thess. 2. 15. 1. Tim. 6. 20. & 2. Tim. 1. 16. Secondly , because the credit of Tradition , in respect of vs , dependeth vpon the authoritie of the Church , and the authoritie of the Church vpon the Scriptures . Both these assertions are maintained by the Papals . First , They say that the authoritie of Tradition , in respect of vs , dependeth vpon the Church . Gretsar . a def . Bellarm. d. verbo Dei , lib. 4. cap. 9. Vitus miletus cont . 〈◊〉 . loc . 27. Error . 615. Secondly , They confirme the Churches authoritie by the Scriptures , 1. Tim. 3.15 . Math. 18.17 . Eph. 4. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. Gregorie Valence tom . 3. disput . 1. punct . 1. pa. 40. & ibid. punct . 7. pa. 327. Driedo . b d. Eccles. dogm . li , 2. c. 3. pa. 59. Stapleton c triplic . c. 15. pa. 179. And thus will they nill they , they are compelled to make holie Scripture the last and finall resolution of Faith : for if we beleeue Tradition vpon the authoritie of the Church , and the Churches authoritie for the Scripture , then we must of 〈◊〉 make the Scripture our last and finall resolution of 〈◊〉 which is the Tenet of the Fathers . S. Chris. sup . Psal. 95. d When any thing is deliuered without the warrant of Scripture , the hearers thought staggereth , sometimes consenting , and then againe 〈◊〉 , and another while reiecting the same as 〈◊〉 , &c. but when the testimonie of Diuine Voice is deliuered out of the Scripture , it both confirmeth the saying of the Speaker , and mind of the Hearer . IESVIT . So it is , that the Scripture of the New Testament 〈◊〉 not be prooued to haue beene deliuered vnto the Church by the Apostles , but by perpetuall Tradition vnderwritten , conserued in the Church succeeding the Apostles : for what other proofe can be imagined , except one would prooue it by the titles of the Bookes , which were absurd , seeing doubt may be made , Whether those titles were set on the Bookes by the Apostles themselues ; of which doubt Tradition only can resolue vs. Besides , the Gospell of S. Marke , and S. Luke , and also the Acts of the Apostles were not written by any Apostles , but were by their liuely voice and suffrages recommended vnto Christians as sacred , otherwise ( as also Mr. Bilson noteth ) they should neuer haue obtained such eminent authoritie in the Church , neither should they be now so esteemed , but vpon the supposall of Apostolicall approbation : but how shall we know the Apostles saw these writings , and recommended the same vnto Christian Chnrches , but by Tradition ? ANSVVER . The point which the Aduersarie endeauors to prooue , is , That the Scriptures of the New Testament are beleeued , by diuine Faith , to come from the Apostles , only and principally by the testimonie of perpetuall Tradition vnwritten : he endeauoreth to performe this by disproouing other meanes , to wit , the titles of the Bookes , &c. The summe of his argument is , Either perpetuall Tradition vnwritten , is the only ground of this beleefe , or else the Titles of the Bookes . But the Titles of the Bookes are not the only ground , because doubt may be made of their credit , &c. And some of the Bookes of the New Testament were not penned by the Apostles , but by their Suffrages recommended to Christians , and so became Authenticall in the Church . And this approbation is not expressed in the Titles of the Bookes , but is only made knowne by Tradition . I answere : It followeth not that Tradition vnwritten is the only or principall ground whereupon we beleeue the Scriptures of the New Testament to be Apostolicall , although the titles of the Bookes alone are not so ; for besides the externall Titles , there be three other grounds , arguing the said Books to be Apostolicall . First , the inward Subscription ( 1. Corinth . 16.21 . and Inscription , 1. Rom. 1. 1. ) of many of these Bookes , and namely of all Saint Pauls Epistles ( except to the Hebrews a ) together with the Reuelations of Saint Iohn , and the other Canonicall Epistles . Secondly , In diuers Bookes there is found apparant testimonie , within the same , that the Apostles were the Authors , Iohn 21. 24. 1. Cor. 15. 10. 1. Tim. 1. 13. Renel . 1. 4. Thirdly , In those Bookes which want such inward inscription or testimonie , the matter and forme of the Bookes , their harmonie with the Scriptures of the Old Testament , and with those other of the New Testament , which haue inscription , and the voice of the holy Ghost speaking in them b , will prooue them to be diuine : and if they be diuine , then it followeth , that they are Apostolicall ( either by the Apostles owne writing , or approbation ) because the Church of the New Testament is builded vpon the foundation of the Apostles , Eph. 2. 20. and our Sauiour himselfe did appoint their Doctrine and Ministerie to be the prime rule of Faith , Math. 28. 20. Luc. 10. 16. & c. 24. 48 , 49. And whosoeuer in their daies ( by preaching , or writing ) instructed the Church , must receiue approbation from them c , Gallath . 2. 2. 9. The titles prefixed before the Bookes of the New Testament , being ioined with these three grounds formerly expressed , are sufficient to prooue , that the holy Apostles were the Authors , or Approuers of all the Scriptures of the New Testament : and if these ( with other humane motiues of credibilitie ) be not , the same doubt which is made concerning them , may with greater probabilitie be made concerning vnwritten Traditions d . And secluding the authoritie of the Scripture it selfe , no other diuine testimonie can be produced , to satisfie them which are doubtfull , touching the veritie of vnwritten Tradition , and the authoritie of the present Church . If one will not beleeue the Scriptures , because of the authoritie of God e speaking in them , neither will he beleeue the present Church consisting of persons , in whom is possibilitie of error . IESVIT . For we may distinguish three properties of the Doctrine of Faith , to wit , to be true , to be reuealed of God , to be preached and deliuered by the Apostles . The highest ground by which I am persuaded and resolued that my Faith is true , is the authoritie of God reuealing it ; the highest ground on which I am resolued that my Faith is reuealed , is the credit and authoritie of Christ Iesus and his Apostles , who deliuered the same as diuine and sacred ; but the highest ground that mooueth me to beleeue that my Faith was preached by the Apostles , is the perpetuall Tradition of the Church succeeding the Apostles , that so teacheth me . ANSVVER . The last part of the former distinction is denied . The highest ground meaning diuine , which mooueth vs to beleeue that the doctrine of Faith was preached by the Apostles , is not the perpetuall Tradition of the Church succeeding the Apostles , but the holy Scripture of the New Testament ; for the perpetuall Tradition of the Church succeeding the Apostles is beleeued , because of the authoritie of the said Church : and whosoeuer beleeueth that Tradition or Testimonie , must first of all know the Church to be an infallible witnesse . But the word of God only ( the greater and most worthie part whereof , by our Aduersaries confession , is contained in the Scriptures a ) giueth authoritie to the Church , for the Church is founded vpon the word of God , Eph. 2.20 . and the word of God is the immortall seed which produceth and giueth being to the Church b , Luc. 8.11 . Ia. 1.18 . it selfe vpon the Apostles 〈◊〉 word and Doctrine , which is principally contained in the Scripture . 〈◊〉 . Into this principle St. Augustine resolued his faith against the 〈◊〉 ( who pretended the Scriptures were corrupted ) confuting them by Tradition of the Church , affirming that he would not beleeue the Gospell , did not the authority of the Catholike Church induce him , assigning this as the last stay of his resolution in this point : for though he beleeued the Gospel to 〈◊〉 souer aignely certaine and true , vpon the authority of God 〈◊〉 it , and that it was reuealed of God , vpon the authority of the Apostles who as sacred preached it : yet that this Gospel ( as we haue it ) came incorrupt from the Apostles , he could haue no stronger or more excellent 〈◊〉 , than the testimony of the present Church descended by continued succession of Bishops from the Apostles , neither can we imagine any higher , except we flye to particular and to priuate reuelation , which is absurd . ANSWER . St. Augustines words , C. Epist. Manichei . c. 4. a doe not proue , that after he was fully conuerted , he resolued his faith finally and principally into the authority of the Church , succeeding the Apostles . First , St. Augustine resolued his faith finally and principally , into that which he knew to be infallible and totally diuine . But he was not so persuaded of the Church , succeeding the Apostles , because he thought it possible for the principall members of that Church to 〈◊〉 , and be deceiued b , and he prefers the authority of the Scriptures , before the iudgement of Councels and Fathers c , ( in which some of our aduersaries place the 〈◊〉 of Ecclesiasticall infallibility . ) Moreouer it appeareth by Saint Augustine in the second chapter of this Booke , that he did not make the authority of the Church , the highest ground of resolution of his faith : for he saith that manifest verity is to be preferred before all other tbings , whereby he was held in the Catholike Church a : but that whose authority must be preferred before all other things , is the highest ground of faiths resolution . Secondly , because St. Augustines meaning in this place is obscure and dubious , our aduersaries cannot conclude certainely from hence . 1. Some Schoolemen hold that he speaketh of acquisite or Historicall Faith , which is an introductiō to b infused faith , and then it is inconsequent to argue , that because Saint Augustine at his first conuersion , and being a Nouice in Faith , did ground his Historicall faith vpon the authority of the Church , therefore the authority of the Church is vniuersally , and after men are conuerted , the highest ground of resolution . Most men are at first induced by externall motiues , to giue credit to the Scriptures , as the people of Samaria c were by the testimony of the woman , to beleeue that Christ was a Prophet , Ioh. 4.42 . Altisiodor . summa in prolog . & li. 3. tr . 3.9.4 . But as these people afterwards beleeued , because of Christs owne words , so they which by the Churches authority are first persuaded to heare and reade the doctrine of the Scriptures , afterwards by the light of grace doe perceiue the diuine Maiestie , wisedome , efficacie , and verity of the said doctrine , and resolue their faith into the diuine authority of the holy Ghost , manifesting himselfe in the Scripture , or doctrine of the Scripture . Secondly , other learned Papists hold that St. Augustine , in the place obiected , by the authority of the Church , vnderstood the Church wherein the Apostles themselues gouerned , and of which they were parts ; d and then no meruaile if he resolued his faith into the authority of the Church , because in this notion the Church comprehends the Colledge of the Apostles , whose testimony concerning the Scripture was altogether Diuine . And although St. Augustine conioyneth the authority of the latter Church with the former , wherein were the Apostles , yet he did not equally , and with the same manner of beleeuing ground his faith vpon both : for when a Preacher deliuereth Apostolicall doctrine , we beleeue both the Preacher and the Doctrine , and we could not haue knowne the doctrine , but by the Preacher ; yet we resolue not our faith , finally and principally into the authority of the Preacher , a but into the diuine verity it selfe preached by him . Euery thing by which we are mooued to beleeue , and without whose authority we should not haue beleeued , is not the principall obiect whereunto diuine faith is finally resolued , as appeareth by miracles , preaching , instruction of Parents , &c. IESVIT . Vpon the former place of Saint Augustine , the Iesuit inferreth : That because we haue no stronger or more excellent proofe than the testimonie of the present Churcb descended by continuall succession of Bishops from the Apostles , to confirme that the Gospell , as wee haue it , came incorrupt from the Apostles , therefore Saint Augustine resolued his faith , that it was Apostolicall , finally and principally into the authority of the present Church . ANSWER . Saint Augustine deliuers not the former , and therfore the Iesuit cannot inferre the latter : we haue indeed no stronger or more excellent morall proofe b , than the perpetual testimony of the Church succeeding the Apostles : but we haue a stronger and more excellent diuine proofe , to wit , the Prophesie of Christ and his Apostles , concerning the perpetuall preseruation of the Gospell vnto the end of the world : also that the Aposcolical Scriptures were once incorrupt , is manifest c , because they were giuen by diuine inspiration . And it is apparant that they were not afterwards corrupted , because no authority or sufficient Argument can be produced to procue them in whole , or in part , to haue been corrupted d . Now that which being once knowne by diuine testimony to haue beene incorrupt , cannot be prooued afterwards to haue been corrupted , doth by diuine testimony appeare to be incorrupt , because the first diuine testimony standeth still in force . The Text of the Gospell was once knowne by diuine testimonie to haue beene incorrupt , and it cannot be prooued to haue beene afterwards corrupted , Ergo , It doth still appeare by diuine testimonie that the Text of the Gospell is incorrupt , and the resolution of Faith finally and principally resteth vpon that diuine testimonie , and not vpon the 〈◊〉 of the present Church . Lastly , the harmony & coherence of the Gospel , both with the Scriptures of the old Testament , Lu. 24.27 . Act. 28.23 . and of the seuerall parts of the Gospel among themselues a do manifest that the text of the new Testament is incorrupt . For if the same were corrupted in any part , corruption of words would produce alteration and difference of matter : but we find at this day a perfect harmonie of all the parts of the Gospell among themselues , and a perfect agreement of the same with the Scriptures of the old Testament : And from the same being an inward Argument , we may collect , that the text of the Gospell is at this day incorrupt . Now hauing so many Arguments , besides the authoritie of the present Church , to prooue the integritie of the text of the Gospell , we do not flie , neither is it necessarie to flie to priuat Spirit , or particular Reuelation for assurance : and that which our Aduersaries obiect against vs , saying , that we resolue our Faith and Religion into the priuat Spirit , is a foolish calumniation , for we resolue our Faith into the authoritie of Gods outward word ( expounded vnto vs by such helpes and meanes , as both the Scripture it selfe , and the antient Church require ) as into the diuine motiue , and obiect of beleefe : and we affirme that his grace and holy Spirit , working by the outward meanes , inableth , draweth , and persuadeth the conscience to assent , Iohn 6.45 . & 12.37 , 38.1 . Cor. 2.12 . &c. 12.3 . & 2. Cor. 3.5 . Act. 16.14 . 1. Iohn 2.20.27 . Esay 50.5 . And herein we flie to no priuat Spirit or Reuelation , but maintaine the ordinarie assistance of diuine grace , according to the doctrine of the holy Scripture , and of S. Augustine b , and the common Tenet of the Scholemen themselues c . IESVITS 2. Argument . Secondly , J 〈◊〉 that common vnlearned people ( the greatest part of Christianitie ) are persuaded about all substantiall points of Faith , by Tradition , not by Scripture Common vnlearned people haue true Christian Faith in all points necessarie and snfficient vnto Saluation , but they haue not Faith of all these maine and substantiall points grounded on Scripture , for they can neither vnderstand nor read any Scripture , but translated into vulgar languages ; and so if they beleeue vpon Scripture , they beleeue vpon Scripture translated into their mother tongue : but before that they can know that the Scriptures are truely translated euen in all substantiall points , that so they may build of it , they must first know what are the maine and substantiall points , and firmely beleeue them , so that they would not beleeue the Scripture translated against them ; for if they knew them not before , how can they know that Scriptures , in places that concerne them , are truely translated : if they do not before hand firmely beleeue them , why should they bee readie to allow translations that agree with them , and to reiect the translations which differ from them ? Ergo , Originally , and before they know any Scripture , they haue Faith grounded on the Tradition of their ancestors , by the light whereof they are able to judge of the truth of Translations about such substantiall points as they firmely beleeue by Tradition . ANSVVER . The question which the Iesuit vndertaketh to prooue in his foure Arguments , is , that our resolution of Faith stayeth finally vpon the perpetuall Tradition of the Church , and not vpon the Scripture . His second argument to prooue this , is taken from the manner of vulgar and illiterate people in resoluing their Faith : For if these , being the greater part of Christianitie , do ground their Creed ( touching all points of doctrine necessarie to Saluation ) vpon Tradition of their ancestors , andif they haue true Faith before they know and vnderstand the Scripture , then Christian Faith ( at least-wise among the greater part of Christians ) is resolued finally into the Tradition of ancestors , and not of the Scriptures . And he prooueth that these vulgar people haue Faith touching all points necessarie to Saluation , before they know the Scriptures , because it is impossible for them to read or vnderstand Scripture vntill it be translated into their mother tongue : and they are not able to iudge of translations , or know them to be true , vnlesse they first beleeue the principall points of Christian Faith , and by comparing translations of Scripture with the said doctrines of Faith formerly by them beleeued , be inabled to iudge of the Truth of Translations . This Paralogisme hath certaine ambiguous or equiuocall termes which must be distinguished , and then I will applie my answer . First , the terme of Scripture may be taken for the letter and text of the Scripture , together with the names of the seueral Bookes , Authors , and Sections : and secondly it may signifie the doctrine of the Scripture , without mention of the particular Bookes , Iohn 7.38 . Rom. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Secondly , Resolution of Faith , is either distinct and explicite a , wherein beleeuers are able to declare the seueral reasons of their Faith , and to proceed from one reason of beleeuing to another , vntill they ascend by degrees to the principall ground : or else Implicit and Vertuall b , wherein beleeuers cannot proceed distinct ly , and with explication of the seuerall reasons and grounds of Faith , but resting themselues vpon one prime and radicall ground , are readie , for the authoritie of the same , to beleeue all other particular reasons and verities of Faith , when they are declared vnto them . Thirdly , Tradition may signifie either doctrine of Faith , and good manners , not contained or written in holy Scripture , expressely or inuoluedly ; or else the same doctrine which is found in holy Scripture , deliuered by Ancestors or Teachers by word of mouth . These distinctions premised , I answer the obiection , 1. Granting that some vulgar people , and nouices in Faith c , may attaine beleefe concerning such verities of Christian Doctrine as are absolutely necessarie to Saluation , by the Tradition of their Ancestors and Teachers , without distinct and explicit resoluing their Faith into the Text of holy Scripture , or the particular Bookes or Sections thereof . But withall I deny , that they can haue sauing Faith , without resoluing the same into the doctrine of the Scriptures a . For example , It is an Article of Faith necessarie to be beleeued by all Christians of riper yeres , that Iesus Christ is the 〈◊〉 of the World , and the same Article is reuealed and taught in many Texts of holy Scripture . If a simple rurall person beleeue this Article taught him by his parents and other teachers , he beleeueth the Doctrine of the Scripture , and vertually grounds his Faith vpon the Scripture , although hee know not the Bookes of the Scripture , or the particular sentences contained in the same . A man which drinketh water flowing from a fountaine , or seeth day light , although he haue no distinct knowledge of the fountaine , or sight of the Sunne , which is the cause of light , yet hee receiueth water mediatly from the fountaine it selfe , and his light principally from the Sunne ; so likewise rude and illiterate Christians , reape the benefit and fruit of the Scriptures , and vertually ground their Faith vpon them , although they be not able distinctly to looke into them , or to resolue their Faith into the seuerall parts and testimonies contained in them b . OBIECTION . Vulgar andilliterate persons do not know or vnderstand the Scriptures , neither can they be certaine by their owne knowledge , that the same are truely translated in such points as the y are bound to beleeue , therefore they cannot ground their Faith finally and lastly vpon the Scriptures . ANSVVER . 1. If this Obiection were good , vulgar people could not ground their diuine Faith vpon Tradition , because they haue not distinct knowledge of Tradition , or of the qualitie or deriuation thereof . Therefore I distinguish of Knowledge out of Bonauenture , c that the same is two fold , to wit , either confused and generall , or distinct and speciall , and a thing may be knowne two waies , either in it selfe , or in another . If vulgar and illiterate people could know and vnderstand the Scriptures , neither confusedly , nor distinctly , neither in themselues , nor in any other thing , then it were impossible that they should resolue their Faith into them : but if they may know them by teaching of others , and vnderstand the Doctrine of the Scriptures to be diuine by the light of heauenly veritie resplendent in the same a , and by the inward testimonie of the holy Spirit co-working with that Doctrine b , then it is possible for them to resolue their Faith into the Scripture , because they which actually resolue their Faith into the Doctrine of the Scripture , doe virtually and mediatly resolue the same into the verie Scripture , euen as he that actually beleeueth the kings proclamation , doth virtually beleeue the kings authoritie , although he know the king or his authoritie confusedly , and in generall only . The Text of holy Scripture , and the distinct sayings and sentences thereof , are the principall and finall externall ground , whereupon the whole bodie of the Church must ground their Faith c . But as there is a diuersitie of the members of the Church , 1. Cor. 12.20 . so likewise there is a difference betweene them in the manner of resoluing Faith : for the stronger and firmer members are able to resolue their Faith distinctly into Scripture , but the weaker members whose Faith ( as Bonauenture speaketh ) is diminuta d , seeble and imperfect in respect of the distinct apprehension of the obiect of Faith e , are guided by the stronger , as children by a nurse . And these little ones are taught the truth of heauenly Doctrine , 1. By their parents f , or ecclesiasticall teachers , and they know the Scriptures to be truely translated , not by their owne skill , but by crediting others which are able to iudge . But being thus farre directed and persuaded by humane meanes g , then the light of Gods word it selfe , by the power of Grace , persuadeth them as a diuine cause , to yeeld full assent to all such verities as are necessarie to be beleeued by them to saluation . IESVIT . And this is that which Protestants must meane ( if they haue any true meaning ) when they say that the common people knew Scriptures to be truely translated by the light of the Doctrine shining in true Translations , to wit , by the light of Doctrine receiued by Tradition of Ancestors , and thereupon so firmely beleeue , as they will acknowledge Scriptures to be truely translated so farre , and no farther than they perceiue them consonant with the Faith deliuered vnto them , so that their last and finall resolution , for substantiall points , is not into Scripture truly translated into their vulgar tongue , but into Tradition , by the light whereof they discerne that their Translations are true , more or lesse , according to the measure of knowledge they haue by Tradition . ANSVVER . The summe of the former obiection is , Vnlearned people are not able without the helpe and instruction of others to resolue their Faith into the Scriptures . Therefore the Scripture is not the finall and greatest stay and ground of Faith. The Argument is denied : for as in Arts and Sciences , an vnskilfull person cannot resolue his knowledge into the first principles , vntill he be taught the meaning of words and the sence of rules and precepts ; but when he is taught , and vnderstandeth these , then he maketh resolution into the very first principles themselues : So likewise in beleeuing , the Obiect of Faith must be taught , the sence of the words , and matter declared , the grounds and reasons of credibilitie deliuered , and then the beleeuer principally and immediately , settles the resolution of his Faith not vpon these helps and instruments which are only dispofitiue and adiuuant causes a , but vpon the first principles themselues expressely or deriuatiuely contained in holy Scripture . And whereas Dr. Ioh. Wh. is produced , affirming in the behalfe of all Protestants , that common people know Scriptures to be truely translated by the light of the Doctrine shining in true Translations . First Dr. Wh. in the place assigned , speaketh not in particular of common people , but of the true Church b , in which are found many persons skilfull and learned . Secondly , he deliuereth other meanes ( besides the light of Doctrine ) whereby the Church may know that Translations are true c , to wit , knowledge of Tongues , rules of Art , ministerie of the Word , to which I adde analogie of Faith , the testimonie of the 〈◊〉 Church , and best learned in all ages . All these are helpes and instruments of right Translations , and when the Scriptures are translated , they manifest their Author and sacred authoritie to such as in a right manner are conuersant in hearing or reading them . And this is not only the Tenet of Protestants , but , besides the antient Fathers , of moderate Papists themselues a . There is ( saieth one of them ) such power in Scripture inspired of God , that the maiestie of God shineth in it . And this speech is the same in effect with that of Constantine the great , reported by Theoderet , b Hist. li. 1. ca. 24. Obseruans fidem diuinam , adipiscor lumen veritatis , sequens lumen veritatis , agnosco diuinam fidem , Marking the diuine Faith , I obtaine the light of Truth , and following the light of Truth , I acknowledge diuine Faith , Quod est manifestatiuum alterius , simul potest manifestare seipsum , sicut lux quo actu prodit colores prodit seipsam , & cum ego quicquam loquor , eadem locutione , manifesto rem & loguelam ( sayth Petrus de Lorca , 22. q. 1. ar . 1. disp . 4. n. 8. ) That which is a manifestator of another thing , may together manifest it selfe , as appeareth inlight which doth manifest it selfe by the same act , whereby it sheweth colours : and by speech , for when I speake , by one and the same speech , I manifest the thing spoken , and mine owne speaking . The same is affirmed by Peresius c , Canus d , Fra. Petigianus e , and it is so farre from being vnlikely that the holy Scripture , when it is receiued , doth manifest it selfe , and his author , that it is most absurd to imagine the contrarie : for the Scripture is a diuine light , Psal. 119.105.2 . Pet. 1.19.2 . Cor. 4. 6. And it is the voice and speech of God f , Luc. 1. 71. And the Iesuit cannot persuade any reasonable man to thinke that God almightie who bestowed tongues and voices vpon men , with abilitie so to expresse themselues , that others might vnderstand their voice and know them by it , should speake himselfe in the Scripture so darkely and secretly , that people , when they are eleuated by grace , cannot discerne the same to be his word or voice . We know other creatures to be Gods worke by footsteps g of his power , wisdome , and goodnesse appearing in them . The holy Scripture excelleth all created things in wisdome and perfection , it cannot therefore be destitute of signes and impressions to manifest vnto them which are inspired with grace vnto beleeuing , that God himselfe is the author . IESVITS 3. Argument . If the mayne and substantiall points of Christian faith must be firmely knowne and beleeued , before we can securely reade and truely vnderstand the holy Scriptures : then the mayne and substantiall points of faith are beleeued , not vpon Scripture , but vpon Tradition precedently vnto Scripture . This is cleare , because true faith is not built , but vpon Scripture truely vnderstood of man : neither can Scripture vntill it be truely vnderstood of a man , bee to him a ground of assured persuasion : But we cannot vnderstand the Scripture securely , and aright , before wee know the substantiall Articles of faith , which all are bound expresly to beleeue : the summarie comprehension of which point , is tearmed , The rule of faith , Tertul. de prescrip . c. 13. ANSVVER . The sequel of the Maior is denied . It followeth not , that although the mayne and substantiall points of faith must be firmely knowne and beleeued , before we can securely reade and truely vnderstand the holy Scriptures , in the particular texts and sections thereof : therefore the said substantiall points are not beleeued vpon Scripture , but vpon Tradition vnwritten . The reason of the inconsequence is , for that the mayne and substantiall points of faith , may be knowne and beleeued by the doctrine of the Scripture , touching the said points deliuered to people , by those which haue faithfully collected the same into a Summarie , out of the particular and distinct sentences of the holy Scriptures . And they that beleeue this doctrine of the Scriptures , may attaine the knowledge and faith of substantiall points of Christianity , before themselues can reade and vnderstand the said Bookes : yet they resolue not their faith into vnwritten Tradition ( according to the Popish meaning , where by vnwritten Tradition is vnderstood doctrine of faith , neither expresly nor inuoluedly contained in holy Scripture ) but into the doctrine of the Scripture , collected and deliuered vnto them by others , and vertually and immediately into the holy Scripture it selfe ( as I haue formerly shewed , in answer to the second Argument . ) That which followeth in the obiection touching the rule of faith , prooueth not that Christian beliefe is resolued lastly and finally into vnwritten Tradition : because the rule of faith , is not such vnwritten Tradition , as is neither exprefly , nor by consequent contained in Scripture : but a Summarie of the principall Articles of Christian 〈◊〉 contained in the Apostles Creed ; and which may be gathered out of the plaine texts and sentences of holy Scripture a , and therefore all they which resolue their faith into the said rule , refolue the same also into the plaine doctrine of the Scripture . And that the rule of faith is such , it appeareth . First , by the branches and Articles of that rule , which are ; I beleeue in God , the Father Almighty , &c. And in Iesus Christ , his onely Sonne our Lord , &c. With the rest of the Articles of the Apostles Creed , reade 1. Cor. 15.1 , 2 , 3.1 . Tim. 3.16 . And Tertull. in the place alleaged by the Iesuite b , and in his Booke d. vel . virg . c rehearsing the ancient rule of faith , doth not mention any one Article , which is not expresly or by deriuation contained in holy Scripture . Secondly , the rule of faith extendeth not it selfe beyond the bounds of the Gospel , Gallath . 1.8 . Tertul. de prescript . c. 6. d but all the mayne and substantiall Articles of faith necessary to bee beleeued generally to saluation , are contained in the plaine places of Euangelicall Scripture ; as both 〈◊〉 . Augustine e and learned Papists themselues affirme f : wherefore if the rule of faith be only a summarie comprehension of the mayne and substantiall Articles of Christianity , and all these Articles are contained in holy Scripture ; then it followeth , that the rule of faith , is not vnwritten Tradition alone ( according to the Popish meaning ) but a Summarie of beleese contained in the plainer sentences of holy Scripture , either expresly , or by deduction . 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , li. 3. d. doct . Christ. c. 2. saith , a Let a man seeke the rule of faith , which he hath learned of 〈◊〉 places of Scripture , and of the authoritie of the Church : now the plainer places of Scripture , are a part of Scripture ; and the authority of the Church exceedeth not the bounds of the Scripture , according to St. Hierom. b com . Mich. c. 1. And Durand the famous Schooleman , 2. dist . 44. q. 3. n. 9. c Out of the former definition of the rule of faith , it followeth , That because according to our Aduersaries doctrine , the beleefe of Christians touching all maine and substantiall points of faith , is resolued into the rule of faith : and the said rule , exceedeth not the limits of holy Scripture , being onely a summarie comprehension of the principall heads of Christian doctrine , collected from the plainer places of Scripture , and propounded by the authority of the Church confined to Scripture , that therefore the finall resolution of faith is not made into Tradition vnwritten , as the same signifies Doctrine , neither expresly nor inuoluedly contained in holy Scripture , but into the Scripture , or doctrine of the Scripture it selfe . IESVITS 4. Argument . Those that vnderstand the Scriptures aright , must be such as they were to whom the Apostles writ and deliuered the Scriptures , and whose instruction they intended by their writing : But the Apostles , as Dr. Field acknowledgeth , wrote to them they had formerly taught more at large , that were instructed and grounded in all substantiall and necessarie points of faith , that knew the common necessary obseruations of Christianitie : Ergo , they that reade , and presume to iuterpret the Scriptures , without first knowing , and firmely beleeuing by Tradition , at the least all necessary & substantiall points of faith , cannot with assurance vnderstand them , but may euen in manifest points mightily mistake : for the blessed Apostles writing to Christians , that were before hand fully taught and setled in substantiall Christian doctrines and customes , doe ordinarily in their writings suppose such things as aboundantly knowne , without declaring them anew , onely tuching them cursorily by the way , and therefore 〈◊〉 , so that the already taught , might well vnderstand their sayings and no other . ANSWER . The question is a , Whether the last and finall resolution of Faith is made into vnwritten Tradition , and not into Scripture . The fourth Argument produced by the Aduersarie , to prooue this , is taken from the necessitie of vnwritten Traditian to expound the Scripture . And the summe of the Argument is , Without a precedent instruction , or teaching by Tradition vnwritten , the necessarie and substantiall points of Faith ; wee cannot be firmely assured that we haue the right sence of the Scripture , as appeareth by the example of the Primitiue hearers of the Apostles , who were formerly instructed by them , and had the right Faith taught them more at large : and then being thus informed and prepared , they receiued the Scripture : and we haue no reason to promise vnto our selues more vnderstanding than the Apostles immediat hearers . And the Scriptures without Tradition are obscure , and do onely cursorily touch matters formerly taught more at large , Ergo , The last and finall resolution of Faith is made into vnwritten Tradition , and not into Scripture . In the Antecedent or leading part of this Argument , some things cannot be admitted without distinction , and some parts hereof are false , and the Argument it selfe is inconsequent . First , they which in our daies vnderstand the Scripture aright , must be such as they were to whom the Apostles wrote , and deliuered the Scriptures &c. not simply , and in all things ( for many things are requisit for the first plantation of Faith , which are not necessarie for the future continuance and propagation thereof , ) but in such things onely as are common and ordinarie for all ages . Wherefore they which in our daies vnderstand the Scriptures aright , must ordinarily haue a preuious introduction by the teaching of others , and also there must be in them a mind desirous of Truth b , and a resolution and diligence to vse the meanes appointed by God , to learne the same : but that they must be instructed in the same manner as the Apostles hearers were , or learne all the necessarie points of Faith before they begin to read the Scriptures without any certaine vnderstanding , is affirmed by the Aduersarie , but not prooued . Also many of the Apostles hearers read part of the Scriptures , to wit , the Scriptures of the Old Testament with profit , and some right vnderstanding before they were generally taught all the grounds of the Gospell , for otherwise how could they haue examined the Doctrine of the Apostles by the Scriptures ? Acts 17.11 . And to what purpose did our Sauiour command the Iewes to search the Scriptures , Ioh. 5.39 ? a And why did the Apostles ( preaching both to Iewes and Gentiles ) confirme their Doctrine by the testimonie of the Scriptures , Ro. 9.9 , 25 , 29 , 33. & ca. 10.11.13.16 . 19. & ca. 11.2.8.9 . & cap. 4.3.6.17 . Iam. 2.23 . 1. Pet. 2.6 , if the people to whom they preached could at all haue no right vnderstanding of the Scriptures before they were fully and perfectly grounded in the knowledge of all necessarie and substantiall points of Christian Faith ? Secondly , whereas the Iesuit addeth for confirmation of his Antecedent , That the Scriptures without Tradition are obscure , and that the Apostles did in them onely cursorily touch matters formerly taught : both those assertions , according to the Popish meaning , are false . We acknowledge that many particular Texts and passages of holy Scripture are obscure and hard to be vnderstood b , 2. Pet. 3. 16. But in such points as are necessarie for Christians to vnderstand , because they are primarie or fundamentall , and in such things as are necessary for the declaring and applying that which is fundamentall , the same is not so obscure , but it may by diligent reading , and vsing ordinarie meanes and helpes of knowledge , be rightly vnderstood by the learned , and also in a competent measure by the vnlearned , after the same is expounded and declared vnto them : For if the Scripture were generally and absolutely obscure to the vnlearned , then God would not haue commanded them to read the same , nor required them to heare the reading thereof , much lesse would he haue said , That by hearing the same , they and their children might learne to feare him , and keepe his commandements , Deut. 31.11 , 12 , 13. And that the holy Scripture is in this manner perspicuous , the antient Fathers constantly affirme c . S. Gregorie and S. Bernard d compare the holy Scriptures to a Riuer wherein the Elephant may swim , and the Lambe may wade : S. Ireneus e saith , that some things in Scripture are apertly and cleerely without ambiguitie manifested to the eyes of our vnderstanding . Saint Augustine a : Some things are set downe so plainely in the Scriptures , that they rather require a hearer than an expositar . And in another place , b Although some things are vailed with mysteries , yet againe some things are so manifest , that by the helpe of them , obscure things may bee opened . And againe , c All matters which containe faith , and good manners , are found in those things which are manifestly placed in the Scriptures . Saint Chrysostome : In diuine Scriptures all necessary things are plaine d . To the like purpose speaketh St. Hierom e , Fulgentius f , Hugo Victor g , Theoderit h , Lactantius i , Theophilus Antiochenus k , Clem. Alexandrinus l , and the same is the common Tenet of the Primatiue Fathers . And Gregory Valence confesseth that such places of Scriptures as containe Articles of faith absolutely necessary , are almost all of them plaine . The like is affirmed by Aquinas m , Vasques n , and Gonzales o . The other clause of the Iesuits speech , to wit , That the Apostles in their Scripture did onely touch matters cursorily , formerly taught , is false . First , this Assertion is repugnant to Saint Augustine , who speaking of the doctrine and deeds of our Sauiour , saith , p Quicquid ille de suis factis & dictis nos legere voluit , hoc scribendum illis tanquam manibus suis imperauit : Whatsoeuer Christ would haue vs reade touching his owne sayings and workes , this hee commanded the Euangelists , as it were his owne hands , to write . And in another place , q Although Christ spake and wrought some things which are not written , yet those things which seemed vnto him sufficient to the saluation of beleeuers , were selected to be written . Saint Cyrill also affirmeth , r that all things which Christ did are not written , but so much as holy writers iudged sufficient both for good manners and godly faith , to the end , that we shining in right faith , good workes , and vertue , may attaine the heauenly Kingdome . By the iudgement of these Fathers , the holy Euangelists committed to writing so much of our Sauiours Doctrine and deeds as is sufficient for people to know , that they may bee illustrious in faith and vertue ; and by the light whereof , they may come to saluation . In these things therefore the Euangelists did not cursorily touch matters , but largely and fully deliuer them . Secondly , if the Scriptures containe all things sufficient to saluation , yea , more than is sufficient , then the Apostles in their Scriptures did not cursorily , or by the way onely touch matters : But the first is affirmed , both by the Fathers a , and confessed by some learned Papists . Vincent . 〈◊〉 , The Canon of the Scripture is perfit , and in it selfe sufficient for all matters , yea more than sufficient . Antonius Perez , Pentateuch . fidei . vol. 4. c. 21. b . If the Scripture be compared and applied with things which faith teacheth , as necessarie to saluation , the same is apparently redundant , and superfluous , according to the nature of a rule : because there be many things , yea most things in the same , the knowledge whereof is vnnecessarie . But if the Scripture containe many 〈◊〉 superfluous , and more than is needfull , it is improbable 〈◊〉 thinke that it is imperfect in Principals , or deliuereth them 〈◊〉 onely , or by the way . Thirdly , the variety and multitude of points and doctrines of faith and good manners , and the often repeating and declaring of them in the holy Scriptures , prooueth that the Apostles 〈◊〉 fully and perfectly deliuer in their writings , the whole 〈◊〉 of Christian faith , and not onely cursorily touch them . For all supernaturall veritie concerning the sacred Deitie , Trinitie , diuine Attributes , and Operations , Creation of the world , &c. is taught in holy Scripture c . In like manner , the whole doctrine of faith concerning the Incarnation , Person , and Office of Christ , is reuealed vnto vs by holy Scripture . And for this cause Saint Cyrill d calleth the Scriptures Solos fontes veritatis , The sole fountaines of veritie . All things concerning Iustification , Charitie , and good workes ( e being meerely supernaturall ) are taught in Scripture . The doctrine of the Law , Gospell , Sacraments , resurrection of the dead , finall iudgement , &c. is intirely and fully reuealed in the holy Scriptures : and the Church , according to Saint Augustine f , hath onely two brests , wherewith shee feedeth her children , to wit , the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament . And that he alwayes vnderstandeth by the Old and New Testament , the Scriptures of both , appeareth by his words vpon Psal. 22. g Aperi legamus , &c. Let vs open our Fathers last Testament , and reade it . And 〈◊〉 the great a : 〈◊〉 & Apostolice 〈◊〉 nec non antiquorum Prophetarum 〈◊〉 plane 〈◊〉 de sensu Numinis : The Euangelicall and Apostolicall bookes , together with the Oracles of the antient Prophets , doe plainely ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 euidently ) instruct vs , concerning the minde of God. And from all the former , it is manifest , that the Apostles writings are not patches , and shreds onely of Apostolicall Doctrine ( as our 〈◊〉 against all antiquitie presumeth to affirme ) but the very substance , b and marrow of their whole Preaching , containing the summe of the Gospell ; by faith and obedience whereof , wee receiue euerlasting life . And thus much touching the Antecedent of the Iesuits Argument . The sequel of the former Argument , which is , Because without precedent instruction by vnwritten Tradition , wee cannot be firmely assured that wee haue the right sence of the Scripture , therefore the last and finall resolution is made vnto vnwritten Tradition , and not into Scripture , is inconsequent , and the Antecedent proueth not the Consequent : for precedent Tradition may bee necessarie , to deliuer vnto vs the text of holy Scripture , and Precpts how to expound and vse the same ; and by Tradition wee may receiue a Commentarie of some texts of holy Scripture : yet euen as a Schollar , although hee receiue the bookes of Euclid and Aristotle from a Master , and precepts in what sort hee shall proceed in his studie , and withall , a Commentary declaring the meaning of these Authours , yet hee doth not finally ( being made learned himselfe ) resolue his knowledge into the former , but into the principles of these Arts themselues : so likewise a nouice in faith receiueth the holy . Scripture by Ministerie and Tradition of the Church , and Precepts and Commentaries , whereby hee is first inabled , and afterwards holpen in the right exposition thereof , yet after this Introduction , by further studie and diligence , hee collecteth Arguments from the Scripture it selfe , and being instructed in the sence thereof , he doth not finally resolue his beleefe into the Commentarie and Introduction , but into the text or Doctrine of holy Scripture it selfe . IESVIT . Hence I may further inferre , that Protestants haue not throughly pondered the place of the Apostle vnto Timothie , which they 〈◊〉 vehemently vrge to prooue the sufficiencie of sole Scripture , for euery man , as though he had said absolutely , that the Scriptures are able to instruct or make men wise vnto Saluation , which he saith not but speaking particularly vnto Timothie , saith , They are able to instruct or make thee wise vnto saluation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hast been aforehand instructed by word of mouth , and doost thereupon firmely beleeue all substantiall Doctrines , and knowest all the necessarie practise of Christian Discipline . ANSWER . The Aduersarie in this passage vseth certaine Arguments to prooue that Protestants misunderstand the Text of S. Paul , 2. Timoth. 3.15 , 16. when they vrge the same to maintaine the sufficiencie of sole Scripture , to be a ground for all Christians finally to rest their faith vpon . His first Argument is , The Apostle saith not absolutely that the Scriptures are able to make all men wise vnto Saluation , but particularly to Timothie , a man instructed aforehand , and formerly 〈◊〉 all substantiall grounds of Doctrine and Discipline , they are able 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to make thee ( being such a one , and so prepared ) wise &c. To this I answere , 1. That although sentences of holy Scripture are sometimes restrained to the personall or particular subiect of which they are first spoken , yet this is not generall ; and when the same happeneth , it must be prooued by better Arguments than by the bare Emphasis of a word . For God said to Ioshua ( a man qualified aboue the ordinarie ranke ) I will not leaue thee nor forsake thee , Ioshua 1. 5. yet the promise implied in this Text , is generall and common to all iust persons , Heb. 13.5 . Our Sauiour granted ministeriall power to remit sinnes , by speciall commission to the Apostles , and deliuering this commission to them , he breathed the holy Ghost into them , saying , Receiue yee the holy Ghost , &c. 〈◊〉 20.22 . Neuerthelesse our Aduersaries affirme , that this authority was not only granted them , but to other Ministers of Christ which are not personally qualified as the Apostles were . Secondly , if the particular circumstance of Timothie his person , expressed in the single word , Thee , 2. Tim. 3.15 . do limit S. Pauls doctrine , concerning the Scripture , in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then , where more circumstances are found in Texts concerning Traditions , the same may be answered as the Iesuit doth this place of S. Paules . For example , 2. Thessal . 2.15 . The Apostle saith , Therefore 〈◊〉 stand fast , and hold the Traditions which 〈◊〉 haue beene taught , whether by word or our Epistle . In this Text so vehemently vrged by Papists , for vnwritten Tradition , is found a personall circumstance , Tee , 〈◊〉 Thessalonians which haue beene my immediate hearers , 1. Thess. 1. 5. and thereby are infallibly assured that the Tradition which I exhort you to hold is diuine . Also you 〈◊〉 , which haue not receiued as yet a perfect Canon of the New Testament in writing , I say to you , stand fast and hold both written and vnwritten Tradition . Thirdly , admitting the Iesuits restraint , and it being granted , that the Scriptures do onely make those people wise to Saluation , which are instructed aforehand , and haue formerly beene taught the substantiall points of Christian Doctrine , yet this argueth not the insufficiencie of Scripture , to be the onely authenticall rule and ground of Faith , because the said substantial Doctrines which in the Apostles daies , before the Canon of the New Testament was finished , were partly contained in Scripture , and partly deliuered by their vocall preaching , were afterwards , when the Canonicall Scripture of the New Testament was finished , and the holy Apostles were deceased , wholly for matter of substance contained in the same Scripture a . 〈◊〉 . Verily the Apostle in that place speaketh onely of the Scriptures of the Old Testament , affirming them sufficient not for euery man , but for Timothie , and not sufficient for him by themselues alone , but per fidem quae est in Christo Iesu , that is , 〈◊〉 with the Doctrine of Christian Faith , which Timothie had heard and beleeued , vpon 〈◊〉 liuely voice of Tradition . ANSWER . The Apostle in this place speaketh of the Scriptures of the Old Testament , but not onely . Timothie when he was a child learned onely the Scriptures of the Old Testament , but after his childhood , he read also the Scriptures of the New , 1. Tim. 4. 16. This Epistle was written by S. Paul not long before his death , 2. Tim. 4.6 . at which time the greatest part of the Canon of the New Testament was finished a ; therefore it is not necessarie that we should restraine these words , Thou from a child hast knowne the holy Scriptures , onely to the Scriptures of the Old Testament , because Timothie , who in his youth read onely the Old Testament , in the progresse of his yeares read the New Testament also . And although no Scripture is able to make wise to saluation , without Faith in Christ Iesus , yet this prooueth not the holy Scripture to be an imperfect Rule ; because if Tradition be added to Scripture , yet both these are not able to make people wise to saluation , without Faith. Heb. 4. 2. But admitting , that the Apostle in the first Clause , Thou from a Child hast knowne the holy Scriptures , speaketh of the Scriptures of the Old Testament ; yet adding to the same in the latter part of his speech , through Faith which is in Christ Iesus : if by Faith wee vnderstand the doctrine of Faith , reuealed in the New Testament , there is no materiall or necessarie part of doctrine , touching Christ Iesus , which is not contained in the Scripture . 1. Cor. 15. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. And this was the Tenet of the antient Catholike Church , as appeareth by S. Augustine , C. Petil. Lib. 3. cap. 6. who saith : Proinde siue de Christo siue de Ecclesia , siue de quacunque alia re , quae pertinet ad fidem vitamque nostram , non dicam nos nequaquam comparandi ei qui dixit , licet si nos , sed omnino quod secutus adiecit , si Angelus de Coelo vobis annunciauerit , praeterquam quod in Scripturis Legalibus & Euangelicis accepistis Anathema sit . I will not say , if wee vnworthie to be compared to him that spake so ; but if an Angell from Heauen shall teach any thing , either concerning Christ , or the Church , or concerning any other matter pertaining to Faith , or good life , besides that which you haue receiued in the Legall and Euangelicall Scriptures , let him be Anathema . IESVIT . And in the consequent words of the Apostle , so much insisted vpon , All Scripture inspired of God , is profitable to teach , &c. And if Protestants could so metamorphise the word Profitable , as to make it signifie the same with the word Sufficient , which is very hard ; yet were the Text much ouer-short , to prooue their intent , That Scripture alone is sufficient for euerie man , seeing the Apostle speakes not of euerie man , but expressely of him who is Homo Dei , the Man of God , that is , one alreadie fully instructed and firmely setled by Tradition in all the maine points of Christian Faith , and godly Life , such a one as Timothie was . The Scriptures for men in this manner afore taught , and grounded in Faith , are abundantly sufficient , who will denie it ? But this prooueth at the most the sufficiencie of the Scripture , ioyned with Tradition ; not of Scripture alone , or of onely , onely , onely Scripture a , as Protestants Bookes in great Letters very earnestly affirme . ANSWER . S. Paul himselfe vseth both the word Profitable , Vers. 16. and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are able to make wise to saluation , which is equiualent to Sufficient , Verse 15. And Protestants alone are not the men which expound the word Profitable , by Sufficient ; for both the Fathers and many learned Papists doe the like . Vincent . Lirinensis b , C. Haeres . cap. 2. The Canon of the Scripture is sufficient , and more than sufficient . Cyril of Alexandria c , C. Iulian. Lib. 7. pag. 150. The Scripture is sufficient to make them wise , which are brought vp in it , &c. Anselm . d in his Commentarie vpon 2. Tim. 3. 16. They are able to make thee sufficiently learned , to obtaine eternall saluation . Gerson e D. Exam. Doctr. Part. 2. Consid. 1. The Scripture is giuen vs as a sufficient Rule , &c. Scotus f , 1. Sent. Prol. q. 2. Supernaturall knowledge , necessarie for a wayfaring man , is sufficiently deliuered in sacred Scripture . The same is affirmed by Espencaeus g , Commentar . 2. Tim. 3. 16. and by Bonauenture h , Occham i , Waldensis k , and Gabriel l , Thom. Aquinas m , Lyra n , Durand . o &c. But the Aduersarie saith , That graunting the word ( Profitable ) did signifie Sufficient , yet S. Pauls Text still falleth short , of proouing the Scripture the onely Rule , because it is not said to be sufficient for all men , but for the man of God ; and it is not sufficient alone , and by it selfe , but being ioyned with Tradition . I answere first , That which is Sufficient in genere regulae , as a Rule for the man of God , either Minister , 1. Tim. 6. 12. or other spirituall man , 1. Cor. 2.15 . is sufficient for all men , because there is but one common Obiect and Rule of Faith for the whole Church , and all the members thereof a , contayning strong Meat for the Learned , and Milke or plaine Doctrine for Babes . And therefore , if the Scripture be a Rule , and a sufficient Rule , it is such in common , and in respect of all people , although the manner of applying and vsing the same , may differ . Secondly , That which is Profitable , to make the man of God perfect , and throughly furnished to euerie good worke , is both a sufficient Rule and an onely Rule . First , it is sufficient , because it makes people which receiuc it by Faith and Obedience , meet for the kingdome of God : Secondly , it is alone sufficient ; otherwise , this effect of making the man of God perfect , and throughly instructed , could not be ascribed to it alone , as it is manifestly done in the Apostles speech . When two persons equally co-worke , we cannot ascribe the whole worke to one of them alone , but to both . Bread alone being one part of Food , is not sufficient to all kind of Nutriment . The Apostle in the Text alledged affirming , first , That the Scripture is able to make wise vnto saluation : secondly affirming , That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the whole Scripture ( as Dionysius Carthusian expoundeth it b ) giuen by inspiration , is profitable to teach , confute , instruct , reproue ; and then declaring the greatnesse of the vtilitic , which is , to make the man of God perfect , and throughly instructed to euerie good worke c : This effect cannot be ascribed to a partiall cause , neither can the Apostle meane , that the whole Scripture is profitable , or sufficient onely as one part of Diuine Reuelation , but because it containeth the whole Rule of Faith. If any shall pretend , That the Scripture is not sufficient of it selfe to these effects , because Diuine Grace , Ecclesiasticall Ministerie , Docilitie in the Hearer or Reader , are necessarie ( together with the Scripture ) to make the man of God perfect ; they must vnderstand , that our question is , Whether holy Scripture alone be a sufficient rule of Faith ? Not whether other adiuuant causes be necessarie for the receiuing and applying thereof , that it may produce Faith. The Earth is sufficient to bring forth food for man , Gen. 1. 29. although Husbandmen and Grasiers be necessarie . Manna , Quailes , and the water flowing from the Rocke , were sufficient to feed the children of Israel in the Desart ; yet Bakers and Cookes were necessarie to prepare and dresse this food , Exod. 16.6.24 . Sap. 16.21 . Euen so , the holy Scripture is sufficient , as a Rule , to teach all Doctrine necessarie for our spirituall nourishment , although the Ministerie of man , and Diuine Grace , be needfull also , that wee rightly vse the same . If the Obiection were good , to wit , Holy Scripture is not the onely Rule , because by it alone , without Diuine Grace and Ecclesiasticall Ministerie , &c. wee cannot beleeue , then Tradition and holy Scripture being conioyned , to make vp the Rule of Faith , the same will yet be insufficient , because without Diuine Grace , Ecclesiasticall Ministerie , and Docilitie in the people , neither Scripture nor Tradition can produce Faith. IESVIT . Hence also we may conclude that the many allegations of Fathers , which Protestants bring to prooue the Scripture to be cleere in all substantiall points , are impertinent , because the Fathers speake of men aforehand instructed in all substantiall points , who may by the light of Tradition easily discouer in Scripture , as they that heard Aristotle explicate himselfe by word of mouth , may vnderstand his Booke of Nature , most difficill to bee vnderstood of them that neuer heard his explication , either out of his owne mouth , or by Tradition of his schollers . ANSWER . Out of your owne fancies you may conclude what you please : but from the Fathers nothing can be concluded , repugnant to that which Protestants hold , concerning the perspicuity of sacred Scripture , euen in it selfe . Ireneus saith a , All the Scriptures both Propheticall and Euangelicall , are cleere without ambiguity , and may indifferently bee heard of all men . S. Hierom b , It is the manner of the Scripture to ioine that which is manifest to such things as are obscure . S. Cyril c , That they may be knowne of all people both small and great , they are profitably commended vnto vs in a familiar kind of speaking , that they may exceed the capacitie of none . S. Augustine d , Plaine places are found in them to expound and open the darke and hard . S. Gregorie e , The Scripture hath so much in open 〈◊〉 as may feed little ones . S. Chrysoft . a , Scriptures are 〈◊〉 like mettals , which haue need of workemen to digge them out , but they deliuer a treasure readie at hand , for them which seeke hidden riches in them . It is sufficient to looke into them , that you may depart replenished with all fruit , it is sufficient onely to open them , that you may presently behold the splendor of their pearles . And although the antient Fathers do many times referre people to Tradition b especially in three cases : First , For the testifying of the number and integritie of the Bookes of Canonical Scripture : Secondly , For the cleering of some hard or ambiguous Texts of Scripture , from the new and forged expositions of Heretickes : Thirdly , For externall rites and ceremonies : yet neither the Fathers , nor the more learned Papists themselues c , do hold that there is a large and general Commentarie of all the Scriptures , or of all the difficill places thereof , receiued from the Apostles , and preserued vntill our daies ; neither doe the Fathers d hold , that people cannot read the holy Scripture with profit , or collect the true meaning of them in points substantiall and necessarie , without such a Commentarie . First , If such a Commentarie were extant , it must be found in the elder Fathers , Tertullian , Ireneus , Origen , &c. But the Papists themselues e will not alwaies be tied to their Expositions , as appeareth by their forsaking of Tertullian in the Exposition of the wordes of the Gospell , Hoc est corpus meum f , This is my bodie ; and by their forsaking of Origen g in many of his Expositions ; and againe of Tertullian h in his Exposition of Math. 16. 17. Secondly , The Exposition of Scripture , giuen by the Fathers , is many times repugnant , and different each of them from other , as Sixtus Senensis in his Bibliotheca , and Cardinall 〈◊〉 in his Commentaries , and other Pontificians doe shew , a but if there had beene a large and generall Commentarie of Scripture , or of all , or most of the harder places of Scripture , the antient Fathers , 〈◊〉 nearest vpon the Apostles , must haue knowne and followed that , and so could neither haue erred in exposition , nor differed one for the other . Thirdly , the Fathers affirme ; that the Scripture expounds it selfe ; Aug. d. verb. 〈◊〉 . Serm. 2. a & d. vnit . Eccles. c. 5. p. 427. Chrys. sup . Gen. Hom. 13. b And they doe not alwayes referre men to Tradition , concerning exposition of Scripture , but prescribe other rules and meanes also . Aug. d , Doctr. Christ. l. 4. c. 30. &c. Chrys. sup . Gen. Hom. 21. & sup . Rom. Hom. 13. & sup . Iohn Hom. 39. Tertul. c. prax . Hilar d. Trinit . l. 5. Ambros. 〈◊〉 . Psal. 118. Serm. 8. Origen . Mat. Hom. 25. Fourthly , that which the Aduersarie affirmeth touching the Fathers , to wit , that they held the Scriptures to be cleare in all substantiall points , onely to men beforehand instructed , by the light of Tradition , is vntrue ; neither doe the Fathers speake of Tradition according to the Romish acceptation . First , sometimes the Fathers exhort heathen men , which were not instructed by Tradition , to reade the Scriptures . Theophilus Antiochenus saith to Autolicus , c being as then a Pagan , Verum tu ipse si placet consule liter as sacras : But doe thou thy selfe if it seeme good vnto thee , consult with the holy Scriptures . Also they prouoke Heretikes , which denied the Tradition of the Church , to examine truth by Scriptures : August . d. vnit . Eccles . c. 2.3.16 . & contra Maxim. Arrian . l. 3. c. 14. Socrates Hist. lib. 1. cap. 6. Secondly , by Tradition they vnderstand not the fabulous dreames and inuentions of Papals , d who like the Pharisees corrupt the right sence of Scripture , by their vnwritten Traditions , and affirme those things to bee Apostolicall , which agree with the confessed Doctrine of the Apostles , like darkenesse with light : But the Fathers by Tradition , vnderstand such exposition of Scripture , as was vniformely receiued , and commended for Apostolicall , by the Primatiue Church , and which besides antiquitie , or the report of men , appeared to bee Apostolicall , by an exact harmonie and consent with the Text of the holy Scripture , to which it was applied . St. August . e d. Bapt. c. Donatist . l. 5 , c. 26 . St. Cyprian . Epist. 74. Tertul. d. praescript . c. 21 . Ruffin . Hist. Ecclesiast . l. 2 . c. 9 . IESVIT . I hope I haue in the opinion of your most learned Maiestie , sufficiently demonstrated the first ground of Catholicke faith , to wit , that a Christian is originally and fundamentally built vpon the word of God , not as written 〈◊〉 Scriptures , but as deliuered by the Tradition of the Church , successiuely from the Primatiue , vpon the authority whereof we beleeue , that both Scriptures and all other substantiall Articles of Faith were deliuered by the Apostles , thence further ascending and inferring they came from Christ , and so from God the prime veritie and Authour of truth . ANSVVER . You haue played the Paralogist , and weaued a spiders web , which is fitter to catch flyes , than to persuade so religious , learned , iudicious , and resolute a king , who is like an Angell of God , knowing good and euill . Your obiections being weighed in the ballance of the Sanctuarie , are found light , they are Funiculus vanitatis , a coard and bundle of vanitie , a potsheard couered ouer with the drosse of siluer . His most learned Maiestie ( as you truly stile him ) honoureth genuine and Orthodox all Tradition , as no religious king , or good Christian can doe more , and hereupon , to wit , vpon the testimony of Tradition ( besides other Arguments ) he beleeueth that you and your consorts are deceiued , a when you hold that a Christian is originally and fundamentally built vpon the word of God , not as written in Scripture , but as deliuered by Tradition , &c. For if the Scripture , according to the doctrine and Tradition of the Primatiue Church , is eminentissimae authoritatis b of most eminent authoritie : If it be the seed , of which faith is first of all conceiued : if it is the Rocke , whereupon the Church is built : if the authoritie of vnwritten Tradition dependeth vpon it , and must bee examined by it . If the Churches authoritie is 〈◊〉 from it , then a Christian is originally and fundamentally built vpon it . First , That which is most excellent in euery kind , is the modell and paterne of all the rest a but I trow you will grant the Scripture to be the most excellent part of Gods word b , 2. Pet. 1. 〈◊〉 . S. 〈◊〉 c. 〈◊〉 . Manich. li. 11 cap. 5. & d. Ciuit. Dei , lib. 11. cap. 3. & Ibid. 〈◊〉 . 14. cap. 7. & d. Vnit. Eccles. c 16. Chris. d. 〈◊〉 . Hom. 4. Oecumen . sup . 2. Tim. 3. Ansel. sup . 2. Tim. 3. Secondly , A Christian is fundamentally built vpon the rock , but the Scripture is a rocke . Cardinalis Camaracensis 〈◊〉 . vespert . 〈◊〉 . sacrae Scripturae d , In euery building orderly framed , the foundation hath precedence , then followeth superedification , and lastly consummation . According to this order , Christ the most exact Architect did build his Church vpon the rocke of holy Scripture . Thirdly , The seed of Faith is the root and foundation of 〈◊〉 Christian , the Scripture is the seed of Faith e ( Iohn 20. 41. ) for it is the word of God , Luc. 8.11 . Iam. 1.18 . 1. Cor. 4 , 15. And were the Popish Tenet true , that the Scripture is not the whole word of God , but only a part thereof , yet a Christian must be originally and fundamentally built vpon it , together with Tradition f And Tradition according to the Tenet of our Aduersarie in this place , cannot be the sole foundation of Christianitie , but only a part of the foundation . Fourthly , All Scripture giuen by diuine Inspiration is simply and without exception to be receiued : and all Tradition repugnant to Scripture is to be refused g . From hence it followeth , that Scripture is a rule of Tradition , and not Tradition of Scripture ; and Scripture is the highest rule ( as both the Fathers h and many Papists i themselues affirme ) and thus it is certaine , that a Christian is orignally and fundamentally built vpon the holy Scripture . IESVITS 2d , Ground . That there is a visible Church alwaies in the world , to whose Traditions men are to cleaue , and the Church is one Vniuersall , Apostolicall , Holy. ANSWER . The subiect of this Proposition , to wit , Ecclesia , the Church is a word or terme of diuers significations a , and therefore the Iesuit should haue declared in what notion he taketh the same , when he saieth , There is a visible Church , &c. First Cardinall Bellarmine b , with other Pontificians c , saith , that the Church whereof he disputes , is a companie of people linked together by the same profession of Faith , and Communion of Sacraments vnder lawfull pastros , 〈◊〉 vnder the Roman Bishop , who is Christs Vicar . Secondly , The terme ( Church ) is taken in the holy Scripture for the vniuersall number of holy beleeuers in all ages ; and more strictly , for the whole number of holy beleeuers vnder the New Testament , Heb. 12.23 . Apoc. 5.9 . Ephes. 5.25.27 . and thus it comprehendeth both the Church Militant , and Triumphant d . Thirdly , the Church is taken for the common and vniuersall multitude of Christian people , of any one or more ages , which are baptised , and externally professe Christianitie . And according to this notion , it comprehendeth both the good and the bad , the cleane and the vncleane e of that profession , 2. Tim. 2. 20. Math. 13.25.47 . Math. 3.12 . &c. 22.10 . 〈◊〉 , it is taken for Particular Societies , and congregations of Christians , Apoc. 1.4 . & 2.1 . and sometimes it is taken for the Pastors of particular Churches , Math. 18.17 . sometimes for the People , Acts 20.28 . sometimes for the whole Flocke , consisting of Pastors and People a , Apoc. 3.6 . But it is neuer taken in holy Scripture for the Pope and Councell b . If the Iesuit in his Proposition , There is a visible Church alwaies in the world , &c. understand the 〈◊〉 ( Church ) in the first Notion , then it is denied that we are absolutely to adhere to the Traditions of this Church , or that the same is alwaies and intirely , One , Vniuersal , Apostolicall , Holy , according to the meaning of the Apostles , and Nicene c Creed . Secondly , according to the second Notion , the Church is not visible , for a principall part thereof is in heauen , and the other moetie militant vpon earth , being considered as elect and holy , is knowne intuitiuely to God only , 2. Tim. 2.19 . and morally , coniecturally , and according to the iudgement of Charitie to men in this world , 2. Thess. 2.13 . d Thirdly , according to the third Notion , the Church is visible in all ages , and some part thereof teacheth and professeth right Faith in all substantiall and fundamentall articles . And we are to cleaue to the Traditions of the same , so farre as in the deliuerie thereof it exceedeth and transgresseth not the bounds of lawfull authoritie e , and teacheth according to the rule of Gods word . S. Chrysostome saith , Because Seducers are often found even in true Churches , we are not to beleeue , vnlesse they speake and do that which is consonant to the Scriptures f . And in another place g , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If the Priest teach any peruerse Doctrine , giue no credit , yea though he were an Angell . Nay I will presume to say more than this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one ought not beleeue Paul , if he should preach any thing humane , or of himselfe , but as he is an Apostle , and hath Christ speaking in him . Lastly , according to the fourth Acceptation , there are euer in the world particular Churches and societies of Christians , and euery one of these Churches professe some portion of diuine veritie . But we must enquire by the rule of Gods word , which of these are pure and orthodoxall , and on the contrarie , which of them are infected with errors a , and imbrace the Doctrine of the one , and auoid the Corruptions of the other . Remarkable Obseruations concerning the Church . OBSERVATION I. THe externall visible Church is an intermixed a or compounded societie , bodie , and state of Christian people professing the faith and worship of Christ , in which are found sheepe and goats , wheat and tares , gold and drosse , good fishes and bad , and vessels of honour and dishonour . This common and generall societie and bodie consisteth of diuers particular Churches , consenting and agreeing in the professing of some part of diuine veritie : and of these Churches some are orthodoxall , some are impure in faith and religion , and also these being compared are respectiuely purer or impurer . And within the compasse of each particular Church the members are better or worse , more or lesse holy or corrupt . OBSERVAT. II. Whereas the Church hath many Titles and Properties belonging to it , and Christ Iesus the Head thereof hath made sundrie Promises , and conferred diuerse Graces vpon it ; wee must consider , which part of the Church is the proper subiect of these Qualities , Promises , and Graces a : For it is apparant , That as Sheepe and Goats , Chaffe and Wheat , Gold and Drosse , are of a contrarie kind , although they are intermixed ; so likewise the Affections and Attributes of the same , although they are spoken in generall of the whole Subiect ( as an Heape which hath Wheat and Chaffe , a Field which hath Wheat and Tares , are called an Heape of Graine , a Field of Wheat ) yet many of them appertaine formally , and indeed , onely to the better part of the common Subiect . OBSERVAT. III. In the visible societie of Christian people , there are found ( according to S. Augustine a ) Citizens of the heauenly Hierusalem , and also Inhabitants of Babylon . And ( as the same Father teacheth ) Notum est ciues malae Ciuitatis , administrare quosdam actus , 〈◊〉 Ciuitatis : It is manifest , that ( in the visible Church ) Burgers of the wicked Citie Babylon , doe administer some Functions of the holy Citie Hierusalem . Ioh. 12.6 . 2. Timoth . 4.10 . Apoc. 3.14 , 15. Phil. 〈◊〉 ) . Ioh. 3.9 . The Promises of Christ made to the Church concerning his presence and assistance , to his Word and Sacraments , preached and administred according to his commandement , are fulfilled , when wicked persons execute the office , and performe the worke of outward 〈◊〉 . For although wicked persons , like the Carpenters of Noahs Arke , reape no benefit to themselues , yet God Almightie concurreth with their Ministerie ( being his owne Ordinance ) for the saluation of all deuout and worthie Communicants . OBSERVAT. IIII. Some things are spoken of the Church in common , or generall tearmes , to shew what the whole is in respect of Gods outward vocation , or what the office and dutie of the whole Church is : but the same promises , properties , and priuiledges are really fulfilled or found in the better and sounder part thereof onely a . When our Sauiour promiseth , that the gates of Hell shall not preuaile against the Church ( Matth. 16.18 . ) he vnderstandeth such a Church as heareth and obeyeth his word b , and not a visible companie or Hierarchie of Prelates , which forsake his word , and doe what they list . August . d. Vnit. Ecclesiae , cap. 18. Ecclesia in his est qui adificant supra Petram , id est qui credunt verbum Christi , & faciunt , & d. Baptismo , Lib. 6. cap. 24. Nonne illi sunt in Ecclefia , qui sunt in Petra ? Qui autem in Petra non sunt , nec in Ecclesia sunt , iam ergò videamus , vtrum super Petram aedificium suum constituant , qui audiunt Christi verba & non faciant . Saint Augustine in these words deliuereth three things : first , The Church is in them which build vpon the Rocke : secondly , They are not in the Church , which are not in the Rocke : thirdly , They onely build vpon the Rocke , and are in the Rocke , which beleeue and obey the word of Christ a . And this Doctrine of S. Augustine is taken out of the holy Scripture . Matth. 7.24 . 1. Cor. 3.11 . & 10.4 . Also when S. Paul saith , The Church is the ground and pillar of Truth b , 1. Tim. 3. 15. by the Church , hee vnderstandeth the House of the liuing God , as the precedent part of his speech sheweth , to wit , If I tarrie long , that thou mayest know how thou oughtest to behaue thy selfe in the House of God , &c. But they alone are verily and indeed the House of God , which beleeue and loue the Truth . S. August . Enchirid. c. 5.6 . &c. Donatist . Lib. 7. cap. 50. Wicked people may be called Gods House , because of externall calling , and visible profession , 2. Tim. 2. 20. Sed non sunt de compage domus , They are not of the frame of the House c , Heb. 3. 6. August . d. Bapt. Lib. 7. cap. 50. All they which couet earthly things , preferring worldly felicitie before God ; they which seeke their owne , and not those things which are Iesus Christs , ad vnam Ciuitatem illam pertinent , quae dicitur Babylonia mystice , & habet Regem Diabolum , belong onely to that Citie , which in a mysterie is called Babylon , and hath the Deuill the Head. Aug. sup . Psal. 61. Wicked persons d ( saith S. Augustine , Epist. 50. ) figuram membri tenent , retaine the figure or outward shape of a member , sed reuera corpus Domini non sunt , but they are not in truth the bodie of Christ ( August . d. Doct. Christ. Lib. 3. cap. 32. ) In corpore Christi non sunt , quod est Ecclesia ; They are not in the bodie of Christ , which is the Church . ( August . c. Crescon . Lib. 2. cap. 21. ) But they which are not of the Body of Christ , nor of the house of God , really , and in truth , doe not constantly preserue , or faithfully deliuer Apostolicall Traditions ; neither are they one , or holy , nor yet such as the Spirit of God infallibly , and alwayes directeth in their publicke Doctrine . OBSERVAT. V. The qualities of vnitie , holinesse , veritie , Apostolicall succession , and other the like , are not alwayes found in the true Church equally , or in the same degree and measure of perfection ; but according to a latitude , and inequalitie of intension and remission , and more or lesse : so that although the sounder part of the Church , hath alwayes the substance of truth , sanctitie , and vnitie ; yet this veritie of Doctrine , vnitie of Charitie , sanctitie of Manners , is greater , larger , and more sincere and perfect in some persons and ages of the Church , than in others . These qualities were in their greatest perfection , when the Apostles themselues liued a , they were in great measure , in the ages immediately abutting vpon the Apostles : But the holy Fathers complaine of the decrease and decay of them in after times b : And Papists deplore the extreme diminution of them in their dayes c . OBSERVAT. VI. It falleth out sometimes in the outward state of the visible Church , that wicked persons ( which are not sound parts of Gods house , nor liuing members of Christs mysticall bodie , being more in number d and greater in power ) doe possesse the chiefe places of publicke Iudicature , and Ecclesiasticall gouernment : and being thus exalted , and withall abetted by worldly power , and swarmes of time-feruers b , whom they aduance and honour , to accomplish their owne ends : it may heereby fall out , that the outward state of the visible Church , shall be ordered and swayed , according to the lust and will of wicked rulers c : And then good men may be disgraced , depressed , and persecuted : the simple , and they which are negligent , d vnlearned , and secure , may be deluded , and errour and superstition , craftily and couertly be brought in , and that is fulfilled which Gregory saith ; Dum mali praepositi , suam contra veritatem honorem exigunt , ab omni rectitudine corda sequentium abducunt e : When wicked rulers seeke their owne glory more than truth , they misleade their followers from all course of righteousnesse . This happened in the Iewish Church , when the Scribes and Pharises and other hypocrites and errants were , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , master-builders , Math. 21.41 . And the euill seruant beareth rule in the houshold , and oppresseth his fellow-seruants , Matth. 24. 49. Diotrophes excommunicates and vsurpes according to his owne will a : 3. Ep. Ioh. 9. 10. The Arrians in the dayes of Constantius and Valence did all the former , in the greater part of the Christian world b . The same happened in the Church of Rome , especially after the thousand yeere , one man vsurped ouer the Christian world , making himselfe on earth , chiefe and sole commander ouer things diuine and humane a : his power was so exorbitant and boundlesse , that he trode vpon the necke of kings b , throning and dethroning , crowning and decrowning them , as himselfe listed , his dominion was so absolute and vast , as that no man might reprooue or withstand him c . All men were reputed heretickes or schismatickes , which would not say and sweare as he commanded d : in Synods and Councels , causes were transacted according to his will e : and remission of sinnes , and right to life eternall , were intailed to his chaire f . IESVIT . This principle is consequent vpon the former : and out of it , sixe things may be clearely prooued . First , that there is alwayes a true Church of Christ in the world : for if there be no meanes for men to know that Scriptures and other substantiall Articles came from Christ and his Apostles , and so consequently from God , but the Tradition of the Church ; then there must needs be in all ages a Church , receiuing and deliuering these Traditions : else men in some ages since Christ should haue beene destitute of the ordinarie meanes of saluation , because they had not meanes to know assuredly the substantiall Articles of Christianitie , without assured faith whereof no man is saued . ANSVVER . By true Church , we may vnderstand , either an vniuersall maltitude of Beleeuers , totally in respect of all persons , or distributiuely , in regard of them which principally rule and command , free from errour in publicke doctrine : Or else a choise and select number of Beleeuers , liuing either in the common fellowship of the generall visible Church , or vnited in particular Congregations , by themselues , teaching and professing right Faith in all capitall points , and readie to imbrace all diuine Truth , when the same is manifested vnto them . If the name of true Church be taken in the first sense , or for an Hierarchicall Church , wherein the principall commanders teach and maintaine truth intirely and sincerely , then the Proposition , to wit , There is alwayes a true Church of Christ in the world , is denied ; for it is possible , that the greater Prelates , to wit , Popes , Cardinals , mitred Bishops , and Abbots ( of which the Hierarchicall Church principally consisteth ) shall bee reprobates a , blinde guides b , a generation of vipers , wolues in sheepes cloathing , and such as being armed with the title of the Church , persecute the true Church c . And that this is possible , it appeareth : First , by the example of the arch-rulers of the Iewish Church , which in some ages , corrupted true Religion , and persecuted the seruants of God , 2. Chron. 36. 14. Moreouer all the chiefe of the Priests , and the people , transgressed very much , after all the abominations of the heathen , and polluted the house of the Lord , &c. v. 16. They mocked the messengers of God , and dospised his word , and misused his Prophets , &c. Reade 2. Kings . 16. 11 , 16. Ierem. 2.8 . Esay . 56.10 . Malach. 2.8 . Ierem. 20.1 . & 23.1 . 2. Machab. 4.10 . Ezek. 34.4 . Mark. 6.35 . Math. 3.7 . Matth. 23. 13. Luk. 12. 1. Matth. 16. 12. Iohn . 10. 8. Ezek. 22. 26. Secondly , the same apeareth to be true , both by the example of the greater Prelates of the Asian Churches , which corrupted true Doctrine and worship , and prouoked the Almightie so much , that he remooued their Candlesticke out of his place : and also by the example of the West Church it selfe , wherein Popes and greater Prelates , haue been illiterate , Monsters , Diuels incarnate , Apostataes , men defiled with all wickednesse , and abominable sinnes ( as Papists themselues report d . ) And concerning Doctrine , it is euident , by comparing their decrees with the Scriptures , and the ancient Fathers and Councels , that they are in many things departed from the truth . And Occham a saith : Omnis congregatio quae potest errare contra bonos more 's , potest errare contra fidem : quia mali mores excacant intellectum : Because euill manners blinde the iudgement , therefore euery assembly which may erre notoriously in manners , may erre against the Faith. But if , by true Church , we vnderstand a number of Beleeuers , smaller or greater , teaching and professing right Faith , in all substantiall and capitall points , and willing to imbrace and teach all other diuine veritie , when the same is made knowne vnto them : then it is granted , that there is a true Church of Christ alwayes in the world . And this kind of Beleeuers , doe either teach and professe their Faith and Religion in congregations apart , or in the externall fellowship and common societie of corrupt Beleeuers : as appeareth by the example of the Iewes , in the dayes of their wicked Kings and Priests : and in the time of the Pharisees . The open and publicke ministerie of Priests was corrupt in those dayes , yet God had a remnant of people , and small Church , in the middest of this blindnesse , Esay 1.9 . In the other part of this Section , the Iesuite produceth an Argument to prooue , That there is alwayes a true Church of Christ in the world . The summe of his Argument is : Christ neuer leaueth the world destitute of the ordinarie meanes of saluation : and people cannot haue the meanes of saluation , but from the true Church ; and by the Tradition thereof , by which they receiue the Scriptures , and the rule of Faith , to guide them in the exposition of the Scriptures . ANSVVER . It is lost labour to spend time in proouing against vs , that there is alwayes in the world a true Church a : for wee haue euer acknowledged this . The thing that we denie , is , that although there bee alwaies in the world a Church , the 〈◊〉 members whereof are free from damnable and 〈◊〉 errour ; yet there is not alwaies a true Church in the world whose commanding Prelates are free from all error , or 〈◊〉 part of it from malicious error . Secondly , It is granted that Christ doth not according to his antecedent will , leaue the world destitute of the meanes of Saluation , Math. 23.37 . 1. Timoth. 2.4 . 2. Pet. 3.9 . But notwithstanding this will of Christ a , many people may be actually destitute of the meanes of Saluation , by the negligence of Preachers b , and through their owne negligence or malice , contemning or repelling the said meanes , when they are offered vnto them , Acts 13.46 . Thirdly , A corrupt visible Church may truely deliuer some parts of sacred Truth , and among other verities , it may deliuer the Apostles Tradition touching the Canon of the Scripture , and also the rule of Faith contained in the Apostles Creed . This appeareth by the Churches of the Nestorians at this day , and also of old by the Iewish Church , which at such times as it was Idolatrous and vnsound , preserued the Canon of the Scriptures of the Old Testament , and by transcribing and reading , deliuered the whole Text thereof truely , Rom. 3.2 . and Acts 15.21 . Fourthly , If we should grant ( which is false , as appeareth by the Greeke Church ) that there was in some ages past , no other Church but the Roman , and the adheres thereof , and affirme withall that the chiefe Prelats thereof , and their faction , maintained sundrie erronious and superstitious doctrines ; yet because all Doctors and people ( liuing within the externall communion of that Church ) were not equally poysoned and surprised with error c , but many among them firmely beleeuing all fundamentall 〈◊〉 , were 〈◊〉 by adeu out and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in some other points . It followeth not that the world should be destitutes of all meanes of saluation : for these founder members , lining in the visible Roman Church , might deliuer the maine and capitall Articles of Christianitie , and their ignorance and error in other matters , was in those daies pardonable , because they offended in simplicitie , and were 〈◊〉 unawares . IESVIT . Secondly , this Church must be alwaies visible and conspicious , for the Traditions of the Church must euer bee famous , glorious , and notoriously knowne in the world , that a Christian may say with S. Augustine , I beleeue nothing but the consent of Nations and Countries , and most celebrious fame . Now if the Church were hidden in secret , invisible in any age , then her Traditions could not bee Doctrines , euer illustriously known , but rather obscure , hidden , Apochriphall , Ergo the Church the mistris pillar and foundation of Truth must bee alwaies visible and conspicuous , which if need bee , may be further prooued most euidently . ANSVVER . The Church according to the Popish Tenet , is said to be Visible , because it alwaies hath such an outward forme and appearance in the eyes of the world , as that people are able by sence or common reason to know the same materially , and to distinguish it from other societies of infidels and Hereticks a . And by the Church in this question , they vnderstand , a companie of beleeuers , professing Christian Faith without error , submitting themselues to the Bishop of Rome , as to their vniuersall Visible head b . And they affirme concerning the said Church , that it may at all times be sensibly knowne and discerned c , and that the place of aboad , and the principall members thereof are openly knowne , and the externall actions of the same , to wit , Preaching , Praying , administration of 〈◊〉 may bee alwaies heard and seene , and that the same is perpetually sensible and 〈◊〉 , like vnto earthly kingdomes and common weales a . Some few of them acknowledge , that it is possible for the same , for some short season , to loose part of the externall amplitude and glorie , and to be ouershadowed with clouds and stormes of Heresies , Scismes , and Persecutions b : but yet they all 〈◊〉 that euen in those tempestuous seasons , it is conspicuous to the world , in regard of the principall members c , and that the common and ordinarie condition of the true Church is to be amply , famously , and in a glorious manner visible d . But our Tenet is , First , That the true Church abideth oftentimes in persecution , either of 〈◊〉 and externall enemies , or of domesticall foes e . And in time of persecution , by either of 〈◊〉 enemies , it may be reputed a false Church , or impious Sect by the multitude f , and consequently be vnknown to , the wicked world , vnder the Notion of holy and true : and in such persecutions the loue of many may waxe cold , Math. 24.12 . and iniquitie and infidelitie so abound , Luc. 17.26 . & cap. 18.8 . that the number of right beleeuers shall be few , and the same may bee compelled to exercise their religion in 〈◊〉 g . Secondly , We deny that a naturall man is able infallibly to iudge and discerne by sence and common reason , or human prudence only , which is the true Church of Christ h , whereunto euery one that wil be saued must vnite and ioine himselfe , 1. Cor. 2.11.14 . Now the reasons for which we reiect or limit the Popish Doctrine , concerning the Churches visibilitie , are these . , a and not what the same must be perpetually . Some teach what the same is by outward calling , and consequently what in right , by precept and dutie , it ought to be . Some b Texts of holy Scripture describe the inward and spirituall beautie of the sounder part of the Church , by Allegories and similitudes , taken from externall and worldly pompe and glorie : c Some places shew what 〈◊〉 ought to performe , when the publike and common Ministerie of the Church is incorrupt , and ordinarie Pastors in Doctrine and Discipline proceed according to the Ordinance of Christ. d Lastly , some of the Fathers liuing in Ages wherein the outward face of the Church was externally glorious , & not foreseeing what was imminent and future , might probably suppose , that the same should alwayes retaine the like beautie . And yet S. Augustine , who because of the Donatists , speaketh most largely in this kind , e vseth words of limitation and exception , and affirmeth , that the splendor of the Church in time of Persecution may be eclipsed , and the glorie thereof ouershadowed . f Secondly , The Arguments against the glorious and perpetuall Visibilitie of the true Church ( according to our aduersaries Tenet ) are weightie . First , The best and worthiest members of the said Church may be persecuted , disgraced , and condemned as Heretikes , and impious persons : as appeareth by the example of g Athanasius , Hilarius , Ambrosius , &c. And this may be done by great multitudes , and by learned persons , and by such as are potent in worldly and Ecclesiasticall power : and in such times the true Church , vnder the notion of a true Church , cannot be generally and gloriously visible . Secondly , The prime Rulers and Commanders in the visible Church doe at some times by Ambition , and other enormious Vices , become enemies vnto Truth , h as our aduersaries themselues acknowledge , concerning all other Bishops , but onely the Roman and his adheres ; and that the Roman Popes and Prelates haue departed from right Faith , and exceeded others in monstrous ambition , and wickednesse , is reported by many amongst themselues . Now when these Master-builders fall , innumerable multitudes of inferiour ranke , for hope , fauour , feare , and other humane and carnall respects , concurre with them ; a and then the number of Infidels , which remaine without the Church , being added to the Church malignant ; the totall summe of both amounteth to a great number , and in comparison of them , right beleeuers may be few , b and their reputation in the world so meane , as that they shall not be generally knowne the true Church . And if they be not knowne , and esteemed a true Church by the greatest part of the world , then they are not famously visible at all times , as our aduersarie maintaines . Thirdly , The Scriptures foretell a comming and reigne of Antichrist , a large Apostasie and reuolt from the right Faith , a raritie of true beleeuers , and decay of Charitie , a flying of the true Church into the Wildernesse , and grieuous persecutions of Gods Elect , before the finall consummation of the World. 2. Thess. 2.3 . &c. 1. Tim. 4.1 . 2. Tim. 3.1 . &c. Luc. 18.8 . Matth. 24. 12 , 24. Reuel . 12.6 . c But such a perpetuall visibilitie of the Church as Romists imagine , is not compatible with the precedent Predictions . But the Iesuit saith , IESVIT . Because the Tradition of the Church must be at all times famous , glorious , and notoriously knowne in the World : therefore the true Church , which is the Teacher , Pillar , and Foundation of Tradition , must be at all times famously visible to the eye of the World. ANSWER . Neither the Antecedent nor Consequent of this Argument are firme . It is not alwayes true , that those things are visible , which make other things famous , glorious , and notoriously knowne ; for that which is innisible to the eye of the World , may cause other things to be famous : as wee see in God himselfe , in Christ , in the holy Apostles , &c. Also persons liuing in disgrace , and persecution , may by writing from Exile , Prison , or vnknowne Habitations , make Diuine Truth notoriously knowne , to the making of the enemies thereof inexcusable , and the conuersion of others , as appeareth in Athanasius . Secondly , The Antecedent is false : If the Iesuit , by the word ( Must ) vnderstand that , which by an immutable prouidence of the Almightie shall infallibly in all ages be fulfilled ; it is not decreed by the Almightie , that the Doctrine and Tradition of Diuine Veritie shall in all Ages be generally famous , and notoriously knowne to the World ; the same must alwayes ( in matters substantiall and necessarie ) be sufficiently knowne to some part of the World. But many people , for sundrie Ages , haue beene ignorant of Christ a , and of the whole Tradition and Doctrine of the Apostles , and a large tract of the World remaineth at this present day in Heathenish and damnable ignorance b ; and consequently , to a large part of the World , Tradition is not in a famous and glorious manner notoriously knowne . IESVIT . Thirdly , The Church is Apostolicall , and that apparantly descending from the Apostolicall Sea , by succession of Bishops , vsque ad confessionem generis humani , euen to the acknowledgement of humane kind , as S. Augustine speaketh . ANSWER . The true visible Church is named Apostolicall , not because of locall and personall succession of Bishops ( onely or principally ) but because it retaineth the Faith and Doctrine of the holy Apostles , Eph. 2. 20. a Reuel . 21.14 . b Tertullian . d. Prascript . cap. 32. affirmeth c , That Churches which are able to produce none of the Apostles , or other Apostolicall men for their first planters , are notwithstanding Apostolicall , for consent of Faith , and consanguinitie of Doctrine . And many learned Papists , antient and moderne , say a The Church is called Apostolicall , because it is grounded vpon the Doctrine of the Apostles , in respect of Faith , Lawes , and Sacraments . But personall or locall succession onely , and in it selfe , maketh not the Church Apostolicall , because hirelings and wolues may lineally succeed lawfull and orthodoxe Pastours , Act. 20.29 , 30. Euen as sicknesse succeedeth health , and darkenesse light , and a tempest faire weather , as Gregorie Nazianzen affirmeth . Orat. d. laud. Athanasij b . That which is common and separable , cannot of it selfe demonstrate the true Church . And the notes of the Church must be proper and inseparable , agreeing to all times , to euery true Church ( as Bellarmine c affirmeth . ) Also , the same must be so conspicuous , as that they cannot easily bee pretended by Aduersaries d , or be at all controuerted or doubtfull . But personall succession may bee found in a false Church , as appeareth by the Iewish Church , in the time of the Pharisees , and by the Churches of the East in the dayes of the Arrians : and our Aduersaries affirme the Greeke Church to be vnsound , notwithstanding it is apparently descended from the Apostles e , by a lineall succession of Bishops . Cardinall Bellarmine f perceiuing the weight of the former Argument , departeth from the common opinion of other Papists , saying : That although personall succession alone , or by it selfe , is not a proper note of a true Church , yet the absence thereof , prooueth a nullitie of the Church in them which want it . But if this be so , then personall and locall succession must bee expuged out of the Calendar of Churches notes : for all proper notes argue and demonstrate their subiect , both 〈◊〉 and negatiuely : also , they demonstrate the same of themselues , without the assistance of other things . If therefore externall succession prooueth not a true Church , except right Faith bee concurring ; and if ( as Bellarmine teacheth ) it rather serueth to prooue there is not the true Church where it wanteth , than to argue a true Church where it is : then the same is not proper and conuertible , and consequently it is no essentiall marke , because to bee proper and conuertible , are of the being of notes , according to the Cardinals a owne description . It is likewise remarkeable , that the ancient Fathers b doe not onely or principally vnderstand personall succession , when they mention succession in their writings : because they argue affirmatiuely from succession , and not negatiuely onely . Therefore Romists in this disputation , shall doe well to begin with the questions which concerne Doctrine , and prooue that they haue succession of Doctrine , in all those Articles wherein they oppose other Churches , before they mention locall and personall succession : but the manner of these men is to obserue a contrarie proceeding , and from the latter to conclude the former , c which is against good reason , and against the Custome and manner of the ancient Fathers d . IESVIT . For how can the Tradition of Christian doctrine be eminently and notoriously Apostolicall , if the Church deliuering the same , hath not a manifest and conspicuous pedigree or deriuation from the Apostles , which is a conuincing argument vsed by Saint Augustine ; how can we thinke that we 〈◊〉 receiued manifestly Christ , if wee 〈◊〉 not also 〈◊〉 manifestly his Church ? It is a Principle of Phylosophie , Propter quod vnumquodque tale & illud magis . But the name of Christ his glory , his vertue and miracles , are to the world famously knowne from age to age , by reason of the Church , and her preaching , that in her first Pastours saw them with their eyes . Ergo , This Church must needes be more famous , more illustrious , as able to giue fame vnto the being , and Doctrine , and actions of Christ. ANSVVER . I haue shewed in the former Section , that the visible Church is principally called Apostolicall , because it imbraceth the doctrine of the holy Apostles . And euerie Church is Apostolicall , so farre foorth onely , as it consenteth with the Apostles in Doctrine , Sacraments , Inuocation , and in that which is substantiall in Ecclesiasticall policie . And in a precedent Section I haue declared , That the visible Church may at some times bee more or lesse Apostolicall , holy , &c. But it is not at any time simply or principally Apostolicall , because it hath externall personall succession . Occham , a famous Schooleman , and some others with him affirme , That a true and Apostolicall Church may consist of a few lay people , a and if all the Prelates and Clerkes throughout the world should become hereticall , God may raise vp Pastours , either extraordinarily , b or else hereticall Bishops 〈◊〉 Pastours , the Church may be reformed by them . But to the Argument I answere as followeth c . First , if the same were wholly granted , nothing could bee concluded against the Church of England from it , because the Bishops and Pastours of this Church , are able to exhibite a Pedigree or deriuation , both of their Ministerie and Doctrine from the Apostles . 1. Of Ministerie , in that they haue for substance , the same descent of externall Ordination which the Romane Church hath . 2. Of Doctrine , because they maintaine the Primitiue Faith , and accord in the same with the soundest part of the Catholicke Church in all ages . And where we may seeme to discent from the Antient , the same is either in things humane and adiaphorous a , or in matters which were not fully discussed , or in points which were not deliuered by an vnanimous consent , or in things which are reprooued by plaine demonstration of holy Scripture b , and wherein the Fathers permit libertie of dissenting , and the Papists themselues take the like libertie c . Secondly , the Iesuits Interrogation ( How can the Tradition of Christian Doctrine be eminently and notoriously Apostolicall , if the Church deliuering the same hath not a manifest and perspicuous pedigree or deriuation from the Apostles ? ) is answered : this may be performed two waies . 1. By the historie and monuments of the Primatiue Church , whose descent and pedigree from the Apostles was perspicuous . 2. The same may be made manifest by the Scriptures of the Apostles , which are diuine and authenticall Records of all Apostolicall Doctrine , and contain in themselues many liuely and effectuall Arguments , proouing to such as read and examine them with diligence and vnderstanding , that they are the Doctrine of the holy Ghost , and consequently the worke of the Apostles . And the maiestie and lustre of heauenly Doctrine is such , that if it be propounded by meane and obscure persons , it will appeare illustrious , euen as a rich Iewell , if the same be deliuered by a poore Artificer , doth manifest his owne worth : and therefore the sequell of the Iesuits Argument is denied ; for it followeth not because the Doctrine of Christ must be illustrious , that the Church which deliuereth the same , must be alwaies so . Thirdly , S. Augustine in the place obiected , Epist. 48. confuteth the Donatists , which confined the Church vniuersall to one countrie only , excluding the rest of the world from the communion thereof : against this error he saith , How can wee thinke that we haue receiued Christ made manifest , if we haue not also receiued his Church made manifest ? From hence nothing can be inferred , but that we receiue the true Church , not only at one time , or in one place , but at all times , and in all places where it is manifest , and that Christ is reuealed and made manifest by the Doctrine of the Apostles , and that this Doctrine must be preached ( although not at one time , yet successiuely ) throughout the whole world . But all this which S. Augustine speaketh being granted , prooueth not that the true Church shall be notoriously eminent and visible at all times : neither doth this Father say , that Christ cannot bee manifest but by such a Church only , as can lineally deriue her pedigree by Records and Tables from the Apostles . And howsoeuer Papists boast of their owne pedigree , yet when their Catalogue of descent is duely examined , all the passages are not so currant in it as they pretend . Fourthly , the principle of Aristotle a vpon which the last Argument is grounded , admitteth many exceptions , b That , because of which another thing is such , is it selfe much more such , when both things are of the same order , and pertake the same affection , as Christ which sanctifieth is more holy than they which are sanctified . Fire is hotter than water , and other things warmed by it , &c. But it holdeth not in causes equiuocall or partiall , or in causes by accident , or of diuers order . The Sunne causeth life in plants , and yet the Sunne is without life . A whetstone sharpeneth tooles , and yet is dull it selfe . Euill manners cause good lawes , and yet euill manners are not good . Daniels wisdome is reuealed to Baltasar by the queene , Dan. 5. 10 , 11. yet Daniell is not made a 〈◊〉 man , nor onely knowne to be such , by that report : so likewise the name of Christ , his glorie , his vertue , and miracles are famously knowne of belecuers from age to age , by reason of the Church and her preaching , &c. But all this concerning Christ is neither principally nor only made knowne to the world by the present Church , nor by the Roman Church , more effectually than by other Churches , and the Church is a caufe of one kind and order , and the Scripture of another . The Church is veluti Preco & Nuntius , like a Cryer and Messenger , but the holy Scripture is the Word , Handwriting , c and Epistle of Christ , d into whose voice and authoritie all the faithfull resolue their beleese concerning Christ and all his actions : and according to S. Agustine , In sanctis libris manifestatur Dominus , & ibi eius Ecclesia declaratur , e In the holy bookes of Scripture the Lord is made manifest , and in the same also his Church is declared : and in another place , f In Scripturis diuinis Christum , in Scripturis didicimus Ecclesiam , In the Scriptures we haue learned Christ , and in the Scriptures we haue learned the Church . Now if the Scriptures manifest Christ , and demonstrate his Church , they are of greater authoritie a , and consequently more credible , famous , and illustrious than the Church , according to the Iesuits Theorem out of Aristotle , Propter quod vnum quodquè tale est , & illud magis . IESVIT . Fourthly , the Church is one , that is , all the Pastors and Preachers thereof deliuer , and consequently all her professors and children beleeue , one and the same Faith. ANSWER . The visible Church in regard of the sound and liuing part thereof , is one both in Faith and Charitie b , Ephes. 4.3.4 . &c. But this vnitie is more or lesse perfect c at some times , and in some persons than in other . Vnitie in all Veritie , and in all sanctitie of Vertue and Charitie is necessarie to Saluation , in praeparatione animi , in the purpose and intention of heart , Rom. 12. 18. and actuall Vnitie in fundamentall points of Faith , and in the maine offices of Charitie is simply necessarie to Saluation , Heb. 12.14 . but perfect cōcord , excluding all discord , is not perpetually found amongst the best members of the visible Church d . There was contention among the Disciples , Luc. 22.24 . and the Affrican and European Churches were diuided concerning rebaptising e , and the Eastrne and Westerne Churches about the day of Easter f . S. Augustine saith , That good men being but proficients , may be at strife g . Aquinas affirmeth , That discord is not a sinne vnlesse it ouerthrow Charity , or be corrupted with error concerning matters of Faith which are necessarie to bee knowne to Saluation , or in smaller points with 〈◊〉 a . Also discord may happen in the visible 〈◊〉 by the pride , ambition , and faction of the in which case , 〈◊〉 persons , although they 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 all lawfull peace and 〈◊〉 , yet through the 〈◊〉 of those which are enemies to peace b , they cannot 〈◊〉 it . 〈◊〉 . 120.5 , 6 , 7. IESVIT . For if the Preachers and Pastors of the Church disagree about matters which they preach , as necessarie points of Faith , how can their Tradition and Testimonie be of Credit therein , or haue any Authoritie to persuade ? who will or canfirmely 〈◊〉 disagreeing witnesses vpon their words ? ANSWER . First , They which disagree in part , and accord in the maine , may haue substantiall 〈◊〉 , although they want the prefection of vnitie , and these are of credit , and may persuade in those things wherein they consent : as appeareth by S. Cyprian and his . Colleagues , disagreeing with the Romans touching Appeales and 〈◊〉 , and yet conuerting many people to godlinesse . Secondly , When there is discord betweene 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 matters , the Orthodox partie , 〈◊〉 many ( 〈◊〉 all those whose hearts the Lord 〈◊〉 and mooueth a ) to discerne and obey the truth : Otherwise , in the great Dissentions of the antient Church , reported by Eusebius , Lib. 2. cap. 60. & 61. d. vita Constantini b , no people should haue beene conuerted to God. Thirdly , If 〈◊〉 , take away all possibilitie of persuading , from the Pastors of the Church , then the Romans , which 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 Ancestors in many points of Doctrine , and haue had so many Schismes ( whereof some haue beene most bloudie and pernicious to the Christian World a ) must want power to persuade . The efficacie of persuasion dependeth vpon absolute concord onely , as vpon a greater motiue of credibilitie , and not as vpon a proper efficient : and although Preachers should be contentious , and factious , yet the Word of Christ truly deliuered by any of them , is in it selfe mightie in operation , and able to persuade b and conuert soules : and God Almightie many times shewes his power in the Ministerie of infirme and imperfect Instruments . Phil. 1. 16 , 17. IESVIT . And this consent must be conspicuous and euident : For if in outward appearance and shew , Preachers dissent one from another in maine and materiall Doctrines , their Authoritie is crazed , and their Testimonie of no esteeme . Howsoeuer , perchance their Dissentions may by some distinctions so be coloured , that one cannot conuince him that would boldly vndertake to defend ( as D. Field vndertakes for Protestants ) that their Dissentions are but verball . But what is this to the purpose ? Doe the accused Dissentioners allow this Doctors Reconciliation ? 〈◊〉 they giue ouer Contention hereupon ? No : but confesse that such Reconcilers misse of their meaning , and that they disagree substantially about the very prime Articles of Faith. How can these men be witnesses of Credit for substantiall Articles , concerning which there is open confessed and professed Dissention among them . ANSVVER . The consent of Pastors according to one sence , to wit , expounding Must , for 〈◊〉 , Ought ( as 1. Tim. 3.2 . ) is to be conspicuous and euident , both in Faith and in Charitie : and when this is fulfilled , the testimonie of Pastors is of greater weight and credit among men . But this perfection of Visitie is 〈◊〉 : and therefore although the same be 〈◊〉 in part , the Pastors of the Church are not despoyled of all Authoritie and credit in deliuering Christs Word a , if the better part of them obserue Vnitie in the Bond of Peace , in things essentiall , and in the common Rule of Faith. And although the qualitie of Teachers be a motiue of credibilitie , yet the power of persuasion dependeth properly vpon the Word of Christ ; and they which disagree in other matters , and with a common consent teach the maine and principall Doctrine of Faith , must therein be credited , because of the prime Author himselfe b . If humane frailetie , discord , and error in some things , should totally discredit the Authoritie of Teachers , the World must receiue no Diuine Veritie by the Ministerie of men , because amongst men , Non germinat granum Veritatis , sine palea Vanitatis , The good Seed of Veritie , springeth not without some Chaffe of Vanitie c . S. Cyprian , S. Augustine , S. Hierome , &c. disagree in some things , and Tertullian and Origen haue many errors , and therein are reprooued by others ; and yet the rest of their Doctrine ( wherein they teach truly ) receiueth no preiudice from their contrarie errors . The Iesuits and Dominicans , and other Scholasticks d , desire to be esteemed credible Witnesses , and yet there is no small contention betwixt them , concerning sundrie Questions . Although therefore some dissention bee found among Teachers , yet their whole Doctrine is not thereby made incredible , neyther is there perpetually in the true Church a visible and perspicuous concord in all things . In the words ensuing , the Aduersarie questioneth Doctor Field , because hee affirmeth , That Protestants Dissentions are not reall , but apparent and verball . Against this hee affirmeth , That so long as Contentioners rest vnsatisfied , and admit no Reconciliation , saying , That Reconcilers haue missed of their meaning ; it is vaine by distinctions to colour their Discord , &c. 〈◊〉 . First , To 〈◊〉 Discord by distinctions , is no meanes of true 〈◊〉 but by 〈◊〉 to discouer and manifest , that Contentioners 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 other , and whereas they speake diuersty in 〈◊〉 , yet they maintaine the same Veritie in substance , this may be to good purpose . Secondly , Although A 〈◊〉 are many times froward , and will not for the present admit the charitable constructions of moderate persons a , 〈◊〉 to reconcile them , Exod. 2. 14. Act. 7.27 . yet at the last , Vnitie may be effected by this meanes , and peaceable and moderate Christians ought in the meane season to gather the faire Lilly of sauing Veritie , growing amidst the Thornes of humane Infirmitie . IESVIT . Fiftly , I inferre , That this Church is vniuersall , spread ouer all Nations , that she may be said to be euery where morally speaking , that the whole knowne World may take notice of her , as of a worthie and credible witnesse of Christian Tradition , howsoeuer her outward glory and splendor , peace and tranquilitie , be sometimes obscured in some places , more or lesse , and not euer in all places at once . ANSVVER . The Church is vniuerfall : First , Because of time : for it continueth successiuely in all Ages , Matth. 28.20 . Luc. 1.33 . Secondly , In regard of Persons and Places , because no Countrey , Nation , State , Age , or Sex of People , are excluded from being part of it , Galat. 3.20 . Act. 10.34 . Apoc. 5.9 . Thirdly , In respect of Faith , because Diuine Veritie , constitutiue , and which giueth being to the true Church , continueth throughout all Ages , 1. Pet. 1.25 . Reuel . 14.6 . and is found in all the parts of the true Church . But notwithstanding this , the true Church is not perpetually vniuersall , in regard of actuall amplitude , and diffusion of visible Congregations , throughout all Nations , and inhabited . Countreyes of the World a ; for it may in some Ages , in actu exercito , and in regard of actuall residence , remaine onely in a few Countreyes : and Cardinall Bellarmine b graunteth , That if one sole Prouince of the World should retaine true Faith , yet the Church might then be truly and properly called vniuersall , if it could manifestly be shewed that the same were one with that Church which was once vniuersally spred ouer the world . And although Deiure , by right and according to the diuine Precept , the true Church should at all times remaine and continue in those regions where it was once planted ; yet it happeneth by the malice and iniquitie of man , that those places which once were a Sanctuarie of holinesse , are afterwards changed into the habitation of Satan , a and into a cage of vncleane Birds . The Iesuit perceiuing that it is impossible to defend a perpetuall actuall vniuersalitie of the Church , presenteth vnto vs an imaginarie vniuersalitie : his words are , She may be said to be euerie where morally speaking , &c. I answere : Morally speaking , the Church cannot be said to be , where it is altogether vnknowne , and where no meanes are vsed , or actions performed , which are sufficient to make it knowne . A king may morally be said to be in euery part of his kingdome b , because his lawes , ministers , and gouernment are extended throughout all his kingdome , and king Richard the first , when hee was in Syria c , might be said to be morally in England . But the true Church , in many ages , hath no commerce with Infidels in things spirituall , mediate or immediate : the Faith , Preaching , and authoritie thereof , is altogether vnknowne to many people , to wit , to the inhabitants of America for 1400. yeeres : to many other nations of Affrica and Europe , for 600. yeeres , &c. And many people , which heare the fame of Christians in generall , as they doe of the Iewes , haue no meanes to distinguish Orthodoxe Beleeuers from Heretickes : and they which vnderstand not the Doctrine of the true Church , cannot take notice of her , as of a worthie and credible witnesse of diuine Tradition . IESVIT . A truth so cleare , that it may be euidently prooued out of Scripture , that euen in Antichrists dayes the Church shall be visibly vniuersall : for shee shall then bee euerie where persecuted ; which could not bee , except shee were euerie where visible , and conspicuous euen to the wicked . ANSVVER . Your former Proposition , concerning the perpetuall locall vniuersalitie of the Church , is as cleare , as the Sunne-shine at midnight ; and the Arguments whereby you labour to prooue it , are of no force . First , if it were granted that the true Church , in the raigne of Antichrist , should bee visibly vniuersall ; yet it is inconsequent : Ergo , The true Chnrch is perpetually and in all ages visibly vniuersall . Separable accidents are sometimes present to the subiect , and sometimes absent : but visible vniuersalitie is a separable accident , as appeareth by the state of the true Church , in the first hundred yeere a . Secondly , the words of Saint Iohn , Apoc. 20. 8. are : And when the thousand yeeres shall be consummate , Satan shall be loosed out of his prison , and shall goe foorth and seduce the nations which are vpon the foure corners of the earth , Gog and Magog , and shall gather them into battell , the number of whom is as the sand of the Sea. In this Prophesie , nothing is deliuered which doth expresly or by consequence argue the visible vniuersalitie of the true Church in all ages . 1. The nations which are vpon the foure corners of the earth seduced by Satan , may be Infidels b , at least a great part of them , as well as Christians : and although Satan possessed & deceiued them before , yet now when he is loosed , he doth in a new manner , and by a greater efficacie of errour deceiue them c . 2. The true Church may be persecuted vniuersally by multitudes of enemies dispersed euery where , and yet remaine it selfe , in one or in few places ; and it may also be persecuted , when it professeth and exerciseth religion in secret , Apoc. 12.14 , 15. 3. Many learned Papists affirme , that in the dayes of Antichrist , true beleeuers shall cease to bee in many places , and the number of orthodoxall people shall be small , and the same shall professe their faith in secret , August . Triumph , d sum . d. Eccles. pot . q. 21. ar . 4. At that time particular Churches diffused farre and neere ouer the world , shall withdraw themselwes from the obedience of the Romane Pope , and few shall obey him , and the Pope himselfe at that time , shall with a few keepe himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , others being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from his 〈◊〉 . The like is affirmed by Occham a , 〈◊〉 b , 〈◊〉 c 〈◊〉 d , and Barradias e . Now this former affertion , which is the common Tener of Papists , agreeth not with the speech of our Aduersarie , when he saith , That in the dayes of Antichrist , the Church shall be euerie where visible and conspicuous , euen to the wicked : and he must reuoke his bold 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his first words ; A truth so cleare that it may euidently be prooued , &c. IESVIT . The reason of this perpetuall visible vniuersalitie is , because the Tradition of the Church , is as I haue prooued , the sole ordinarie meanes to ground faith on for substantiall points . Wherefore this Tradition must bee so deliuered , as that it may bee knowne to all men , seeing God will haue all men ( without any exception of nation ) to bee saued , and to come to the knowledge of Truth , 1. Timothie 2. 4. But if the Church were not still so diffused in the world , that all knowne nations may take notice of her , all men could not be saued . ANSWER . Although the teaching and Tradition of the Church , is the first Introduction , to leade people vnto the knowledge of the grounds of saluation , and the ordinarie meanes whereby they receiue the holy Scriptures , and rule of Faith contained in the same ( which is all you haue or can prooue f ) yet hence it followeth not , that the true Church is visibly vniuersall in all places of the world . First , you are reprooued by the example of the Indians , and people inhabiting the New found World who are Gods creatures and reasonable men , formed 〈◊〉 his image , capable of grace and 〈◊〉 as well as other men , and included within the latitude of 〈◊〉 promises , a Math. 28.19 . Marc. 16.15 . Call. 2.28 . Call. 3.11 , and the Apostles speech , 1. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 4. God will 〈◊〉 all men to be 〈◊〉 &c , 〈◊〉 them as well as others . And yet notwithstanding , the true Church whose Tradition ( according to your position ) is the sole ordinarie meanes to ground Faith on , was not for many ages either Actually or Moraily visible , vniuersall , or any waies made knowne to them . It seemes by the conclusion of your Argument , wherein you insert these words , That all knowne nations , &c. that you obserued this , but you are no way able to cleere the difficultie : for if because S. Paul saith , God wil haue all men to be saued , and come to the knowledge of the Truth , the true Church must in all age be visibly vniuersall , then the same must be so in regard of the nations inhabiting the New found world , because S. Pauls words , God will haue all men to be saued , and come to the knowledge of the Truth , are vniuersall ( according to your exposition ) and must be vnderstood without limitation , or respect of persons . Secondly , when S. Paul saith , God wil haue all men to be saued , &c. He 〈◊〉 according to the antecedent wil of God ( as learned Papists commonly maintaine . ) But b this antecedent Will ( according to some learned Papists ) is no formall Will in God , but is only improperly and metaphorically so called c and according to others , which say it is a formall Will , the same produceth not vniuersally either grace of outward calling to Saluation , or inward grace in them that are externally called , and therefore it is inconsequent to argue , from this manner of Gods willing all men to be saued , That the true Church is in all ages visibly vniuersall . 1. Aquinas , and others say , that the antecedent will of God is only a velleitie d or wishing that the thing might be , a complacencie in a thing considered abstractiuely and without other circumstances e , and that vpon it alone the Saluation of no man followeth . 2. The same is generall in respect of all f and euery singular and indiuiduall person , and God by his antecedent will wisheth the Saluation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by experience , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Will , all 〈◊〉 and singular persons : by the ministerie of the true Church and that whole countries and nations for 〈◊〉 ages 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the same , a and some countries 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the preaching of the Gospell sooner , and others latter , some haue been 〈◊〉 in one age , and some in another . 4. Gods antecedent Will is alwaies the same : and 〈◊〉 to it he 〈◊〉 the Saluation of all men in the time of the Old Testament , Ezek. 33.11 . Now from the former positions , it followeth , that S. Pauls words , 1. Tim. 2.4 . God will haue all men to be saued , &c. do not 〈◊〉 that the true Church is visibly vniuersall in all ages , since the Ascension of Christ , and the preaching of the Apostles . For if the antecedent will of God ( of which S. Paul speaketh , 1. Tim. 2.4 . ) be onely a velleitie and complacencie about mans Saluation abstractiuely considered b and if it respect singular and indiuiduall persons as well as whole nations , and notwithstanding the same , many singular persons and whole nations haue beene destitute ( and that for a long space of time ) of all meanes of conuersion and outward calling to Christianitie : and if the same Will , for some large tract of time , produceth no external effect sufficient to conuert Infidels c , then it followeth that the true Church , which is the onely ordinarie teacher of sauing veritie , is not visibly vniuersall in all places of the world in euery age . The minor is prooued from the foure propositions formerly deliuered . The sequell is euident by the exposition which our Aduersaries deliuer of S. Pauls text , vnderstanding the same of the antecedent will of God , and from the position of the 〈◊〉 deliuered in this section , which is , That the Tradition and Preaching of the true visible Church , is the sole ordinarie meanes to leade people to the knowledge of sauing Truth . For if the antecedent will of God is not a certaine and infallible cause , that all people shal at all times haue the preaching of sauing Veritie by the ministerie of the true visible Church : then it is not necessarie , that because God will haue all men to be saued by his antecedent will , therefore the true Church must in all ages be visibly vniuersall . A contingent cause vndetermined , doth not produce or argue a constant , certaine , and necessarie effect . The antecedent will of God is a contingent cause a in respect of the perpetuall visible vniuersalitie of the Church . Ergo The antecedent will of God doth not produce or argue a perpetuall visible vniuersalitie of the Church . For if notwithstanding the antecedent will of God , many singular persons and whole nations may be for some space of time destitute of outward calling by the ministerie of the Church , and of all morall possibilitie for that space of time of the hauing thereof , and are not guiltie of the sinne of infidelitie , because without any speciall demerit of their owne , they are destitute of the word of Faith , ( as it is maintained by Aquinas b and his followers ) then the antecedent will of God is only a contingent cause , in respect of producing & arguing outward calling by the ministerie of the Church , and consequently of the perpetuall visible vniuersalitie of the true Church . But the first is true , as appeareth by the Indies c before Columbus arriuing in their coasts , and by many barbarous people and nations liuing in remote regions , and hauing no preachers of the Gospell sent vnto them , before the two hundred , fiue hundred , or six hundred yeare after Christ , Ergo , The latter is also true . IESVIT . Sixtly , this Church is holy both in life and doctrine : holy for life , shining in all excellent and wonderfull sanctitie , such as the Apostles gaue example of , as Pouertie , Chastitie , Obedience , Virginitie , Charitie , in vndergoing labours for the helpe of Soules , Fortitude , in suffering heroicall Martyredomes , Zeale and Patience in the rigorous treatie of their bodies , by miraculous Fasting , and other austerities . ANSVVER . Sanctitie is a propertie and inseperable qualitie of the true Church in respect of all the liuing members thereof , Cant. 4. 7. Eph. 5.26 , 27. 1. Cor. 14.33 . Rom. 1.7 . Eph. 1.18 . & c. 4.12 . Phil. 4.21 . Coll. 1.12 . 1. Cor. 6.11 . 1. Iohn 3.18 . And the same is called holy . First , Because it is clensed and washed from the guiltinesse of sinne by the immaculate blood of Christ a , Apoc. 1.5 . Heb. 10.10 . & c. 13.12 . Secondly , Because it is pertaker of the holinesse of Christ the head thereof by Grace , 1. Cor. 1.30 . Ephes. 5.30 . Iohn 17.19 . Heb. 12.10 . and because of the speciall inhabitation and operation of the holy Ghost b , Ephes. 1.13 . 1. Cor. 3.17 . 1. Thessal . 4.8 . 2. Tim. 1. 14. Thirdly , Because it is called and consecrated vnto holinesse , 2. Tim. 1.9 . 1. Pet. 2.9 . 1. Thessal . 4.7 . Apoc. 1.6 . Fourthly , Because the Faith , Doctrine , Lawes , Sacraments , and Religion thereof are holy c . Iud. v. 20. 2. Pet. 2.20 . Tit. 3.5 . Fiftly , Because the vertues and actions thereof are truely and indeed holy , whereas the vertues of Infidels which liue out of the Church are prophane and vnholy , as bearing the image of vertue , but wanting the true forme and fruit thereof d . But our Aduersarie passeth by these causes and reasons of the sanctitie of the Church , being proper and essentiall ( which are deliuered in the holy Scripture ) and will haue the same to be reputed holy , because of monasticall vowes of Pouertie , Obedience , and Chastitie , and for externall Fastings , Whippings , wearing of Haire-cloth , and other bodily exercises which some Heremites and Cloysterers performe in the Roman Church . Touching this Assertion we are to obserue . First that the Iesuit doth onely affirme these things , but bringeth no proofe , and therefore it were sufficient for me to say with S. Hierom c Quod de Scripturis non habet authoritatem eadem facilitate contemnitur qua probatur , That which wanteth authoritie from the Scriptures , may as well bee despised , as receiued . Secondly , when the principall Doctors of the Romish Church , deliuer the causes why the true Church is stiled Holy , they either omit these externall exercises , or else onely mention them as accessarie , Turrccrem . sum . d. Eccles. l. 1. c. 9. Cordub . Arma. fid . q. 1. propos . 2. Bannes . 22. q. 1. ar . 10. Bellarm. d. Eccles . l. 4. c. 11. Greg. Val. to . 3. Disp. 1. punct . 7. Thirdly , these exercises are common to hypocrites and heretickes , and they make not people holy and good which vse them , and the Church may bee holy without them , and therefore they are no constitutiue parts , or essentiall properties of the sanctitie of the Church . That the same are common , appeareth by the example of the Pharisees a , and of many Heretickes b , which vsed these exercises with great austeritie , and yet they were no sound parts of the holy Catholicke Church . And that the Church may be holy without these exercises , is manifest , by reason and example . The Church which wanteth these things , may haue all the causes of sanctitie , to wit , Faith , Hope , Charitie , Regeneration , remission of sinnes , &c. Therefore it may bee holy without them . And the Church of the Hebrews , to which Saint Paul wrote his Epistle , was an holy Church , yet Saint Chrysostome c saith : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. There was not so much as any footstep of a Monke , &c. Fourthly , these monasticall vowes haue many times distained and corrupted the Church : and therefore they are no mayne or proper actions of holinesse . Aluares Pelagius d saith of the Monkes and Cloysterers of his age : that they were Paupertatis professores , sed haereditatum successores : Professours of pouertie , and heires apparant to euerie mans land . Mathew Paris e saith , That the Mendicants in England raised stately buildings , equall to Princes palaces , and they hoorded vp inualuable treasure , &c. And Papirius Masson f saith , Pouertie which religious Orders seeme to professe , is more hatefull to them than to any other sort of men . The vow of Chastitie made the most of them more impure than dogs , and to stinke before God and men . That many of them were Sodomites , is affirmed by no meaner man than Saint Bernard g , who saith , Besides fornication , adulterie , and incest , the deedes of ignominie and turpitude , for which the cities of Sodome and Gomorrha were predamned , are not wanting , &c. Rodericus , a famous Bishop , saith a , That Votaries and Regulars were not satisfied with one woman , but kept Concubines and young Damosells sans number . Alphonsus Castro saith b , The incontinencie of Priests is in these dayes so frequent , that if but one of them be knowne to liue chastly , although many other necessarie 〈◊〉 lities be wanting in him , he is esteemed a holy man by the people for this one qualitie . Aluares Pelagius saith c , That the Cells of Anchorites were dayly visited by women . And in another place d , Priests for many yeeres together doe arise euerie day from their Concubines sides , and without going to Confession , say Masse . And in another place e , Quis Clericorum intra sanctam Ecclesiam , Castitatem seruat ? What Clerke is there within the holy Church , which obserueth Chastitie ? And againe , There be few Priests in these dayes , in Spaine and Apulia , which doe not openly foster Concubines . Dionysius Carthusian saith f , Paucissimi eorum proh dolor , continenter viuunt ; Few of them ( out alas ) liue continently . And S. Bridget the Nunne in her Reuelation saith g , Not one among a hundred . And the same Bridget speaking of Nunnes , saith h , Talia loca similiora sunt Lupanaribus , quam sanctis Cellis ; Such places are more like Brothelhouses and common Stewes , than holy Cells . The Vow of Pouertie brought forth perpetuall Theft and Rapine , and that from the Widow and fatherlesse . The Vow of Chastitie filled all the Earth with the steame of Brothelsome impuritie : and the Vow of blind Obedience , caused hatefull and direfull Murthers , euen of Kings , and Gods annointed ; Concerning whom , the holy Prophet saith , Touch not mine annointed : and the sacred Historie reports to all posteritie , That Dauids heart smote him , because he cut off a piece of the Kings Garment . These voluntarie Exercises and Deuotions carrie a great shew of perfection and merit among worldly people , euen as the Pharisaicall will-worship in ancient time did : But yet experience taught them ( which beheld these things in the height of their pride ) that the more these Vowes and religious Orders encreased , the more Ignorance , Infidelitie , Iniquitie , and all manner of Plagues multiplyed in the World. Antonin . sum . Histor. p. 3. tit . 23. c. 9. § . 5 a . IESVIT . This sanctitie shineth not in all the Children of the Church , but in the more eminent Preachers , and Professors : which kind of sanctitie , together with Miracles , if the Church did want , she could not be a sufficient Witnesse of Truth vnto Infidels , who commonly neuer begin to affect and admire Christianitie , but vpon the fight 〈◊〉 sucb wonders of sanctitie , and other extraordinarie workes . ANSWER . Sanctitie of Grace ( which is a perpetuall propertie of the true Church ) shineth in all the sound and liuing members of the Church , Phil. 2. 15. And whereas the measure and degrees thereof are 〈◊〉 , the most eminent degree of sanctitie is not alwayes found in Preachers , or in Popes , and greater Prelates , or in persons professing Monasticall life ; but the same may be equall , or greater , in Lay persons , or in people of meane esteeme : as appeareth by the state of the Iewish Church , in the dayes of Esay , cap. 1.9 . and of the Pharisees , at such time as our Sauiour was incarnate . Dominicus Bannes , a famous Schoole-man , treating of the sanctitie of the Church , saith a , That the supreame Bishop , the Pope , is said to be most holy , because of his State and Office , although indeed hee is not so . Rodericus speaking of the Clergie of his times , saith b , Rectores moderni , non Pastores , sed raptores , ouium tonsores , non ad viridia pascua ductores , non piscatores , sed negotiatores , non dispensatores bonorum crucifixi , sed voratores , &c. Our moderne Church-men are not Pastors , but Raueners ; they fleece their Sheepe , and lead them not to the greene Pastures ; they are not stewards , but deuourers of the goods of Christ crucified , &c. And Laurent . Iustinianus saith a , The greatest part of Priests and Clerkes in our dayes liue voluptuously , and after the manner of Beasts . Paucissimi reperiuntur qui honestè viuunt , rariores autem , qui pabulum salutis gregibus valeant praebere fidelium ; Verie few are found , which lead an honest life ; and a farre smaller number of such , as are able to minister the food of saluation to their flockes . In the next words our Iesuit affirmeth , That if the Church wanted the sanctitie aforesaid , together with Miracles , shee could not be a sufficient witnesse of Truth to Infidels , &c. This Assertion , concerning the perpetuitie , and absolute necessitie of Miracles in all Ages , is repugnant to the Fathers b , and to many learned Papists , and it is voluntarily affirmed by our Aduersarie . First , If the gift and power of Miracles were perpetuall , and inseparable from the true 〈◊〉 in all Ages , this would appeare by some reuelation , or promise of holy Scripture , as well as other gifts and priuiledges of the same . But there is no reuelation , or promise , concerning perpetuitie of the gift of Miracles , more than of the gift of Tongues , or of Prophesie , or the giuing of the Holy Ghost , by imposition of Hands c , &c. And these gifts were neuer promised in the Scripture to be perpetuall , and are long since ceased . August . Retrac . Lib. 1. cap. 13. Secondly , The Fathers which liued since the foure hundreth yeere , affirme , That outward Miracles , such as the Apostles wrought , were 〈◊〉 a in their dayes , and not absolutely necessarie for after times : Gregor . Moral . 27. cap. 11. & Lib. 34. cap. 2. & super Euang. Hom. 29. August . d. vera Relig. cap. 25. & d. Ciuit. Dei , Lib. 22. cap. 8. & sup . Psal. 130. Chrysost. in Matth. Hom. 4. & Imperfect . in Matth. Hom. 49. & sup . 1. Timoth. Hom. 10. Thirdly , Many learned Papists hold , That the gift of Miracles is rare , and vnnecessarie , in these later times : Abulensis , Leuit . cap. 9. q. 14 b , Trithemias Abbas , Lib. 8. Q. ad Imperat. Max. q. 3. Roffensis , c. Luther . a. Captiu . Babylon . c. 10. n. 4. pag. 81. Acosta , d. Procur . Indorum Salut . Lib. 2. cap. 8. pag. 218 c . Stella in Luc. cap. 11. Cornel. Muss . Conc. Dominic . Pentecost . pag. 412. And some of them censure the reporters of Miracles , as Impostors , and grosse Fabulers and Lyars . Gerson . Lib. c. Sect. Flagellantium . Canus , Loc. Lib. 11. cap. 6 d . Ludouicus Viues , Erasmus , Occham , Espenceus e . Fourthly , If Infidels cannot be assured , that the Wonders which they outwardly behold , are the workes of the true God f , and if the same may be the illusions of the Deuill g ; then the operations of such Miracles can be no infallible argument of Veritie , and consequently , no meanes of conuerting Infidels . But Bellarmine affirmeth h , That before the approbation of the Church ( which Infidels know not ) it is not euident and certaine by Faith , concerning any Miracle , that the same is true , and Diuine ; and it is possible for the same to be an illusion of Sathan . IESVIT . Holy for doctrine , in regard her Traditions be diuine and holy , without any mixture of errour . ANSVVER . The Church which buildeth it selfe vpon the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles , Eph. 2.20 . And which heareth the voyce of Christ , Iohn 10.27 . is holy , both for life and doctrine . But as holinesse of life is compatible with some kind of sinne , 1. Iohn 1.8 . Euen so sanctitie of doctrine excludeth not all errour . St. Augustine , a man as holy as any since the Apostles , saith , a I must not deny , but that as in my manners ; euen so in my workes and writings , many things may iustly , and without any temeritie be reprehended . IESVIT . For if the Church could deliuer , by consent of Ancestors : together with truth , some errours ; her Traditions , euen about truth , were questionable , and could not bee beleeued vpon the warrant of her Tradition . ANSWER . If Ancestors may erre and be deceiued , then the later Church may vpon their reports deliuer some errours , together with truth , and yet the Tradition thereof , concerning matters which are grounded vpon diuine Testimonie , is infallible a . The Church may speake of it selfe , and vpon report of them whose Testimonie is humane and fallible : And it speaketh also vpon the authoritie of Gods word . In the first , it may erre and bee b deceiued , and consequently the Testimonie thereof absolutely bindeth not people to beleeue . But when it confirmeth her doctrine and Tradition by diuine Testimonie , the Tradition thereof , is the Tradition and voyce of God himselfe , worthy of all acceptation . Neither is her Testimonie fallible and doubtfull in this latter kinde , because of errour in the first , any more than the Prophesie of Nathan was fallible , when he spake by inspiration to Dauid , 2. Sam. 7.5 . Although when he formerly answered by a humane spirit , he was deceiued . Balaam is a credible witnesse in all those verities which God put into his mouth , Numb . 23.5 , 18. & 24. 1. And yet in other matters which proceeded from himselfe , he was fallible . And Iosephus a Iew is credited in the Testimonie which hee gaue of Christ , Antiq. lib. 18. c. 4 a . although in many other reports he was deceiued . The antient Fathers , Iustin Martyr , Ireneus , Origen , St. Cyprian , erred in some things b , and yet their authoritie in other matters , which they deliuered consonantly to holy Scripture , is credible . Our Aduersaries confesse , that their Popes may erre personally , and that their Popes and Councels may erre in the Premises and Arguments c , from which they deduce conclusions of Faith , and yet they will haue their definitiue sentences to be of infallible authoritie . Cardinall Iacobatius d , speaking in the Popes defence , saith ; That it followeth not , because one hath erred , that therefore his testimonie is altogether inualid , and to be refused : And hee confirmeth this assertion by diuers Texts of the Canon Law. IESVIT . And whereas some Protestants affirme that the Church cannot erre in fundamentall points , but onely in things of lesse moment . The truth is , that in her perpetuall Traditions , she cannot erre at all . If the Tradition of the Church deliuering a small thing , as receiued from the Apostles , may be false , one may call into question her Traditions of moment , especially if he please to thinke them not to be of moment for like as if we admit in the Scriptures errours in small matters , wee cannot be sure of its infallibitie in substantiall matters . So likewise , if we grant Tradition perpetuall to be false in things of lesse importance , we haue no solid ground to defend her Traditions , as assured in other of moment : wherefore as he that should say , That Gods written word is false in some lesser matters ; as when it sayes , That S. Paul left his cloake at Troas , erreth fundamentally , by reason of the consequence , which giueth occasion to doubt of the truth of euery thing in Scripture : Euen so hee that granteth that some part of Traditions , or of the word of God vnwritten , may bee false , erreth substantially ; because he giueth cause to doubt of any Tradition ; which yet , as I haue shewed , is the prime originall ground of Faith , more fundamentall than the verie Scripture , which is not knowne to be Apostolicall but by Tradition : whereas a perpetuall Tradition is knowne to come from the Apostles by its owne light . For what more euident than that , that is from the Apostles , which is deliuered as Apostolicall , by perpetuall succession of Bishops , consenting therein . ANSWER . The true Church in her sounder members , erreth not in points fundamentall , nor yet in matters of lesse moment , maliciously , or with pertinacie a : But the same may be ignorant , and also erre in secondarie Articles b . The reason of the first is , because the same should then cease to bee the true Church , by corrupting the substance of right faith , expresly or vertually ; and consequently , there should remaine no true Church vpon earth , which is impossible . The reason of the second is , because the Church , since the Apostles , is not guided by immediate inspiration , or by Propheticall reuelation , but by an ordinarie assistance of grace , accompanying the vse of right meanes , which remooueth not possibilitie of errour , but leaueth space for humane iudgement , being regenerate onely in part , Heb. 5.2 . Gal. 5.17 . Aug. Enchir. c. 63. to worke by his proper force and power . Secondly , the Church hath no perpetuall Traditions , but such as are either contained in holy Scripture c , or which are subseruient to maintaine the faith , veritie , and authoritie of the holy Scriptures , and the doctrine thereof . Thirdly , whereas the Iesuit saith : That euen as no vntruth can be admitted in the holy Scripture , in regard of such things as are of the least moment , without ouerthrowing the totall authoritie thereof : so likewise no errour , great or small , can bee admitted in the doctrine and Tradition of the present Church , because vpon the same will follow the subuersion of all her Tradition , euen in matters essentiall . I answere : That there is not the same reason of the Scripture and the Church , for the Scripture is totally and perfectly diuine , and must alwayes bee so esteemed ; and to admit any errour or possibilitie thereof in Scripture , were to make God a lyar , and consequently , to ouerthrow all faith a . But the present Church is onely the seruant of God , and of his word b , Iohn 10.27 . and hath no credit or authoritie but from it , and although the same may erre in some things , yet there remaineth alwaies a higher and more soueraigne Iudge c , to wit , the holy Ghost speaking in and by the Scriptures , to whom Christians , desirous of truth , may appeale d , and by whose sentence the Doctrine and Traditions of the present Church are to bee iudged . Whosoeuer admitteth any errour or vntruth in the holy Scripture , taketh away all authoritie from that which is the prime foundation of supernaturall veritie e . But he that admitteth error or fallibilitie of iudgement in some Traditions and Doctrines of the Pastours of the present Church , doth onely make the credit of a secondarie and inferior witnesse , subiect to triall and examination of an higher Iudge . And euen as in building the rule and measure of proportion must alwaies be euen and right in it selfe , but the workemans hand may possibly leane or shake , and applie his rule amisse : so likewise the holy Scriptures which are the principles of Theologie f , and the most exact ballance and measure of diuine Veritie ( as S. Chrysostome speaketh g ) must be free from all obliquitie of error , and to admit the least error in the Scripture ouerthroweth the foundation of Faith. But the Ministerie and Tradition of the Church is like an Artificers hand , which may sometimes leane and goe awrie , and yet the foundation of Veritie abideth firme in the prime authenticall rule , and by the same , the errour of mens Tradition and Doctrine may be corrected . Fourthly the Iesuit affirmeth , That Tradition ( to wit , of the Church since the Apostles ) is the prime originall ground of Faith , more fundamentall than the Scripture . This assertion is Antichristian and impudent a , for can any thing be more fundamentall than the foundation b , or of greater authoritie than the word of God ? S. Peter speaking of the Propheticall Scriptures , equalleth the same to the sensible voice of God , which was vttered in the Apostles audience from heauen , Math. 3.17 . & c. 17.5 . saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , We haue the most sure word of Prophesie , &c. vpon these words S. Augustine d. verb. Apostoli , serm . 29. commenteth as followeth : Et cum dixisset hanc vocem audiuimus de Coelo delatam , subiunxit atque ait , habemus certiorem propheticum sermonem , sonuit illa vox de Coelo , certior est propheticus sermo , when the Apostle had said , We heard this voice from heauen ; he addeth further , and saith , We haue a more sure word of prophesie . That voice sounded from heauen ; and yet the propheticall word is more sure : he said more sure , not better or truer , because that word from heauen was as good and as profitable as the word of prophesie ; Why therefore more sure ? Because the hearer was more confirmed by it c . Our Sauiour himselfe in the Gospell examineth the Traditions of the Pharises , and of the Iewish Church then being , by the Scriptures , Math. 5.6 . and 7. & Ch. 12.5 . & c. 15.4 . & 19.4 . And the holy Ghost in the new Testament , both in the doctrine of Christ and his Apostles , confirmeth the Truth which was taught , by the authoritie of the Scriptures , and Christ Iesus perpetually submitteth himselfe and his doctrine to the triall of the Scriptures , and the Apostles after him did the like , Acts 26.22 . The antient Fathers affirme , that the Scriptures are of most eminent authoritie d , and that wee are aboue all things to giue credit to them e , and that they are the mouth of God f , and the verie hand of God g , and Paul , and Peter , and Iohn , and the whole companie of the Prophets do speake with vs by them h , and that Faith it selfe , by which a iust man liueth , is conceiued by them a , and the Church it selfe is demonstrated ( to wit , tanquam à priori ) by them b . But on the contrarie , Traditions receiue their authoritie from the Scriptures , and may not be admitted vnlesse they agree with the Scriptures : And in our Aduersaries Tenet , men must first beleeue the authoritie of the Church before they can receiue or beleeue Tradition : from all which it followeth , that Tradition of the present Church is neither the prime originall ground of Faith , nor yet more fundamentall , concerning Faith , than the Scripture . The Trident Councell held it sufficient to equall Tradition with the Scriptures . This new master with Baronius c & Pighius d preferreth them before the Scriptures . These men perceiue that the Roman Faith cannot subsist , vnlesse they depresse the written word of God , and exalt the prophane , bastardly , and Apocriphall Traditions of the Pope . They say the Scripture is a breathlesse lumpe e a nose of wax f , a leaden rule g . Andradius writeth , That in the Books of the Scriptures themselues , there is no diuinitie or any thing else binding vs to beleeue h . Stapleton saith , That being considered as written , it can no way be called the Temple or Tabernacle of the holy Ghost i . Bosius saith , The holy Ghost resideth in the Church more effectually and nobly than in the Bookes of the Scripture k . And Majoranus hath these words , The consent of the Church alone which neuer wanted the spirit of God , ought to be of greater esteeme with vs , than all mute and tonguelesse Bookes , and than all the written volumes which are or euer were , and which haue in all ages ministred fuell of contention to the wits of men l . And Gretsar the Iesuit , There would haue beene fewer contentions in the world ( as I supose ) if there had beene no Scripture at all . Iacob Brower a Reader of Doway m saith , I would not beleeue the Gospell , did not the authoritie of Pope Paul the fift mooue me . And lastly it is one of the dictates of Pope Hildebrand , canonised by Baronius n , That no Chapter or Booke of Scripture must bee esteemed canonicall without his authoritie . I doubt not but that Romists are able with faire glosses and distinctions to salue these blasphemies a , and to reconcile dark nesse with light , but he that diggeth a pit for people to fall into ( althought he couer the same with some superficiall tecture ) is accused by the antient sentence of diuine Law. Exod. 21.33 . Towards the end of this Section , the Iesuit addeth , First , That the Scripture is not knowne to bee Apostolicall but by Tradition . This is false , for the Scripture is knowne to come from the Apostles , by inward grounds and testimonies contained in it selfe , and by the vertue and effects of it , as well as by the Tradition of the Church . Secondly , it is most vntrue , that Tradition is knowne to come from the Apostles by it owne light , but not Scripture : for what internall light hath Tradition more than , or aboue the Scripture ? If it haue , then the articles of Popish Tradition , Purgatorie , adoration of Images , &c. are more manifest than the articles which Scripture teacheth concerning the incarnation and resurrection of Christ , than Heauen and Hell , &c. Also sacred Scripture is receiued as diuine by all Christians , Popish Tradition onely by some . The Catalogue of Romish Tradition could neuer to this day be specified , and distinctly assigned b , but the Canon of holy Scripture may . Moreouer , holie Scripture hath the perpetuall and vnanimous consent of the Primitiue Church , Popish Tradition hath not . Againe , Bellarmine confesseth c , that nothing is better knowne , and more certaine than holy Scripture : but if nothing be better known , then nothing hath clearer light . Thirdly , the confirmation of the former ( to wit , What more euident , &c. ) is insufficient , because that which is known to come from the Apostles by their owne immediat testimonie in writing , is more euidently knowne to come from them , than that which is affirmed to come from them , onely by the report of men which are deceiueable . Diuine testimonie maketh things more certaine and infallible than humane . The testimonie of the Apostles extant in writing is totally diuine , the report of Bishops is in part humane d . IESVIT . And this may bee clearely prooued , to omit other pregnant testimonies , by the words of our Sauiour in the last of Matthew : Going into the whole world , teaching all nations , baptizing them , In the Name of the Father , and of the Sonne , and of the holy Ghost : teaching them to keepe all that I haue commanded you all dayes , euen to the consummation of the world . A promise of wonderfull comfort vnto them that pawne their soules and saluation vpon Gods word , deliuered by perpetuall Tradition . For in this sentence , appeare these fixe things : First , That there is still a Christian Church all dayes , not wanting in the world , so much as one day , till the consummation of the world . ANSWER . The place of Saint Matthew , chapter 28. 19 , 20. prooueth : First , that the holy Apostles receiued a Commission and Mandate from Christ , to preach the Gospell to all nations , both Iewes and Gentiles , and to baptise them , In the name of the Father , Sonne , and holy Ghost . Marke 16. 15 , 16. Luke 24.27 . Acts 1.8 . Rom. 1.14 . Secondly , that our Sauiour promised his Apostles a perpetuall presence , and assistance of his diuine power and grace , both in regard of the gifts of edification , Acts 2. 4. And in respect of the grace of inward sanctification , Iohn 17.17 . Thirdly , because the Apostles were mortall , and not to remaine alwayes personally vpon earth , and other Pastors a must succeed in the office of Ministerie , the promise of Christ touching his spirituall presence , and assistance of grace , is extended to these successours , and when they teach and baptise in such manner as Christ commanded , diuine grace is present to their Ministeriall actions b , and the holy Ghost co-worketh with them . Fourthly , But yet succeeding Pastors receiued not the same measure of diuine Grace with the Apostles a : neyther had they immediate and Propheticall reuelation , but onely a measure of Grace , ordinarie , mediate , and in some sort conditionall . Also , the said Promise , Matth. 28. 20. was common and equall to all the Apostles , and to the successors of one Apostle , as well as of another : to the successors of Saint Iames , and Saint Iohn , &c. as well as to the successors of Saint Peter b . Fifthly , Notwithstanding the said promise , Bishops and Pastors succeeding the Apostles , were in respect of themselues subiect to errors c , and their iudgement in matters of Faith was not absolutely infallible , like the Apostles ; but so farre forth onely , as they walked in the footsteps , and followed the Doctrine deliuered by the Apostles . Our Sauiour promised , that he would be alwayes with the Apostles , euen to the consummation of the World ; partly , in their personall Teaching , whiles they themselues liued in the World ; and partly , in their permanent Doctrine , contained in the Scriptures of the New Testament d , when the same was truly deliuered by their successors . And he will be also with succeeding Pastors all Ages , according to such a measure of Grace and assistance , as is sufficient for the edifying of the Church , if they for their owne part e be studious to learne diuine Truth from the holy Apostles , and carefull to preach the same to others : But his promise concerning immunitie from error , and mortall offences , is not so absolute to successors , as it was to the Apostles themselues . Sixtly , Many antient Expositors affirme , That the Promise of Christ , Matth. 28.20 . is especially made to the iust and faithfull f ; and some of them say , to the Elect g onely . And Occham affirmeth , That if there should be found in the whole World but one Orthodox Bishop , or but one such Priest a , and a small number of Lay people b , professing right Faith in Articles essentiall , and willing to embrace all other Diuine Vertie , when the same should be manifested vnto them , this were sufficient to make good , Christ his Promise . Matth. 28.20 . In the next passage , our Aduersarie inferreth and deriueth certaine Propositions from the former Text of Matth. 28. 20. First hee saith , There is still a Christian Church all dayes , not wanting so much as one day in the World , till the consummation thereof . I answer , That there is still in the World a common Christian Church , wherein some beleeuers hold the substance of right Faith : But there is not perpetually in the World a Church , the more potent and maior part whereof beleeueth and professeth right Faith , without error , in all points , and so infallible in all her Doctrine , as was the Primitiue Church c , which enioyed the immediate and actuall preaching of the Apostles . IESVIT . Secondly , This Church is euer visible and conspicuous : For the Church which alwayes teacheth and christeneth all Nations , to which Christ saith , I am alwayes with you , not with you sitting in corners , or hidden vnder ground , but with you , exercising the Office enioyned you in the words precedent , Docete omnes gentes , baptizantes eos , &c. ANSWER . The Church is euer visible , according to some degree of visibilitie : but this Scripture teacheth not , that the true Church is alwayes largely and gloriously visible . The same doth not actually in euerie Age teach and christen all Nations ; and the Roman Church for sundrie Ages past , teacheth and christeneth few or none within Natolia , and other large Prouinces , liuing in subiection to the Grand Seignior , or Emperour of Constantinople . And as Christ doth not say verbally in this Text , I am alwayes with you , sitting in corners , so he doth not say , I am alwayes with you , when you are carryed vpon mens shoulders , and tread vpon Emperours neckes , and diuide and share the Kingdomes of the World , and gather endlesse Riches , by selling Pardons , and preaching Purgatorie . But yet of the two , it is farre more agreeable to the Diuine Goodnesse ( who is a Father of the poore and oppressed ) to be present to his little flocke in persecution , and when it flyeth as a Lambe from the Wolfe , and hideth it selfe from the Oppressor , Apoc. 12. 14 , than that hee hath entayled his perpetuall presence vpon ambitious and oppressing Tyrants , which stiled themselues Pastors , and were rauening Wolues , Scribes and Pharisees , imposing insupportable burthens vpon others , and not moouing them with one of their owne a fingers . And there is no cause , why the good God , which was present with Daniel in the Lyons Denne , and with Ionas in the Whales Belly , and with Ioseph in the Dungeon , and with Iob vpon the Dunghill , should in the dayes of the oppressing Antichrist , withdraw his presence and assistance from his poore flocke , yea , although it were sitting in corners , and hidden vnder ground . IESVIT . Thirdly , This Church is euer Apostolicall : for to his Apostles Christ said , I am alwayes with you vntill the consummation of the World ; not with you in your owne persons , but with you in your successors , in whom you shall continue to the Worlds end : Ergo , a lawfull companie of Bishops , Pastors , and Doctors , succeeding the Apostles , must be perpetually in the World. ANSVVER . First , The Church may be called Apostolicall , because of Faith , Plantation , and Externall Ordination of Pastors . According to Faith and Doctrine , in all the maine and substantiall Articles , the true Church is euer Apostolicall . In regard of Plantation , the Primitiue Church was Apostolicall , because it was immediately planted and watered by the holy Apostles . But Tertullian affirmeth , That many particular Churches were not thus planted by Apostles , or Apostolicall persons , and yet they were truly Apostolicall , by reason of consanguinitie of Doctrine with the holy Apostles . According to the third manner , to wit , in respect of Externall Ordination , and Imposition of Hands , receiued from Bishops , lineally succeeding the Apostles , a false and corrupt Church may be Apostolicall ( as I haue formerly prooued . ) And it is not impossible for a true Church to succeed or come out of a false , or for a corrupt Church to reforme it selfe . And if this happen , there is required no new Ordination of Pastors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any Miracles , to confirme their Vocation ; but they which 〈◊〉 ordained in a corrupt Church , returning to the right Faith and worship of God , make their former Ordination more legitimate , holy , and effectuall . The Iesuit in the words ensuing , collecteth from our Sauiours promise , I will be with you , &c. that there must euer bee a companie of Bishops and Pastours , succeeding the Apostles , because Christ said to them and their successours , I will bee with you , &c. But if this collection be good , then euerie one of the Apostles must haue Bishops , Pastours , and Doctours , succeeding them in right faith , to the end of the world , for Christ spake to them all in generall , and also distributiuely to euerie of them , &c. But the Papals themselues at this day , exclude all the successours of other Apostles , excepting Saint Peter . Neither yet doth our Sauiour limit his presence and assistance to generall Councels , or definitiue sentences of Popes , but hee speaketh of Preaching and Baptising : and therefore if his presence with Pastours and Bishops , doe free them from all errour , it must free them in Preaching and writing Bookes , as well as sitting in Councell . Also they to whom Christ is alwayes present , are not of infallible iudgement , or free from errour in all matters , but onely from damnable and malicious errour , as appeareth by Saint Cyprian , Saint Augustine , and all the elect of God. Wherefore this promise , in regard of the perfection thereof , did appertaine to the Apostles themselues : and in regard of the veritie of it , and for such a measure of assistance as is necessarie to constitute a number of faithfull people , more or lesse , in euery age to serue Christ truely , in the substance of faith and pietie , it is fulfilled alwayes , euen to the end of the world . But because our Aduersaries insist so much vpon this Text , to raise their visible and personall succession ; I will reduce the Argument which they draw out of it , into forme , and then accommodate mine Answere . If Christ will be with his Apostles all dayes , to the end of the world , then the Apostles , not continuing aliue themselues , they must remaine in Bishops , Pastours , and Doctours , locally and personally succeeding them to the end of the world . But the first is true . Ergo , &c. First , if the consequence of this Argument were good , then all and euerie one of the Apostles must continue allwayes , to the consummation of the world , in Bishops , Pastours , and Doctours , lineally succeeding them , which Papals themselues denie a . Secondly , lineall and personall succession , is not the sole meanes , by which the Apostles , after their decease , remaine in the world ; but they remaine also in the world by their Scriptures , and also by the faith of Beleeuers , receiuing and obeying their doctrine b . Thirdly , that which is promised vpon condition , is not absolute , vntill the condition be fulfilled . The presence of Christ is promised to the Apostles successours conditionally , c and as they were one with the Apostles by imitation , and subordination : that is , so farre as they walked in their steps , and conformed their Doctrine and Ministerie to the patterne receiued from them . But successours did not alwayes performe this condition : neither did the promise inable them to doe it , without their owne care and indeuour , which was contingent and separable , and therefore many times deficient . Fourthly , Christs presence alwayes to the consummation of the world , with some Bishops , Pastours , and Doctours , lineally succeeding the Apostles , prooueth not that these Bishops and Pastours , cannot erre in any part of their Doctrine ; for then no particular Bishops , hauing Apostolicall ordination , could fall into any errour : but it sheweth onely , that Christ co-operates with them , in such Ministeriall duties and actions as they performe according to his Ordinance : And when they preach his Doctrine , and administer his Sacraments , hee himselfe will adde vertue and grace to their actions , being duly performed d . IESVIT . Fourthly , this Church is vniuersall , 〈◊〉 in mundum vniuersum , Marc. 16. 15. where I will be alwayes with you . ANSWER . The true Church is vniuersall , according to the manner formerly declared . But the Argument taken out of Saint Marke 16.15 . prooueth not , that it is euer actually vniuersall , in respect of place , and multitude of professours . For as it followeth not , that because Christ said he would be with Saint Paul when he preached at Corinth , ( Act. 18.10 . ) therefore he will be euer at Corinth : So likewise it is inconsequent to inferre , Christ said he would be present in all places of the world with the Apostles , when they baptised and preached as he commanded them : Ergo , he will alwayes be present in those places , although their successours neglect his commandement . Is God euer in the dungeon in Egypt , because he was euer there , whilst Ioseph , a iust person , continued in prison . The promise of spirituall presence , is annexed to the worke of Preaching and Baptising , wheresoeuer it is performed , according to the Diuine Ordinance : but that which in some ages , hath beene done in many places , may at other times be performed in few . IESVIT . Fiftly , the Church is one , not diuided into parts , because it teacheth and beleeueth vniformely , all that Christ deliuered and commanded , without factions , Sects or parts , about matters of faith . ANSWER . It is not affirmed , neither can it be concluded out of Mat. 28. that the visible Church in all ages of the world , teacheth and beleeueth , either vniformely , a or expresly and distinctly , all that Christ deliuered or commanded : and in the same Churches which were planted by the Apostles , there was discord , among infirme Christians , 1. Cor. 1.11 . IESVIT . Sixtly , this Church is alwayes holy for doctrine , neuer deliuering or teaching any falshood : I who am the truth , am alwayes with you , teaching all nations . Holy also for life , Christ the Holy of Holies , assisting and making her able to conuert Infidels , which it could not well doe , without signes and tokens of wonderfull sanctitie , at the least , in her more eminent Preachers . ANSVVER . Although the true Church is alwaies holy for Doctrine , yet it is not perfectly and in the highest degree euer so a . And it is most inconsequent to argue , Christ which is the Truth is euer with the Church , Ergo the Church cannot erre or teach any falshood , for Christ is alwaies with the faithfull , Ephes. 3. 17. yet iust and faithfull people may erre . Because Christ was with the Apostles by miraculous inspiration , therefore they could not erre , or deliuer any falshood great or small , but he is present with the sounder part of the Church militant since the Apostles by ordinarie grace and assistance , which freeth the same from damnable and malicious errour , but not from all errour . And this assistance of Grace is greater or lesse , according to the good pleasure of Christ , and the disposition of his people b , which are compassed about with ignorance and infirmitie , and at some times better or worse qualified than at other . Also the true Church , in firmissimis suis , in her firmest members , is 〈◊〉 holy for life , because the Holy of Holiest sanctifieth and purgeth the same by his Word , Sacraments , and Grace , Eph. 5.26 . Tit. 3.5 , 6. But it is not absolute in holinesse , Iam. 3.2 . 1. Ioh. 1.8 . c nor yet in euery age so remarkeably holy , that it is thereby able to conuert Infidels d . And the true Church hath not in all ages the gift of Miracles e , and the pretext of Miracles is common to deceiuers , Math. 24.24 , 25. 2. Thessal . 2.9 . Apoc. 13.13 . And Suares f the Iesuit saith , Haec adulterari possunt , & ita exterius fingi vt non sint necessaria signa verae Fidei , Miracles may so be adulterated and externally feigned , that they may not be necessarie signes of Faith. And Canus g speaking of Popish miracles and legends , saith , Nostri pleriquè de industria , ita multa 〈◊〉 vt eorum me pudeat & taedeat , sundrie of our men do so wilfully coine many things ( in their report of Miracles ) that I am ashamed and irked of them . IESVIT . That the Roman is the One , Holy , Catholicke , Apostolicall Church , from and by which we are to receiue the Tradition of Christian Doctrine . These grounds being laid , it is apparant that the Roman Church ( that is , the multitude of Christians spread ouer the world , cleauing to the Doctrine and Tradition of the Church of Rome ) is the One , Holy , Catholicke , and Apostolicall Church . ANSVVER . The former grounds ( according to your deliuerie , and exposition of them ) are partly false , and partly ambiguous and captious , and therefore it cannot be made apparant from them , That the moderne Roman Church , is the One , Holy , Catholicke , and Apostolicall Church , from which we are absolutely to receiue the whole Tradition of Christian Doctrine . IESVITS 1. Argument . There mnst be alwaies in the world One , Holy , Catholicke , and Apostolicall Church , that is , a Church deliuering Doctrine vniformely , therby making them credible : Vniuersally , thereby making them famously knowne to mankind : Holily , so making them certain , and such as on them we may securely rely : Apostolically , so making them perpetually flow without change vnto the present Christianitie in the Channell of neuer interrupted succession of Bishops from the Apostles . And this Church must either be the Roman , or the Protestants , or some other opposit to both . Protestants cannot say , a Church opposite to both , for then they should be condemned in their owne judgement , and bound to conforme themselues to that Church ; which can be no other but the Graecian , a Church holding as many or more Doctrines , which Protestants dislike , than doth the Church of Rome , as J can demonstrate if need be . ANSVVER . There must be alwaies in the world a Church , One , Holy , Catholicke , and Apostolicall , that is , A number of Christians beleeuing and 〈◊〉 , & professing Christianitie ; to the sounder part wherof the properties of One , Holy , Catholicke , Apostolicall , belong . But there is not alwaies in the world an Hierarchiall visible Church , consisting of Prelates and people , vnited in one externall forme of Policie , and profession of Religion , vnder an vniuersall Pope , to which alone , these foure titles are proper , or principally belonging . And there may bee an Orthodoxall Apostolicall Church consisting of a small number of inferiour Pastors , and right beleeuing Christians , opposed and persecuted by the Hierarchiall part of the visible Church : euen as in the raigne of king Manasses , and other idolatrous kings of Iuda a , when Idolatrie preuailed among the Priests and generall multitude , there was a remnant of holy people , worshipping God according to his word , and not defiled with the impietie of those times . Now concerning the disiunctiue part of the Iesuits Argument , which is , This Church must either be the Roman , or the Protestants , or some other opposite to both . It is answered : The Protestant Church , is that true and Orthodoxall Church , which is One , Holy , Apostolicke , and a sound part of the Catholicke . For although the same may be supposed , to haue had beginning in Luthers age , yet this is vntrue , concerning the essence , and kind , and is true onely touching the name , and some things accidentall . For in all ages , and before Luther , some persons held the substantiall articles of our Religion , both in the Roman and Graecian Church . And by name , the Graecians maintained these articles in common with vs , That the Roman Church hath not primacie of Iurisdiction , Authoritie , and Grace aboue or ouer all other Churches : neither is the same infallible in her definitions of Faith. They denie Purgatorie , priuate Masses , Sacrifice for the dead , and they propugne the mariage of Priests . In this Westerne part of the world , the Waldenses , Taborites of Bohemia , the Scholers of Wiclife , called in England Lollards , maintained the same doctrine in substance , with the moderne Protestants , as appeareth by the confession of their Faith a , and by the testimonie of some learned Pontificians b . And concerning certaine differences obiected to haue beene betweene them and vs , we shall afterward shew , that the same are no greater , than such as haue beene antiently among the Fathers , and there are as great differences betweene the Elder and moderne Romists in many passages of their doctrine . But now on the contrarie , if it were so that we could not ( for certaine ages past ) nominate or assigne out of historie any other visible Church besides the Roman or Grecian : yet because right Faith may be preserued in persons liuing in a corrupt visible Church , as Wheat among Tares , 1. King. 19. 11. and because God hath promised there shall be alwaies in the world a true Church ( hauing either a larger or smaller number of professors ; ) if Protestants be able to demonstrate that they maintaine the same Faith c and Religion which the holy Apostles taught , this alone is sufficient to prooue they are the true Church . IESVIT . It is also most manifest and vndeniable , that Protestants are not such a Church , nor part of such a Church , since their reuoult and separation from the Roman ; seeing confessedly they changed their Doctrines they once held , forsooke the bodie whereof they were members , broke off from the stocke of that tree whereof they were branches . Neither did they ( departing from the Roman ) ioine themselues with any other Church professing their particular doctrines , dissonant from it : Ergo , The Romane is the one , holy , Catholicke and Apostolicall Church , &c. ANSVVER . Bold words , ( It is most manifest and vndenyable ) miserable proofes ( they changed their Doctrine they once held , &c. ) If the Pharisees had argued in this manner against Saint Paul , or the Manichees and Pelagians a against Saint Augustine , the one would haue told them , That it was no fault to forsake the leauen of Traditions , to imbrace the Doctrine of the Gospell confirmed by the Prophets ; and the other would haue pleaded most iustly , That it is a vertue and honour , to forsake errour , and to imbrace veritie . Gods people are commanded , vpon a grieuous penaltie , to depart out of Babylon and spirituall Sodome , Apoc. 18.4 . and Chap. 11.8 . Saint Paul , speaking of such as teach diuerse doctrine from the Apostles , saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Depart from such , from their assembly and Church : Reade Acts 19. 8. 1. Corinth . 10. 14. 2. Cor. 6. 14 , 15 , 17. Hos. 10. 17. The Roman Church , in those things wherein wee departed from it , was shamefully corrupted ; it did not onely forsake , bur depraue and persecute the truth of God : the leprosie thereof was incurable , for it would not iudge it selfe , nor bee reprooued by others , nor reforme the least errour , but desperately followed the Canon , Si Papa , &c b . And none might inioy life and breath within her Precincts , which would not obey her Traditions c . These Romuleans ( vnlesse they were blinded like Elymas ) could not be ignorant , at least , of some of their errours and corruptions : but they chose rather in their Tridentine Synode , to proclaime and propugne , apertly or couertly , all their antient forgeries , than to compassionate the distressed and 〈◊〉 Christian world , by mittigating or condescending , according to truth , in the smallest matters . It had beene most facile for them , without any preiudice or dammage to themselues , to haue permitted the Communion of the holy Eucharist , in both kindes ; the publicke 〈◊〉 of God in a knowne and vnderstood Language a , to haue abolished the adoration of Images , &c. But their Luciferian pride and mallice was so transcendent , that they rather presumed to obtrude new Scandalls vpon the Christian World , than to vse the least Moderation , for the peace of the Church . And euer since that Synod , they haue proceeded from euill to worse , obscuring and out-facing the Truth with Forgerie and Sophistrie : They haue conspired against Kingdomes , and States ; they haue surpassed professed Infidels , in perfidious Stratagemes , and immane Crueltie b . Lastly , whereas they expelled vs by Excommunication , and chased vs away from them by Persecution ; yet this Romane Aduocate taxeth vs of Schisme , and Apostasie , neuer remembring what S. Augustine long since deliuered : The Sacriledge of Schisme is then committed , when there is no iust cause of separation c : Or what some of his owne part haue said d , The Sheepe are not bound to be subiect to any Shepheard , which is become a Wolfe , or is aduerse to the saluation of the Flocke . IESVIT . Which also plainely will appeare to any man of vnderstanding , that casts vpon her an impartiall eye : For is she not conspicuously one , the professors thereof agreeing in all points of Faith , howsoeuer they differ about small vndefined Questions . ANSVVER . Externall Vnitie is found amongst Infidels : and the Turkes , being more in number than Papists , neuer disagree amongst themselues , touching matters of their Religion : Shall wee then say as the Iesuit doth , It will plainely appeare to any man of vnderstanding , that casts his eye vpon Turkie , that the same hath Veritie , because it is conspicuously one ? Saint Augustine saith , That Iewes , Heretikes , and Infidels obserue Vnitie against Vnitie a . S. Bernard b , Alia est vnitas Sanctorum , alia facinorosorum ; The Vnitie of Saints is one thing , and the Vnitie of wicked men ( Deceiuers ) another . S. Hilarie c , Vnitas fidei , & vnitas perfidiae ; There is Vnitie of Faith , and there is likewise perfidious and faithlesse Vnitie . S. Gregorie saith d , That the ministers of Antichrist shall cleaue together like the skales of Leuiathan . Therefore , because externall Vnitie is in it selfe a thing common , and Iewes and Mahometists enioy the same more apparently than many Christians ; our Aduersarie must prooue that his Church hath Veritie , before his argument taken from externall Vnitie , can be of any force . Neither is Papisticall Vnitie so entire and absolute , as this man gloryeth : for Papalls disagree both in Doctrine and Manners . They differ concerning the supreame Authoritie of the Church , Whether it be in the Pope , or in the Generall Councell e . They differ in the matter of Free-will , and Grace : They differ concerning the manner of the Conception of the Virgin Marie . There are three Opinions among them , concerning the Temporall dominion of Popes : Some say , he hath direct Temporall power f ; some say , indirect g ; some say hee hath none h , but by the free Donation of Princes ; and , that Princes were euill aduised , in yeelding him so much i . And moderne Popes disagree with the antient , concerning the Dignitie of vniuerfall Bishop , adoration of Images , Transubstantiation , Communion in both kinds , and the merit of Good workes . Also , they themselues complaine of grieuous hatred and discord , reigning generally among them ; and some of them say , There is greater Concord among Gentiles k . And when they colour these palpable Dissentions , pretending , that they are readie to submit themselues to the iudgement of the Pope : First , this Iudge and Vmpire is many times a Peace-breaker a , and no Peace-maker b , an Ismael in the Christian World , whose hand is against euerie man , and euerie mans hand is against him . Secondly , Vnitie which is founded on blind Obedience , is onely an Vnitie of Pollicie , and not of true Faith. Thirdly , this submission maketh not actuall Concord : and miserable Dissention , both intestine and forraine , at home and abroad , rageth betweene Popes and Princes , and betweene one Popish Faction and another . The Guelphes and Gibellines , the Papalls and Imperialls , are as famous in Histories for their Discord , as the sonnes of Cadmus ; and when Papistrie was most potent , the Christian World was most distracted . IESVIT . Apparently vniuersall , so spread ouer the World , with Credit and Authoritie , that whole Mankind may take sufficient notice of her , and her Doctrine , for the embracing thereof . ANSWER . The Roman is a particular Church , and not vniuersall : it is onely an vnsound member of the whole , and not the whole . Rom. 1. 6. S. Paul saith : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a , Among whom , are yee also . But a Church which is but one amongst the rest , cannot be the whole and vniuersall Church . It is as absurd to say , that the Romane Church is the vniuersall Church , as to affirme that England is the vniuersall World. If the vniuersall Church be taken properly , or absolutely , it comprehendeth both the Triumphant and Militant Church : Augustine Enchir. cap. 56. and 61. Couaruuias , Resol . Lib. 4. cap. 14. If it be taken restrictiuely , it is the whole Church Militant of each Age. If Catholike be taken for that which is Orthodoxall in Faith , and which holdeth no diuision with the common Bodie of Christianitie ( according to which notion , the Fathers tearme particular Churches Catholike a ) then neyther is this Title proper to the Romane Church alone , neyther can Papists iustly assume the name of Catholike , vntill they haue proued their Faith to be Orthodoxall , and iustified themselues from being the Authors of Discord in the Christian World. And to answere that which followeth ; although the Romane Church is spread ouer sundrie parts of the World , because some people professing the Romane Faith , trauaile or reside in many Countreyes , and exercise their Religion where they trauaile , or liue ; yet this will not demonstrate , that it is the Church vniuersall : For both the Iewes , and also sundrie Christians b , which are no Romists , are largely diffused ouer the World , and exercise their Religion in places where they make their abode ; and there is nothing more presumptuous , than to make externall Fame and Amplitude c ( which are things common , and separable ) proper notes of a true Church ; and vpon this ground , to reiect and censure smaller Churches , which haue lesse fame in the World , but more Veritie . IESVIT . Most manifestly Holy , in all kind of high extraordinarie Sanctitie , giuing notorious signes and tokens thereof , striking admiration into carnall men , that are not altogether prophane , and diffusing abroad , among Infidels , the sweete Odour of Christ , and the Christian Name . ANSWER . Passing by your boasting of Manifestly Holy , in all kind of high and extraordinarie Holinesse , notorious , striking admiration , &c. And putting you in mind of Solomons Prouerbe : There is a man that boasteth himselfe to be rich , and yet hath nothing : Prou. 13. 7. I answere the matter , first , You must be aduertised that Gregory , Moral . l. 33. c. 26. saith , Praedicatores Antichristi sanctitatis sibi speciem arrogant , sed tamen opera iniquitatis exercent : Antichrists Preachers arrogate vnto themselues a shew of holinesse , and practise the workes of iniquitie . This will be verified in such as you are , if your forme of externall holinesse bee not conioyned with holy and Orthodoxall Doctrine . You must therefore first of all prooue your doctrine to be Orthodoxall , in the Articles in question betweene the reformed Churches and you , before your miracles and specious holinesse can stand you in any stead : And there is no kind of externall holinesse , which heretickes haue not pretended , and practised in shew before men . Secondly , your owne friends and followers testifie , That your Church hath beene for many ages , notoriously defiled with the enormitie of vices : Some of them say a in generall tearmes , that from the crowne of the head to the sole of the foot , the vlcerous matter of enormous sinne , hath defiled and deformed the whole body and state of Christianitie , liuing vnder your profession . Others affirme , that all Ecclesiasticall b and Christian discipline , was in a manner extinguished in euery place . Others say , that oppression , c rapine , adulterie , incest , and all pestilent vice , did confound all sacred and prophane things , and that the same beat S. Peters ship so impetuously , that it began to hull or wallow vpon the to-side . Others , d that vices were so exalted and multiplied , that they hardly left any space to Gods mercie . Others say , e there is no place wherein is found so little pietie and Religion , as in those people which dwell neerest to Rome . Others say , f that you haue not onely imitated and matched , but surpassed all the auarice , ambition , lubricitie , and tyrannie , that was euer heard of amongst the heathen . Sundrie of your owne part g haue written volumes , containing Narrations of the outragious wickednesse which raigned among 〈◊〉 They haue stiled your grand fathers , Monsters of mankind h , The dregs of vice , Incarnate deuils , &c i . One saith , k Nothing was more luxurious , couetous and proud , than Priests ; they spent the Churches patrimonie , in gluttonie , ryot , vpon dogs , and queanes , and all their preaching was to . Matthew Paris saith , l The 〈◊〉 of Rome seeke not to make people deuout ; but to fill their coffers with treasure ; they studie not to win soules , but to 〈◊〉 vpon other mens reuenues ; they oppresse the godly , and impudently vsurpe other mens right ; they haue no care of honestie or right . King Iohn of England , m from whom Pope Innocent extorted fortie thousand markes at once , and twelue thousand annually , to absolue his kingdome , being interdicted , said , That he had learned by wofull experience , that the Pope was ambitious , beyond all men liuing , an insatiable , gulfe , and thirster after monie , and readie for hope of gaine , like waxe , to be 〈◊〉 to any kind or degree of 〈◊〉 . Aluares hath these words , n The mysticall Sion , the Church , which in her primitiue state was adorned of her spouse , with such , and so many royall graces , is now clouded and eclipsed , with the blacke mist of ignorance , iniquitie , and errour , and we behold her cast downe from heauen , and as a desart vnhabited of vertue , and if any godly people remaine , they are esteemed as Arabians and Saracens . And in the same place o The Prelates of the Church are an armie of deuils : Potius depraedandis & spoliandis & scandalizandis hominibus quam lucris animarum operam dantes : They rather labour to rob , spoile , and scandalise men , than to win soules . Honorius Angustodonensis p , who liued in the yeere 1120. hath these words : Turne thee to the citisens of Babylon , and obserue what manner of people they be , and by what streetes they walke ; come hither to the top of the mountaine , that thou mayest behold all the habitations of the damned citie . Looke vpon her Princes and Iudges ( Popes , Cardinals , Prelates ) the verie seate of the beast is placed in them . All dayes they are intent to euill , 〈◊〉 occupied ( without satietie ) in the works of iniquitie : they not onely themselues act , but instruct others to flagitious wickednesse ; they make port-sale of things sacred , they purchase that which is wicked , and labour with all their might , that they may not descend alone to hell . Turne thy selfe to the Clergie , and thou shalt see in them the tent of the beast : they neglect Gods seruice , they are slaues to worldly lucre , they defile their Priesthood through vncleannesse , they seduce the people by hypocrisie , they deny God by euill workes , they abandon all the Scriptures appointed for mans saluation , they lay snares all manner of wayes to ruine the people , and are blind guides , going before the blinde to perdition . Contemplate also the societies of Monkes , and thou shalt discerne in them the tabernacles of the Beast : by faigned profession , they mocke God , and prouoke his wrath , they betrample their rule with vile manners , they deceiue the world by their habit , &c. Many of them are deuoted to gluttonie , and sensuall appetite : they putrifie in the filth of vncleannesse . Behold the habitation of Nunnes , and thou shalt obserue in them , a Bride-chamber prepared for the Beast : These from their tender yeeres learne leaudnesse , they associate many to them , to accumulate their damnation ; They make haste to bee vailed , that they may more freely let loose the reines of luxurie ; they are prostituted worse than any Harlots , like an insatiable gulfe , they are neuer satisfied with the dung of vncleannesse : These insnare the soules of yong men , and shee among them which transcendeth her fellowes in leaudnesse , beares away the bell . Thirdly , the Roman Church hath many passages in the verie course of Doctrine , to destroy or corrupt holinesse : for to omit their grosse superstitions , Pharisaicall Traditions , and other impieties against God : First , They depriue people of the reading and hearing of the holy Scripture , which is a principall meanes to destroy Vice , and kindle Vertue a , Deut. 31. 21. Secondly , Their doctrine of Pardons ministred daily occasion of intollerable wickednesse . For although their Scholemen plastered the same with subtle distinctions , yet the people entertained them according to the outward letter , and practised accordingly . Thirdly , By some part of their doctrine they 〈◊〉 people to commit sinne . Equiuocation is a doctrine of Periurie . To affirme that it is lawfull to depose Princes , and take away their 〈◊〉 in case of Heresie , is a plaine doctrine of 〈◊〉 worse than murder ; and if the Pope may command murder , why may he not also command adulterie , theft , and blasphemie . The doctrine of the Popes authoritie , to dispence with oathes a , is perilous and pernitio us to the safetie of mankind , making way to all kind of fraud and iniustice . If the Roman Church be so apparantly and infinitly holy , why doth it openly maintaine Stewes , and receiue yearely tribute b , and part stake with Harlots ? and wherefore are Sanctuaries the harbours and dennes of Assisines , and other enormous delinquents , tollerated and supported by this Church ? It is a monstrous doctrine which was hatched by Pope Vrban c , and approoued by Baronius d , That they are not to be iudged murtherers which slay excommunicate persons . The exemption of 〈◊〉 from being tried in Causes Criminall , before Christian Magistrates , is a doctrine which maketh way to most outragious offences , Gulielmus Nubrigensis , lib. 2. cap. 16. e The Iudges complained that there were many robberies , and rapes , and murthers , to the number of an hundred then presently committed within the realme by Ecclesiasticall persons ( vpon presumption of exemption from the censure of the lawes . ) We cannot be persuaded that the Roman Church is holy in such high and extrordinarie manner as our Aduersarie boasteth , because the greatest Clerkes of that societie , vndertake the defence of such impieties as are detestable in Nature , and condemned by the light of common Reason . Garnets Powder-plot hath many Patrons . Cardinall Baronius commendeth to the skies , yong Henrie the Emperors sonne for rebelling against his naturall father , for deposing , imprisoning , and bringing him with sorrow to the graue : what Turke or Sauage would be the encomiast of such vnnaturall and enormous villanie ? IESVIT . Most 〈◊〉 Apostolicall , 〈◊〉 a most glorious succession of Bishops and Pastors from the Apostles , famous in all monuments of Historie and Antiquitie , who were neuer noted as deliuering 〈◊〉 doctrines the one to the other . In which proofe that these properties agree to the Roman , and be wanting in the Protestant Church , J will not inlarge my selfe as I otherwise might , as well not to wearie your Maiestie , as also not to seeme to diffide ( the matter being most cleere ) of your Maiesties judgement : wherefore it is more than cleere , That the Roman Church is the One , Holy , Catholicke , Apostolicke Church , by whose Tradition Christian Religion hath beene , is , and shall be euer continued from the Apostles to the worlds end . ANSVVER . First , If the present Roman Church do want the life and soule of Apostolicall Succession , to wit , Apostolicall Doctrine , locall and titular Succession is only a Pharisaicall cloake , or a painted wall , Acts 23.3 . and common to Caiaphas , Paul Samosaten , Nestorius , and to many other notorious Heretickes a . Secondly , The visible Succession of the Bishops and Pastors of the said Church from the Apostles , is not most glorious and famous , by the report of all monuments of Historie and Antiquitie b : but the same hath beene notoriously distained in latter times , by Simoniacall entrance of Popes and Prelats , by Schysmaticall intrusions , and by commutation of the forme of election of Pastors appointed by the Apostles , and exercised in the Primatiue Church . And whereas the Aduersarie contendeth that Roman Bishops and Pastours hane Succession of doctrine , because Ecclesiasticall Historie is silent , in noting latter Popes for deliuering contrarie doctrines the one to the other , both the Illation it selfe , and the antecedent , or ground of the Illation are false . First , it is inconsequent to inserre negatiuely from humane Historie , and to say Histories are silent , and therefore no such matter was . Our Sauiour prooueth the Pharisees and Sadduces to be errants , because their present doctrine was repugnant to the Scripture : and had the Pharisees or Sadduces replied , That their doctrine was the same which Moses & the Prophets taught , because they had Snccession , and Histories were silent when they changed the antient Faith ; they had iustified themselues vpon as good grounds as Papals do . Secondly , it is false , which this disputer venteth so confidently , That Histories and antient Monuments are altogether silent of the Innouations which were made by latter Popes : and we are able ( as in due place it shall appeare ) to produce testimonies of Historie to the contrarie . IESVITS 2. Argument . Protestants haue the holy Scriptures deliuered vnto them by and from the One , Holy , Catholicke , and Apostolical Church : but they receiued them from no other Church than the Roman , Ergo the Roman is the One , Holy , Catholicke , and Apostolicke Church . ANSVVER . This Sillogisme is peccant in forme , and both the propositions are affirmatiue in the second figure ; which I note the rather , because the Aduersarie at the end of his Argument cryeth Victoria , saying , An Argument conuicting and vnanswerable . I must therefore reduce the same to a lawfull forme , and then answer . That Church by and from which the Protestants receiue the Scriptures is the Only , Holy , Catholicke , and Apostolicke Church . The Protestants receiue the Scriptures from the Roman Church , Ergo The Roman Church to the Only , Holy , Catholicke , and Apostolicke Church . First , If this Argument be conuicting and vnanswerable , as the Iesuit boasteth , then these which follow are such . That , from which the Russians receiued the Scriptures , is the Only , Holy , Catholicke , and Apostolicke Church . The Russians receiued the Scriptures from the Greeke Church , Ergo The Greeke Church is the Only , Holy , Catholicke , and Apostolicke Church . Also , that Church from which the Apostles receiued the Scriptures was the true Church . The Apostles receiued the Scriptures from the Sinagogue of the Iewes , gouerned by the Pharisees , Ergo The Synagogue of the Iewes gouerned by the Pharisees was the true Church . The deliuerie of the Text of the holy Scriptures is common to the true , and corrupt Church , and not proper to the Only , Holy , Catholicke , and Apostolicke Church : as appeareth by the Synagogue , which being a corrupt Church at the time of our Sauiours Aduent , yet by the speciall prouidence of God , preserued and deliuered the Text of the old Testament , Rom. 3.2 . And S. Agustine a testifieth of the Iewes , That they were Librarie keepers b to Christians , of the Bookes of the Law and Prophets . And S. Hierom saith c , That the Hebrews did not corrupt the Text of the old Testament . Also the Donatists and Nouatians deliuered the incorrupt Text of holy Scripture to their followers . Secondly , the proposition of the former Argument hath another defect . The Text of holy Scriptures may be deliuered by a particular Church , which is but a member of the vniuersall , and therefore it is inconsequent to conclude , That because the Protestants receiued the Scriptures from the Roman Church , therefore they receiued them , to wit , immediatly from the vniuersall Church . The Minor proposition , to wit , the Protestants receiued the Scriptures , from no other Church than from the Romane , may be taken in a double sence . For either it may be vnderstood originally , and by way of authoritie : that is : The Protestants receiued the Scriptures , both originally and deriuatiuely , from , and by the authoritie of the Romane Church onely ; or else it may bee vnderstood indicatiuely : The Protestants receiued the Scriptures by the hand of the Romane Church , and were first of all instructed , and told by that Church , that the same were diuine Bookes : yet they receiued them not onely or principally from that church , but also , from the Primitiue Church , which led them originally to the Apostles themselues a . And besides the former Tradition , by reading and studying the holy Scriptures , they learned sufficient matter , out of those heauenly bookes , to confirme them , that they were diuine , and of God. Philemon receiued S. Pauls Epistle by the hand of Onesimus , he did not esteeme Onesimus a seruant , who had beene a fugitiue , an infallible witnesse in himselfe : but the argument and contents of S. Pauls Epistle , persuaded him that S. Paul was the Author . A man may receiue the Kings Proclamation , from off a pillar , or his great Seale by the hand of a meane clarke : So likewise the bookes of holy Scriptures are first conueyed vnto vs by Ecclesiasticall testimonie and Tradition : but they containe heauenly veritie , and doctrine within themselues , which persuade the diligent readers and learners of them , that they are diuine . IESVIT . The Maior I prooue . If Protestants haue not the Text of Scripture , by and from , the one , holy , Catholicke and Apostolicke Church , they cannot be certaine they haue the true incorrupt Text the Apostles deliuered , and recommended as Diuine , to the first 〈◊〉 ; seeing the Tradition of any other Church is fallible , and may deceiue . And if it may deceiue , how can they be certaine that they are not deceiued , seeing they themselues liued not in the Apostles dayes , to see with their owne eyes what Copies the Apostles deliuered . But Protestants , as they pretend , be certaine that they haue the true incorrupt Apostolicall Text of Scripture : Ergo , they haue it vpon the Authoritie of the holy Catholike Apostolike Church . ANSWER . The Argument whereby the Aduersarie confirmeth his Maior , is this : If the Protestants receiue the Scriptures from any other , but the Holy Catholique Church , they cannot be certaine that the same are incorrupt , because a fallible Witnesse may deceiue . Answ. They which receiue the Scriptures from the hands of a corrupt Church , may be deceiued , if there be not some other infallible meanes , besides the Testimonie of that Church , to assure them . But if that Church be onely a Messenger , to deliuer , and there be found in the thing deliuered that which is certaine and infallible in it selfe , to wit , the Testimonie of the Apostles , and of the Spirit of God , speaking in and by those Scriptures a ( Acts 24. 25. ) then they which immediately receiue the Text of the Scripture from a fallible Church , may be certaine that they are not deceiued . It is not necessarie , that the Messenger , by and from whose hands wee receiue immediately the Text of the Scriptures , should be infallible in all things ; for then wee must receiue them from the hands of no particular Church , or particular Councell , vnconfirmed by the Pope , or from any particular Pastour of the Church , because these are fallible : And according to our Aduersaries Tenet , infallibilitie of Iudgement is found onely in the Pope , and Councell confirmed by him b . And from hence it will in like sort follow , that for the first two or three hundred yeeres ( beginning from the death of the Apostles ) in which time there was no generall Councell c , yea , for certaine Ages , after generall Councels began , vntill the Canon of the Scripture was expressely assigned by some generall or particular Councell , confirmed by the Pope , Christians should haue remained vncertaine , touching the sacred Authoritie of Diuine Scripture , because the meanes by which they receiued them immediately , were fallible . The Authoritie of the holy Scripture dependeth vpon the immediate Messenger which deliuereth the Bookes vnto vs , no more than the Authoritie of the Kings Proclamation dependeth vpon the Sergeant who proclaymes it , or sets it vpon a Pillar , to be read of all men , but vpon the first Diuine Witnesses , which wee know to be the Authors of the Scripture : not because Pope Paul the fifth , or Clement the eight say so , but because the Witnesses themselues affirme it in their Scripture , or deliuer that in their Scripture , by which it is prooued , to such as are eleuated by Grace , and taught of God. IESVIT . Now the Minor , That they haue the Scripture from the Romane , is apparent : For what other Church did deliuer vnto Luther the Text of the Bible ? assuring him , that they had it by Tradition of Ancestors , time out of mind , as giuen originally by the Apostles : which is accordingly acknowledged by M. Whitaker , and others , but particularly , by Luther himselfe : Ergo , the Romane Church is the one , holy , Catholike , Apostolike Church , whose Tradition doth deliuer infallibly vnto vs the Text of Scripture . ANSVVER . The Protestants receiuing the Bookes of holy Scripture by the hand of the Roman Church , proueth not the said Church to be the onely holy Catholike and Apostolike Church , any more , than the receiuing of Baptisme by Heretikes , or the Old Testament by the Synagogue ( of which the Pharisees were a part ) proue the same to be the true infallible Church . IESVIT . And if the true Apostolicall Text , then also the true Apostolicall Sense . ANSWER . The sequele is denyed : For it is not necessarie , that they which truly deliuer the Text , shall also truly deliuer the Apostolicall sense : and on the contrarie , a lying sence may be deliuered by them , which retaine the true and incorrupt Letter of the Text , as appeareth by the Pharisees , Arrians a , Donatists , and many other Heretikes b . IESVIT . This I proue . If the Apostles did not deliuer the bare Text , but together with the Text , the true sense of Scripture , to be deliuered perpetually vnto posteritie ; then they who by Tradition receiue from the Apostles the true Text , must together receiue the true sense . But all principall Protestants affirme , No man doubteth , but the Primitiue Church receiued from the Apostles and Apostolicall men , not onely the Text of Scripture , but also the right and natiue sense , which is agreeable to the Doctrine of the Fathers ; that from the Apostles , together with the Text , descends the Line of Apostolicall interpretation , squared according to the Ecclesiasticall and Catholike sense . ANSVVER . The Assumption of the former Argument , to wit , The Apostles , together with the Text , deliuered the true sense of all their Scriptures to those people to whom they wrote , is vncertaine . They deliuered ( no doubt ) the sense of the Scriptures , where they preached , so 〈◊〉 was necessarie : but that they made a large and entire Commentarie vpon all their Scriptures , and deliuered the same to posteritie , to continue perpetually , is not prooued by the confession of Chemnitius ; and the discord which is in the Commentaries a of the Fathers ( yea of Romists themselues ) vpon the Scriptures , argueth the contrarie . IESVIT . Whereupon S. Augustine argueth , That they that deliuer the Text of Christs Gospell , must also deliuer the Exposition ; affirming , That he would sooner refuse to beleeue Christ , than admit any interpretation , contrarie to them by whom he was brought to beleeue in Christ. For they that can deliuer by vniforme Tradition a false sense , why may they not also deliuer a false Text , as receiued from the Apostles ? An argument conuincing , and vnanswerable . ANSVVER . Saint Augustine in the place obiected , Lib. d. vtil . Cred. cap. 14. confuteth the Manichees , who condemned Faith , and affirmed , That people ought to credit nothing , but that which is demonstrated by reason a : And hee argueth against these Heretikes , first , out of some of their owne grounds ; for they were compelled to beleeue something in their Religion , vpon report of others , and they required people to giue credit to certaine Narrations , which could not be demonstrated by reason onely . Secondly , This Father prooueth the necessitie of Faith , because without giuing credit to some report , it was impossible to receiue the knowledge of Christ. Thirdly , Whereas the Manichees required , that men should learne to know Christs word from them : Saint Augustine saith , That if he had no better Guides to follow , than such new and turbulent Companions , as those Heretikes were , he should sooner persuade himselfe not to beleeue in Christ , than to beleeue vpon their bare report , or to receiue this Faith from any other , than from those by which he first beleeued . But Saint Augustine in this place treateth not of the sense of the Scripture , neither doth he say absolutely , that he would sooner refuse to beleeue Christ , than to admit any interpretation contrarie to them by whom he was brought to beleeue in Christ : but he speaketh comparatiuely , and according to humane reason , hee should more easily be persuaded to beleeue nothing , than forsaking the authoritie and testimonie of his first Teachers , yeeld credit to these men , vpon their Hereticall grounds . It is cleare , that Saint Augustine did not alwayes tye himselfe , to the same exposition of Scripture , which those that were before him had deliuered . For in the questions of Grace and Free-will , he found out many expositions , by searching the Scriptures , which both himselfe , and other men , before him were ignorant of , vntill the heresie of Pelagius arose a : and in his worke , De Doctrina Christiana b , he makes twofold charitie , the modell of expounding Scripture , and not the authoritie of Ecclesiasticall Teachers , whom hee oftentimes expoundeth with mitigation , or reiecteth with modestie c , and hee is most constant in aduancing the authoritie of Scripture , before any Ecclesiasticall authoritie whatsoeuer d . IESVIT . For they that can deliuer by vniforme Tradition a false sence ; Why may they not also deliuer a false Text , as receiued from the Apostles ? An argument conuincing and vnanswerable . ANSWER . The Iesuit imagineth that this Argument is inuincible . But let not him that girdeth on his harnesse boast himselfe , as hee that putteth it off , 1. Kings 20. 11. And Sauls brags , That God had deliuered Dauid into his hand , prooued vaine : 1. Sam. 23. 14. and 24. 5. The Argument reduced to forme , will discouer its owne weakenesse : If the Text of the Scripture may 〈◊〉 easily bee corrupted as the sence ; then all they which can deliuer by vniforme Tradition , a false sence , may also deliuer a false Text. But the Text of the Scripture may as easily bee corrupted , as the sence . Ergo : All they which can deliuer by vniforme Tradition a false sence , may also deliuer a false Text. The assumption of this Syllogisme ( which although it were concealed by the Paralogist , yet it must bee added , to make the Argument perfect ) is apparantly false , and the contrary is true . The Text of the Scripture cannot so easily bee corrupted e as the sence ; and therefore it is not necessarie , that they which following humane Tradition , or their owne inuention , may deliuer a false sence , shall likewise deliuer a false Text. First , the Text of the Scripture is contained in Records , and Bookes , which are dispersed throughout the whole Christian world , and preserued in all Churches , and the Coppies and Transcripts of them are innumerable . Tradition is in the brest of a few , and authentically ( as Papals affirme ) in the brest of the Pope , and his Church onely a . Secondly , when God Almightie would haue the knowledge and memorie of things to bee perpetuall , he commanded that they should bee committed to writing b : Exod. 17. 14. and 34. 27. Deut. 31. 19. And although the law of nature was ingrauen in mans heart , and might haue beene preserued for euer , by vniforme succession ; yet God himselfe wrote the same in Tables : Deut. 10.4 . and inspired Moses to write it in Bookes : Exod 20. Deut. 5. And although the Precepts of the Law of Nature were more firmely fixed in mans heart , c and the Tradition thereof was more generally diffused than any positiue Tradition can bee : yet in processe of time , many parts thereof were corrupted , both in regard of knowledge and practise . Thirdly , experience of all ages testifieth , that the Text of the Scripture hath beene preserued inuiolable , euen among Iewes and Heretickes : whereas the sence of the Scripture , made knowne by Tradition onely , is forgotten in part d , and they which disagree about the sence , and some parcels of the Canon of the Scripture , are at one , concerning the verie letter of the Text. For although there were some , which in antient time reiected the Epistle of St. Iames , and the latter of St. Peters , &c. yet the literall Text of these Scriptures , was faithfully preserued alwayes in the Church . Fourthly , whereas the Iesuite compareth vnanimous Tradition of the sence of Scripture , with the written letter and Text of the Scripture ; vnlesse he equiuocate in the name , terming that Tradition which is collected from the Scripture , e such vniforme Tradition as he boasteth of , is verie rare : for it must be such , as in all ages , and in all Orthodoxall Churches , hath beene the same . Now the most vndoubted and vniforme Tradition of all other , is , concerning the number and integritie of the Bookes of holy Scripture ; and yet in this , difference hath beene betweene one Church and another a , and the later Romane Church , disagreeth with the antient b , the one denying c , and the other affirming d , the bookes of Macchabees to be Canonicall . The Articles also of the late Popish Creed , compiled by Pope Pius the fourth a , are not agreeable to the antient Tradition of the Catholike Church , or to the Tradition of the elder Romane Church it selfe : and among sundrie other matters in question betwixt vs , this Iesuit is not able to shew , by an vniforme Tradition of all ages , that the place of Saint Paul , 1. Cor. 3. 12. is vnderstood of Popish Purgatorie ; or Math. 16. 19. Iohn 20.23 . of Iubilees and Indulgences ; or the place of Acts 10. 13. Rise Peter , and kill , of murthering Princes , or of the temporall dominion of the Pope b . If the Papists would impose no other sence vpon the Scripture , than such as is confirmed by vniforme Tradition , the difference betweene them and vs would easily bee composed : but these men euerie day hatch nouell expositions , and when they are hunted out of one , they flie to another . They glorie of antiquitie , succession , vniforme Tradition , and cry Victoria , Inuincible , Vnanswerable , before the combate is finished : but they are compelled to forge Authours , to impose false expositions vpon the Texts of Fathers , sometimes to abridge , sometimes to inlarge the Tomes of Councells , and to purge and corrade Ecclesiasticall writers , old and new : a and yet being vnable to preuaile by all the former , they are forced in many cases , to presse the bare authoritie of the Pope , and his adheres , to warrant their Tradition . IESVITS 3d. Argument . My third proofe I ground vpon a principle most certaine , and set downe by your most gratious Maiestie , That the Roman Church was once the Mother Church , and consequently the One , Holy , Catholicke , and Apostolicke Church , all other Churches being her daughters : and that she is not to be forsaken , further than it can be prooued that she departed from her selfe , that is , from the Mother and originall Doctrine deliuered by the Apostles . ANSWER . This principle whereupon you ground your third Argument , is neither true in it selfe , nor yet confessed by his excellent Maiestie , in the place whereunto you referre vs a . His Maiestie affirmeth , That wee ought not to depart from the Church of Rome in Doctrine or Ceremonie , further than she had departed from her selfe , in her best estate , and from Christ her head . This sentence of our most religious King is consequent vpon S. Pauls doctrine , Rom. 12. 18. & Rom. 14. 13. and the same is consonant to Charitie and Reason b , and argueth a mind desirous of Concord and Peace , and averse from vnnecessarie Innouations . And as this moderation is commendable in all men , so it is most agreeable to him that is a Father of peace , whose word is Beati Pacifici c . But whereas you incroach vpon his Maiesties speech , adding a glosse which is not warranted by the Text , and infer a conclusion which the premises affoord not , you are herein iniurious , both to the Author you alleage , and to the Truth . The Roman was neuer , by diuine institution d , the Mother Church , in regard of all Christians , neither Vniuersall , in respect of an absolute command and iurisdiction ouer all particular Churches , as is challenged by the Canon , Dist. 12. c. 1. Non decet , &c. e But it was once a Mother Church , as the Seas of Patriarches are stiled Mother-Churches , or a Mother-Church respectiuely to such people and nations as were conuerted by her preaching , and other Churches were stiled with that title as well as the Roman . a Theoderet speaking of the Church of Hierusalem , saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We make knowne vnto you , that the most reuerend and godly Cyrill is made Bishop of Hierusalem , which is the Mother of all Churches . The Roman Church , once a Metropolitan , or patriarchall Mother Church , since the daies of Hildebrand , is suspected to be the Mother spoken of , Apoc. 17. 5. and some of your owne part haue said , that in these latter times b , Nontam se matrem exhibet quam Noueream , she behaueth her selfe more like a stepdame than a naturall mother , her brests haue beene verie drie for sundrie ages past c and she depriued her children of a principall portion of the food of life , and in steed of milke deliuered them water mixt with chaulke d : Her publicke readings and seruice were in an vnknowne tongue : the holy Scriptures were closed vp , that people might not cast their eies vpon them : fabulous legends were read and preached e in steed of Gods word : and hereby it came to passe , as some of their owne Authors f say , That the greater number of people vnderstood no more concerning God , and things diuine , than Infidels or Heathen people . IESVIT . But she cannot be prooued to haue changed her Doctrine , since the Apostles , by any monuments of Historie or Antiquitie : yea the contrarie in my iudgement may be most euidently prooued , in this sort . ANSVVER . If by monuments of Historie and Antiquitie , be vnderstood Human or Ecclesiasticall Monuments , it is inconsequent to inferre , that the present Roman Church hath not changed her doctrine since the Apostles , although this could not be demonstrated by monuments of Historie , &c. for there remaineth a more firme and demonstratiue Argument to prooue this , to wit , the holy Scripture : and if the present doctrine of the Roman Church disagree with the Scripture , then it is changed from that which it was antiently . The rule by which we must trie doctrines is the word of God , and not humane Historie a , and the word of God is true , and abideth for euer , whereas humane Historie is fallible , contingent , and corruptible . 1. It is not absolutely necessarie that humane Histories of all matters should be composed , and the world continued many ages without any written Historie . Secondly , When the same are written , they cause onely humane Faith. b Thirdly , they may totally perish , and be suppressed , or corrupted by the enemies of Truth . c Fourthly , Historie may be repugnant to Historie , and that which is affirmed by some , may be contradicted or contrauerted by others d : and the largenesse and difficultie of the Monuments of Antiquitie may be such , as that few people can be able to read and examine them : and if they which read and compare them be opposite in iudgement each to other , the greater part of people shall be perplexed , and cannot know how to resolue themselues . Our Aduersaries teach vs , That the principall Monuments of Antiquitie , to wit , the ancient Councels , haue not beene faithfully preserued e . Many things supposititious , haue beene added to the workes of the Antient , and bastardly Bookes and Sentences passe vnder the titles of Fathers . Our Aduersaries being a party whose doctrine is to be examined ( according to their owne challenge ) by Monuments of Antiquitie , haue presumed to correct , purge , and alter such Records . Lastly , when the testimonie of Historians repugnant to their present Tenet , is produced against Papals , they despise and reiect them , to wit , Eusebius f , Socrates , Sozomene , &c. Baronius , a new vpstart , censureth all Historians g . Pighius h , after one thousand yeares , controls the testimonie of generall Councels , and it is a rule among them , that the antient Fathers ( then much lesse Histories ) are not to be 〈◊〉 any 〈◊〉 , than they 〈◊〉 the keyes and 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 Church a . IESVIT . The Doctrines that were for diuers ages vniuersally receiued in the Christian Church , and no time of their beginning is assigneable , must be Doctrines vnchanged comming from the Apostles . ANSVVER . This Proposition may hold in prime and essentiall Articles of Doctrine , but not generally in all Doctrines : and some learned Papists hold , that it is possible for the visible Church of one age to erre or be deceiued , by a blamelesse and inuincible ignorance , in points of Doctrine , the expresse knowledge whereof is not necessarie to Saluation b . IESVIT . But it is most cleere , and confessed by the Protestants , whose testimonie ( plentifull in this behalfe , if need require ) shall be brought . First , that the Doctrines of the Roman Church which Protestants refuse , haue beene vniuersally receiued for many ages , a thousand yeares agoe at least , euer since Boniface the third . ANSWER . It is neither cleere in it selfe , nor yet confessed by Protestants , that the Doctrines of the Roman Church , which Protestants refuse , haue been vniuersally receiued for 1000 yeres at least , &c. The article of the Popes Supremacie , and of Purgatorie , Adoration of Images , forbidding married Priests to liue with their wiues , were euer opposed and reiected by the Greek Church . The Doctrine of the Trident Councell concerning the Canon of the holy Scriptures a and the preheminence of the vulgar Translation , before the Hebrew and Greeke Text , was not vniuersally 〈◊〉 for a thousand yeeres . The temporal authoritie of the Pope , the merit of Condignitie , publicke seruice in an vnknowne language , Iubilees , and Popes pardons , Communion in one kind , Transubstantiation , Blessing or baptising of Bells b , &c. were not generally receiued in the Church vniuersall , for a thousand yeeres at least : And a great number of Beleeuers , which in this West part of the world , haue alwayes denied and resisted these Articles ; and among other opponents , there were a people , called Waldenses , Leonistae , pauperes de Lugduno , &c. many in number , and largely diffused through diuers Countries , who denied the foresaid Popish Articles , and whose Doctrine , in the most points , was consonant to that which reformed Churches doe now professe . Reinerius , c an Inquisitour of the Church of Rome , liuing about the yeere one thousand two hundred fiftie foure , in a Booke Printed at Ingolstade , writeth in this manner of the Waldenses , which hee calleth Leonists : Among all Sects , which are or haue formerly beene , none is more pernicious to the Church than that of the Leonists . First , because it continued longer than any other , for some say it hath lasted euer since Pope Siluester , others say euer since the Apostles . Secondly , because no Sect is more generall than this , for there is scarce any countrey , in which it is not found . Thirdly , whereas other Sects deterre men with their horrible blasphemies , this Sect of the Leonists maketh a great shew of godlinesse , because they liue righteously before men , and beleeue all things rightly touching God , and concerning all other Articles of the Ceed : onely they blaspheme the Romane Church and Clergie , in which thing the Laitie is forward to giue credit vnto them . IESVIT . Secondly , That Protestants cannot tell the time when the Church of Rome began to change and deuiate from the Apostolicall Doctrine , deliuered by succession : Ergo , the Roman Church neuer changed her Faith. ANSWER . If the Antecedent were true , yet it followeth not , Ergo the same Roman Church neuer changed her Faith : For although we cannot tell the time when the progenitors of Abraham first began to change and deuiate from the Doctrine of Noah , and Sem ; yet it is certaine , that they had changed their Religion a , Iosh. 24. 2. And were not the Sodomites transgressors of the Law of Nature , because the first beginning of their transgression cannot be knowne ? How many wicked Customes haue beene common in the World , whose authors and first beginners were vnknowne to Posteritie ? The time is not knowne , when the late Iewish Church did first change and corrupt the sense of the Morall Law , and brought in the Traditions condemned by our Sauiour ; and yet they had corrupted and changed the same . Matth. 5. & 6. & 7. & 15. & 19. & 23. If a Tenant haue by himselfe and his predecessors long held an House , which is now in decay , and readie to drop downe ; the Landlord , by this Law of the Iesuits , Ergo , shall neuer compell the Tenant to make reparation , vnlesse he be able to demonstrate to the Tenant , in what yeere and moneth euerie Wall and Rafter began to decay . A Physician shall not purge a malignant humor out of a diseased bodie , vnlesse hee or his Patient be able to name the time and manner of that misdiet , which bred the first seed of this distemper . IESVIT . So that her Doctrines are to be receiued as Apostolicall , supposing the Maior of this Argument be true , That Doctrines vniuersally receiued , whose beginning is not knowne , are to be beleeued as Apostolicall : which is a Principle set downe by Saint Augustine , allowed by Doctor Whitgift , late Archbishop of Canturburie , who in his Bookes written by publike authoritie against Puritans , citing diuerse Protestants , as concurring in opinion with him , saith , Whatsoeuer Opinions are not knowne to haue begun since the Apostles times , the same are not new , or secundarie , but receiued their originall from the Apostles . But because this Principle of Christian Diuinitie brings in ( as M. Cartwright speaketh ) all Poperie , in the iudgement of all men ; I will further demonstrate the same , though of it selfe cleare enough . ANSWER . If the Maior of this Argument were graunted , to wit , Doctrines vniuersally receiued , whose beginning is not knowne , are to be 〈◊〉 as Apostolicall ; yet the inference is false , because the Romane Doctrines opposed by vs , were neuer vniuersally receiued , but by many eyther not heard of , or reiected and contradicted . Neyther is the former Principle sufficiently prooued out of S. Augustine : First , because hee speaketh in all the places obiected , of Customes a and matters of Fact and Practise , the right and Doctrine whereof is found in holy Scripture . Secondly , the Iesuit conueyeth into his Proposition certaine words ( to wit , Doctrines vniuersally receiued , &c. ) which are not found in S. Augustine . And this Father did neuer allow , that the vniuersall Church should beleeue any thing , as Doctrine of Faith , which was not contained expressely , or deriuatiuely , in holy Scripture b : And in the same bookes , out of which these Obiections are collected , he confuteth rebaptising , by Scripture , and confirmeth the lawfulnesse of Infants Baptisme by Scripture c . So that his meaning is when matters being in common vse , and practise , are questioned , the right and lawfulnesse hath warrant from the Scripture , although no especiall example be found in the written Bookes of the Apostles , of such practise , yet the generall custome and vse of the vniuersall Church in all Ages , argueth , that such practise receiued it beginning from the Apostles . For example : That the Apostles baptised Infants , is not particularly reported in their Writings ; but sufficient grounds are found in them to prooue the necessitie , and to warrant the practise thereof . In this , and in all other the like cases , Quod vniuersa tenet Ecclesia , nec 〈◊〉 institutum , sed semper retentum est , non nisi Authoritate Apostolica , traditum rectissimè creditur a ; That which the vniuersall Church holdeth , and which was not appointed by Councels , but alwayes obserued , is most rightly beleeued to be none other , than a Tradition of the Apostles . Lastly , that which is produced out of BB. Whitgift and M. Cartwright , belongeth to the Titles or Names of Ecclesiasticall Rulers , and to the matter of Ceremonies . Cartwright had a sowre opinion against these , being neuer so antient and inculpable . The most reuerend BB. his Aduersarie answereth out of S. Augustine , Epist. 118. Those things that be not expressed in the Scriptures , and yet by Tradition obserued of the whole Church , come either from Apostles , or from generall Councels , as the obseruing of Easter , the celebration of the day of Ascension , &c. The Bishop disputeth of adiaphorous Ceremonies , and Titles of Ecclesiasticall persons , no wayes blameable , but because they are not expressely found in Scripture : and concerning such things , he saith , That because their originall cannot be found out , it is to be supposed ( it is probable ) they haue their beginning from the Apostles . But hee speaketh not in this manner , touching dogmaticall points , and Articles of Faith : Therefore our Aduersarie peruerteth his words and meaning . IESVIT . The Spirit of Christ , or Christ by his Spirit , being still with the Church , cannot permit Errors in Faith so to creepe into the Church , as they grow irreformable euen by the Principles of Christianitie . But if Errors could so creepe into the Church , as their beginning could not be knowne since the Apostles , and neuer be espyed till they be vniuersally receiued , Errors could so creepe into the Church , and preuaile , that by the Principles of Christianitie they are irreformable . This I prooue , because Errors are irreformable by the Principles of Christianitie , when whosoeuer vndertakes to reforme them by the Principles of Christianitie , is to be condemned as an Heretike . But he that will vndertake to reforme Doctrines vniuersally receiued by the Church , opposeth against the whole Church , and therefore is by the most receiued Principle of Christianitie , by Christs owne direct Precept , to be accounted as an Heathen and Publican . And as S. Augustine saith , to dispute against the whole Church , is most insolent madnesse , specially when the Doctrine is antient , without any knowne beginning , as are the supposed erronious Customes and Doctrines of the Romane Church : for then the vndertaking Reformer must striue against , not onely the whole present Church , but also the whole streame of the visible Church , time out of mind , since the Apostles . Et quis ad haec Idoneus ? Who is able to begin a new course of Christianitie , and to ouerthrow that Doctrine which is vniuersally receiued , and cannot be prooued by any Tradition of Ancestors to be otherwise planted in the World , but by the Apostles themselues , through the efficacie of innumerable Miracles ? Wherefore these Doctrines , if they be Errors which by the Principles of Christianitie no man ought to goe about to reforme , and seeing it is impossible that there should be any such Errors , we must acknowledge that Principle of S. Augustine as most certaine , That Doctrines receiued vniuersally in the Church , without any knowne beginning , are truly and verily Apostolicall . And of this kind are the Roman , from which Protestants are gone . ANSWER . The Point which you labour to prooue , is , That Doctrines vniuersally receiued , whose beginning is not reported by Monuments of Historie and Antiquitie , are Apostolicall . You haue taken that as granted , and presupposed , which we denie , to wit , That your Popish Doctrine was for a thousand yeeres ( at least ) vniuersally receiued . But this is a begging of the Question , and a false supposition : Wherefore I might , according to the rules of Disputation , passe by the other part of your Argument . But to cleare all things more exactly , I will ex abundanti answer that which followeth . Your disputation about this part of the question , being resolued into the seuerall Arguments and parts , may bee thus conceiued . No errours irreformable can be in the Church . All errours vniuersally receiued , without a knowne beginning , are irreformeable . Ergo : No errours vniuersally receiued , without a knowne beginning , can be in the Church . The Maior is confirmed by an Argument , taken from the continuall presence of Christ , by his Spirit , to the vniuersall Church , for wheresoeuer Christ is perpetually present , and assistant by his holy Spirit , there it is impossible that irreformeable errours should preuaile . I answere : No errours great or lesse , absolutely irreformeable , can bee in the Church , as it signifieth the sounder and better part thereof : but errours irreformeable Ex Hypothesi , that is , presupposing the ignorance and malice of some ouerruling Prelates , may preuaile in the Hierarchicall Church , which is vulgarly reputed , the vniuersall Church ; for such a Church may be the seate of Antichrist , and whiles he reigneth , errours may be incureable , Ierem. 51. 9. Apoc. 17. 5. Neither doth the presence of Christ and of his Spirit , deliuer the malignant part of the Church from irreformeable errours , but onely the liuing members of his mysticall Bodie , which are actuated , and mooued by influence of sauing Grace , Iohn 8. 31 , 32. Rom. 1. 28. 2. Thes. 2. 11. Iohn 12. 40. The Assumption , to wit , All errours vniuersally receiued , without a knowne beginning , are irreformeable , is denied . For although the errours of the Pharisees were vniuersally receiued , according to the vniuersalitie of the state of the Church in those dayes , without such a knowne beginning , as Papists require vs to exhibite , concerning their errours ; yet the same were reformeable by the word of Christ , and by the doctrine of the Prophets , in all such as receiued the loue of the Truth , that they might be saued . But the Iesuite prooueth his Assumption by this reason . All errours are irreformeable , when they which seeke to reforme them , are Heretickes by the Principles of Christianitie . But all that seeke to reforme errours vniuersally receiued , whose beginning is not knowne , are heretickes by the principles of Christianitie . Ergo : All errours vniuersally receiued , without a knowne beginning , are irreformeable . The Minor of this Paralogisme , is denyed : and it is false , That all they which seeke to reforme errours vniuersally receiued , are iustly condemned as heretickes , by the principles of Christianitie . And the Argument produced to prooue this Proposition , is of no force . Whosoeuer opposeth against the whole Church , is by the most receiued Principle of Christianitie deliuered , Matth. 18. 7. to be accounted as an Heathen or a Publicane ; and Saint Augustine saith , That to dispute against the whole Church is insolent madnesse . But whosoeuer seeketh to reforme errours vniuersally receiued , whose beginning is not knowne , opposeth against the whole Church . Ergo : All they which seeke to reforme errours , &c. are Heretickes , by the Principles of Christiantie . ANSVVER . Whosoeuer opposeth against the whole Church , taken as before , for the Church Hierarchicall or representatiue , a is not by the doctrine of our Sauiour , and Saint Augustine , to be accounted an Heathen or Publicane : but euery one , which opposeth against the true Church inordinately , and without iust cause , is onely so to be accounted . First , there is opposition by way of counsell and aduice , and this maketh no man an Hereticke , as appeareth by Paphnutius , opposing the Councell of Nice b . Secondly , there is opposition by way of reprehension , and true confutation of errour , by authoritie of the holy Scriptures c : And this also maketh no man an Hereticke a : because he that in a lawfull manner , propugneth the faith of the Scriptures , maintaineth the Law and veritie of God , and fulfilleth the Diuine Precept , requiring man to contend for the truth : 1. Tim. 6. 11. 2. Tim. 4. 7. And also performeth a worke of charitie , in labouring to conuert people from errour , Iam. 5. 19 , 20. Saint Augustines place , Epist. 118. c. 5. ad Ianuar. is vnderstood of outward ceremonies , and adiaphorous rites b , in respect of their vse vnblameable , and not of matters of faith ; and therefore it appertaineth not to the question in hand . IESVITS 4th Argument . That doctrine , which Tradition hath deliuered , as the doctrine of all Ancestours , without deliuering any Orthodox opposition against it , that is , opposition made by any confessed Catholicke Doctours or Fathers , is doctrine deriued from the Apostles , without change . ANSWER . This Proposition is denied : for new Doctrine may bee brought in , after the decease of the antient Fathers , and because the same was vnheard of in their dayes , they could make no such plaine and direct opposition against it , as that either Historians might take notice thereof , or the maintainers of such Doctrine haue no euasion , by distinctions and sophisticall slights , to elude their Testimonies . IESVIT . But such is the Doctrine of the Roman Church , which Consent and Tradition of Ancestors doth deliuer , and doth not together deliuer , that any confessed Orthodox Father opposed against it . ANSVVER . Some Doctrines of the later Roman Church were opposed by the antient Roman Bishops themselues , to wit , Adoration of Images , by Gregorie the Great a : Communion in one kind , by Leo the first b : Transubstantiation , by Gelasius the first c : The temporall dominion of Popes and Bishops ouer Princes , by S. Chrysostome , d , Optatus Mileuitanus e , and Gregorie the first f : The dignitie and title of vniuersall Bishop , by the same Gregorie g : And the Doctrine of Papals , preferring the old Translation before the originall Text h ; making Apocriphall bookes Canonicall i ; prohibiting lay people to read the Scriptures k ; and exalting the authoritie of the present Church aboue the Scriptures , are condemned by many antient Fathers . IESVIT . We know indeed by Tradition , that some in former times stood against many points of the Roman Doctrine , as Arrius , Pelagius , Waldo , the Albigenses , Wiclife , Husse , and some others ; but they are not confessed 〈◊〉 Fathers , but were noted for nouelty and singularity , and for such by Tradition described vnto vs , which kind of opposition doth not discredit the Doctrine of the Church , but rather makes the same to appeare more cleerely and famously Apostolicall . ANSVVER . 〈◊〉 opposed the Doctrine of the holy 〈◊〉 and of the 〈◊〉 Church , and was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 , and the Fathers of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that by the Scriptures a : and the Pelagians were 〈◊〉 conuicted by S. Augustine , and his Scholers , out of the holy Scripture . And although Pope Celestine approoued S. Augustines Faith , and condemned these Hereticks b , yet that was not the principall reason whereupon they were reputed Heretickes , by the Christian world , but the falshood of their Doctrine ( prooued such by repugnancie with the Scriptures c ) made them to be so esteemed . And how many Heretickes were discouered and confuted by the Fathers of the first three hundred yeares , out of the Scriptures , before the Roman Church ascended to the height of authoritie d . The Waldenses were no Hereticks , as I haue formerly prooued , but were only branded with that aspersion , by Papals , whose pride and tyrrannie they did oppose : and had S. Paul e himselfe beene aliue , and reprooued the errour and wickednesse of the Babilonian Harlot , he must not haue escaped her censure and malice . Wicliffe and Husse , were blessed instruments of Christ , vindicating and defending Gods Truth , withheld in Iniquitie ; neither did they hold such blasphemies as the Romists cast vpon them . They might haue some opinions in points lesse materiall , wherein perhaps they concurre not with our Doctrine , as likewise the Waldenses ; but as for those vile reports which Romists make of their Doctrine , no indifferent person will regard it : for euen at this day , when things are in present view and action , you calumniate the persons , and falsifie the Doctrine f of all your Opposites , as grosly as euer Pagans traduced the Primitiue Christians . And many of the Bookes and Writings of Wicliffe and Husse are extant , wherein are found no such Doctrines as Papists haue charged them with . IESVIT . Seeing ( as euen Doctor Field doth confesse ) when a Doctrine is in any age constantly deliuered , as a matter of Faith , and as receiued from Ancestors in such sort as the Contradictors thereof were in the beginning noted for Noueltie , and ( if they persisted in contradiction ) in the end charged with 〈◊〉 , it is not possible but such a Doctrine should come by Succession from the Apostles . What more euident signe of a perpetuall Apostolicall Tradition than this ? ANSWER . You mistake the Doctors meaning , for he speaketh of the most famous and eminent of euery age , in sensu composito , that is , of the most famous and eminent of euery age , which consent and agree the latter with the former . But he affirmeth not , in sensu 〈◊〉 , that whatsoeuer the most famous in any one particular age constantly deliuered , &c. is descended from the Apostles . Whiles this reuerend Diuine was liuing , such passages of his booke were obiected against him , by Papists , which caused him to explane himselfe , and among other things , he saith a , I neuer make the judgement and opinion of present Bishops of Apostolicall Churches , to be the rule to know Traditions by , but denie it , &c. And make onely the Pastors of Apostolicall Churches successiuely from the beginning , witnessing the same things , to be a rule in this kind . IESVIT . Protestants answer , that it is sufficient that the Roman Doctrine was contradicted by Orthodox Fathers , and that this may be prooued by their writings which they haue left vnto posteritie , though their opposition was not noted by Antiquitie , nor by fame of Tradition deliuered vnto posteritie . But this answere leaues no meanes whereby common people may know certainely the perpetuall Tradition of Gods Church , without exact examining and looking into their workes , which common people cannot do . J prooue it , if against euery Tradition of the Church , difficill and obscure passages of the Fathers may be brought , and this doth suffice to make the same questionable ; then no Tradition can be certainely knowne without exact reading and examining , and looking into the holy Fathers . But no Tradition or Doctrine is so constantly and cleerely deliuered by the Fathers , but diuers obscure and difficill places , out of their workes , may be brought against them , with such a shew , that common people shall not know what to say . For what Tradition more constantly deliuered by the Christian Doctours than our Sauiours consubstantialitie with his Father according to his diuine nature ? And yet the new reformed Arrians bring very many testimonies of antient Fathers to prooue , that in this point they did contradict themselues , and were contrarie one to another : which places whosoeuer shall read , will cleerely see , that to common people they are vnanswerable , yea , that common people are not capable of the answeres that learned men yeeld vnto such obscure passages . What then shall they doe ? They must answere , that Antiquitie did neuer acknowledge such dissention among the Fathers , in the point of our Sauiours consubstantiality ; which they would not haue omitted to doe , had there beene any such reall dissention , seeing they noted the Fathers opposition in lesser matters . ANSWER . That which was brought in after the daies of the Fathers , could not be confuted by them particularly , and in expresse tearmes ; neither could Antiquitie , or fame of Tradition , make report to Posteritie of those things which happened afterwards . But yet many things vttered vpon other occasion , are found in the writings of the Fathers , which prooue , that our present Romists are degenerated , and entertaine a beleefe repugnant to the Primitiue Church . But it is obiected that common people cannot know certainely the perpetuall Tradition of Gods Church by such places of the Fathers , partly because the exact examining of the workes and sayings of the Fathers , requires great labour and skill , and so it exceedeth the abilitie of these people , partly because many obscure and difficile passages are found in the writings of the Fathers , which will rather perplex common people , than resolue them . whereunto I answere , That the rule whereby common people must examine Doctrine , is the plaine sentence of holy Scripture a : and further triall and examination of Controuersies by the Fathers , and Ecclesiasticall Writers , belongeth to the learned , and principally to the Pastors and Doctors of the Church , who are to vse their gifts , to the instructing of the common people . If the Aduersarie shall obiect , that Heretickes and deceiuers may impose a false sence vpon the Scripture . I answere : That notwithstanding this , sufficient matter is found in the Scripture , to confute hereticall exposition , a and God alwayes stirreth vp some Pastours or other learned persons , to assist common people , which haue receiued the loue of truth , in true vnderstanding of diuine veritie necessarie to their saluation . Secondly , If the Scripture may bee abused and prophaned by heretickes , Tradition may with greater colour be pretended or abused by them ( as appeareth by the Pharisees . ) Thirdly , Tradition is founded vpon the authoritie of a present Hierarchicall Church , which may erre , by the confession of many learned Papists b . But the Scripture is founded onely vpon the authoritie of Christ and his Apostles , and is acknowledged to bee sacred and diuine , by all Christian Churches . IESVIT . In the same manner , Catholickes doe sufficiently answere Protestants , that bring places of Fathers against the receiued Traditions of the Church : as the reall Presence , Inuocation of Saints , and other the like , to wit , that Tradition , deliuered these Doctrines , as the vniforme consent of the Fathers , and neuer noted such oppositions as Protestants frame out of their writings , which is a cleare signe , that Protestants either mis-alleadge their words , or mistake their meaning . For were that contradiction reall ; Why did not Antiquitie famously note it , as it noted and conueyed by fame to posteritie , their differences about disputable matters ? This Answere is full , and a certaine ground of persuasion ; else ( as I said ) common people could neuer know the assured Tradition of their Ancestours , vpon which , they ( as I prooued ) build their Christian beleefe : seeing , as Doctour Field also noteth , there bee few , and verie few , that haue leasure and strength of iudgement , to examine particular controuersies by Scriptures or Fathers , but needs must rest in that doctrine which the Church deliuers , as a Tradition neuer contradicted . To discredit therefore a constant receiued Tradition , it is necessarie to bring an Orthodox contradiction thereof ; not newly found out by reading the Fathers , but a contradiction by the fame of Antiquitie deliuered vnto Posteritie : which kind of contradiction they cannot find , against any point of Catholike Doctrine . For let them name but one Father , whom Antiquitie doth acknowledge as a contradictor of Inuocation of Saints , Adoration of the Sacrament , Reall presence , Prayer for the Dead ; they cannot certainely , though they bring diuerse places to prooue ( a thing which Antiquitie neuer noted , or knew of before ) that the Fathers be various , and wauering about these Points . ANSWER . The Doctrine of Reall Presence , by way of Transubstantiation , and the Doctrine of Inuocation of Saints , imposed as an Article of the Creed , &c. were neuer deliuered by any vniforme consent of the antient Fathers , neither hath antient Tradition affirmed , That the Fathers vniformely taught and beleeued these points . And as for later Tradition , the authoritie thereof is doubtfull , deseruing no credit , further than it confirmeth that which it deliuereth , by the testimonie of Witnesses more infallible than it selfe . They which haue liued in succeeding Ages , haue no certaine meanes to assure them what the antient Fathers taught , but either their owne Bookes and Monuments , or the testimonie of their Coaeualls . And later Traditioners may both corrupt the Writings of the Fathers a , and also by report , impose a false Tenet vpon them . Our Aduersarie therefore beats the ayre , when he laboureth to gayne the Fathers vnto his part , vpon the sole Testimonie of latter Tradition , and vpon a Negatiue Argument b , taken from the silence of the Romane Church , omitting ( in partialitie towards it selfe ) the Narration of such Collections , and Oppositions , as were made against the Doctrine thereof , out of the Fathers . But when wee charge the Papalls with Noueltie , wee proceed vpon more euident grounds : First wee prooue , that the Romish Faith , opposed by vs , hath no foundation or warrant in sacred Scripture : Secondly , the same is an addition to the antient Rule of Faith a : Thirdly , the said Doctrine is not deriued by perpetuall and vniforme Tradition , from the Apostles : Fourthly , the primitiue Fathers vertually opposed this Doctrine : For although these Popish Articles , as they are now explicitely maintained , were not in perfect being in the dayes of the antient Fathers , and therefore they could not so punctually or literally oppose them , as wee doe ; yet in their Disputations , Tractats , and exposition of Scripture , they vtter many things , from which wee may collect that they beleeued not these Articles , and that the same were no part of the Catholike Faith , in their dayes ; and that if such Opinions had beene thrust vpon the Church ( for Articles of Faith ) in their dayes ( as now they are ) they would haue opposed them . But our Aduersarie pleaseth himselfe immoderately with his Negatiue Argument , concluding , That because no Historicall and expresse opposition was made against these Doctrines by the antient Fathers , therefore the Tradition of the present Romane Church , concerning these Doctrines , is Apostolicall . As if a man should conclude , That because no expresse opposition was made against the Pharisees by the antient Iewish Church , therefore their Traditions were diuine . But if the sequele of this Argument be good , then the Proposition following is necessarie , to wit , Euerie Doctrine against which the antient Fathers haue not made expresse and literall opposition , is Apostolicall . But this is false , because some Heresies sprang vp in the Church after the decease of the antient Fathers ; and against those they could make no such opposition , vnlesse they had beene endued with Propheticall inspiration . But if ( as our Aduersarie obiecteth ) euerie Doctrine is Apostolicall , against which the antient Fathers made no expresse and Historicall opposition , then the Articles following ( which Protestants maintaine ) are Apostolicall ; to wit , The Romane Bishop and Councell may erre , The substance of Bread and Wine remaine in the holy Eucharist , after consecration , The common Prayer and Seruice of the Church , which the vnlearned frequent , ought to be vttered in a knowne Language . These ( I say ) and the like Articles , according to the Iesuits Argument , must be Apostolicall , because no expresse Historicall or literall opposition was made against them by the antient Fathers . But the Iesuit will peraduenture except , That euerie Doctrine deliuered by the Tradition of the Romane Church , against which the Fathers haue made no expresse opposition , is Apostolicall , and not euerie other Doctrine . This verily , or any thing else as wilde and absurd , may be pretended ; but it must be prooued ; before it can merit any credit a . And if the Romane Church may erre , and change her Doctrine , after the decease of the antient Fathers , then the Doctrine deliuered by the Tradition of the Romane Church , is of the same qualitie with the Doctrine deliuered by the Tradition of other Churches . But the first is true , Rom. 11. 22. and there is nothing promised in Diuine Writ to the Romane Church , to free the same from Error , more than to the Churches of 〈◊〉 Antioch , Ephesus , &c. For Hierusalem was the prime Mother Church , Esa. 2. 3. Luc. 24. 47. and the first Seat of all the Apostles ; Ephesus was the Episcopall Sea of S. Iohn , and it was once a Ground and Pillar of Truth , 1. Tim. 3. 15. and Antioch was the Episcopall Sea of S. Peter b , Baron . Annal. to . 1. anno 39. nu . 20. And yet euerie one of these Apostolicall Churches are departed from their antient integritie . Wherefore , except Romists can demonstrate by diuine testimonie , that their Prelates and Pontifes haue singular and ample promises beyond other Apostolicall Churches , they begge the question , when they arrogate sole perfection , infallibilitie , and immutabilitie to themselues c . THE SECOND PART of the Iesuits Disputation , concerning the supposed Errors of the PROTESTANTS . IESVIT . THe Conclusion of this Point , shewing that Protestants erre fundamentally . ANSVVER . THis Conclusion is inferred vpon false Premises , and therefore it is a Lying Conclusion . And if Protestants erre not in all , or any of the Articles obiected , eyther materially , or pertinaciously , then they erre not fundamentally . IESVIT . Out of all this appeares , that the Romane is the true Church , and consequently , that Protestants haue fundamentall Errors about Faith. ANSWER . If the Antecedent were graunted , yet the Consequence is not necessarie : for the Church of Africa , in the dayes of Saint Cyprian , was a true Church ; and yet they which beleeued otherwise , touching rebaptising a , than that Church , erred not eyther materially , or fundamentally . IESVIT . Errours are fundamentall , that is , damnable , either in regard of the matter , because against some substantiall Article of Faith , the knowledge whereof is necessarie for the performance of a required Christian dutie ; or in regard of the manner , they are held , to wit , so obstinately , as in defence of them , one denies the Catholicke Church . ANSVVER . The distinction of errours into fundamentall , and preterfundamentall , is collected out of the Scriptures : 1. Cor. 3. 12. Phil. 3. 15 , 16. 2. Tim. 2. 18. Col. 2. 19. Heb. 6. 1. And the same is found in the Fathers a , and in the Schoolemen , in tearmes aequiualent b . As all verities ( according to St. Augustine ) are fundamentall , without the knowledge and faith whereof , people cannot attaine saluation c : so likewise all errours , directly opposing , and destroying right Faith , concerning those necessarie and essentiall verities , are fundamentall : 1. Tim. 6. 3. 1. Cor. 15. 4 , &c. Gal. 5. 2. All necessarie and essentiall veritie , either concerning Faith , or good manners ( according to St. Augustine d ) is deliuered in plaine places of holy Scriptures : and therefore they which accuse others of fundamentall errour , must produce plaine and manifest Scripture against them e : And if after such ostension , Errants continue obstinate f , they are guiltie both before God and men , of damnable Heresie , and deserue the title and punishment of Heretickes . These things being premised , concerning the Subiect of the Iesuits Proposition ; I denie that errours in secondarie points , defended against the common tenet of the Catholike Church , are alwayes fundamentall : for 〈◊〉 . Cyprian , with 80. Bishops of Affrica a , did stifly defend Rebaptising , against the common iudgement of the Catholicke Church , and yet S. August . freeth them from the guiltinesse of damnable errour . Secondly , if all such errour be damnable , yet the Protestants are innocent , because they defend no errour , great or small , wilfully or obstinately , neither doe they oppose , but humbly submit themselues to the iudgement of the true Catholicke Church . The Pharisees of Rome enroabe themselues with glorious titles ; but where doth the word of Christ endow them with priuiledges beyond other Churches : shew vs out of the holy Euangelists , or the Acts and Epistles of the Apostles b , that you are the onely Catholicke Church . All fundamentall veritie is deliuered in the plaine Texts of Scripture c , Aug. d. Doct. Christ. l. 2. c. 9. And all fundamentall errour is condemned by manifest Scripture , Et Catholica fides in Scripturis manifesta est , The true Catholike faith is manifest in the Scriptures , Aug. d. Agon . Christ. c. 28. Ecclesia nonin parietibus consistit , sed in dogmatum veritate , Ecclesia ibi est , vbi vera fides est : The Church of Christ consisteth not of outward Titles and walles , but of the veritie of Doctrine . Wheresoeuer true Faith is , there is the Church , saith S. Hierom . sup . Psal. 133. Where Faith is , there is the Church , saith Saint Chrysostome : Where right Faith is not , there is not the true Church . Et Ecclesia est Hierusalem , cuius fundamenta posita sunt super montes Scripturarum : And the Church is Hierusalem , whose foundations are placed vpon the mountaines of the Scriptures : Eruite igitur aliquid manifestum , quo demonstretis Ecclesiam e . If therefore Papals will force vs to beleeue , that they are the only Catholicke Church , and that we must follow their Pope ( though he lead vs to hell ) f bring something euident , and manifest out of the holy Scripture . Si diuinarum Scripturarum earum scilicet , quae canonicae in Ecclesia nominantur , perspicua firmatur Authoritate , sine vlla dubitatione credendum est . 〈◊〉 vero testibus vel testimonijs , quibus aliquid credendum esse suadetur tibi , credere vel non credere liceat , &c. If ( saith S. Augustine ) g it be confirmed by the perspicuous authoritie of those diuine Scriptures which are Canonicall , it must , without all question , be beleeued : but as for other witnesses and testimonies , by which any thing is persuaded to be beleeued , it is lawfull for thee to beleeue or not beleeue them , as thou shalt perceiue them to deserue credit . IESVIT . Fundamentall errours of the first kinde , Protestants haue 〈◊〉 , particularly these Nine . ANSWER . Malice alwayes fighteth against Vertue , and laboureth to impose and rub off her owne faults vpon it , a and all they whose brests and minds are inhabited by Satan , testifie their venemous rage with furious words b . If this Traducer be able to conuince the Protestants of Nine , or of any one fundamentall errour , wee must acknowledge , that we are in a perillous state : but if hee onely depraue and falsifie our doctrine c , or affirme that to be fundamentall errour , which is diuine veritie , then he prooueth himselfe to be one of his Ministers , of whom S. Gregory speaketh d , Perfidious dealing is in the Tabernacle of Antichrist , whereby he gainesayeth the faith of the Redeemer . IESVIT . First , their Doctrine against Traditions vnwritten , whereby the foundation is ouerthrowne , on which wee beleeue all other substantiall and fundamentall points , as hath beene shewed . ANSVVER . Either you wilfully falsifie , or ignorantly mistake the Protestants Doctrine , concerning vnwrttten Tradition . First , we admit in generall , all vnwritten Traditions , agreeing with the holy Scripture e , which are deriued from the Apostles , and deliuered vnto vs , by the manifest and perpetuall testimonie of the Primitiue Church f , and by the vniforme consent of succeeding Churches in all ages . Secondly , we beleeue in particular , the historicall Traditions of the Primatiue , and succeeding Churches , concerning the dignitie , authoritie , perfection , authors , number , and integritie of the bookes of Canonicall Scripture a , and also the Historicall Tradition of the said Church , concerning the perpetuall virginitie of the blessed Virgin Marie b , and concerning the baptisme of infants c , and all other genuine Traditions , which maintaine the Faith and Doctrine , contained expressely , or by consequent in the Scripture . Thirdly , we embrace such exposition of holy Scripture d , as being consonant to the rule of Faith , and to the text of Scripture , is affirmed by antient Tradition , to haue descended from the holy Apostles . Fourthly , we beleeue the rule of Faith contained in the Apostles Creed e , both vpon the authoritie of Christs written word , and also vpon the voice and testimonie of vnwritten Tradition . If it shall then be demanded , Wherefore do the Romists and you so eagrely contend about the question of Traditions ? and wherein lies your difference ? we answer as followeth . First , we yeeld the highest and most soueraigne authoritie to the sacred Scripture f , and make the voice and sentence thereof a supreame rule , and iudge of supernaturall Veritie ; and we make Tradition vnwritten , subordinate , and ministeriall to holy Scripture , admitting the same so farre forth only , as it is conformable to the Scripture , and reiecting the contrarie . Secondly , we affirme , that the Canonicall Scriprure containeth all supernaturall Veritie necessarie to saluation , and being receiued and vnderstood , is a sufficient and perfect rule of Faith a , and the sole doctrine thereof is sufficient to instruct the whole Church , and euery member thereof to saluation . And , that Tradition vnwritten maketh no addition , or increase of new Articles of Faith , but is only an helpe and instrument b to deliuer , applie , and interpret the doctrine expresly deliuered , or intended by the holy Ghost , in the Scripture . Thirdly , we receiue no Tradition as diuine or apostolicall , but such as hath the plaine , manifest , and vniforme testimonie and approbation of the Primatiue Church c . But our Aduersaries either equall d , or preferre e vnwritten Tradition before the Scripture , and they make Tradition a diuers and larger part of the rule of Faith , containing many Articles which are neither expressely , nor inuoluedly reuealed in the Scripture f , and they make the present Roman Church an infallible witnesse of such Tradition , affirming , that we are bound to beleeue euerie Article , which the said Church g deliuereth as a Tradition , with the same assurance of Faith , wherewith we beleeue any written testimonie of S. Paul , or the holy Euangelists . And many of them teach , That it is not necessarie to deriue Tradition by a perpetuall descent , and current through all ages ; but the voice of the present Church is sufficient to make any Article ctedible and authenticall to vs h . Lastly , many particularopinions of antient Fathers ( which they deliuered coniecturally or probably onely , and concerning which they haue not affirmed , that they were diuine or apostolicall Traditions ) are ranked by latter Pontificians in the number of diuine 〈◊〉 , and made parts of the vndoubted word of God. And thus the present Roman doctrine , concerning Traditions vnwritten , is a Seminarie of Errour , and by pretext hereof , Pontificians obtrude vpon the Church many prophane , fabulous , and superstitious 〈◊〉 , fansies , and nouelties repugnant to holy Scripture , and the antient Catholicke Faith. Let therefore impartiall Readers consider , whether this Romish doctrine , debasing the sacred Scripture , and aduancing humane Traditions a tendeth not to the corrupting of Christian Faith , and consequently , whether the same be not rather a fundamentall Errour , than an Orthodoxall Veritie ? And on the contrarie , whether the doctrine of the Protestants , maintaining the supreame authoritie of the sacred Scripture ( which is Gods vndoubted word ) and withall yeelding to genuine Tradition , the credit and honour which the antient Church gaue thereunto , is not fundamentall Veritie , and a soueraigne meanes to preserue right Faith. IESVIT . Secondly , their questioning the infallibe authoritie of lawfull generall Councels , thereby casting downe the foundation of Vnitie in Gods Church . ANSWER . They which will not permit generall Councels to assemble , or to proceed lawfully , and which oppose the decrees of antient Councels , are the Romists and not the Protestants . First , The moderne Popes vsurpe the whole right and authoritieof calling and conuocating Councells b , contrarie to the antient custome and practise of the Church c . Secondly , They receiue and admit no Assessors and Iudges in Councels d but onely their fast friends , to wit , men aforehand oblieged by solemne oath e , to proceed according to the will and purpose of the Pope . Thirdly , The Pope alone is appointed the authenticall Iudge of all causes and matters , which are concluded in Councels : he approoueth or refuseth whatsoeuer himselfe pleaseth , and all other Iudges and Assessors , are onely his shadowes and creatures a . Fourthly , Whereas in words and tearmes they seeme to aduance and magnifie the antient Oecumeniall Councells , affirming that they honour them as the holy Euangelists , yet when they make against them , they regard them no more b ( as one of their owne part affirmeth c ) than a couent of women pratling and chatting in a common bath , stoue , or Weauers shop . And this is apparant by their 〈◊〉 or falsifying the Councells of Nice d , Constantinople e , and Chalcedon f , when the same equal the Patriarke of Constantinople , or other Patriarchall Seas , to the Roman , or forbid the imposition of single life vpon the Clergie g ; as also by the Councells of Basill , and Constance , decreeing , that the Popes sentence is fallible . Cardinall Cusanus treating of generall Councells , deliuereth these ten Positions following : First , That a perfect or compleate generall Councell , consisteth of all the Patriarckes a and prime Gouernours of the Church . Secondly , That a Councell which is celebrated by the Romane Pontife , and those which are subiect to him onely , or excluding others , is a particular Councell b . Thirdly , A generall Councell may bee celebrated , although the Pope refuse to ioyne and concurre , by his presence and consent c . Fourthly , All which meet in Councells , ought to haue free audience and libertie , orderly to debate and determine matters in question d . Fiftly , Whatsoeuer must oblige as diuine , vpon the determination of Councells , ought to be confirmed by the authoritie of holy Scripture e . Sixthly , No Councells are legitimate , wherein priuate respects are maintained , vnder pretext of Faith and Religion f . Seuenthly , The Romane Bishop hath not that power which many flatterers heape vpon him , to wit , that he alone is to determine , and others onely to consult or aduise g . Eightly , It is without all question , That a generall Councell properly taken ; is both superiour to the rest of the Patriarchs , and also to the Romane Pope a . Ninthly , Experience of things doth manifest , That a plenarie vniuersall Councell may be deficient ; and wee reade , that many Councels lawfully assembled , haue erred b . Tenthly , Whiles we defend , That the Pope is not vniuersall Bishop c , but onely the first Bishop ouer others , and whiles wee ground the power of sacred Councels vpon the consent of the whole Assembly , and not vpon the Pope , we maintaine Truth , and giue to euerie one his due honour . And then concluding the former Positions , the Cardinall saith d , I obserue little or nothing in antient Monuments , which agreeth not to these my Assertions . With this Cardinall , agree many other famous Papists ; Occham , Panormitan e , Almaine f , Cassander , Ferus , &c. and among the rest , Occham deliuereth these Positions : First , That all generall Councels are inferiour to the holy Scriptures g , and that when S. Gregorie saith , That he honoureth the foure first generall Councels like as the foure Euangelists , this must be vnderstood , not of equalitie , but of similitude h , Matth. 5. 48. Secondly , Councels are not called generall , because they are congregated by the authoritie of the Romane Pope i ; and that if Princes and Lay-men please , they may be present , and haue to deale with matters treated of in generall Councels k . Thirdly , Ecclesiasticall Dignitie , as it maketh not men holy , so it conferreth not infallibilitie of Iudgement a . Fourthly , A generall Councell , or that Congregation which is commonly reputed a generall Councell by the World , may erre in matters of Faith b . Ioh. Ferus commenting vpon the Acts , chap. 15. compareth the Apostles Councell with moderne , and saith c : In matters of Faith , and things which concerne the Conscience , it is not sufficient to say , We will and command ; but you must consider , in what manner the Apostles deale in their Assembly : They come together in simplicitie of heart , seeking onely Gods glorie , and the saluation of others ; no meruaile therefore , if the Spirit of God was in this Councell . But our meeting is in another manner , namely , with great pompe , and seeking our selues , and promising to our selues licence ( vpon fullnesse of Power ) to doe any thing . And ( this being so ) how is it possible for the Spirit of God to approue such Assemblies ? Seeing therefore , by the confession of these learned Papists , latter Councels , celebrated by the meere and absolute authoritie of the Pope , are neither vniuersall d , nor of infallible Iudgement ; and ( as experience testifieth ) Papall Councels are neyther free , nor proceed in debating and deciding matters controuerted , according to the authoritie of the holy Scripture e ; and that of later yeeres , and especially since Pope Gregorie the seuenth , they haue wholly intended their owne priuacie f : it is a malicious Censure which this Lojolist casteth vpon the Protestants , in charging them with fundamentall Heresie , for opposing the infallible authoritie of such Councels , and consequently , with deiecting the foundation of Vnitie in Gods Church . Protestants haue alwayes desired a lawfull generall Councell , for the concluding of differences in Religion a , and they are most readie and resolute to submit themselues to the determination thereof b ; and they yeeld the same honour and authoritie to all such Councels , which the antient Church in the dayes of Constantine the Great , Theodosius , and Martianus , and which S. Augustine did c ; yea , which the more impartiall Romanes themselues , in precedent Ages , haue done . But the present Papalls will not endure a lawfull and impartiall Councell ; and vnlesse themselues may be both Accusers , and Iudges d , and proceed as their forefathers , the Pharisees , did against the Apostles , determining all things by the Modell of their owne Cabala , they will admit no tryall by Councels e , nor any other meanes of Pacification , for restoring the common Vnitie of the Christian Church . IESVIT . THirdly , their denying of the Primacie of S. Peter , and his Successor ; the Foundation which Christ laid of his Church , necessarie for the perpetuall gouernment thereof . Matth. 16. 18. ANSWER . PRotestants deny not the Primacie of S. Peter , but they yeeld vnto him , both as he was an Apostle , Primacie of Spirituall Authoritie , and Iurisdiction ouer the Vniuersall Church , Matth. 28.20 . Ioh. 20.21 . And also respectiuely to the other Apostles ( which were his Compeeres and Equals a , in regard of all Apostolicall Authoritie ) Primacie of Calling , Order , Grace , Gifts a , &c. And the place of Saint Matthew , chap. 16.18 . prooueth not Saint Peter to haue beene a visible Monarch ouer the whole Church . First , Our Sauiour affirmeth not plainely and literally , that hee will build his Church vpon him , but vpon the Rocke : which hee confessed b , verse 16 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Vpon this Rocke , and not vpon this Peter : Non dictum est illi , Tu es Petra , sed , Tu es Petrus , Petra autem erat Christus ; It was not said vnto him , Thou art the Rocke , but , Thou art Peter , for the Rocke was Christ. August . Retract . Lib. 1. cap. 21. Secondly , If hee had affirmed expressely , That hee would build his Church vpon him ; yet hee saith not exclusiuely , that hee would build the same onely vpon him , but in other places hee conioyneth the rest of the Apostles c with him , Iohn . 20. 23. Eph. 2.20 . Apoc. 21.14 . Matth. 28.19 . Thirdly , To be a Ministeriall Rocke , and foundation of the Church , is not to be the sole Monarch of the Church : because St. Peter might bee such , in regard of his Preaching and Doctrine , as the other Apostles were , and not in respect of Monarchicall dominion . Heereupon Turrecremate in his Sum. d. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 11. saith , Non argumentati sumus Petrum primatum habuisse quia dictus fuit fundamentum aut Petra Ecclesiae , sed quia singulariter , &c. Wee argue not , Saint Peter had the Primacie , because he was called the Foundation , or Rocke of the Church , but because he was in a singular manner so called . But if the name of Rocke , argueth not St. Peters supremacie , the singular applying thereof in one Text of Scripture , will not doe it ; both because the speaking to him in particular , is onely a circumstance , and relation of a matter , granted by the words of Rocke and Keyes , but no addition of any other essentiall gift : and also because the same Title , in tearmes equiualent , is elsewhere made common to other Apostles a . The Iesuit addeth , That we denie the primacie of Peters Successour : and that this Successour is the foundation of the Church , laid by Christ , and necessarie for the perpetuall gouernment of the same . I answere , First , St. Peter , in one respect , to wit , in regard of his Apostolicall function , had no successour : for the Office of Apostles was extraordinarie , appointed by Christ , for the first planting of Faith ; and consequently , it ceased with the Apostles a . Immediate calling , Propheticall inspiration , the gifts of Miracles and Languages , authoritie ouer the whole Church , and all the ordinarie Pastours thereof , were proper to the holy Apostles ; and if none succeed them in these gifts and prerogatiues , then it is manifest , that in respect of their Apostleship b they haue no Successours . Secondly , In respect of ordinarie Ministerie , and in regard of the power and order of iurisdiction , St. Peter hath successours , in the same manner , as the rest of the Apostles : to wit , all Bishops and Pastours a , teaching ( either where hee planted Churches , or in any other part of the world ) the same Faith and Religion , which himselfe and his fellow Apostles did b . Thirdly , That St. Peter hath a speciall Successour , differing in kinde , from the Successours of the rest of the Apostles , and which is to bee for euer , a visible Head and Monarch ouer the vniuersall Church , from whom all Ecclesiasticall power is deriued , and to whose sentence , in things diuine , euery Chrstian must submit himselfe ; and that the Romane Bishop is the man , is deliuered as a prime Article of Christian Faith , by Papals a : but it is neither confirmed by the holy Scripture b , nor by any diuine Reuelation , neither is the same deliuered in the holy Apostles Creed , or by any antient generall Councell , or by the vnanimous consent of the Primatiue Fathers . And sundry Romists themselues haue made question of it c , and later Pontificians , doe with so many subtill sleights and inuentions propugne it , that all intelligent and impartiall men may plainely discerne , That this Doctrine of Papall Supremacie is builded vpon the sand . For if the Romane Bishop had beene appointed and established the perpetuall Successour of Saint Peter , in manner before mentioned : either our Sauiour himselfe would immediately , expreslly , and manifestly haue reuealed the same to his Church ; or the holy Apostles would haue taken notice thereof , and declared the same to others . Also Saint Peter must haue carried himselfe as a Monarch among the other Apostles , and exercised the actions of Soueraigntie in the visible Church . But we find in the holy Scripture , no supereminent iurisdiction , or Monarchicall actions exercised by him a , no vassallage and subiection yeelded him by the rest of the Apostles . And if hee must haue had a Successour in his Monarchie , the Apostles suruiuing him , b should rather haue beene his Successours , than the ordinarie Pastours of one Diocesse . The Spirit of God also , together with so eminent authoritie , would haue conferred vpon 〈◊〉 Successours , extraordinarie graces , of Learning , Wisedome , Holinesse , &c. necessarie for so high a calling . Also it is not probable , that Eusebius , and other antient Ecclesiasticall Historians would altogether haue been silent of this Monarchicall authoritie of the Romane Bishop , neither would any Orthodoxe Father or generall Councell haue confined the Romane Pontife to equall bounds , with other Patriarkes . But the antientest Ecclesiasticall Stories , are absolutely silent of such a swelling preheminence as moderne Papals claime ; and the Fathers and Councells contest the same . Pope Stephan was slighted by St. Cyprian , and the Bishops of Affrica d , when he enterposed in their affaires : and Pope Victor , by the Bishops of the East e . The Oecumenicall Councell of Chalcedon f , equalleth the Patriarch of Constantinople to the Bishop of Rome . Gregory the Great g himselfe giueth the Papacie a deadly blow . And a great part of Christianitie h hath euer to this day opposed the Papall Primacie . Therefore it is most improbable that this doctrine should be fundamentall veritie , which hauing no 〈◊〉 or infallible grounds in diuine Reuelation , wanteth also the suffrages of all antient Ecclesiasticall Testimonie . IESVIT . FOurthly , Their denying the foundation of true 〈◊〉 , which is one true Catholicke Christian faith , about reuealed Mysteries ; bringing in a fantasticall faith , pretending , That euery man is iustified , by beleeuing himselfe to be iust , or one of Gods Elect. ANSVVER . YOu ought first to haue weighed our Doctrine , concerning the definition of Faith , and haue compared the same with the Tenet of sundrie of your owne Doctours , before you had accused vs of fundamentall Errour about the same . First , We maintaine , that true Christian Catholicke Faith is a 〈◊〉 and foundation ( to wit on mans part ) of Iustification a , Heb. 11.6 . Rom. 1.17 . Iud. v. 20. Secondly , We denie that euery man is iustified , by only beleeuing himselfe to be iust ; for he must be truely iust , before he can , or ought to beleeue himselfe to be so b . The promise of remission of sinnes is conditionall c , Esa. 1.16 , 17 , 18. Ezec. 18. 21. Pro. 28. 13. Math. 6.14 , 15. Iohn 15. 10. & 16 , 27. Heb. 5.9 . and the same becommeth not absolute , vntill the condition be fulfilled , either actually , or in desire and preparation of mind : and the full assurance of remission of sinnes d succeedeth Repentance , Faith , Obedience , and Mortification , 1. Iohn 3.19 , 20 , 21 , 22. Thirdly , We denie , that it is an action of Christian Faith , praeuious or fundamentall to Iustification , for a man to beleeue himselfe to be one of Gods elect ; and admitting that one do not attaine the certainetie of Faith , but of Hope onely , that he is elected e : if there be no other impediment found in him , besides this , we make no question but such a person may be 〈◊〉 . Wherein then lyeth the fundamentall errour , concerning Faith and Iustification , wherewith we are reproched ? If it be answered , That we erre fundamentally , by making sauing Faith , not only an intellectuall , but also a fiduciall assent a to the promise of the Gospell b ; the 〈◊〉 must remember , that many of his owne Doctours affirme the same . Vega. d. Iustiff . lib. 14. Fides in Scripturis 〈◊〉 idem est quod fidueia , & 〈◊〉 idem quod considere , Faith in the Scriptures is many times the same that Trust ; and , to beleeue , the same that to trust . Iansenius c Concord . Euang. cap. 32. The name of Faith in the Gospell , when Saluation is ascribed vnto it , containeth both firme assent , &c. and also considence and trust conceiued vpon the apprehension of his 〈◊〉 and goodnesse . Adam . Sasboth . d sup . Rom. 1. v. 17. The word Faith in S. Pauls desputation , containeth not only Assent , but also Trust in Christ the Mediatour . Ferus e sup . Math. Non semper Fides est , quod nos Fidem dicimus , &c. That which we call Faith , to wit , to assent to such things as are reported in diuine Histories , and which the Church propoundeth to beleeue , is not alwaies Faith , &c. for the Scripture speaketh of Faith in another manner ; for according to it , Faith is a trust in the diuine mercie , promised by Christ : with these also concurre , Guilliaudus f , Fredericus Nausea g : and Suares h saith , Multi Catholici putant saepe accipi in Scriptura Fidem pro fiducia , Many Catholicks think , that Faith is oftentimes taken in holy Scripture , for Trust. The Iesuit therefore wanted matter to fraught his papers , when he obiected this Article against vs , as a fundamentall errour . For if his owne Doctours , and the holy Scripture it selfe i , take the word Faith in this notion , wherein haue we merited so grieuous a sentence ? But I haue produced many famous Doctours of his owne part , which say expresly the same that we doe , concerning the signification of the word Faith , when it is said to iustifie : and in steed of many other Texts , I referre him to the places of Scripture following , Iam. 1.6 . Math. 9. v. 2. 22. & cap. 14.31 . Rom. 9.33 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Euery one that beleeueth vpon him , 1. Pet. 2.6 . Now in regard of the matter of our Doctrine , the assurance of remission of sinnes , which we teach , is no other , than S. Bernard , Iohn Bacon the Carmelite , Caietan , Catherinus , Ferus , and many other Pontificians haue formerly taught . Caietan sup . Rom. 8. a We haue from the holy Ghost , and our owne , a most sufficient testimonie , to make vs beleeue , that we are the sonnes of God : for by this testimonie , we cleerely discerne , that we ought to beleeue , that we are the sonnes of God. And S. Bernard b , If thou beleeuest that he only can blot out thine offences , whom thou hast offended , it is well : but ioine this also to the former , that by him thy sinnes are forgiuen thee . This is the testimonie which the holy Spirit yeeldeth in our hearts , saying , Thy sinnes are remitted vnto thee : and in this sort doth the holy Apostle thinke , that a man is freely iustified by Faith. Now from the precedent positions , I argue thus : First , That Doctrine concerning the nature and actions of Faith , which is taught in holy Scripture c , and which hath the consent of many antient Fathers d , and which was deliuered by many learned Doctors of the Roman Church e , is not fundamentall Errour . But such is the Doctrine of Protestants concerning iustifying Faith , &c. Secondly , No Church erreth fundamentally , which teacheth such a kind of iustifying Faith as Abraham , Iob , S. Paul , and other iust persons ( commended in holy Scriptures ) had . But Abraham , Iob , S. Paul , and other iust persons ( commended in holy Scriptures ) had such a iustifying Faith , as was both an intellectuall and fiduciall assent to diuine Veritie and Promises . Ergo , The Church of the Protestants erreth not fundamentally , teaching such a iustifying Faith , as is both an intellectuall and fiduciall assent to diuine Promises and Verities . The assumption is prooued by Rom. 4.18 , 19 , 20 , 21. Iob 19. 25. Rom. 8.38 . Gal. 2.20 . 2. Tim. 4.7 . And whereas Pontificians bequarrel vs in this argument , two waies : First , saying That these holy men had a particular promise made vnto them : Secondly , That they knew by extraordinarie Reuelation , that they were indued with Faith , Hope , and Charitie , which wee know only by coniecturall , or morall persuasion . I answer , First , we haue particular promises contained in the generall , and the generall promises are particularly applied by the word of Absolution , and the Sacraments , and by the testimonie of the holy Ghost , speaking in the conscience of true beleeuers by effects of Grace a . Secondly , they which want miraculous Reuelation , may vnderstand , by ordinarie Grace , that they haue Faith , Hope , and Charitie , because the holy Scripture commandeth all Christian beleeuers to trie and examine themselues concerning these Graces , 1. Cor. 11 , 28. 2. Cor. 13.5 . And godly persons which liued in former daies , knew they had these vertues , Psal. 119. 97. Esa. 38.3 . Iob 27.5 , 6. & 29.14 . Luc. 9.24 . Ioh. 21.15 . And the Apostle speaking of other people , as well as of himselfe , saith , We know the things which are freely giuen vs of God b , 1. Cor. 2. 12. And S. Iohn saith , That he which receiueth the hidden Manna knowes it , Apoc. 2. 17. The Fathers also , and many Doctors of the Roman Church affirme the same . S. Augustine c , I see that I beleeue , if I beleeue : and in another place d , These two things are not vncertaine to me , the goodnesse of God , and mine owne Faith : and in another place e , Let euerie man enter into his owne heart , and if he find there brotherly Charitie , let him be secure , for he is passed from death vnto life : and in a fourth place f , 〈◊〉 man knoweth the Charitie wherewith he loueth his brother , better than his brother . But to the end the difference betweene our Aduersaries and vs concerning this question , may the better appeare , I will deliuer our Doctrine in certaine propositions . First , We maintaine , that such persons only can haue true assurance and certaintie of their Iustification , which beleeue and repent , and are resolued to obey Gods commandements a . Secondly , A Christian of a contrite spirit , beleeuing only that his sinnes are remissible , and which earnestly desireth remission of sinnes by the merits of Christ , and ioineth with this desire the exercise of vertue ; receiueth forgiuenesse , although he be vexed with scruples and temptations , and want assurance , and persuasion in himselfe , that his sinnes are remitted b . Thirdly , The particular certaintie of remission of sinnes which iust persons attaine vnto vpon their Repentance , Obedience , and Faith , is not equall in the firmitie of assent to that assurance which they haue about the common obiect of Faith , to wit , concerning the articles of Creation , Trinitie , Incarnation , Resurrection , or the like c , because these articles are immediately and totally reuealed in the holy Scripture ; but that his sinnes in particular are remitted , vnto a penitent person , dependeth vpon an Argument , whereof one part onely is immediately the Word of God , and the other part is a collection arising vpon reflection , and obseruation of a mans owne qualities and actions , and the conclusion is more or lesse certaine a ; according to the condition of the second Proposition . Fourthly , The certaintie and assurance of their owne particular Iustification , which iust persons attaine vnto , is reduced by vs to certaintie and assurance of Faith , because one ground thereof is a Proposition , or Sentence , mediately Diuine ; the other is inferred and concluded from that which is Diuine : for the Rule by which a man discerneth himselfe , to beleeue and repent , is the Doctrine of Gods Word , declaring the qualitie of Faith and Repentance . Many Pontificians maintaine , That this Proposition , to wit , Pope Gregorie the fifteenth is S. Peters Successor , is of Faith b ; and yet the same is not an immediate Diuine Reuelation , and the collection thereof from that which is reuealed , is lesse euident and certaine , than that which a iust person maketh concerning his owne particular Faith and Charitie . Fiftly , The difference betweene some learned Papists ( who liued since the Trident Councell ) and vs , concerning this Question , is very small ( if it be any at all ) for they maintaine , That iust persons may haue a true and certaine assurance , without distrustfull doubting of their Iustification c ; and that infused Faith enclineth and leadeth immediately to this certaintie and assurance d . And it is worthie obseruation which Andreas Vega deliuereth concerning the Trident Councell , saying , Non negat sciri hoc posse per fidem , sed tantum negat sciri hoc posse certitudine fidei e : The Councell denyeth not , that one may be able to know by Faith , that he is in the state of Grace ; but it denyeth onely , that this can be knowne by certaintie of Faith. It is also remarkable , That whiles the Romists accuse vs about the definition of iustifying Faith , they forget the Beame which is in their owne eye : for they make such a Faith , the foundation of true Iustification , as is common with Deuils a , Iam. 2. 19. and which , according to their owne Doctrine , is no true Vertue . It is ( saith Michael Palacius b ) a great Question , and as yet vndecided among vs , Whether Faith be a true Vertue , or not ? and Albertus thinketh , it is not properly a Vertue , but onely improperly . Aquinas , It hath not a perfect Act , and therefore it cannot be a Vertue . The like is affirmed by Bonauenture , Durand , Archangelus Rubeo , &c. And the same is manifest by reason : For Vertue is a good qualitie , making the person in whom it is seated , and his actions , good c ; and the Faith which the holy Scripture and the antient Fathers require to Iustification d , purifieth the heart , Acts 15.9 . and impelleth vnto righteousnesse , Heb. 11. 33. But informed Catholike Faith performeth none of these things , Iam. 2. 17. And therefore the Romists depart from the Scripture , and from Antiquitie , when they appoint a dead and informed Faith , which is no Vertue , to be the foundation of true Iustification . Lastly , Our Doctrine concerning the forme and manner of Iustification , is the same which Peter Lombard e , the Maister of the Schoole , affirmed to be Orthodoxall in his dayes : His words are these , Wee are said also to be iustified by the death of Christ , because by the Faith of his Death , wee are cleansed from our sinnes : Whereupon the Apostle saith , The righteousnesse of God is by the Faith of Iesus Christ ( Rom. 3. 22. ) whom God hath set forth , to be a propitiation through Faith in his bloud ( Verse 25. ) that is through Faith of his Passion ; euen as in times past , they which were bitten of fierie Serpents , were made whole by looking vpon the Brazen Serpent , which was raysed vpon a peece of Wood. If therefore wee by the aspect of Faith rightly behold him , who was hanged vpon a Tree for vs , wee are loosed from the bonds of Sathan , to wit , from our sinnes . 〈◊〉 Vega affirmeth , That many Romane Doctors in former dayes , denyed that men were formally iustified by any created qualitie inhaerent , but onely by the free grace and fauour of God , accepting man , and imparting the righteousnesse of Christ vnto him . And that vntill the Trident Councell , the present Doctrine of Pontificians , concerning the formall cause of Iustification , was onely receiued as probable a . And before the said Councell , many learned Papists , to wit , Albertus Pighius , the Councell of Colen , set forth by Gropper , Antididagma Coloniense , Conradus Clingius , &c. maintained our Doctrine concerning the formall cause of Iustification , and were not condemned of Heresie by the Romane Church : Wherefore the same cannot in these dayes be a fundamentall Error in vs. IESVIT . FIftly , Their extenuating the value of the price of our Redemption , not making it sufficient to giue inward sanctitie and puritie to mens soules , nor to rayse the good Workes of Gods children to a due proportion with their reward . ANSWER . NO Christian Church euer prised the oblation and merits of Christ more highly and religiously than wee , Heb. 10. 14. Eph. 5.2 . Acts 4. 12. Ioh. 1.29 . and wee firmely beleeue the inestimable price and vertue thereof a , for mans Redemption , Sanctification , Iustification , and Glorification , 1. Cor. 1. 30. And in particular wee beleeue expressely , and contrarie to our Aduersaries accusation , That the same is all-sufficient to iustifie a sinner in the sight of God , and to giue true and inhaerent sanctitie and puritie to mens soules , and actions : first , in this life , sanctitie and puritie , secundum statum viae , according to the condition of mans wayfaring state : secondly , in the life to come , sanctitie and puritie of perfect righteousnesse , without error or sinne . And we beleeue , that the Sacrifice of Christ vpon the Crosse effecteth all this , both by way of merit and influence a , Rom. 6. 3 , 4 , 5. Ioh. 15. 1. &c. What then doth this Popish Momus accuse in our Doctrine ? I suppose , his owne fancie : for it is ordinarie with Papals to calumniate , saying , That wee hold Good workes to be mortall sinnes b , and that they are Vertues onely by extrinsecall denomination : and hee is also offended , that wee make not Good workes properly and condignely meritorious . Concerning the first , I referre my Reader to the words of Melancthon c , and Beza d , who treating of this Question , speake as followeth : Although the workes of regenerate persons are not so perfect and good , as that they are able to merit eternall life , yet they are truly good , because they proceed from the Holy Ghost , who purisieth the heart by Faith , and because God is glorified by them , and wee our selues receiue excellent fruit e by them , &c. The same are good , in regard of their obiect , forme , efficient , and end , Psal. 119. 167. Galath . 5.22 . Phil. 2.13 . 1. Cor. 10.31 . They are good fruits , opposed to euill fruits , Matth. 7.17 . workes of Light , opposed to workes of Darknesse , Eph. 5.9 . a spirituall Sacrifice , acceptable to God , Phil. 4.18 . And the same are truly good f , non comparatione scelerum , not comparatiuely onely , but Regula virtutum , according to the Rule of Vertue . August . c. 2. Ep. Pelag. lib. 4. cap. 10. The imperfection and sinne g which is adiacent and concomitant to the vertuous actions of iustmen , changeth not their kind , because the same is freely remitted : Et quicquid alias in 〈◊〉 vitij est , Christi puritate sepultum non imputatur , saith 〈◊〉 . Whatsoeuer defect or fault is otherwise found in them , being couered with Christs puritie , is not imputed a . And this Doctrine concerning the imperfection of good Workes , as they are considered in themselues ( in this life ) is deliuered , both by the Fathers , and by many learned Pontificians . Andreas Vega d. Iustif , lib. 11. c. 38 b . It is not onely true , that the life of all iust men , is daily spotted with many veniall sinnes , but the very workes of perfect men , are very deficient , from that goodnesse whereby it beseemed vs , to haue serued , praised , and honoured God : for they are conioyned with many Imperfections , whiles men liue heere ; neither are they so pure , holy , and feruent , as the largenesse of 〈◊〉 goodnesse and bountie towards vs requires , and many good workes are now performed by vs , without any blot of sinne , which notwithstanding , if God should deale strictly with vs , were vnrighteousnesse . To the like purpose speaketh Cassalius c d. quadripart . Iust. lib. 3. cap. 23. The Councell of Colen d d. Sacram. p. 132. Maubnrn . Roset . Exerc. Spirit . tit . 32. part . 2. d. 4. c. 3. m. 2. Didacus . Stella . sup . Luc. ca. 18. And many other , which I haue cited in my Defence of Dr. Iohn White , pa. 20. Concerning the second branch of the Iesuites accusation , to wit , That Protestants extenuate the price of Christs redemption , not making it sufficient to raise the good Workes of Gods children , to a due proportion , with the reward . I answere : That if by due proportion , &c. he vnderstand a dignitie in Good workes , 〈◊〉 to the reward , then he must condemne Saint Paul himselfe , for extenuating the price of Christs redemption , who saith , That the sufferings ( Martyrdomes ) of this present time , are not worthie to bee compared with the glorie that shall bee reuealed in vs , Rom. 8. 18. St. Hierom. sup . Eph. 2. Nec affirmare licet , merita nostra , ex aequo Dei gratiae & misericordiae respondere , alioqui perperam dixisset Paulus , Rom. 8. Non sunt condignae passiones , &c. It is vnlawfull to affirme , that our merits are equall to the grace and mercie of God , for then St. Paul had spoken amisse , saying , The sufferings of this life , are not worthie , &c. Saint Chrysost. Imperf . in Math. Hom. 53. What haue we wrought in this world , to merit communion with God in his celestiall kingdome , and therefore the Apostle speaketh iustly : I doe not thinke the passions of this life ( condignely ) worthie of future glory , &c. sup . Rom. Hom. 14. The Apostle in euery place laboureth to shew vs , that all which God doth for vs , is not of debt , but of meere grace : Leo d. Assumpt . serm . 1. Neque de qualitate operum pendet coelestium mensura donorum . The measure of celestiall gifts , depends not vpon the qualitie of workes . Saint August . sup . Ioh. tr . 3. Non pro merito accipias vitam aeternam , sed tantum pro gratia : Thou shalt not receiue eternall life for thy merit , but onely for grace . Origen . sup . Rom. 4. I cannot persuade my selfe , that any worke of man can challenge reward vpon debt , because wee receiue our power , to thinke , speake , and doe good , by the gift and larges of God. Saint Basil. sup . Psal. 114 a . Eternall rest abideth for them which haue lawfully striuen , not as due debt to bee rendred to their workes , but for the grace of the most bountifull God , in whom they haue trusted . Saint Bernard . serm . 1. Annunc . Mariae . Concerning life eternall , we know , that the passions of this life are not worthie of future glorie , no not if one man should endure them all . Neither are the merits of men such , as that therefore eternall life is due to them in right , or that God should wrong man , if he should not bestow the same vpon him , &c. The arrogant and foolish opinion of moderne Papists , concerning the merit of condignitie , was alwayes opposed by Pontificians b themselues c , Scotus , Durand , Marsilius ab Inguen . Dionisius Cistertiensis , Gregorie Arminine , Thomas Walden . Paulus Burgensis , Ioh. Ferus , Eckius a , Pighius b , &c. And many who propugne the doctrine of merit of condignitie , equiuocate , and speake improperly c . Paulus Cararia Theolog. Mor. & Canon . Reg. 1. ar . 3. p. 2. Stricte loquendo , non 〈◊〉 meritum condigni , inter nos & Deum : If a man will speake properly and strictly , there is no merit of Condignitie betweene God and vs. Baltassar Nauaret . sup . 1. par . Thom. q. 21. ar . 1. ca. 28. pa. 603. God is said to bee a debtour to man , by a certaine Hyperbole . Genebrard . sup . Psal. 19. v. 13. Opera sunt longe infra retributiones , Good workes are farre inferiour to the reward . And whereas some Pontificians say , d that God were vniust , if he did not condignely reward good Workes : Durand e affirmeth that this speech is blasphemous . They are miserably diuided and distracted , about their doctrine of merit of Condignitie , like the builders of the Tower of Babell . First , Some of them simply and absolutely denie it f . Secondly , Some say good Workes are meritorious only , by reason of the promise and acceptation of God , and these also vpon the matter denie it g . Thirdly , Others affirme , they merit condignely , by the verie nature and dignitie of the work , secluding the diuine Promise h . Fourthly , Others affirme , that merit of workes , is founded , partly vpon the dignitie of the worke , and partly vpon the promise of God i . Fiftly , Some of them hold , that God rewardeth according to the rule of commutatiue Iustice k ; others say , according to distributiue l ; and others , according to both m . Now considering this vncertaintie of Popish Faith , in the matter of merit , and also the opposition thereof by so many of great note among themselues ; the Iesuit was ouer precipitate in condemning Protestants of fundamentall errour , for not beleeuing that Doctrine , the certainetie whereof , himselfe , and his Colleagues are not able to deliuer . But the Protestant Doctrine , concerning good Works , is perspicuous , orthodoxall , consenting with the holy Scripture , and the antient Church , and tendeth both to the honour of God , and the aduancing of the Grace of , Christ and also to the promoting of the care and studie of good Works . First , we beleeue that good Works are necessarie to saluation a , and that all men which will be saued must carefully applie themselues to the practise and exercise thereof . Tit. 3.8 . Ioh. 15. 2.8 . Heb. 12.14 . Apoc. 22.14 . Secondly , God rewardeth good Works of his bountie and grace b with benefits spirituall and temporall . Gen. 22.16 . 〈◊〉 . 6.35.2 . Iohn v. 8. Thirdly , in giuing reward , he considereth the mind and qualitie of the doer , the integritie , measure , and quantitie of the worke . 2. Cor. 9.6 . Fourthly , the reward is certaine c and infallible , yea more certaine than any temporall benefit which man presently inioies in the world , Gen. 22.16 . Fiftly , there is in all good Works a dignitie , not of desert or equiparance , either in respect of God , of whom we can deserue nothing d , or in respect of the reward , but only of grace , diuine similitude , goodnesse , and honour . Phil. 4.8 . Sixtly , the reward of good workes is called a crowne of righteousnes e , 2. Tim. 4. 8. because it is bestowed on them which exercise righteousnes , and in regard of their righteousnes : but merit of condignitie and righteousnes are 〈◊〉 tstings , as appeareth in Angels and Infants which haue righteousnes , and are crowned with glorie , and yet they doe not merit . Seuenthly , the antient Fathers maintained no merit of condignitie , but by the word Mereri , they vnderstood either to obtaine a , or to impetrate b : and this is manifest , because they applie the word ( Merit ) not only to iust men , but also to sinners , saying , that they merited Repentance , remission of Sinnes , the calling of Grace , &c. Eithtly , the prime part of mans iustice is the remission of his sinnes c , and the righteousnes of Faith ; for without these , there can be no true and liuing morall righteousnes , and where these are found , good Workes are neuer wanting . IESVIT . SIxtly , Their errours against Baptisme , the gate and entrance into Christian life , whereof they deny the vertue to sanctifie men , and the 〈◊〉 thereof for infants , to whom they grant Saluation without Baptisme . ANSWER . ALthough some persons haue been Christians before their Baptisme , as S. Augustine a saith of Cornelius . Euen as in Abraham the justice of Faith was precedent , and the seale of Circumcision followed after : so likewise in Cornelius , spirituall Sanctification , by the gift of the holy Ghost , went before , and the Sacrament of regeneration in the lauer of Baptisme succeeded , yet notwithstanding , the ordinarie gate and entrance into Christian life , is Baptisme . S. Ambrose ( siue Prosper ) d. vocat Gentium , lib. 1. cap. 5 c . The beginning of true life and righteousnesse , is laid in the Sacrament of Regeneration , that looke where man is new borne , there also the veritie of Vertues themselues may spring . Neither do Protestants deny the vertue and efficacie of Baptisme , to sanctifie men , but according to the holy Scriptures , Eph. 5.26 . Tit. 3.5 . Gal. 3.27.1 . Pet. 3.21 . Acts 22.16 . Rom. 6.3 . and the antient Church a , they teach and maintaine , That this Sacrament is an instrument of Sanctification , and remission of sinnes . The Liturgie of the Church of England , in the forme of administration of Baptisme , hath these words : Seeing now D. B. that these children be regenerate , &c. Wee yeeld thee heartie thankes most mercifull Father , that it hath pleased thee to regenerate this infant , with thy holy Spirit , to receiue him for thine owne child by adoption , &c. And master Hooker b saith , Baptisme is a Sacrament which God hath instituted in his Church , to the end , that they which receiue the same , might therby be incorporated into Christ , and so through his most pretious merit , obtaine as wel that sauing Grace of Imputation , which taketh away all former guiltinesse , and also that infused diuine vertue of the holy Ghost , which giueth to the powers of the soule their first disposition towards future newnesse of life . Zanchius c hath these words : When the Minister baptiseth , I beleeue that Christ with his hand reached as it were from heauen , besprinkleth the child baptised with water , with his bloud , to remission of sinnes . And in another place d , The holy Ghost mooueth vpon the water of Baptisme , and sanctifieth the same , making it to be a lauer of Regeneration . Caluin e saith , Per Baptismum Christus nos mortis suae fecit participes , vt in eam inseramur , By Baptisme , Christ hath made vs partakers of his death , that we may be ingraffed into it . And in another place f , If any man demand , How can infants which want vnderstanding be regenerate ? I answer , Although we are not able to fadome or vnfold the manner of this Worke of God , 〈◊〉 it followeth not from thence , that the same is not done . And the same author , with others of his part , maintaine the former Doctrine concerning the efficacie of the Sacrament of Baptisme , and they differ only from Lutherans and Pontificians . First , In that they restraine the grace of Sanctification only to the elect g . Secondly , In that they deny externall Baptisme to be alwaies effectuall , at the very instant time when it is administred h . But our Aduersaries must be ouer rigid , if they shall censure questions of this nature , which are touching circumstance , so hardly , as to make euery such difference a fundamentall errour , especially because some among themselues ( as the Master of the schole reporteth a ) affirme the same . Thirdly , whereas the Obiector addeth , that Protestants denie the necessitie of Baptisme for Infants , granting them Saluation without Baptisme ; he must vnderstand , that necessitie is either absolute , or else of precept and supposition . We verily maintaine the latter necessitie of Baptisme , for the saluation of Infants , against the Pelagians and Anabaptists : and the contempt and wilfull neglect of this holy Sacrament is damnable to such as are guiltie of this contempt : and our Church b prouideth diligently , that all Infants ( if it be possible ) may receiue Baptisme before they depart this life . But if it fall out ineuitable c , that new borne babes , descending of Christian parents , cannot receiue this Sacrament , not onely Protestants , but the antient Church it selfe , and discreeter Papists , haue thought it more pious to hope of Gods indulgence towards such infants , than to aggrauate his vengeance with such rigour and extremitie , as the Trent Fathers d , and their disciples e do . First , the antient Church allotted onely two seasons f in the yeare for Baptisme , which they could not in their charitie haue thus restrained to set times , if they had beene persuaded as moderne Papals are . Secondly , Gerson g , Biel h , and Caietan i , with many other famous Pontificians k , affirme , That Infants departing this life without Baptisme , may be saued by the speciall Grace of God , and by the prayers and faith of their parents . And the words of Thomas Elysius l , a late Pontifician , are very remarkeable , saying , Opinio quam tenent Theologi plurimi , & Ecclesia secundum communem legem , est satis dura & onerosa , & non conformis preceptis Christi quae sunt suauia & leuia . The opinion of many Diuines , which is commonly holden by the Church ( concerning the damnation of Infants , deceasing without Baptisme ) is ouer hard and rigid , and in no sort conformeable to the precepts of Christ , which are sweet and easie . And the same Authour : Non est haeretica , cum non sit contra Fidem Catholicam , sea ei conformis , & maxime secundum fidei pietatem . This opinion ( which propugneth the saluation of Infants vnbaptised ) is not hereticall , for it is conformeable , and not repugnant to Catholike faith , and most conformeable to pietie . To Elysius , I adde Cassander , a a moderate and peaceable Romane , in his Booke d. Baptismo Infantum , which with many authorities and weightie Arguments , defendeth the same doctrine concerning Infants , against the common straine of rigorous Pontificians . And thus againe , our braine-sicke Aduersarie fighteth against pietie and humanitie , obiecting that against Protestants as a fundamentall errour , which moderate Romists themselues propugne , as the more safe and tollerable Doctrine . IESVIT . SEauenthly , Their errour against Reall Presence , which they denie , or else the mayne Article of the Creed , That Christ is still in heauen , at the right hand of his Father : for they will not allow a bodie in two places at once . ANSWER . THe more learned Iesuites themselues , acknowledge b , That Protestants beleeue the reall Presence of Christs Bodie and Blood , in the holy Eucharist ; and our Diuines deliuer their Faith concerning the Sacrament in this manner a : God forbid wee should denie , that the flesh and bloud of Christ are truly present , and truly receiued of the faithfull at the Lords Table : it is the Doctrine wee teach others , and comfort our selues with . The difference then betweene Papals and vs , is not concerning the obiect , or matter receiued in and by the Sacrament , but touching the manner of Presence , and the manner of Receiuing . Caluin b saith thus concerning the difference , That the bodie and bloud of Christ are communicated to vs in the holy Eucharist , none of vs denie ; the question is , concerning the manner of this communication . The sacred Scripture neither expressely , nor yet by any formall consequence , teacheth the Doctrine of Transubstantiation ( as some learned Papists c themselues confesse ) neither is this Doctrine any part of the antient Catholique Faith ( as some other among them say d . ) The Fathers are against Transubstantiation : The mysticall signes ( saith Theodoret e ) doe not , after sanctification , depart from their owne nature , but remaine in their former substance , figure , and forme . The Sacraments which wee receiue of the bodie and bloud of Christ ( saith Pope Gelasius f ) are a diuine thing , and by them wee are made partakers of the Diuine Nature ; and yet for all that , the nature of Bread and Wine ceaseth not to be . After consecration ( saith S. Chrysostome g ) it is deliuered from the name of Bread , and reputed worthie to be called the Lords Bodie : notwithstanding , the nature of Bread still remaineth . The signes , as touching the substance of the creatures , are the same after consecration , which they were before ( saith Bertram . h . ) To the other part of the Iesuits speech , Or else the maine Article , &c. I answer , first , we cannot graunt , That one indiuiduall Bodie may be in many distant places at one and the same instant , vntill the Papals demonstrate the possibilitie hereof by testimonie of sacred Scripture , or by the antient Tradition of the Primitiue Church , or by apparent reason . And if they shall except , saying , That they make not Christs bodie locally present in many places at once , but substantially a onely ; wee say with Augustine b , Spacia locorum tolle corporibus & nusquam erunt , & quia nusquam erunt , nec erunt , Take away their places from bodies , and the bodies shall be no where ; and if they shall be no where , they shall haue no being . And in another place c , Corpora non possunt esse , nisi in loco ; Bodies cannot be , but in some place . And againe d , Christus homo secundum corpus , in loco est , & de loco migrat , & cum ad alium locum venerit in eo loco , vnde venit , non est ; The man Christ is in a place , according to his Bodie , and hee passeth from place to place ; and when hee commeth to another place , hee is not in that place from whence hee came . The Papals paralogize , saying , That because circumscription and localitie are not of the essence of the bodie e , therefore by the omnipotent power of God , the bodie may be without them . But if this illation be good , then wee may likewise inferre , That because to be created , made , or begotten , is not of the definition of humane bodies f , therefore humane bodies , by the omnipotencie of God , may be increate , and without beginning . The learned Iulius Scaliger g speaketh in this manner : ( Tametsi quod non includitur in definitione , abesse potest , à definito in definitione , non omne tamen abesse potest , à re definita . Propria enim quae vocantur , in definitione non ponuntur , à re tamen abesse nequeunt , cuius propria sunt , Etsi namque sunt natura suis subiectis posteriora , non tamen re , &c. Qua necessitate , coniunctum cum corpore locum , arbitror . ) Although that which is not included in the definition , may be separated from the thing defined , in the very definition , yet it cannot be parted from the subiect , or thing , which is defined : for the essentiall properties of things are not placed in the definition , yet they cannot be diuided from the subiect , whose properties they be : And although by posterioritie of nature , they follow the subiects , yet indeed they are inseparable . And thus , place or circumscription is inseparably conioyned with a bodie . Secondly , The bodie of Christ in the Eucharist , hath magnitude , and quantitie , as Aquinas a and other Schoolemen b commonly teach . But things which haue magnitude , and quantitie , are diuisible , and limitted and confined to a certaine space , and measure , equall to their bulke and materiall substance : also they haue distance of parts , and are extended at leastwise in order to themselues , and bounded by their owne termination , compasse , or surface , although nothing extrinsecall to them , should containe them outwardly ( as is instanced in the highest Heauens c . ) When Sophisters say , That Christs bodie hath quantitie , and not the manner ( or nature of quantitie ) they deliuer plaine Chimaera's , and Fictions : For as a thing cannot be a substance , and want the proper nature and manner of a substance , so likewise a bodie cannot haue quantitie , and want the proper manner and condition of quantitie d . And whereas to elude so manifest Veritie , Papists flye to the Omnipotencie of God e , saying , That although in nature it be impossible for one and the same bodie to be in many places at once ; yet because God is omnipotent , hee is able to effect it . Wee answer , first , it implyeth a contradiction , That God should destroy the nature of a thing , the nature of the same thing remaining safe . Secondly , wee say with Tertullian f , The power of God ( which we must stand of ) is his Will , and that which he Will not , he cannot . And S. Augustine g , Christ is said to be omnipotent , in doing what he Will. Nothing is impossible to God , because it exceedeth his power ( saith S. Ambrose h ) but some things are repugnant to his Will , and some things to his veritie , Tit. 1. 2. And the impossibilitie of these things proceedeth not of Infirmitie in God , but of Might and Maiestie , because his Truth admitteth no Lye , nor his Power any Inconstancie . Because therefore Christ hath a true and perfect Bodie , both in regard of substance and matter , and also in respect of quantitie a , stature , measure , posture , proportion , &c. and because euerie true humane bodie , by the Ordinance of the Creator , ( who hath formed and constituted the seuerall kinds and natures of things after a speciall manner ) is determined to one indiuiduall place at one instant b , and must also haue distinction and diuision of parts , with a length , latitude , and thicknesse proportionall to the quantitie thereof : Therefore , except God himselfe had expressely reuealed , and testified by his Word , that the contrarie should be found in the humane bodie of Christ , and that the same should haue one manner of corporall being in Heauen , and another in the holy Eucharist , at one and the same time ; a Christian cannot be compelled to beleeue this Doctrine , as an Article of his Creed , vpon the sole Voyce and Authoritie of the Laterane or Trident Councell . Some learned Papists confesse ingeniously , That secluding the Authoritie of the Church , there is no written Word of God c sufficient to enforce a Christian to receiue this Doctrine : And moderne Pontificians are not able to confirme their present Tenet ( to wit , That Christs humane bodie may be in many vbities or places at one time , and that the whole bodie of Christ is circumscriptiuely in Heauen , and according to the manner of a Spirit d , and of the Diuine nature it selfe , without extension of parts , in euerie crumme of the Sacramentall formes . ) This Doctrine ( I say ) Papals are not able to confirme , by the vnanimous Testimonie and Tradition of the antient Church . Therefore because the same is grounded , neither vpon Scripture nor Tradition , they begge the question , when they alleadge Gods omnipotent power : for it must first of all , and that vpon infallible Principles appeare , That God will haue it thus ; before his omnipotencie be pleaded a , that he is able to make it thus . But the Iesuites Sophisme , whereby hee would intangle vs within the snares of fundamentall Errour , when wee denie Christs bodily presence in many places at once , proceedeth in this manner : No bodie can be truely receiued in many places at once , vnlesse the same be corporally present in many places at once . The Bodie of Christ is truely receiued in many places at once , to wit , in euery place where the holy Eucharist is administred . Ergo : The Bodie of Christ is present in many places at once . I answere : The Maior Proposition is denyed ; for there is a twofold manner of true Presence , and consequently of Receiuing : one Naturall , by the hand and mouth of the bodie : Another Mysticall and Spirituall , by the deliuerie of the holy Ghost , and by the apprehension and action of the soule . First , The holy Ghost truely and verily reacheth and presenteth the Obiect , which is Christs Bodie and Blood , crucified , and offered in Sacrifice for mans Redemption . Secondly , The reasonable soule being eleuated by a liuely and operatiue Faith , apprehendeth and receiueth the former obiect , as really , verily , and truely , after a spirituall and supernaturall manner , as the bodie receiueth any corporeall or sensible obiect , after a naturall manner , Iohn 1. 12. Ephes. 3. 17. Fulgentius b saith , Filium Dei vnicum per fidem recipiunt : They receiue the onely Sonne of God by Faith. Our Sauiour saith , That holy Beleeuers receiue the Flesh , and drinke the Blood of Christ , Iohn 6. 50 , 53 , 54. Credendo , by 〈◊〉 a , v. 35.47 . Paschasius b hath these words , The flesh and blood of Christ , &c. are truely 〈◊〉 by Faith , and vnderstanding . It is not lawfull to eate Christ with teeth . This Sacrament is truely his flesh and his blood , which man eateth and drinketh spiritually . 〈◊〉 saith , Hold readie the mouth of thy Faith , open the iawes of Hope , stretchout the bowels of Loue , and take the Bread of life , which is the nourishment of the inward man. Eusebius Emisenus c , When thou goest vp to the reuerend Altar , to bee filled with spirituall meates by Faith , behold , honour , and wonder at the sacred Bodie and Blood of thy God , touch it with thy minde , take it with the hand of thy heart : and chiefly prouide , that the inward man swallow the whole . Saint Ambrose e , Comedat te cor meum panis Sancte , panis viue , panis munde , veni in cor meum , intra in animam meam : Let mine heart eate thee , oh holy Bread , oh liuing Bread , oh pure Bread , come into my heart , enter into my soule . Saint Augustine f , There is another Bread which confirmeth the heart , because it is the Bread of the heart . And in another place g , Then is the Body and Blood of the Lord life to each man , when that which is visibly taken in the Sacrament , is in very truth spiritually eaten , spiritually drunken . Now from the former Testimonies , it is manifest , that the Bodie and Blood of Christ , may truely and really bee eaten and receiued , by operatiue Faith in the Sacrament . And if it bee further obiected , That spirituall eating and drinking of the Bodie and Blood of Christ , may bee without the Sacrament : I answere , That the same is more effectually and perfectly accomplished in the Sacrament , than out of the Sacrament : because the holy Ghost , directly , and in speciall , when the Sacrament is deliuered , exhibiteth the Body and Blood of Christ , as a pledge and testimonie of his particular loue towards euery worthie Receiuer ; and the liuely representation and commemoration of Christs death and Sacrifice , by the mysticall signes and actions , is an instrument of the Diuine Spirit , to apply and communicate Christ crucified , and to increase and confirme the Faith , Charitie , and pietie of Receiuers . Lastly , It is remarkeable , that vntill the thousand yeeres , and more , after Christs Ascension a , Orthodoxall Christians beleeued , that the Bodie and Blood of Christ were truely and really present , and deliuered to worthie Receiuers , in , and by the holy Eucharist , according to St. Pauls Doctrine , 1. Cor. 10.16 . And that the same must be spiritually receiued by Faith , or else they profited nothing b . But the manner of Presence ( which some Modernes now obtrude ) by Consubstantiation , or by Transubstantiation , was not determined as an Article of Faith c . And ( to say nothing of Consubstantiation , the defence whereof , inuolueth them in many absurdities , which vndertake for it ) it is apparant , that Transubstantiation is a bastard plant , and vpstart weed , neuer planted by the heauenly Father , but the same sprang vp in the declining state of the Church , and it is perplexed and inuolued with so many absurdities and contradictions to Veritie formerly receiued ; that our Aduersarie was transported with partiall folly , when he presumed to ranke the refusall of this new d and prodigious Article , among fundamentall Errours . IESVIT . EIghtly , Their denying the Sacrament of Penance , and Priestly Absolution , the necessarie meanes for remission of finnes committed after Baptisme . ANSVVER . THe Obiector , by Penance , vnderstandeth not Repentance , as it is a vertue ( for Protestants beleeue true repentance , to be a second Table after spirituall Ship-wrecke a , and a necessarie meanes of remission of sinnes committed after Baptisme b ) but he speaketh of Auricular Confession , according to the Tenet of the Trident Councell , and priestly Absolution vpon the same , affirming ( but without any proofe ) that this kind of penance , is a Sacrament of the Gospell , and a necessarie meanes to obtaine remission of sinnes committed after Baptisme . The Protestants , in their Doctrine , acknowledge that priuat confession of sinnes , made by penitent people to the Pastours of their soules , and particular absolution , or speciall application of the promises of the Gospell , to such as be penitent , are profitable helps of vertue , godlinesse , and spirituall comfort . The Augustane confession c speaketh in this manner : We retaine confession , especially because of absolution , which is Gods word , applied to euerie priuate person ; therefore it were an vngodly thing to remooue priuate absolution out of the Church : neither do they duly consider , what is remission of sinnes , or the force of the keyes of the kingdome of heauen , which contemne or repudiate priuate absolution . A reuerend Bishop d of our time , deliuereth the Doctrine of our Church in this manner : The power of absolution in generall and particular , is professed in our Church , where both in the publicke seruice is proclaimed pardon and absolution vpon all penitents , and a priuate applying of absolution vnto particular penitents , by the office of the Minister . And concerning priuat confession , Bishop Iuell e saith , Abuses and errors being remooued , and the Priest being learned , we mislike no manner of confession , whether it be publicke , or priuate . His most excellent Maiestie , our gratious and religious king Iames , in his Meditation vpon the Lords Prayer , hath these words , For my part with Caluin ( Institut . lib. 3. cap. 4. Sect. 12. ) I commend Confession , euen priuately to a Church-man , and I wish with all my heart it were more in custome among vs than it is , as a thing of excellent vse , especially of preparing men to receiue the Sacrament . The difference then betweene Papals and vs , in this question , is not about the thing it selfe , considered without abuses a , but concerning the manner , and also the obligation and necessitie thereof . First , they require of all persons , being of age , a priuate and distinct confession of all and euery knowne mortall sinne , open and secret , of outward deed , and inward consent b , together with the circumstances c thereof , though obscene and odious to Christian eares , to be made at the least annually d to some Roman Priest authorised e . And they affirme the same to be simply necessarie , either in act , or in desire f , by diuine precept g for the obtaining remission of sinnes committed after Baptisme . And they teach , that this confession , and absolution vpon it , is one of the proper Sacraments h of the New Testament , hauing an operatiue vertue , to conferre Grace , and to change Attrition i , or imperfect sorrow for sinnes past , into contrition . Secondly , our Tenet is , that auricular confession is not absolutely necessarie to remission of sinnes after Baptisme , neither is the same generally in respect of all persons k , commanded or imposed by diuine law , and the rigorous vrging thereof according to the Popish Doctrine a , is not Orthodoxall or Catholicke Faith : neither is penance a Sacrament of the new Testament , like vnto Baptisme , and the holy Eucharist . The true ends of priuate confession are these which follow : First , to informe , instruct , and councell Christian people in their particular actions . Secondly , if they be delinquents to reprooue them , and make them vnderstand the danger of their sinne . Thirdly , to comfort those that are afflicted , and truely penitent , and to assure them of remission of sinnes by the word of absolution . Fourthly , to prepare people , to the worthie receiuing of the holy Communion . And if priuate confession be referred and vsed to these ends , it is a worke of godly discipline , consonant to the holy Scripture , and antiently practised by the Primitiue Church b . Bishops and Ministers of the Church are Sheepheards , Stewards , and Ouerseers of Gods people committed to their charge , 1. Pet. 5. 1 , 2. Acts 20. 28. They haue receiued the keyes of the kingdome of Heauen , and power to loose and bind sinners , Math. 16. 19. Math. 18. 18. Iohn 20. 23. They haue power to direct and gouerne their whole flocke , and euerie sheepe and member of the same , in things concerning their Saluation . The people are subiect to them , in such offices and actions as concerne their spirituall state , Heb. 13. 17. 1. Thess. 5. 12. And if Christian people must confesse and acknowledge their faults one to another , Iames 5. 16. then also when there is cause , why should they not do the same to the Pastors of their soules c ? But the precise and strict Law of Confession , imposed vpon all Christians as a necessarie meanes of remission of sinnes a , is neither commanded in the New Testament , nor hath warrant from the Primitiue Church . First , It was not instituted , or practised , Matth. 3. 6 b : for that Confession was before Baptisme , and not at the Sacrament of Penance ; and so great a multitude , as is mentioned in that Text , could not within so smal space of time make speciall enumeration of all their sinnes , and no priuat absolution was vsed . Secondly , It cannot be prooued from Act. 19. 17. because this Confession was open , and not secret ; the same was voluntarie , and not commanded ; it was performed once onely , and not annually , or often euerie yeere , and no Absolution was giuen after it . And Cardinall Caietan c graunteth , that it was no Sacramentall Confession , but onely an open profession of their former wicked life . Thirdly , It was not appointed , Iam. 5. 16. For our Aduersaries acknowledge , That it is not certaine that S. Iames speaketh of Sacramentall Confession d , Rhemists , Iam. 5. Annot. 10. And the persons to whom S. Iames commands Confession to be made , are not onely Priests ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Confesse , or acknowledge your faults one to another ) but also any other person , whom one hath wronged and offended , or from whom he may receiue counsaile , or comfort . Fourthly , Neither was Sacramentall Confession instituted , Ioh. 20. 23. because no mention is made in that Text of auricular Confession . And the power granted to Ministers of the Gospell , to apply remission of sinnes , by Preaching , Sacraments , and Absolution , may be exercised , and also be effectuall in contrite people , vpon the inward confession of sinnes to God himselfe , and their liuely faith in Christ Iesus , and vpon their Baptisme , Act , 3.19 . & 26.18 . Matth. 11.28 . without priuate disclosing and manifesting their secret offences to man. If the Aduersaries shall obiect , None can forgiue sinnes by a iudiciall Act , vntill they know them , and haue them reuealed . But Priests , by commission from Christ , forgiue sinnes by a iudiciall Act ; and therefore sinnes must by confession , bee reuealed and made knowne vnto them . I answere , That hee which properly and directly pardoneth sinnes by a iudiciall Act , ought to know them ; and thud God himselfe forgiuing sinnes , knoweth them , Psal. 69.6 . But they which forgiue sinnes declaratiuely a , and by publishing Gods iudiciall Act , like as a Cryer pronounceth the sentence of a Iudge , and by applying the Word and Sacraments to penitent persons ( vpon the holy and worthie receiuing whereof , the holy Ghost himselfe conferreth the grace of Remission ) may performe that which belongeth to their office , without distinct knowledge of all the particular sinnes , whereof the penitent person hath repented himselfe in the sight of God b : as appeareth in Baptisme , and generall Confession , ioyned with Contrition . And when a Priest applyeth the word of Absolution , hee knoweth not whether the person confessing his sinnes , performeth the same truely , and with contrition of heart , or not . Iohn Medina c , Cardinall Caietan d , and Iansenius e , acknowledge the weakenesse of this Argument , to prooue Auricular Confession . And Vasques saith , That a man can hardly find , among those which maintaine Auricular Confession , out of the place of Ioh. 20. 23. which doe effectually conclude the same from thence a . Ioh. Medina treating of Auricular Confession , saith b , The Romane Catholike Doctors haue laboured till they sweat againe , to find proofe for this veritie : He might well haue said , They laboured to as good purpose , as the man who sought to finde Nodum in Scirpo , or , A Needle in a Bottle of Hay . Mich. Palacius c saith , Diuines are perplexed in finding places of Scripture , or other conuincing arguments , to prooue Auricular Confession to be of Diuine Institution ; and it is worthie admiration , what contention is about this matter , and how badly Authors agree concerning the same . Our Aduersaries labour tooth and nayle , to prooue from the former Text in S. Iohn , That Priests exercise a Iudiciall Power , when they absolue sinners . But if this were graunted , they gaine nothing , for this Iudiciall power is exercised , according to the word of Christ : And if that word absolue contrite and penitent persons , vpon internall Confession to God himselfe d , and vpon their generall Confession before men , without secret Confession ; then it followeth not , That because a Priest exerciseth a Iudiciall power , when hee absolueth , Ergo , Penitents must confesse all their knowne sinnes . A penitent person may haue mortall sinnes , which he remembreth not , Psal. 19.13 . and when vpon profession of his repentance he is absolued , those sinnes are pardoned e , Psal. 103.3 . and the Priest , in giuing Absolution , exerciseth a Iudiciall Act ( according to the Popish Tenet ) and yet those finnes are not disclosed , or manifested vnto him . Secondly , The present Romish Doctrine , concerning the absolute necessitie of Auricular Confession , is not Catholique . The Greeke Church , both of antient and later times , reiected the same , as appeared by Nectarius a , S. Chrysostome b , and by the testimonie of learned Papists , which affirme the same , concerning that Church . The Glosse vpon Gratian , saith c , Auricular Confession is not necessarie among the Grecians . Greg. Val. Lib. 2. d. Miss . cap. 4. saith , That Panormitan and Gerson maintained , that secret Confession was not necessarie . Andreas Vega d , Very many learned Catholikes haue doubted of this necessitie of Confession , by Diuine Law. Maldenat . e sum . q. 18. ar . 4. There be also among Catholikes , which thinke there is no Diuine Precept touching Auricular Confession , to wit , all the Interpreters of the Decrees , and also Scotus . B. Rhenanus f and Petrus Oxomensis g denyed the said Confession to be of Diuine Institution . And Gratian h himselfe hauing disputed the Question pro & con , concludeth in this manner , I leaue it to the Readers choyse , which opinion to follow , because each opinion ( to wit , the one holding Confession to be of Diuine Institution , and the other Ecclesiasticall ) hath fautors , both wise and religious . Now if Auricular Confession is not certainely and infallibly of Diuine Institution , then it is impossible for the same , conioyned with Absolution , to be a Sacrament ; because Sacraments of the New Testament were immediately instituted by Christ , and haue their institution , matter , forme , visible signes , and promises , expressely and manifestly deliuered and appointed in the Scripture of the New Testament . From hence I argue : If that which Romists tearme Sacramentall Penance , haue no word of Institution , no visible and corporeall Element i , no expresse forme , or word of Consecration , neither any Sacramentall effect appropriated vnto it by Christ and his Apostles ; then the same is no Sacrament of the New Testament . But all and euerie of these Conditions are wanting in Popish Penance : Ergo , The same is no Sacrament of the New Testament . If Penitencie be not affirmed by the Fathers of the Primitiue Church to be a Sacrament properly taken ; then , that the same is such in our dayes , is not Catholique Doctrine . But learned Pontificians haue narrowly searched euerie Sentence of Antiquitie concerning Penitencie , and cannot yet produce one place , where the same is plainely and expressely affirmed to be one of the Sacraments of the New Testament , properly taken , to wit , such as is Baptisme , and the holy Eucharist . Therefore the present Doctrine of Romists , concerning Penitencie , That the same is a Sacrament , is neither grounded vpon the Scripture , nor the perpetuall Tradition of the Church : And our Romish Aduersarie is the eight time guided by a lying Spirit , when he accuseth vs of fundamentall Error , because wee denie Popish Penance to be a Sacrament . IESVIT . NInthly , Their denying the Catholique Church , expressely set downe in the Creed , which of all the other Articles , is with greatest danger denyed : For the standing out against this , makes men Heretikes ; and without erring against this , no man is guiltie of Heresie : whatsoeuer Doctor Field to the contrarie saith , That an errant against a fundamentall point , is an Heretike , though hee erre without pertinacie , whereof he brings not any syllable of proofe . And yet his Doctrine is against the whole consent of Diuines , and expressely against S. Augustine , who saith , That a man holding with Photinus , whose errors were most fundamentall , against the Trinitie and the Godhead of Christ , thinking hee holds Catholique Doctrine , is not yet an Heretike , till warned that hee holds against the Catholique Church , hee chuseth to perseuere in his error . ANSWER . WEe beleeue stedfastly the Article of the Apostles Creed , concerning the Catholique Church ; and denie onely the false sense , which Romists impose a , and the absurd inferences which they draw from this Article . And whereas the Iesuit affirmeth , That this Article is with greatest danger denyed , because the standing out against it , makes men Heretikes , &c. Both the Proposition it selfe , thus rawly and confusedly deliuered , and the Confirmation , are false . The Article of the Catholique Church , is not the most fundamentall and prime Article of the Creed ; for many other Articles are , about a more principall and excellent Obiect , to wit , immediately concerning God the Creator , and Christ Iesus the Sauiour and Redeemer , and God the Holy Ghost , &c. whereas the Obiect of the Article in question , is concerning the Creature . The prime foundation of Christianitie , is Christ himselfe , 1. Cor. 3. 11. 1. Pet. 2.6 . The Church is the seruant , and Spouse of Christ , the House of God , whereof Christ himselfe is the grand Lord , and Builder . But wee haue learned in the Gospell , That the seruant is not greater than his Lord , Ioh. 13. 16. Hereupon S. Augustine , Enchyrid . cap. 56. Good order requireth , that the Church be placed after the Trinitie , as an House after the Inhabiter , his Temple after God , and the Citie after the Founder b . And if the Aduersarie replie , That although it be a lesse Article , in regard of the Obiect ; yet the denyall thereof is of greater consequence , because it maketh men guiltie of Heresie , &c. I answere , Granting that the denyall of the whole Article , being rightly expounded , maketh men Heretickes : but I denie , that a Christian which beleeueth this Article is no Hereticke a , if hee beleeue and maintaine any Errour , against the plaine Doctrine of the holy Scripture , which hee knoweth , or which hee is bound , Necessitate 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 , to know , beleeue , and maintaine . Saint Hierom , vpon the Galathians , saith b , Whosocuer ( to wit , in waightie points ) vnderstandeth the Scriptures , otherwise than the sence of the holy Ghost whereby they were written , requireth , may bee called an Hereticke , although hee depart not out of the Church . Tertullian saith c , Whatsoeuer ( in points Diuine and Sacred ) is repugnant to Veritie , is Heresie . Albertus saith d , Hee is an Hereticke , which followeth his owne opinion , and not the iudgement of the Scripture . Occham e , Hee is an Hereticke , which with a pertinacious minde imbraceth any Errour , the contradictorie doctrine whereof , is contained in holy Scripture . Two things , constitute an Hereticke : First , Errour and false Doctrine , as the materiall . Secondly , Malicious and pertinacious adhearing to the same , or defending the same , as the formall . A man may haue both these , without any explicite denying the Article of the Catholicke Church . For the Trueth which hee gainesayeth , may be plainely deliuered in the holy Scripture , and hee may reade the same , and haue sufficient meanes to know it in the Scripture , and maliciously or inordinately resist the holy Ghost , speaking by the Scriptures : Act. 7.51 . Our Sauiour condemneth some for Heretickes ; calling them false Prophets , Murtherers , and Theeues , Mat. 7.15 . Ioh. 10.5 . Not because they opposed the present Church ; for some of these were principall Rulers of the Iewish Church , Mat. 23.1 . but because they taught and beleeued contrarie to the Scriptures , Mat. 22.29 . Saint Augustine a d. Bapt. c. Don. li. 4. c. 16. speaketh not altogether as the Iesuit 〈◊〉 him : but saith onely , That hee would not affirme of such a person , who being baptised in the 〈◊〉 Church , beleeued as Photinus the hereticke did , supposing the same to be Catholicke Faith , that he was an hereticke : he absolutely affirmeth not , that such a person was no Hereticke , but that hee would not pronounce him an Hereticke , before hee was conuicted . And hee speaketh of Heretickes , not as they were in foro coeli , according to the iudgement of God ; but in foro Ecclesiae , according to Ecclesiasticall Censure . Neither doth hee speake of persons , sufficiently conuicted by plaine euidence of holy Scripture , and maliciously and inordinately resisting the Truth ; but of simple Errants , misled and seduced , through ignorance or infirmitie . Doctor Field , ( whose learned Treatise of the Church , is nibbled at by Papists , but yet remaines vnanswered by them ) is censured by this Obiectour , for saying , without any Proofe , that an Errant against a fundamentall point , is an Hereticke , though he erre without pertinacie . But the Iesuit reporteth amisse , when hee saith Doctor Field deliuered this Assertion without Proofe ; for in the Margine of his Booke he confirmeth the same , by the testimonies of Gerson a and Occham b , two famous Doctors of the Roman Church . And it is remarkeable , that the Iesuit censuring the Doctour , himselfe produceth no Argument out of diuine Authoritie , to confirme his owne Position , but resteth onely vpon the single testimonie of one Father , which ( as I haue alreadie shewed ) speaketh not to his purpose . IESVIT . Hence Jinferre , that Protestants erre fundamentally , according to the second kind of erring , to wit , in the manner , in all points they hold against the Romane Church , which I haue prooued to be the true Catholicke Church . For he that holds any priuate opinion so stiffely , as rather than forsake them , he denyes and abandons the Catholike Church , a mayne Article of his Creed , erreth fundamentally , as is cleare . But Protestants hold their priuate opinions so stifly , as thereupon they haue denied and abandoned the Catholicke Church , to wit , the Romane . ANSWER . The mayne Proposition of this Section , to wit , Protestants 〈◊〉 fundamentally , according to the second kinde of erring , &c. is denied : and the Assumption of the Syllogisme , whereby the Obiectour laboureth to prooue the same , is palpably vntrue . For Protestants maintaine no priuate opinion , either stiffely or remissely , whereby they haue denied and abandoned the true Catholicke Church . First , They maintaine no doctrine as matter of Faith , but that which is deliuered in holy Scripture , and which consenteth with the Primitiue Church , either expresly or virtually . But such doctrine is not priuate opinion , because the holy Ghost , which is the supreame gouernour and directour of the Church , and the Prophets and Apostles which were inspired from heauen , are the Authours thereof . Secondly , The Romane Church is not the Catholicke Church , but an vnsound part of the generall visible Church , as it is prooued by the Learned of our part a , whereunto the Aduersaries haue , as yet , made no replie . IESVIT . Neither doth it import that they retaine the word , hauing reiected the sence , seeing not the letter of the Creed pronounced , but the matter beleeued makes men Christians . Neither is it enough to say , that they beleeue the Church of the Elect , seeing the Church of the Creed , is not the Church of the onely Elect ( a meere fancie ) but the visible and conspicuous Church , continuing from the Apostles by sucsion of Bishops , which thus I prooue . ANSWER . We retaine both the words , and the sence of the Article , and the Catholicke Church in the Apostles Creed , in respect of the militant part thereof , is a Church of right beleeuers , and especially of iust and holie persons , and principally and intentionally , and as it comprehendeth both the militant and triumphant , the congregation of all the elect ; for this Church is the mysticall and liuing bodie which Christ saueth , Ephes. 5. 23. It is the Church of the first borne , which are written in Heauen , Heb. 12.23 . It is the Church builded vpon the Rocke , against which the gates of Hell shall not preuaile a , either by Haeresie , Temptation , or mortall Sinne b , Math. 16. 18. & Math. 7.24 . And if it be a meere fancie to hold this , then Gregorie the Great c , with many other of the antiēt Fathers were fantasticks for teaching in this manner . But the Church of the Creed is not alwaies the Church Hierarchicall : for the Church in the Apostles Creed is that societie of Beleeuers , against which Hell gates preuaile not finally , either by Heresie or mortall sinne . But Hell gates preuaile against Popes and Popish Prelats by mortall sinne , so farre , as that they descend into the infernall lake . Therefore the Roman Hierarchicall Church consisting principally of Popes and Popish Prelats , is not the holy Catholicke Church in the Creed , for that Church hath remission of sinnes , and life eternall , and passeth not into Hell , Ioh. 10.28 . August . d. Doctr. Christ. li. 3. ca. 32. IESVIT . The Church whereof Christ said , Math. 28.20 . I am alwaies with you to the consummation of the world , is the Church of the Creed , or the Church , which to forsake is damnable . For the Church wherewith Christ still abideth , not according to corporall and visible presence , but by his Spirit , is the body of Christ , whereof he is head , into which he infuseth the life of Grace : and consequently , he that forsaketh this Church , forsakes the body of Christ , the head thereof , and cannot liue by his Spirit , but is in a dead and damnable estate , as a member cut off , and seperated from a liuing bodie , as S. Augustine long ago noted . The Catholicke Church is the bodie of Christ , whereof he is head , out of this bodie the holy Ghost quickeneth no man. Now the Church whereof Christ said , I am alwaies with you to the consummation of the world , is not the Church inuisible of onely the Elect , but a visible Church deriued by succession from the Apostles : therefore hee that forsakes this Church deriued by succession from the Apostles , forsakes the Church of the Creed , the Catholicke Church , the bodie of Christ , and puts himselfe into a dead and damnable state , and may haue all things besides Saluation and eternall Life , as Fathers affirme , whose testimonies in this behalfe are notable , and famously knowne , whereunto D. Field yeeldeth , acknowledging One , Holy , Catholicke Church , in which only the light of heauenly Truth is to be sought , where only Grace , Mercie , remission of Sinnes , and hope of eternall Happinesse are found . ANSWER . The Church whereof Christ said , Math. 28.20 . I am alwaies with you to the consummation of the world , is the Church of the holy Apostles , & of Pastors and Beleeuers succeeding them in the same Faith and Religion : and this is a principall part ( for the Catholicke Church in generall containes all Faithfull and iust persons , from Abel a , &c. ) of the Church in the Creed . Secondly , some part of the Catholicke Church of the Creed , is alwaies visible in the world , sometimes in an ampler , sometimes in a smaller number of Professours . Also the visibilitie thereof , is at sometimes illustrious and notorious , and at other times it is obscure , according to the state of Persecution b . Thirdly , to forsake the true Church in the maine and primarie Articles of Faith , or by any wilfull infidelitie , is damnable : and all people which desire Saluation , must actually ( if it be possible ) or Voto , in case of necessitie , conioine themselues to some part of the Orthodoxall Catholicke Church c . But our Sauiour promised to no one visible Sea or Church , continuing after the Apostles by succession of Bishops , absolute immunitie from all Errour , and infallibilitie of Veritie ; but only presentiall assistance , and protection of . Grace , sufficicient for the saluation of his people , vpon condition , to wit , when the said Pastours taught and obserued that which he commanded , and continued in the right vse of those meanes which he had deposed among them , Ioh. 8.31 , 32. Rom. 11. 22. Read before in this Treatise , pag. 94.99 . The Testimonies of S. Augustine a obiected by the Aduersarie , which are , That the Catholick Church , is the body of Christ , whereof he is head : and that out of this bodie , the holy Ghost quickeneth no man , make altogether against himselfe ; for none are vitall members of Christs mysticall body , but iust and holy persons . And it is the same Fathers doctrine b , Impij non sunt reuera Corpus Christi , wicked persons are not in deed and veritie Christs bodie . And in another place , In corpore Christi non sunt quod est Ecclesia , quoniam non potest Christus habere membra damnata c , They are not in Christs bodie , which is the Church , because Christ cannot haue damnable members . And Bernard d saith , Manifestum est , non esse Caput Hypochritae Christum , It is euident , that Christ is not the head of an Hypochrite . But the visible Rulers of the Popish Church haue many times bin ( as our Aduersaries themselues report ) not only Hypochrites , but apparantly monstrous and damnable sinners e , therefore they are not the Catholicke Church , out of which no Saluation can be had f , neither is perpetuall influence and assistance of Grace absolutely intailed vpon them . Out of the former premises , I argue thus : Wolues , Hipochrites , and impious persons are not the holy Catholicke Church of the Creed , out of which there is no Saluation . Romish Prelats haue beene Wolues , Hypocrites , and impious men , for they haue maintained false and superstitious Doctrine , repugnant to the holy Scripture , and aduerse to the Faith of the Primitiue Church ( which Protestants haue , and are againe readie to demonstrate ) and they haue beene most notorious , for all kind of abhominable vices ( as Romists themselues haue published to the World ) and they haue also most iniustly and tyranically persecuted and oppressed true beleeuers , Ergo , Romish Prelats are not the holy Catholicke Church of the Creed , out of which there is no Saluation . Argument 2. Out of the holy Catholicke Church of the Creed there is no Saluation . Out of the fellowship of the Roman Church there hath beene , and is Saluation . Ergo The present Roman Church is not the holy Catholicke Church of the Creed . And thus the Obiector hath gained nothing by accusing our Church of fundamentall error , and his nine Accusations are prooued to be so many calumniations : and we neither erre fundamentally in any maine Article , nor yet pertinaciously or maliciously against any other Christian veritie . For although whiles we liue in the world , tenebras huius mortalitatis circumferimus , ( as S. Augustine speaketh ) we carrie about vs ( in regard of our selues ) the darkenes of mortalitie , tamen ad Scripturae lucernam ambulamus , yet we studie carefully to walke according to the true light of holy Scripture , and God hath hitherto so assisted vs , that the euill eye of our Aduersaries , is not able to discouer in our Doctrine any capitall Error : neuerthelesse , if vpon further inquisition , they shall make it appeare by diuine testimonie , or other sufficient proofe , that we are deceiued in any matter of Faith , small or great , we will be as 〈◊〉 to reforme our selues , as they are readie to accuse vs. And in all differences betweene them and vs , we submit our selues to a free , lawfull , generall Councell , to be tried by the rule of Gods word ; concerning which S. Augustine saith a , Extat authoritas diuinarum Scripturarum , vndè mens nostra deuiare non debet , nec relicto solidamento diuini eloquij , per suspitionum suarum abrupta praecipitari , There is extant , the sacred authoritie of diuine Scripture , from whence wee may not deuiate , nor forsaking the infallible ground of Gods word , be carried into the precipicies of mens fancies . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( saith great Athanasius , b ) The sacred Scriptures , giuen by diuine inspiration , are all-sufficient of themselues , to the demonstration of ( sacred ) verity . But a theefe ( saith Chrisostome c ) entreth not into the sheepfould by the testimonie of the Scriptures , which are called a doore , & that most iustly , because they leade vs to God , and manifest diuine knowledge to vs , they make vs Christs sheep , and preserue vs , so as wolues cannot rush in vpon vs. But he that vseth not the holy Scripture , but climeth in some other way , that is a way not permitted , the same is a theefe . Now Protestants follow the Scriptures , and Romists enterby humane Traditions . THE THIRD PART OF THIS TREATISE : Wherein the Iesuit disputeth Nine Questions , propounded by his MAIESTIE . IESVIT . AN ANSWER TO THE Nine Points proposed by your most EXCELLENT MAIESTIE . I Haue beene large in my former Proofes , That the Roman is the onely true Catholike Church , whose Traditions comming downe by perpetuall succession from Christ , and his holy Apostles , are so constantly and strongly to be beleeued , that no proofes out of Scripture ( by priuate interpretation vnderstood ) though seeming most euident , may stand to contest against them . And this I haue done , not without purpose , assuring my selfe , that if your Maiestie were thoroughly persuaded in this Point , you would ( without any mans helpe ) most easily and fully satisfie your selfe in particular Controuersies , out of your owne excellent Wisedome , and Learning . For as some that haue beene present at your Maiesties discourses casually incident about Religion , report , few of our Diuines ( though trayned vp continually in Academies , and Exercises of Theologie ) are able to say more than your Maiestie , in the defence of the Catholique cause , for particular Controuersies , when you please to vndertake the patronage thereof , which I can easily beleeue out of my owne experience , who could not but 〈◊〉 , seeing your Maiestie so well acquainted with our Doctrines , and so readie and prompt in Scholasticall subtleties . Wherefore I most humbly beseech your most excellent Maiestie , to honour these my poore Labours with a gracious perusall of them , accepting of my Answeres , when they may seeme reasonable , being in defence of Doctrines receiued from Auncestors , which deserue approbation , when there is no euidencie against them : And out of your abundant Clemencie , pardon my prolixitie ; seeing the Questions by your Maiestie proposed , were so difficill and obscure , as I could hardly haue made any shorter full explication of them . ANSVVER . YOu haue beene large and prolixe ( Nam quid est loquacius vanitate ? for what is more wordie , than Vanitie ? ) in depressing the sacred Scriptures , which are the Oracles of God himselfe , and aduancing the Customes and vsurped Authoritie of the Romane Sect. Sed quis tam vanus , vt veritati consuetudinem praeferat ? Who will be so mad , as to preferre Custome before Veritie ? And whereas you glorie of the Pedigree of Romish Traditions , pretending that they are descended by perpetuall succession from Christ , and his holy Apostles , and that the same ought so strongly and constantly to be beleeued , that no proofes out of Scripture ( interpreted against your Tenet ) though seeming to be most euident , may stand to contest against them : Surely , there is hitherto nothing solid , or euident , produced by you , to confirme this Assertion ; and therefore , Quae ista obstinatio est quae ve praesumptio , humanam traditionem Diuinae dispositioni anteponere ? What presumption and obstinacie is this , to preferre humane Tradition before Diuine Ordinance a ? Ipsam fidem quae in Scripturis manifesta est , non vultis discere ; You will not learne the right Faith , which is manifest in the Scripture b . Nec remanet vobis , nisi sola infirmitas animositatis , quae tanto est languidior , quanto se maiores vires habere aestimat ; Your onely support is , the infirmitie of an high , or ouerweening stomacke , which is so much the more feeble , by how much it ouer-valueth its owne strength . Hence proceedeth the assuring your selfe of successe , in persuading no meaner a Person than his most excellent Maiestie , to rellish your Superstition . But Saint Basil saith c , Solo rore aluntur Cicadae , Grassehoppers feede wholly vpon deaw , and Ephraim feedeth vpon the Wind , Hos. 12. 1. His Maiestie is a Cedar d of Libanus , grounded on Veritie , established in the right Faith , one , which by reason of habit and long vse ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) hath his senses exercised , to discerne good and euill , Heb. 5.14 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Captaine of the Host of the Lord : Lex Dei in corde eius , The Law of God is in his heart , his foot can neuer slide . It is therefore subtletie , rather than hope , which induceth you to vent these fond surmises , of his propension or inclination towards your part . For although such fancies are rediculous to prudent men , yet they serue your turne , in being baits to delude and intrap the credulous , and incautelous , who commonly regard not what indeed is , but what in their owne fancie may be e . Lastly , whereas vpon fame , or hearesay , ( which according to Tertullian f , Plurimum mendax , & ne tunc quidem cum veri 〈◊〉 adfert , sine 〈◊〉 vicio est ) you report , That his Maiestie doth at some times shew his excellent Wisdome and Learning , in the patronage of your Catholike ( Pseudo-Catholike ) Cause ; you should rather haue made mention of that which is certaine , How often , and with what admirable soliditie , his Maiestie vndertaketh , by his Word and Penne , the confusion and demolishing of your Babylonian Cause . But were it so , that his excellent Maiestie should sometimes propound and vrge your Obiections , for the better resolution of Points in question ; there is as little reason to interprete this as a fauour to your Cause , as to construe some passages of king Salomons Ecclesiastes , vttered by way of tentation in the person of Epicures a , to haue beene spoken seriously , in fauour of that wicked Sect. THE WORSHIP OF IMAGES . IESVIT . 〈◊〉 Haue more hope to giue your MAIESTIE satisfaction in this Article , because all kinde of Theologicall Proofes stand for the same , and nothing against it , as I am persuaded , which I declare by this Discourse . ANSVVER . YOu were no Loyalist , if you could not promise golden Mountaines a : but the Worship of Images , is a practise , so absurd in reason , and so repugnant to all diuine Authoritie , that , ( to speake in Saint Augustines phrase b ) Non solum infideliter , sed etiam infaeliciter & impudenter , &c. The defence thereof cannot be vndertaken , without infidelitie , impudencie , and vnluckie successe . IESVIT . If the custome of Worshipping Images , bee grounded on the prime Principles of Nature and Christianitie : If the same hath beene receiued in the Church , vniuersally , without any knowne time of beginning : If places of Scripture that Protestants vrge against vs , make against their custome of making Images , so that with no probabilitie or ingenuitie , they thereupon mislike vs. if by the vse of Images there bee no danger of hurt to ignorant people , which may not with very ordinarie diligence of Pastours and Teachers be preuented , and otherwise the vtilities very great ; then there is no reason of iust mislike of this custome . But this supposition is true , as in the same order I will indeauour to shew in the soure Particulars . ANSVVER . This Aduocate of Imagerie , should first of all haue declared , what hee vnderstandeth by Worship of Images : whether Veneration onely , largely taken ; or Adoration , properly so called . Veneration may signifie externall Regard and Reuerence of Pictures , such as is giuen to Churches and sacred Vessels , and to ornaments of sacred places ; and according to this notion , many haue approoued or tollerated worship a of Images , which denie Adoration . Adoration properly taken ( among Schoolemen b ) signifieth a yeelding of honour to things Worshipped , by recognition of their dignitie and excellencie , and by religious submission of Bodie and Soule , to wit , by inward motion of the Will , and externall deedes and gestures of Honour , as Kneeling , Kissing , Censing , holding vp the hands , &c. The worshipping of Images in this manner , by Religious Adoration c , either primarie , or secondarie d , absolute or respectiue , is neither grounded on the prime Principles of Nature and Christianitie , neither was the same practised by the antient Catholicke Church : But on the contrarie , it is a superstitious dotage , a palliate Idolatrie , a remainder of Paganisme a , condemned by sacred Scripture , censured by Primatiue Fathers , and a Seminarie of direfull contention , and mischiefe in the Church of Christ. First , The Scriptures of the Old Testament , are so apparantly against Adoration of Images , Exod. 20.5 . Leuit. 26.1 . Deut. 5. 9. Psal. 106. 19. Esay 2. 8. Mich. 5. 13. that the best learned Papists themselues , affirme the same to haue beene prohibited vnto the Iewes . Aquinas b saith , The making of Images to bee worshipped , was prohibited in the Old Law. The same is affirmed by Alexander Hales c , Albertus d , Bonauenture e , Marsilius f , Rich. Mediauilla g , Gerson h , Abulensis i ; and it is also the Tenet of many later Schoolemen k , to wit , Soto , Corduba , Cabrera , Palacius , Tapia , Oleaster , &c. Secondly , The brasen Serpent was a figure of Christ , Ioh. 3.14 . The same was formed by Gods Commandement , Num. 21.9 . And yet the worship thereof , being ( as Vasques l saith ) no other , than such as Romists vse towards their Images , was vnlawfull , 2. Kings 18.4 . m Thirdly , The Scriptures of the New Testament , neither expresly , nor by Consequent , maintaine the worship of Images . Neither is there in all the Apostles Doctrine , any abrogation of the Negatiue Precept , deliuered to the Iewes , concerning the Worship of Images : And therefore the same Law is Morall , and obligeth Christians , as it did the Iewes . Fourthly , the worship of Images was not practised , or held lawfull by the Primitiue Fathers a : And Gregorie the great b , six hundred yeares after Christ , condemned the same . The Councel of Frankford c , seuen hundred ninetie and foure yeres after Christ , opposed the definition of the second Nicen Synod , concerning worship of Images ( as besides more antient Historians d , Cassander e , and some other Pontificians affirme f . ) Agobardus g the BB. of Lyons , who liued ( as Ado saith ) about the yeare 815 , in his Booke de Picturis & Imaginibus , saith , That none of the antient Catholickes thought that Images were to be worshipped , or adored : and deliuering his owne iudgement , he saith , Nemo se fallat , &c. Let no man beguile himselfe , whosoeuer worshippeth any Picture , or moulten or carued Statue , neither honoureth God himselfe , nor Angels or Saints , but Idols . Fifthly , many latter Pontificians haue condemned the worshipping of Images ( according as the same was practised by the vulgar , and maintained by Aquinas and other principall Scholemen . ) Holcoth saith h , No adoration is due to an Image , neither is it lawfull to worship any Image . Cassander writeth in this manner a , The opinion of Thomas Aquinas , who holdeth , that Images are to bee worshipped , as their Samplers , is disliked by sounder Scholemen ; and they affirme , that the same is not very safe , vnlesse it be qualified with fauourable interpretation . Among these is Durand , and Holcoth . Gabriell Biel reporteth the opinion of them which say , that an Image , neither as it is considered in it selfe materially , nor yet according to the nature of a Signe or Image , is to bee worshipped . Peresius Aiala saith b , All Scholemen ( in a manner ) hold , that the Image of Christ , and the Images of Saints are to be worshipped with the same adoration , that their Samplers , but they produce ( so farre as I haue seene ) no sound proofe of this Doctrine , to wit , neither Scripture , nor Tradition of the Church , nor common consent of Fathers , nor the determination of a generall Councell , or any other effe-Cuall reason sufficient to persuade Beleeuers . Sixthly , the varietie of opinions , and the palpable discord among Pontificians , concerning the manner of adoring Images , their sandie and disjointed consequences , their forging and purging Authors , their knottie and labyrinthian distinctions , wherein they ambush themselues , and out face euident Truth ; are sensible arguments of corrupt and vnsound Doctrine , in this Article of adoration of Images . IESVIT . §. 1 . Worship of Images , consequent out of the Principles of Nature and Christianitie . AN Image is a distinct and liuely pourtraiture of some visible and corporall thing , parts of the Jmage corresponding to the parts of the thing represented , more or lesse particularly , according as the Image is more or lesse distinct and liuely . ANSVVER . THis definition may perchance agree to some Images a , to wit , to the pictures of persons , & visible creatures which were taken from the immediate beholding of the Prototype , but not to such Images as are made by coniecture b , or vpon fabulous and Apocriphall reports , such as are the Images of Christ , and of the Prophets , Apostles , and many other Saints , drawne and pourtrayed many ages since their departure out of the world . Papists ( besides many other formes ) depaint the blessed Virgin , like the Queene of Heauen , with a crowne of Starres , and clothed with the Sunne , and treading the Moone vnder her feet . This and the like Images are false represents , neither haue they direct and immediate correspondence to the parts and qualities of the persons represented . And whereas the Iesuit tearmeth an Image ( meaning such as is vsed in his Church ) A distinct and liuely pourtraiture , &c. he should rather haue said , A confused and dead pourtraiture d : for who is able to deliuer a distinct and liuely Picture , truely resembling Christs humane bodie , or the countenance , feature , and proportion of many other Saints deceased ? And Clemens Alexandrinus e speaking of a painted Image , doth not call it liuely , but saith that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a dead matter formed by a workemans hand : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But we ( saith he ) vse no Image made of sensible matter , but such onely as is perceiued by vnderstanding . But if we consider the Pictures and Puppets which now a daies in most places , our Romists make of the blessed Virgin , we may wish that they had made only dead or confused pourtraitures . And what Christian eyes , if not bleared with the fogge of Superstition , can with patience behold the dresses , attires , and various fashions , wherin they 〈◊〉 present the B. Virgin ; yea many times like a Curtesane , or after the lightestand most immodest fashions of the world ? What proportion or correspondence is there with the sampler , in these prodigious formes ? IESVIT . The office of an Jmage is to carrie the imagination of the beholders thereof , directly and immediatly to the person imagined therein ; Jmagination of parts in the person represented , answering vnto the parts seene in the Image : which kind and vse of Images nature allowes vnto men , to the end they may remember and more fully imagine persons absent and remooued from their corporall fight , vpon whom they ought and haue great desire liuely and staidly to fix their imaginations and thoughts . ANSWER . Images of visible persons and creatures , may leade the imagination of Beholders , to the Person , and Creature represented by them . But Images of Christ and of the Trinitie , and of the glorified Saints , are deficient in their expression , and representation , and they may misleade the imagination , and ingender a carnall conceit a of those Persons , and also hinder the spirituall knowledge and Faith , which people ought to haue of them . The Spirit of God , which knoweth best what helpes are vsefull , and necessarie , to eleuate our mindes to spirituall Contemplation , hath left vs his Gospell , wherein Christ Iesus is depainted before the eyes of our soule , Galathians 3. 1. And also the holy Sacraments , which are visible signes , and Seales of Grace : but if painted and carued Images b , had beene such motiues , and effectuall meanes , to infuse godly memorie , and heauenly desires , into our hearts ( as 〈◊〉 pretend ) wee may be assured that our great Paraclete would haue expresly appointed and recommended the same in his Word : so farre would hee haue beene from perpetuall defacing of Images , and condemning the ordinarie vse of them in his Worship . I answere therefore , It may bee the Office or vse of some Images , to wit , of such as agree with the Prototype , and which are permitted by the Word of God , and are lawfully made and vsed , to leade the imagination of the beholders , to the remembrance of the person , and thing imagined . But if people presume beyond their modell , and aduenture to delineate that in Pictures and Images , which they know not , and inuent a kinde of Teaching , which was not learned in the Schoole of Christ a ; their owne inuentions , prooue snares , and their Images beget vaine imaginations , to say no worse of them . IESVIT . Hence ariseth the allowed Principle of Nature , receiued by all Nations , ciuill and barbarous , Ita vt in eo , to speake with Saint Augustine , Nulla Doctorum paucitas , nulla indoctorum turba dissentiat : That the Image , may , and ought to stand for the Prototype , and is by imagination to be taken , as if it were the verie person , and what wee outwardly doe to the Image , is done by imagination vnto the person . As when wee kisse the hands and feete of the Jmage , in our imagination , wee kisse the hands and feet of the Person inwardly imagined by his Image . ANSWER . It is no Axiome of Nature , that euerie Artificiall Image deuised by man , may , and ought to stand for the Prototype , and is by imagination to bee taken as if it were the very Person , and what wee outwardly doe to the Image , is done by imagination , to the Person , but onely of such Images as are lawfully appointed , either by Ciuile or Diuine Ordinance to these ends . The brasen Serpent , was a Figure , and Image of Christ , and yet it did not in such sort stand for the Prototype , as that outward Adoration and burning of Incense might lawfully be done vnto it a . In like sort , the Paschall Lambe was a figure of Christ , Ioh. 1. 29. & cap. 19. 36. and yet no holy 〈◊〉 kissed , or saluted , or censed , or bowed downe to the Paschall Lambe . The Cherubins ( according to our Aduersaries Tenet ) were Images , and yet they were neuer honoured or adored with kissing , kneeling , Incense , or any other signe , in speciall directed to them . And if any man ( saith Vasques b ) hold otherwise , it is a conceit of his owne braine , hauing no foundation . It is not necessarie therefore ( according to the Law of Nature ) but at the furthest contingent , to exhibite the same outward Actions of Honour , Loue , Reuerence , and Obeysance to Figures , and Images , which belong to the Principall . In ciuile Comportment , it is lawfull , and in some cases , it is a matter of dutie , to be vncouered , and to vse reuerence in the Kings Chamber of Presence , and before his Chaire of Estate , when his Person is absent : but these and the like Actions , exceed not the bounds of ciuile Obseruance . In the Church ( which is Gods house ) wee vncouer our heads , and wee kneele , and make Obeysance before the Altar , or Communion Table ; not to the figure of the Temple , or to the Table , materially or formally considered , but to Christ himselfe . And when wee worship towards the East ( as the antient Christians did c ) if there be a Crucifix painted in the Window , for Ornament , or Memorie , wee direct no part of our Obeysance to that painted Image , but to our blessed Sauiour , who hath visited vs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Day , or Easterne Light , from on high , Luc. 1. 78. And it is so farre from beeing vniuersally true , that the Image is to be taken for the Prototype , that in some cases wee may adore the one , and deface and abolish the other , as appeareth in the Brasen Serpent . If ( saith Alphonsus Castro a ) Christian people were in our dayes as prone to Idolatrie , as the people of Israel then were , and that they could not otherwise be reclaimed , I should thinke , that Images were to be broken in peeces . The same is affirmed by Corduba and Tapia . IESVIT . This is the Axiome of Philosophie , gathered out of Aristotle , Idem est motus in imaginem & exemplar : For Motion proceeding from the bodie and from the mind , what the bodie doth really and externally to the Image , the mind doth imaginarily , that is , by conceit and affection to the person . ANSVVER . Principles of Nature , containing themselues within their owne bounds , are to be embraced ; but sacred and religious Actions are regulated by a Diuine and supernaturall Modell a , 1. Cor. 2. 5 , 6 , 9. &c. The Word of God hath set a blacke marke vpon Images deuised by man , when they are applyed to worship . And therefore , although in humane and ciuill vse , the Image might in some sort stand for the Prototype , and by imagination be taken , and vsed , as the person resembled by it , yet in things religious , and sacred , it is otherwise . When the Israelites formed and worshipped a Golden Calfe , they might by conceit and imagination apprehend and worship the true God ; but this imagination and apprehension was not sufficient to iustifie their Action . Men may in their owne wisedome and intention conceiue and worship Images , and other Signes , as if they were one and the same thing with that which is the proper obiect of Worship ; but when they conioyne that which God hath diuided , their foolish and erroneous fancie and imagination maketh not their Actions lawfull , or pleasing to God. Aristotle in the place obiected ( d. Memor . cap. 1. in fine ) affirmeth not , either verbally , or in sense , that there is the same motion of the Conceit , and Affection , a into the externall Image , and the Sampler : for hee speaketh not of painted or carued Images , but of the mentall Image and impression which remayneth in the memorie , after the knowledge of things past : And many Schoolemen denie , that Aristotles testimonie , is truly applyed to Aquinas his manner of worshipping Images ; among which , are Durand b , Picus Mirandula c , 〈◊〉 d , Vasques e , &c. It is also apparantly false , that there is the same motion of the mind and will into the Image , and the Sampler , for these are euerie way two distinct Obiects , and the one is a signe , and the other a thing signified ; the one is the cause , the other the thing caused ; and in some Images , the Sampler is a nature increate , the Image considered as an Image , and in relation to the Prototype , is a thing created : the one is adored , because of it selfe , the other respectiuely , because of the Sampler . And therefore , for as much as the Obiect is diuers , and the manner of the Action is diuers , the motion of mans heart towards the Image , and the Sampler , cannot be one motion , but diuers ; euen as when I desire the meanes , because of the end , here are two distinct Actions f , and motions , to wit , Election and Intention . IESVIT . This Axiome of Philosophie ( that no man thinke it disauowed in Theologie ) the antient Fathers vniformely teach , as a prime truth , euident in reason ; S. Damascen a , S. Augustine b , S. Ambrose c , S. Basil d , S. Athanasius e , who writes , An Image of the King is nothing else but the forme and shape of the King ; which ( could it speake ) would and might say , J and the King are one , the King is in me , and I in him : so that who adoreth me , his Image , doth therein adore the verie King : Thus he shewing , that the Kings Image is to be imagined , and by imagination , conceiued and honoured as the verie King. ANSWER . You affirme , That the antient Fathers vniformely teach , and that as a prime truth , That the Image may and ought to stand for the Prototype , and is by imagination to be taken as if it were the very Person ; and consequently , that it is ioyntly to be worshipped . First , you say , the antient Fathers teach this Doctrine vniformely : secondly , you adde , That they teach this as a prime Truth . But to prooue the first , you produce onely fiue Testimonies of Fathers , of which , one is not very antient ; and touching the latter , you bring nothing . The Testimonies of the Fathers examined . First , Damascene , d. Fid. lib. 4. cap. 12. saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where his signe is , there is Christ , to wit , by operation and grace . First , this Author liued 740 yeeres after Christ , and is none of the antient Fathers : Secondly , it is confessed by your selues , that hee was not Orthodoxall in all points : For ( as Cardinall Bellarmine saith f ) hee denyed the procession of the Holy Ghost from the Sonne ; and in the matter of Images , hee differeth from the antient , which were before him . Secondly , Saint Augustine a d. Doctr. Christ. l. 3. c. 9. saith , Hee which vseth or worshippeth any profitable signe , being of diuine Institution , vnderstanding the vertue and signification thereof , worshippeth not that which is visible and transeunt , but that rather , whereunto all such things are referred . But Popish Images , appointed for Worship , are no Sacraments , or Ceremonies , or Signes of Diuine Institution , but humane Traditions , condemned by Saint Augustine b , both among Christians and Pagans . Thirdly , Saint Ambros. c d. Dom. Incarn . Sacram. c. 7. saith , When we adore his Diuinitie and his flesh , doe we diuide Christ ? When wee worship in him the Image of God , and the Crosse , doe wee diuide him ? This Father speaketh not of any Painted Image of God , but of the inuisible Image d , Col. 1.15 . Heb. 1.3 . And by the Crosse , he vnderstandeth the Passion of Christ e , as appeareth in his next words , Etsi crucifixus est , &c. Saint Basil and Saint Athanasius , spake by way of similitude , not of all Images , but of the Images of Kings f , which sometimes , not alwayes , in Ciuile vse and custome , not in Religion , may be taken , and reuerenced for the principall . But from a particular , and from a similitude , which halteth in many things g , you cannot conclude generally and absolutely . Where is now the vniforme consent of Fathers , which the Aduersarie glorieth in ? Damascene is not antient . Saint Augustine speaketh of signes which haue diuine institution . Saint Ambrose , of Christ his Passion , and not of Statues or Pictures . Saint Basil and Athanasius , speake by similitude , obiter , and by the way . But which of these affirmes , that Image Worship is a prime veritie ? But that the Reader may the better conceiue the weight of the Aduersaries Disputation , for Worship of Images , I will exhibit the same in a Logicall Resolution . The Theme or Question is , Whether artificiall Images of Christ , and of the Saints are to be worshipped . The first ground and Argument for the Affirmatiue , is : If the Samplers themselues are to be worshipped , then the Images being liuely Portraitures , and representations of those Samplers , are to be worshipped . The Consequence is denied , for besides that all Images , and among the rest , the Images of Christ , are not liuely Portraitures of Christ , but dead shaddowes , and imperfect and confuled delineations of his humanitie a : yet whatsoeuer they are artificially , and by humane constitution , they are not to be worshipped Religiously , because no diuine Institution or Authoritie permitteth man so to doe : and on the contrary part , diuine Precept extant in the Morall Law , prohibiteth the doing heereof . OBIECTION II. If the Image represent the Sampler , and stand for it , and by conceit and imagination is one with it , then it may , and ought to bee worshipped , &c. But the first is true , &c. If the Argument be thus resolued , the sequel is false ; for that which representeth another , and standeth for another , and is by imagination another , partaketh not all the Rites and duties of that which it representeth : but such onely , as by lawfull ordination , and by the nature of his kinde , it is capable of : but Painted and Carued Images , neither by the nature of their kinde b , being things sencelesse , liuelesse , and destitute of Grace , nor yet by any diuine Ordination , are capable of Adoration . The brasen Serpent was a figure and Image of Christ crucified , it did represent the Sampler , and stand for it , and by conceit and imagination of the faithfull beholder , it was one with Christ , to wit , by Relation as a signe with the thing signified : yet it being not appointed by God to bee worshipped , nor being capable of worship , according to the nature and qualitie of his kind , the Israelites committed Idolatrie , in worshipping and burning Incense to it . OBIECTION III. There is the same motion of the minde , into the Image and the Sampler , as we may perceiue by the Image of the King. There is not the same motion , &c. but a diuerse : for the mind is fixed vpon the Image , as vpon a Signe , and as vpon an Obiect inferiour to the Sampler : and if there bee the same Motion in any person towards the Image and the Sampler , the same proceedeth vpon error , and is a false imagination , neither doth the Image of a King a stand for a very King , but for asigne and representation . And if there were the same motion of the mind , into the Image and the Samplar , yet it is inconsequent to say , there must be the same Adoration ( as Peresius Aiala b hath obserued . ) IESVIT . With this Principle so receiued in Nature , wee must ioyne another , no lesse knowne and notorious in Christianitie , to wit , That God full of all honour and glorie , to whom all Worship and Adoration is due , became truely and verily man , as visible and aspectable as any other man , and consequently , as imaginable , that hee may bee figured by an Image , no lesse truely and distinctly than another man. ANSVVER . When Christ liued vpon the earth , and was conuersant with men , Iohn 1. 14. hee might then perhaps ( if Diuine prouidence had permitted ) haue beene figured , according to something which was visible in his humane Bodie : I say , if Diuine Prouidence had permitted , because for preuention of Idolatrie and Superstition , it fell out in this case , as it did with the bodie of Moses a . And because this was not then performed , either by his owne , or by his Apostles appointment , we can haue no certainetie , that the after painting and figuring of him , is a conuenient meanes whereby to honour him , and to cause deuotion , or that Pictures and Images whereby he hath beene figured in latter ages , are agreeable to the sampler . IESVIT . In which Image , the hands , feet , and other parts shall truely by imagination correspond vnto the feet , bands , and parts of the Prototype , and our imaginations from 〈◊〉 passe directly vnto Christ and his parts , proportionable to those we behold in the Image ; so that when we adore with an humble outward kisse , the hands and feet of the Image , by inward imagination , conceipt , and affection , we kisse and adore the imagined true hands and feet of Christ. Neither are these imaginations false and erronious , seeing ( as Philosophie teacheth ) no falshood is in meere apprehension or imagination , without iudging the thing to be as we imagine . As in contemplation , men represent and imagine themselues as standing before Gods Throne , in the Court of Heauen , amidst the quires of Saints and Angels , praising and honouring him in their societie , not iudging themselues to be truely and really in Heauen , ( that were a falshood and dotage ) but only 〈◊〉 in themselues such a presence , and 〈◊〉 themselues outwardly and inwardly in prayer , as if they were present : to which kind of imaginations , as pious and godly , the Scriptures and Fathers exhort vs. In this sort , beholding the Image of Christ , we apprehend him as therein present ; not iudging the Image to be Christ , but imagining and taking it as it were Christ , that when wee outwardly honour the Jmage by kissing the hands and feet thereof , mentally by imagination and humble affection of reuerence , we adore and kisse the most venerable hands and feet of his pretious bodie . ANSVVER . It is possible for imagination to build castles in the aire , and to conceiue the person of Christ , as present to his Image : yet if this imagination be fantasticall , and if in adoration , Christ and Images haue no agreement , 2. Cor. 6.16 . then worshipping of Images , is not worshipping of Christ ; for it is possible to imagine God to be in the Sunne , and to behold the Sunne as Gods Image a , yet they which vpon such an imagination , should worship the Sunne , which God hath not commanded , must be ranked amongst false worshippers , Deut. 4.19 . & 17.3 . Iob. 31.26 . And whereas the Obiector addeth , that according to Philosophie , no falshood is in meere apprehension or imagination b , without iudging the thing to be , as we imagine . I answer , That this being granted concerning fictions c , yet vpon such imagination , there may follow , or be inferred that which is false , or morally euill : to wit , if one imagine the Sunne , or a Lambe to be the figure of Christ , and , because in holy Scriptures he is compared to these creatures , Mal. 4.2 . Iohn 1.29 . conceiue them as his image , shall it hereupon be lawfull by one and the same motion of the cogitation and affection , to worship the creatures with their Creator ? But that the solution of the former Argument may be more perspicuous , I will present the same in forme , and then applie mine answer . If by imagination we may truely conioine Christ himselfe with his Image , then vpon that imagination , we may coworship Christ , and his Image : But the first may be done , for he being incarnate , may be figured in the Image of a man , and being thus figured , may be presented to the vnderstanding , and people may imagine him as present , in , or by his Image . Ergo , Vpon that imagination , we may worship Christ and his Image . Both the assumpsition , and also the sequel of this Argument , are denied . First , taking truely , for that which is really true , we cannot by imagination so conioine Christ and his painted Image , as that we may conceiue them to bee one terminatiue obiect , of worship , for the reasons formerly deliuered . Neither is the Picture or Image of any other person the terminatiue obiect of Loue , Reuerence , or Worship , but onely a motiue , and signe of remembrance , vpon aspect whereof , followeth the former actions ( inward or outward ) of Loue , Reuerence , or Worship , not towards the Image , but towards the principall . Secondly , it is inconsequent to argue , that because some people imagine the Image and the sampler as things conioined , therefore they may coworship them ; for religious adoration primarie or secondarie , is not founded vpon euerie kind of vnion , as appeareth in mental Images a , but vpon certain kinds of vnion , to wit : First , Personal , as when the Humanitie of Christ is coupled with the Dietie : Secondly , Substantiall , as where the parts are coupled with the whole : Thirdly , Causall , Relatiue , or Accidentall , to wit , when by diuine ordination , things created are made instruments , messengers , signes , or receptacles of diuine grace , as the holy Sacraments , and the Word and Gospell , and the Ministers of the Church , &c. Christ himselfe is present , assistant , and operatiue , in and by these instruments , and hath commanded reuerence to be vsed towards them , accounting the loue , faith , and honour which are yeelded to his created Word , to be loue , faith , and honour to himselfe b , Math. 10.14.42 . 2. Cor. 8.5 . Gal. 4.14 . Act. 10.34 . But Papisticall fancie and imagination , produceth none of these , nor yet any other true kind of vnion , neither hath God almightie in his word commanded duety , seruice , or worship to be giuen vnto them ; but on the contrarie , by the Doctrine of holy Scripture , he condemneth the same . IESVIT . The Histories of Christian Antiquitie , are full of holy men , Bishops , Kings , Queenes , and other honourable personages , who haue cast themselues downe on the ground before Beggers , Lazars , and Leapers , kissing their feet , and their sores , out of venerable affection vnto Christ. In which kind , memorable is the Charitie of the famous Queene Mathildes , daughter of Malcolme King of Scotland , and wife to Henrie the first of England , whose custome was to wash with her owne hands the feet of poore people , amongst whom some were Leapers , and had loathsome diseases , not disdaining with great reuerence on her knees to kisse their feet with her princely lips . And when as the prince of Scotland her brother being then in the Court of England , entring into her chamber , found her imploied in so humble a seruice , astonished thereat , rebuked her , saying , Sister what do you ? can you with those your defiled lips kisse the king your husband ? She answered , Know brother , that the feet of the king of Heauen are more louely and venerable than are the lips of an earthly king . Certainely this queene with all other addicted to the like deuotion , when they kissed the feet of the poore outwardly with their lips , did by imagination full of reuerent affection , kisse the feet of Christ Iesus , taking the poore as Images of him , who said , What you do to one of my least ones , you do vnto me . ANSWER . There is great disparitie betweene reasonable creatures , the liuing members of Christ , the spirituall temples of the holy Ghost , and betweene dead and sencelesse stockes a , which haue eyes and see not , eares and heare not , noses and smell not . Beggers , Lazars , Leapers , &c. are recommended to the world by our Sauiour , Ioh. 12.8 . Luc. 14.21 . and they are said to honour their Maker , which are charitable to them , Pro. 14.31 . and he promiseth infinit reward to them which loue and honour the poore . Where ( I pray you ) hath our Sauiour said of Images of stone , wood , &c. nay of puppets , and pranked babies , What you do to one of these my least ones , you do vnto me ? Surely the cloathing , censing , bowing , pilgrimage going to Images deuised by mans braine , hath neither precept , promise , example , or praise in all Gods Booke , neither is there any dignitie or excellencie in them , formally , or accidentally , which may equall them to the meanest reasonable creature . An Idol * ( saith S. Augustine b ) is the workemanship of an artificer , and if this maker , as he hath bestowed figure , so he could haue giuen vnderstanding to his creature , hee should himselfe receiue honour from the Image which he hath formed . And in another place , the Artificer is better than that which himselfe formeth : Why art thou then ashamed to worship the Carpenter , and doest not rather blush when thou adorest that which hee hath formed ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( saith Athanasius a ) That which formeth another , is better than the thing which is formed . IESVIT . Out of this , the common Obiection of Protestants , to wit , That the worship of Christs Image is no where commanded in Scripture , and therefore is a will Worship ; may bee answered . For as themselues confesse , many Actions belonging to Religion , whereof there is no expresse Precept , nor any practise in Scripture , may be vsed , when there be Principles in Scripture , which prooue the lawfulnesse and necessitie thereof . There is no expresse Precept in Scripture to Christen Jnfants ; nor is it there read , that euer any were Christened : yet because there be Testimonies , which ioyned with reason , prooue the lawfulnesse and necessitie of this Baptisme , we may and must vse it . In Scripture , there is no expresse Practise nor Precept of worshipping the Image of Christ , yet there be Principles , which ( the light of Nature supposed ) conuince such Adoration to be lawfull . ANSVVER . Protestants obiect against Adoration of Images , not onely that the same is no where commanded in Scripture , but that it is prohibited , and condemned , Leuit. 26.1 . Neither by Commandement , vnderstand we expresse and literall Precept onely , but deriuatiue and vertuall . And could Papists demonstrate the lawfulnesse of this Action , by diuine or supernaturall testimonie , immediate or deriuatiue , in such manner as the Baptisme of Infants b is prooued to be lawfull and necessarie , wee must approoue the practise thereof . IESVIT . For Christ being true God full of honour , to whom all supreame adoration is due , doth and must needs make honourable and adorable anything that represents him , that is which must be taken by imagination as if it were his 〈◊〉 . But supposing God to be truely man ( as Faith teacheth ) the light of nature sheweth that his image truely represents him , that is , makes him present to the imaginations of the beholders thereof , and stands for him . Ergo , Christ Iesus his image is for his sake venerable and adorable as a thing standing for him in such sort , that the honour done outwardly to it , is done , and ought to be taken as done , by deuout and pious imagination to his person , whence further is concluded the necessity of this worship . ANSWER . The Maior Proposition is denyed . For although Christ be true God full of honour , yet he imparteth not his honour in whole or in part to euery thing , which man appointeth to be a representation of him , but onely to such things as haue some excellency in them , proceeding from his owne ordinance , and influence into them . Neither is it in the power of men 〈◊〉 their owne Imaginations , either to forme representations of Christ , capable of honour ; or when they haue formed them , to appoint that they must be honoured and adored b . For if the Subiects of secular Princes , cannot without speciall commission , aduance euen worthy persons , to dignities and honourable places in the Common-wealth , much lesse are mortall men able , to deriue the honours which Christ is Lord of , to what they please , and to inuest their owne handy worke with Christs honour . IESVIT . For God incarnate being most venerable and full of glory , requires of a Christian , that that which stands for him and represents him , be honoured and adored for his sake . ANSWER . Not euery thing which stands for him , and represents him , according to the deuices and imaginations of men , no nor euery thing that represents , and stands for him , according to his owne precept , is to be adored with diuine honour , as it is manifest in the brazen Serpent . IESVIT . If the honour due to a King be so great , that the same redounds from his person to things about him ; as to his chaire of State ( which is honoured with the like bowing and kneeling that is vsed to his person , and to his image , vnto which whosoeuer offereth iuiury is punishable , as offering iniury to the King himselfe ) shall not the honour due to Christ Iesus infinitelie greater , so flow out of his person vnto things that belong and concerne him , as to make his Image , Crosse , and such holy monuments of his passion and life , venerable for his sake , and to be adored with bowing , kneeling , and other exteriour honour , as would be vsed to his person were he visibly present ? ( not so , that the worship rest in the image , but be referred by imagination and affection to the person imagined . ) ANSWER . This similitude halteth : for the Kings chaire of State , and his image , when they are honoured or dishonoured , are conioyned with his Person , by ciuile ordinance and relation : but the artificiall image of Christ and of his Crosse , &c. are not conioyned with Christ , by diuine ordination , or by relation grounded vpon Christs word , but by an imaginary act of the superstitious worshipper ; also ciuile and religious worship , are of diuers beginnings , and formes , and euery thing that is possible , lawfull and commendable , in the one , is not so in the other . IESVIT . But the image of Christ being a true representation of God incarnate , and able to conuey our imaginations directly and truely towards him , 〈◊〉 very 〈◊〉 vnto the parts of his sacred person , hath 〈◊〉 right in reason and nature , which cannot be taken from it , to represent him , and to stand in our imaginations for him . Wherefore the image of Christ hath a right , which without impietie cannot be denyed vnto it , to be honoured and outwardly adored for his sake , by kneelings , bowings , 〈◊〉 and kissings , referred in mind by deuout thoughts and affections , to his person . ANSVVER . Is the painted image a true representation of Christ incarnate , because Romists say so ? and were it a true representation , is it therefore impietie to refuse to worship it ? Many Doctours , both of the Romane , and of other Churches , haue allowed and maintained the Historicall vse of images , which condemned adoration a . And if it be outwardly to be adored for Christs sake , why is it not inwardly also to be adored ? And if inwardly , then either with the same worship , wherewith Christ himselfe is adored , or with inferiour ; not with the same , for then a creature which is not personally vnited to the Creatour , may be honoured as God. If with inferiour , then either with inferiour honour belonging to the person represented , but there is none such , or with the honour of some other person : but this cannot be , because the image of Christ hath reference to no other person but Christ. And if the painted images of Christ , and the woodden Crosse whereupon he was crucified , were to be adored with 〈◊〉 honour , absolute or respectiue , much more were the liuely images of Christ , to wit , the blessed Saints , so to be adored , and the blessed Virgin , aboue all other , because she was more neerely conioyned to him than the woodden Crosse. IESVIT . And this right is a dignitie which an image of Christ hath aboue other creatures , who though they be referred vnto God as to their Author , yet God may not be honoured in them in that manner , as Christ is honoured in his image . ANSVVER . This Idolist , heapeth conclusion vpon conclusion , but hee groundeth them , either vpon no premises , or vpon such as are sandie . How doth it appeare , that an image of Christ figured by a Roman Painter , hath a dignity aboue other creatures ? Are Roman Painters more excellent workemen than God himselfe ? Hath a dead picture , and worme-eaten statue , greater dignitie , than the liuely images of Christ , to wit the Saints which are vpon earth , and 〈◊〉 in vertue a ? How much more worthy to be beleeued , is the saying of Clement b ? If you desire , truely to honour the image of God , let me open the truth to you , Rather yeeld honour and reuerence to man , formed after the image of God , than to empty and breathlesse figures . IESVIT . The reason is , because creatures represent God their Author , so rudely , remotely , darkely , imperfectly , that onely spirituall men , and perfect Contemplants , can acknowledge God in them : and so , such men onely , and that onely priuately to themselues , may worship God in and by them , which is all that Vasq. ( so much accused ) doth teach . But as for publique and promiscuous adoring of creatures , he condemnes it as vndecent and scandalous , saying expressely , that Indiscriminatim creaturas adorandas proponere , esset multis manifesta causa periculi . In which respect Saint Leo reprehends some Christians at Rome , that bowed vnto the Sunne mentally referring that bowing , vnto God the Author thereof ; because Panyms seeing that outward action of adoring , might imagine , that Christians adored the sunne in their superstitious manner ; the relation which the sunne hath to God as to his Creator , not being euident vnto sight . But the image of Christ , as I said , is apparantly so representatiue of Christ , that vpon sight thereof , our thoughts flye presently to him , and his picture is no sooner in our eyes , than his person by imagination in our mind ; neither is there any excellency appearing in the picture , worthy to bee adored , or sufficient to stay our thoughts and affections in it . So that no man can with any probabilitie suspect , that any reason besides reuerence to his Maiestie , makes vs bow our bodies to his image . ANSWER . Your reason is no reason , but a meere verball asseueration : for being reduced to forme , it sounds in this manner . That which is so representatiue of Christ , as that the sight thereof , carrieth our thoughts presently by imagination to Christ , and yet hath nothing in it worthy of adoration , for it selfe , hath a right , and dignity , to be worshipped aboue other creatures which doe so rudely , remotely , darkely , and imperfectly represent God , that none but spirituall men , and perfect contemplants , can acknowledge and worship God in them . But artificiall images of Christ , &c. are representations of the first sort ; and other creatures , are onely representatiue , in the latter manner . Ergo , Painted and carued images of Christ , haue a right and dignity to be worshipped aboue other creatures . Both Propositions of this Argument are denyed . First , The Maior is false : for imaginarie representation onely , without speciall Institution , and other grounds , in the thing representing , may bee onely a motiue , and not a terminatiue obiect of Worship , as hath formerly beene shewed . Secondly , The Minor hath no pretext or colour of Truth : for some Creatures doe so represent Christ , as that they are his liuely Image , by Communion and Participation of Grace , 2. Pet. 1.4 . And they carrie the mindes of Beleeuers , by their actions , to wit , by their Doctrine and Example , into the distinct , and sauing knowledge of Christ ; and they stand heere in the world , in the roome and stead of Christ , by his owne Ordination , 2. Cor. 5.20 . But Painted and Carued Images , represent onely a Bodie and a thing externall . And without other meanes , people cannot know Christ , nor vnderstand such things concerning his Person and Office , as are necessarie to make them wise to saluation . And whereas the Iesuit saith , That other Creatures doe so rudely , remotely , &c. represent God , that none but perfect contemplants , can acknowledge and worship him in them ; the holy Scripture speaketh in a contrarie manner , to wit , That the visible things of God , his power and Godhead , &c. were made manifest , and clearely to be seene , in the fabricke of his Creatures a , euen of Heathen people , which were not spirituall men , or perfect Contemplants , Rom. 1.19 , 20. The opinion of Gabriel Vasques , mentioned only , and touched aslope by our Aduersarie , was this which followeth : First , There is not any thing in the world , which we may not sincerely adore , and God himselfe in the same b . Secondly , One may , according to right and sincere faith , consider God internally present in euerie Creature , and worship God in it , and with it c . Thirdly , It is lawfull to worship the Earth , as Gods footstoole ; and the Sunne as his Tabernacle , in the same manner as Images , and other sacred things are worshipped . Fourthly , He is no Idolater , which according to a good intention , worshippeth God in a stone , or in the rayes of the Sunne , although the deuill were there d , or which adoreth the Asse e vpon which Christ sate . And if one worship God in a Crucifixe , wherein the deuill lurketh , hee need not excuse himselfe , by saying , hee was ignorant of the deuils presence ; nor limit his Worship , by vsing any expresse condition f . Fiftly , Although the former practise be lawfull , yet the same may not be appointed to bee done promiscuously , by rude or vulgar people a . Our Aduersarie is silent , concerning his owne iudgement about the former Doctrine . But if I may speake freely , according to my priuate opinion , I cannot perceiue why the Sunne , and the Moone , and the Earth , and the Asse , &c b . may not be worshipped together with God their maker , vpon as good , and better reason , than Pictures and Statues , which are formed by Craftesmen , and haue no force or operation in them . I am taught also by learned Vasques , that the deuill in very substance , may lurke in Images ; and my Aduersarie cannot prooue , that Christ is present or assistant to them . Now it seemeth vnreasonable to worship that which may receiue the deuill : when on the other side , one cannot be certaine , that it may haue any fellowship with Christ , 2. Cor. 6.16 . IESVIT . Nor doth it follow , That if wee worship the Image of Christ , and the Crosse that he died on , that we should also adore Iudas his lips , which touched our Sauiours sacred mouth , when he gaue him that trayterous kisse . For it is easie to shew many differences betwixt Judas his lips , and the Crosse. First , Iudas his lips were conioyned substantially with Iudas , that none could bow or bend vnto them and kisse them , without seeming to bow and doe honour to his person : In regard he being an intellectuall Creature , was an obiect capable of veneration , terminated and stayed in his owne person . But the Crosse being a sencelesse thing , is not an obiect sufficient to stay veneration within it selfe ; neither is it a part belonging to the substance of any wicked man , that concurred to the punishing of our Sauiour , but rather was fixed vnto , and ioyned with his Bodie : and so the outward bowing to the Crosse , is done mentally onely vnto Christ , whom we behold as stretched thereon . Secondly , the Crosse , the Nailes , the Launce , and other such instruments being sencelesse creatures , may be thought of as things sanctified by the touch of our Sauiours bodie , not hauing in them any thing contrarie to the sanctitie of Christ , and so could not hinder the conceipt of such imputed sanctitie . But Iudas being most wicked and detestable , and full of the most horrible treason that euer was , did so defile and prophane his whole person , and all the parts thereof , that the meere touch of our Sauiours most sacred mouth could not sanctifie , nor make holy vnto Christian imagination his lips , without changing and sanctifying his heart ; for so long as he continueth without repenting his treason , the liuely remembrance of that execrable fact doth so possesse a Christian heart , as no respectfull thought to him can enter vnto it . Finally , the Passion of Christ may bee considered two waies : First , as proceeding from the will of wicked men , the Diuels instruments , to torment him , in which consideration it is not gratefull vnto God , but a detestable sinne in the authors thereof : Secondly , it may be considered , as receiued in the bodie of Christ , as abiding and continuing in his sacred person , admitted in his heart , and offered to his Father for the sinnes of the world , and by this consideration it is sacred and venerable . The lips of Iudas betraying Christ , as the hands also of the wicked Minister , that strucke him in Caiphas his house , and other like instruments conioined with wicked persons , were instruments of Christs passion , as it proceeded from their wicked hearts , and consequently as it was a detestable action ; but the Crosse , the Nailes , and the Lance that stayed in , and were conioined vnto the bodie of Christ , were instruments of Christs Passion , as lodged in his sacred person , and as offered to his heauenly Father , and consequently as of a thing most highly venerable . ANSWER . Admitting many differences betweene Iudas his lips , and the materiall Crosse , it followeth not , that the one may be worshipped , although the other may not : for there are many differences betweene the brazen Serpent , and the Angell in the Reuelation , yet neither of these creatures might be religiously adored , 2. King. 18 , 4. Apoc. cap. 19 , & cap. 22.9 . There are differences betweene the Sunne , and king Nabuchadonozer , yet neither might be worshipped religiously . Neither do the seuerall differences assigned by the Aduersarie , conclude : Not the first , because there was something in Iudas his lips susceptible of respect , which was not in the materiall Crosse , to wit , capacitie of Grace ; for Iudas might haue repented , but an inanimate creature is not potentially susceptible of sanctitie : Not the second , for by error an insensible creature may terminate adoration as well as an intellectuall , witnesse the idolatrie of Pagans . Thirdly , that the liuelesse and insensible Crosse , whereupon Christ suffered , was sanctified by his Passion , must be beleeued when diuine ordinance is produced , to make the same manifest . But for ought I can obserue , the Protestants vse not this obiection , taken from Iudas his lips a : and some learned Papists affirme , that Iudas his lips might be reuerently kissed b . The last words , which are the Crosse , the Nailes , and the Lance that stayed in , and were ioined vnto the bodie of Christ , were instruments of Christs Passion , as lodged in his sacred Person , & as offered to his heauenly Father , affoord this Argument following for the Iesuit : Those things which at the instant time of Christs Passion had a residence in Christs bodie , and were ioined thereunto as instruments of his Passion , and were offered by Christ to his heauenly Father , are thereby made most highly venerable . But the Crosse , Nailes , and Lance were those things which at the instant time of Christs Passion , had a residence in Christs bodie , and were ioined thereunto as instruments of his Passion , and were offered by Christ to his heauenly Father , Ergo The Crosse , Nailes , and Lance are thereby made most highly venerable . Both Propositions are false in whole , or in part . First , those things which at the instant time of Christs Passion , had a residence in his bodie , and were ioined thereunto ( per contactum phisicum ) as instruments of his Passion , were not thereby made most highly venerable , because there is no diuine authoritie , or any other snfficient reason to prooue this assertion . Secondly , these things were seperate instruments , and not perpetually conioined to his person , and if none did worship them when they were actually conioined , there is no reason to thinke that they are to be worshipped being diuided . If apparrell when it is ioined to an honourable person , may be coworshipped with the person , yet when it is diuided from the person , and hangeth in a wardrobe , or is worne by a Page , it is otherwise a . Whiles God appeared to Moses in the bramble bush , the ground whereon Moses stood is called holy , Exod. 3.6 . But this holinesse being only relatiue , transitorie , and denominatiue , and not inherent or durable , the former vision and apparition being finished , the ground whereon Moses stood returned to his old condition . The like may be said of the water of Iordan , considered when Christ was baptised with it , and againe considered , when his baptisme was finished , and out of the vse . An Embassador during his embassage , is a publicke and honourable person ; when his office ceaseth , the honour consectarie and dependant vpon his office ceaseth also . Secondly , the latter branch of the assumption , to wit , the Crosse , Nailes , and Lance were offered by Christ to his heauenly Father at his Passion , is impiously false , for nothing was offered by Christ to his heauenly Father at his Passion , but himselfe , and part of himselfe , Heb. 7.27 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he offered vp himselfe , Heb. 9. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , through the eternall Spirit he offered himselfe without spot to God , &c. Heb. 10. 10. Wee are sanctified through the offering of the body of lesus Christ , once for all , 1. Pet. 2.24 . Col. 1.22 . Heb. 9.12 . By his owne bloud he entred once into the holy place , &c. 1. Pet. 1. 19. And if the Crosse , Nailes , and Lance were offered by Christ to his Father , then we were redeemed with corruptible things , contrarie to the Apostles doctrine , 1. Pet. 1. 18 , and Wood , Nailes , and Yron were a part of the propitiatorie Sacrifice for the sinnes of the whole world ; which is a Iesuiticall , or rather an Antijesuine doctrine , that is , a doctrine ascribing to dead creatures , Yron , Wood , Steele , Nailes , &c. that which is most proper to the pretious blood of Iesus . This doctrine ( maintained by Loiolists ) is most sacrilegious , and more to be abhorred than Iudas his lips . But it is fulfilled in these men , which Clement Alexandrinus saith of heathen Idolaters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? are they not prodigious monsters which adore stockes and stones ? IESVIT . Out of which J may conclude , that Christ Iesus being a true man , his Image hath a most euident and vndeniable right to represent him , and so to be honoured for his sake . ANSVVER . Conclusions borrow their strength from their premises but the former premises haue no power to inforce this conclusion . For although Christ is a true man , yet his painted Image wanteth euident and vndeniable right to represent him ; because such right presupposeth diuine institution . The same represents him and stands for him , only by humane imagination ( which is all the Aduersarie is able to prooue ) but religious worship must haue a more sound and certaine foundation , otherwise we must say to Papals , when they are thus prodigall in giuing Christs honour to Idols , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ioh. 4. 22. ye worship ye know not what . If in ciuile worship , one should frame an Image , or chaire of State , in honour of a king , and commaund people to kneele and bow to it , none will be so foolish as to obey , vnlesse such commandement be deriued from the kings authoritie , or law . But in things religious and heauenly , men haue not the same libertie of deuising , and commanding , as appeareth by Gedeons Ephod , Iudg. 8.27 a . Lastly , if it should be granted that artificiall Images did represent , figure , or teach Christ Iesu by diuine institution , as fully as the Bookes of holy Scripture , or as the inward conceits and images of the mind b , yet it were inconsequent to inferre that the same were therefore to be worshipped in such manner as Papals require . They were indeed to be vsed with reuerence , but reuerent vsing and adoration are diuers actions . IESVIT . §. 2. THis Worship was euer since the Apostles in the Church without beginning . ANSVVER . IF it had no beginning , how can this man prooue , that the Apostles were the Authors ? IESVIT . The disagreeing of Protestants , about the time when Worship of Jmages began , is a sufficient Argument , That there is no beginning thereof assigneable . ANSVVER . The Iesuits Proposition is : Worship of Images hath beene practised in the true Church euer since the Apostles , &c. His first Argument to confirme this , is , If Protestants disagree , in assigning the time , when the worship of Images first began in the Church : Then the worship of Images was practised vniuersally and perpetually from the Apostles dayes . But Protestants disagree in assigning the time when the Worship of Images first began in the Church . Ergo The worship of Images was practised vniuersally and perpetually from the Apostles dayes : and consequently the same worship , is to be receiued and practised in these dayes . First , The consequence of the Maior Proposition is denied : For is it not ridiculous to argue in this manner ? Learned Papists disagree , in assigning the time when Heathenish Idolatrie first began : Therefore Heathenish Idolatrie had his beginning in Paradise . But learned Papists , Bellarmine , Pererius , Barradias , &c. disagree , in assigning and pointing foorth the moment of time when Heathenish Idolatrie fist began a . The time , when people first began to offer their sonnes and daughters to diuells , is not assigneable . And who can certainely report , when barbarous people first began to eate mans flesh ? or when the Assyrian matrons began first to prostitute themselues , at the temple of Venus b ? Is it therefore consequent , that these customes had their beginning from Noahs dayes , because their originall is not assigneable ? Our aduersaries Achilles therefore ( Protestants are not able out of approoued Historians to assigne the persons and time , who , and when , began the worship of images in the Church : Ergo , the said custome is originally from the Apostles ) rather deserueth contempt and derision , than an accurate solution . 2. The assumption of the former argument is also denyed : For Protestants disagree not in assigning the time when worship of images was first of all imposed , as an article of faith : for the second Nicene Synod , celebrated after the yeare 790. did first decree this practise . And yet , if it be admitted , that there were some difference of opinion betweene Protestants in matter of Chronologie , and about point of time , this is no argument of palpable vntruth ( as our aduersarie declames , ) for we finde as great difference in the Fathers , and among Papists themselues , in sundry passages of this nature c . But now let vs further examine , in what manner the obiectour prooueth , that Protestants disagree about the time when worship of images began . IESVIT . But because it were long to set downeall their disagreeing assertions , I will onely declare what Mr. Iohn White , brother to my Aduersarie , in his booke printed and reprinted many times , saith thereabout , that your Maiestie may by this example vnderstand , with how little sinceritie the best esteemed Protestant Ministers handle controuersies , to the deception of many Christian soules . First there was no image , * either grauen or painted ( saith Erasmus a ) no not the image of Christ himselfe to be set in Churches , and this appeareth by the testimony of the ancients b . Secondly , when they began to be vsed , the Church of Rome forbad the worship of them , as appeareth by the Epistles of Gregory c to Serenus ; and Polydore d a Papist confesseth , all Fathers condemned the worship of Images for feare of Idolatrie . Afterward the Councell of Nice brought in their worship , decreeing neuerthelesse , that no image should bee adored with Latria , diuine honour . At the last Thomas Aquinas e , and the Trent Councell f expounded by the Iesuits g , taught that diuine honour should be giuen vnto them . Thus he , which in my iudgement is sufficient to make any iuditious man mislike Protestant Writers , that defend their Religion by such palpable vntruths . For ( to begin with his last saying , and so vpward ) what can be more false , than that the Councell of Trent taught , that diuine worship is to be giuen vnto images , there being no such words in the whole Councell ? As for the Iesuit Vasq. whom he citeth as so expounding the Councell , no such doctrine is found in him , either in the place quoted by the Minister , or in any other part of his workes , yea the contrary is found . It is not ( quoth he ) to be said , that diuine honour is giuen vnto images . Neither doth Suarez the other Jesuit cyted , expound the Councell to giue diuine worship vnto Christs image ; but onely saith that out of the Councell it may be gathered , that the image of Christ , and Christ , are honoured by one and the same act of worship : which as referred vnto Christ 〈◊〉 diuine worship ; as referred to the image , not diuine worship but inferiour veneration . For as he declareth the worship of Christ and his image , though one , and the same Phisicall act , is twofold , being diuine honour towards Christ , not diuine but an inferiour kind of honour towards the image . ANSWER . This discourse reduced into forme of Argument is : Mr. Iohn White had dealt vnfaithfully in his narration , of the opinions of learned Papists , touching the comming in , and worship of Images . Ergo , Protestants disagree about the time , when the worship of Images began . A miserable and most inept consequence , as all men learned and vnlearned may perceiue : for if it were true , that 〈◊〉 . Iohn White , or some other Protestant Minister , had erred in reporting the doctrine of the Trident Synod , and in relating the opinion of Suares and Vasques ; doth it follow from hence , that Protestants disagree , in assigning the time when Image-worship began to be enioyned , as a necessary dutie , and the doctrine thereof determined as an article of faith ? But omitting the sequele of the argument , which is loose and disioynted , let vs examine the antecedent . Thomas Aquinas , and the Trident Councell ( saith Mr. Iohn White ) as it was expounded by Iesuits ( meaning also other learned Pontificians ) taught that diuine worship , or Latria , should be giuen vnto them , &c. I answer : Aquin. his words are so plaine , that an intelligent man cannot conceiue his meaning to be other than as the letter of the wordssoundeth c Cum Christus adoretur adoratione latriae , consequens est quod eius imago sit adoratione latriae adoranda , Because Christ himselfe is adored with diuine honour , it is consequent , that his image is to be adored with the worship of Latria . 2. The determination of the Trident Councell , in this and in many other articles , is like Apollo his riddles and responsalls , a nose of waxe , and so ambiguous , that not onely Mr. White , but veterane Papists themselues are perplexed in resoluing the mysteries thereof . Now thething which induced Mr. White to conceiue that the said Councell approoued the opinion of Thomas and other schoolemen , touching adoration of Images with diuine worship , was , not onely the silence of these Trent masters , in condemning that grosse errour : but especially , the practise of many late Pontificians , which propugne Aquinas his Tenet , affirming , that the same is agreeable to the Councells definition . Henriquez a Iesuit saith : b Some ( of our part ) doe euill , in denying , that it is not meet to preach to common people , That the image of Christ is to be adored with diuine honour . Suarez c hath these words , It may rightly be , that the image , and the Prototype , may be adored with one act , and in this manner the image of Christ may be adored with Latria . Vasques d saith , if an image be taken formally , as it exerciseth the act of an image , that is ; for the very sampler in the image , and for the image as it containeth the sampler , and is as it were animated by it ; then without doubt we must say , that true Latria , in spirit , is exhibited vnto it . Iacobus de Graphijs a hath these words , We are to worship euery image with the same worship wherewith the Sampler is worshipped , to wit , the image of God , or Christ , or signe of the Crosse ( as it bringeth the Lords Passion into our mind ) with the worship of Latria . The same is affirmed by Ludovicus Paramo b , Bernardus Puiol c . Franciscus Petigianis d , Petrus de Cabrera e , Azorius , L. Lamas , Thom. Elysius . Arch. Rubeo . Tho. Bustus , &c. And whereas the foresaid Authors in their larger disputations vse many distinctions f , wherein they may seeme to qualifie the hardnesse of former assertions , yet if they intend not to giue such honour to images , as their generall speeches import , they are rather to be accused , and taken at the worst , which giue occasion , than Protestants blamed as mistaking their meaning : their distinctions being ( as g Bellarmine speaketh ) so subtle and intricate , that not onely vulgar persons , but the Authors themselues scarce vnderstand them . But the question , whether images be to bee adored with diuine worship , or not , and all the rest of this section , concerning Mr. Iohn White , is heterrogeneous to this disputation , as appeares by the former Analysis . It is sufficient for vs to shew , that Papists adore and worship Images , with some kind of reall worship a , to wit , such as the Trident Councell expresly defineth b : for if such adoration of Images bee an Article of Faith , and not onely a thing Adiaphorous , but a necessarie dutie c , then the same must haue apparant ground in Diuine Reuelation d ; but if it be neuer commanded or prescribed in the Old or New Testament , nor was for sundrie ages affirmed by Orthodoxall Fathers , to be an Apostolicall Tradition , and yet the Trent Councell presumeth to make it diuine , obliging all Christians , vpon paine of damnation , to the beliefe and practise thereof ; Protestants haue iust cause to condemne this doctrine , and to refuse conformitie with Papists , in the practise thereof . Papists condemne those of heresie , which refuse to worship Images , where they haue power , they burne them to Ashes e : They hold it lawfull to dethrone Kings and Princes from their royall dignitie , for opposing this practise f . It must therefore be necessarie for them to demonstrate their Tenet by manifest Testimonies or Arguments , taken from diuine Reuelation , and not to triflle off the time , in bequarrelling Iohn White , concerning the meaning of the Trident Councell . For it is apparant , that the Councell intendeth to make that an Article of 〈◊〉 , which hath no foundation in the rule of Faith , and it yeeldeth libertie to the most grosse opinions , which former Papists held concerning adoration of Images g . And it is sufficient for Protestants to manifest thus much . IESVIT . Nor is Maister Whites Argument good , We worship Christ and his Image by the same Act : but the worship of Christ , is diuine honour , Ergo , The worship of the Image is diuine honour : for this prooueth 〈◊〉 , That the worship of the Image is diuine , as referred to Christ , not as referred vnto the Image . Otherwise if Maister White should helpe to pull his fellow Ministers horse out of the mire , 〈◊〉 thereunto out of Christian charitie and friendship , one might by the like Argument prooue , that he beareth Christian charitie towards horses ; for he relieueth the horse , and pleasureth his friend , by one and the same Act. The pleasuring of his friend , is an Act of Christian charitie towards him . Ergo , The pulling the horse out of the mire , is an Act of Christian charitie towards the horse . A foolish Argument , because that one Act is vertually twofold , as referred to the man , owner of the horse , Christian charity ; as referred to the horse onely , no charitie at all , but a baser kind of loue , and that for his friends sake . The like is , when wee kisse with our corporall lips the feet of the Image of Christ : at the same time by deuout and reuerent imagination , kissing his true feet , represented by the Image , we honour Christ and his Image by one and the same Physicall Act , and that Act is diuine Worship , though not diuine as referred to the Image , but onely as referred vnto Christ. A thing so easily vnderstood by learned men , as I meruaile Ministers vnderstand it not , or will wrangle in a matter so cleare , if they sincerely seeke truth . ANSWER . The Argument which you father vpon Maister Iohn White , and whereunto you apply your flearing and myerie similitude , is not extant in his Way to the Church , pag. 400. So farre therefore as I can obserue , you fight with your owne shaddow . But if the Argument had beene propounded in this manner : Many learned Papists ( to wit , Aquinas , and the Maior part of the Schoole a ) adore the Artificiall Images of Christ , as they are conioyned with the Samplar , with the Act of Latria ; Therefore they adore some Images with Diuine worship : I cannot perceiue , that your nice distinctions of Physicall and vertuall acts , diuine , as referred to Christ , not diuine , as referred to the Image , would haue beene sufficient to vindicate your Tenet , from the mud of superstition : for that which is worshipped with any act ( matorially , or formally ) of Latria , is worshipped with diuine honour a , at least , in part , or by accident . But no degree of diuine honour can iustly be yeelded to any creature , which is not substantially vnited to the Deitie , or at least wise , which is not by some diuine Ordinance , accidentally vnited , and made capable of such adoration . But no artificiall Images are thus vnited , and no diuine ordinance exalteth them to such a dignitie . IESVIT . And though the Ignorant vnderstand not the b tearmes of Theologie , by which Diuines declare the manner of honouring the Prototype and the Jmage both by one Act , yet may they honour an Jmage as securely , and with as little danger and erring , as any that vnderstand them . For as the Clowne , who knowes no more of the nature of motion , than that he is to set one foot before another , doth mooue in the very same manner as Philosophers , who 〈◊〉 that Action by tearmes most obscure , of intrinsecall and extrinsecall , beginning and ending , and per vltimum non esse , & primum non 〈◊〉 : So likewise a Catholicke , that vnderstands no more of honouring Christ his Image , than that he is by beholding the Jmage to remember Christ , and with pious and affectuous imaginations to adore him , doth honour our Sauiour and his Image , by one and the same Act , as truly , verily , and religiously , as the greatest Diuine that can learnedly explicate the manner how that Adoration is performed , as being done outwardly , relatiuely , and transitorily vnto the Image , inwardly , affectuously , absolutely , finally vnto Christ. ANSWER . Although this Assertion is false , and the Proofe thereof borrowed from a similie , is impertinent : ( for vulgar persons among you , commit grosse Idolatrie in Image Worship , as they which haue liued beyond Seas , and some of your own part report ; neither is there the same reason of naturall motion , and the exercise of religious actions : ) yet because it serueth not to prooue the Assumption of your maine Sillogisme , to wit , Protestants cannot assigne any time when Image worship began , &c. I will not insist vpon the examination of it . The latter branch of this Clause , to wit , Adoration is performed to Images , as being done outwardly , relatiuely , and transitorily vnto the Image ; inwardly , affectuously , absolutely , and finally , vnto Christ , is boldly affirmed , but not confirmed by any Argument . First , how proue you , by diuine reuelation and testimonie , that adoration is to be performed , according to your distinction of outwardly , relatiuely , and transitorily to Images ? And against such loose and voluntarie presumptions , we say with S. Chrisostome , Diuinae Scripturae testimonia sequamur , neque feramus eos qui timerè quiduis blaterant , we are to follow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , testimonie of diuine Scripture ; and not to regard them , which at rouers , and without ground blatter out what they please . Secondly , if you adore Images outwardly , relatiuely , and transitorily , then you make Images a partiall obiect of adoration : but God himselfe , who saith , I will not giue my glorie to another , ( to wit , in whole or in part ) neither my praise to grauen Images , ( Esa. 42.8 . ) hath excluded Images from copartnership with himselfe in adoration . IESVIT . Secondly , whereas he saith that the Councell of Nice , brought in the worship of Jmages , yet forbad that any Image should be adored with diuine honor ; he both contradicts himselfe , and vttereth another manifest falshood . He contradicts himselfe , in saying that the Nicene Councell forbad diuine worship of any Images : Seeing in another place he thus writeth , Both the Councell of Nice , and the Diuines of the Church of Rome , hold the Jmages of God , and our Sauiour , and the Crosse , must be adored with diuine adoration . It is apparantly false , that the said Nicene Councell brought in the worship of Jmages , which might be prooued by many testimonies , but this only may suffice , that Leo Isauricus before the Councell of Nice opposed Image worship , not as then beginning , but for many yeares before established in the Church ; boasting that he was the first Christian Emperor , the rest hauing beene Idolaters , because they worshipped Images : so manifestly did he oppose Antiquitie , and so little truth there is in M. Whites Assertion . ANSWER . The second Nicene Synod brought in the worship of Images , not simply , but by defining the same to be necessarie , and by appointing the practise thereof to be receiued vniuersally : otherwise M. Iohn White was not ignorant , that the Israelites worshipped molten Images in Dan and Bethell , and the Simonians worshipped Images , Eusebius Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. ca. 13. and the Gnostickes worshipped Christ his Image , Iren. lib. 2. cap. 24. And Marcellina worshipped the Images of Iefu and Paul , &c. Aug. d. Haer. 7. Haeres . The Marsilians also , or people thereabout , worshipped Images , in the daies of Serenus , Greg. li. 7. Epist. 109. & lib. 9. Epist. 9. But all these were condemned of superstition by the Catholicke Church : and the second Nicene Synod was censured , and the definition thereof resisted by many , as I haue formerly prooued , pag. 210. And because the Iesuit rehearseth a storie out of Zonaras ( an Author which themselues regard not a ) I will requite him with a more certaine Historie out of Roger Houeden b , a natiue Historian of the affaires of Britaine , his words are these . Charles the French king sent a Synodal into Britaine , directed vnto him from Constantinople , in the which booke many things ( out alas ) inconuenient , and repugnant to right Faith , were found : especially it was confirmed almost by the vnanimous consent of all the Easterne Doctours , no lesse than three hundred or more , That Images ought to be worshipped ; which thing the Church of God doth altogether detest . Against which Synodal Booke , Albinus wrote an Epistle , marueilously confirmed by authoritie of diuine Scripture , and carried the same to the French king , together with the foresaid Booke , in the name of our Bishops and Princes . IESVIT . Thirdly , to passe yet vp higher , That Images began in Gregorie the Great his time , and that he forbad the worship of them , containes other three falshoods . First , Gregorie is abused , who onely commanded that none should worship Images as Gods , 〈◊〉 as Gentiles did , * that some Godhead was affixed vnto them , as he elsewhere declareth himselfe . And so manifestly did he teach Image worship , establishing Pilgrimages vnto them by Indulgences , as Frier Bale accuseth him thereof . Yea M. Symonds and M. Bale write , that Leo an hundred and fortie yeares before Gregorie decreed the worship of Images . ANSWER . Gregories words are Imagines adorare omnibus modis deuita , By all meanes shunne the worshipping of Images . Aliud est Picturam adorare , aliud per Picturae historiam , quid sit adorandum addiscere , It is one thing to worship a Picture , another by the storie of the Picture , to learne what is to be worshipped . Non ad adorandum in Ecclesijs , sed ad instruendas solummodo mentes fuit nescientium collocatum , It was placed in the Church only to instruct the minds of the ignorant , and not to be worshipped . And in another Epistle , Quatenus literarum nescij , haberent vndè scientiae historiam colligerent . First , in these passages of S. Gregorie , we find no vse of Images allowed , but onely historicall . Secondly , he saith positiuely , They are not set vp to be worship ped , but onely to instruct the ignorant . And although in the place obiected , he saith , Non vt quasi Deum colas , Not that thou shouldest worship them as God ; yet he doth not approoue the worshipping of them any other way , but addeth , We do not bow downe before them , as before the Dietie ; he saith not quasi ad Dietatem , as to the Dietie , sed quasi ante , as before the Dietie . Thirdly , Cassander a a learned Papist , confesseth ingenuously , That Gregorie the Great forbad all worship of Images . But our latter Idolists vse no measure or modestie in eluding and peruerting the euident sentences of the Fathers . IESVIT . Secondly , Polydore in this point is egregiously falsified ; for he saieth not as the Minister makes him speake , All Fathers condemned the worship of Jmages for feare of idolatry : but his words are , cultum Imaginum teste Hieronimo , omnes veteres Patres damnabant metu Idololatriae , All the old Fathers ( as Hierom witnesseth ) did condemne worship of Images for feare of idolatrie , by the old Fathers , meaning the Fathers of the Old Testament , not of the New : which appeares , because in proofe of his saying , he brings not the testimonie of any Father of the New Testament , but onely of the Old , as of Moses , Dauid , Ieremie , and other Prophets : and the scope of the whole Chapter is to declare , that the reason why , in the Old Testament , the Fathers misliked the worship of the Images of God , was , because they could not paint him aright , Cum Deum nemo vidisset vnquam , because then no man had seene God. Afterwards God , saith Polidore , hauing taken flesh , and being become visible to mortall eyes , men flocked vnto him , and did without doubt behold and reuerence his face , shining with the brightnesse of diuine light , and euen then they began to paint , or carue his Image alreadie imprinted in their minds : and those Images ( saith he ) they receiued with great worship and veneration , as was reason , the honour of the Image redounding to the originall , as Basill writes . Which custome of adoring Images , the Fathers were so farre from reproouing , as they did not only admit therof , but also decreed and commanded the same by generall Councels , in the time of Iustinian the second , and Constantine his sonne . What man then is there so dissolute and audatious , as can dreame of the contrarie , and doubt of the lawfulnesse of this worship , established so long agoe by the decree of most holy Fathers ? Thus writeth Polidore , and much more to the same purpose , in the verie place where the Minister citeth him to the contrarie ; which shewes , how notoriously his credulous Readers are abused in matters of most moment : whence appeareth the third falshood , that in Gregories daies Images began to be set vp in Churches ; which to haue beene in Churches long before , the testimonies of S. Basil , Paulinus , Lactantius , and Tertullian , doe sufficiently 〈◊〉 . ANSVVER . Polydores words are : Touching the beginning of Images , wee haue treated before ; now here we will speake of their worship , which not onely men of contrarie Religion , but ( as Saint Hierom witnesseth ) almost all the antient holy Fathers condemned , for feare of Idolatrie , &c. The Obiectour saith , That this place is falsified , and his reason is , Polydore speaketh of the Fathers of the Old Testament , to wit , of Moses , Daniel , Ieremie , and the Prophets , and he saith , That they condemned worship of Images , because Christ was not as then incarnate , &c. But this is not all that Polydore speaketh , for among those Fathers , hee placeth Gregorie a the Great , writing to Serenus . And although Christ was not made man in the dayes of the Prophets , yet he had appeared in the similitude of man b , and Abraham , Moses , Elias , and the Prophets being men , their Pictures might haue beene worshipped , if Adoration of Images had beene lawfull . And besides Polydore , Cassander c , and many other Pontificians affirme that the antient Fathers in the Primatiue Church abhorred , or at least abstained from the hauing and worshipping of Images , which is also confirmed by their Testimonies . IESVIT . Neither can our Aduersarie bring any cleare Testimonie of Antiquitie against this custome . For the Decree of the councell of Eliberis , that no Picture should be made in the Church , least that which is worshipped or adored bee painted in walles , ( which the Minister much vrgeth ) clearely signifieth the contrarie . For may not Images painted on Tables , be in Churches , and yet neither made in the Church , nor painted on walls ? which kinde of Images this Councell doth not forbid . And why doth the Councell forbid Images to be made in the Church as pertinent to the fabrike thereof , or to be painted on walls , but out of reuerence vnto Images ? for they being holy things , and so to be honoured for their Prototypes sake , the Councell thought it vnworthy of their dignitie , they should bee made on walls , where they may easily be defaced , and deformed , and by persecutors ( for that Councell was held in time of persecution ) abused . ANSWER . No testimonies can be so cleere , which Sophisters will not labour to peruert , and elude . Otherwise what is clearer against Image worship , than the words of the Councell of Elliberis and Epiphanius ? It is lost labour to contest with men , Qui sola pertinacia , pugnaces neruos , contra perspicuam veritatem intendunt ( as Saint Augustine speaketh ) which vpon sole pertinacie , bend their vttermost force to gainesay perspicous veritie . First , the Councell of Elliberis is so cleere against Image worship , that many Pontificians of great note , acknowledge the same , and therupon condemne , or eleuate the authoritie of that Councell . a Secondly ; If that Councell forbad the being of Images in Churches , then it did much more hold the worship of them to be vnlawfull , but the beginning of the Canon apparently shewes that : Placuit in Ecclesijs picturas esse non debere , It 〈◊〉 vs ( of the Councell ) that Pictures may not be in Churches . IESVIT . He doth also much insist vpon Epiphanius , but relates ( according to his fashion ) both his fact and words vnsincerely . Epiphanius ( saith he ) finding an Image painted on a cloath , hanging in a Church , rent it do wne , and said , it was against the authority of the Scriptures , that any image should be in the Church . Thus he vnsincerely , as I said , not expressing what kind of Image that was , that Epiphanius in peeces : for Epiphanius saith : Cum iuuenissem Imaginem hominis pendentem in Ecclesia tanquam Christi aut alicuius Sancti , nescio enim cuius erat : When I bad found an Image of a man hanging in the Church , as of Christ , or of some Saint , for I know not of whom the image was . Epiphanius doth by this relation more than insinuate that this was the Image of some prophane man , hanging in the Church , as if it had beene a sacred image of Christ , or some Saint : which is gathered by this reason , When I saw ( saith he ) against the authoritie of Scriptures , the image of a man hanging in the Church ; not absolutely any image , as Mr. White citeth him , ( for euen by Gods expresse command , Images were placed in the Temple ) but the image of a man. Why doth Epiphanius so much vrge the impietie of the fact , in regard that it was the image of a man ? but that he vnderstood by the word Man , a meere ordinarie prophane man , not a blessed Saint . For certainely it might seeme more against the authoritie of Scriptures , to make and set vp in Churches the image of God , than the image of holy men ; and the image of Christ according to his Godhead , than as he is man : so that there was no cause , why Epiph. should put so much Emphasis in the word Man , had he not vnderstood a prophane man. For some Christians in those dayes being newly conuerted from Paganisme , and so reteyning some relikes thereof , did out of affection vnto their deceased friends and parents , vse to paint their images , and offer vnto them oblations of Frankincense , and other the like heathenish honours , specially on their Anniuersary dayes vpon their Sepulchre . These men S. Augustine reprehends , and not the worshippers of Saints Images , vnder the title of Sepulchrorum & picturarum Adoratores , who to the Ghosts of their parents defunct , did ( though Christians ) offer that heathenish worship which the Poet exhorteth vnto : Non pigeat tumulis animas excire paternis . Paucaque in extructos mittere thura rogos . Parua petunt manes — . ANSVVER . This place of Epiphanius is a thorne in the Papists sides , and they are so distracted about the clearing of it , that Vasques a saith , It is an irkesome thing , to report , what each of them hath spoken . Some of them reiect the Epistle , saying , that it was a counterfeit b worke . But this opinion is reprooued , and confuted , by the learned of their owne part c ; and what can be more improbable , than that Saint Hierome would translate a counterfeit worke ? Others say that Epiphanius did this in a preposterous zeale d . Ferdinandus Velosillus e or Velosius ( as Posseuine calleth him ) saith as followeth : Epiphanius , against the Colliridian haeresie , inueigheth bitterly against Statues and Images of men , and against their worship . And againe , in his Epistle to Iohn Bishop of Hierusalem , he taunteth them currishly or despitefully ( dente canino mordet ) perhaps this man is excuseable , by reason of ignorance , and because he wrot against Idolaters , wherefore he is not ranked among Haeretikes . Others affirme a , that Epiphanius did this , because of the abuse of superstitious people , committed about that Picture . Others say b he did thus , because the contrarie was not as then defined by the Church . But Vasques c himselfe , and before him Marianus Victorius d insist vpon this poore shift , which our Aduersarie followeth in this place , to wit , that this vale or curtaine , which Epiphanius defaced , and rent asunder , contayned an Image , or Picture , of some prophane man , hanging in the Church , as if it had beene a sacred image of Christ , or of some Saint , and which was worshipped by some Christians newly conuerted from Paganisme , with heathenish honours . But if this glosse had beene likely , it is very improbable , that Cardinall Bellarmine e , and some other f also , who haue written since Vasques , would haue esteemed it so lightly . And Epiphanius his text g will not beare this exposition : For he saith that at the time when he wrote that Epistle , he did not remember ( to wit , perfectly ) whose image this was : but if Epiphanius himselfe did not remember whose image it was , whether of Christ , or of a Saint , or of some other man , how knowes this Iesuit , that it was the image of a prophane person ? Besides , if it had beene the picture of some prophane person or Pagan superstitiously worshipped , wherefore was Epiphanius silent , in relating hereof , considering that the bare narration of so grosse a fact , would most apparently haue iustified the whole proceeding ? but he affirmeth only in defence of his action , That entring into an Oratorie , and there espying a vaile or hanging , whereon was figured the image of a man , which he did not ( when he wrote the Epistle ) remember whether it were Christ his picture , or any other ( of the Saints , ) he cut the same in peeces , and withall commanded , that no such painted vayles should hereafter be suffered to hang in the Church . IESVIT . Wherefore seeing this Minister , so much esteemed in the Church of England , saying what he can deuise in proofe of the Romane Churches change about Images , brings nothing but manifest falshoods , so many in so few lines ; any indifferent man may conclude , that worship of Images hath continued without change euer since the Apostles . For if any change in such matter as this had beene made , it would haue beene most euident , when , and by whom so great a Noueltie was introduced . ANSVVER . The Minister whom you depraue , was no otherwise esteemed in the Church of England than 〈◊〉 an ordinarie Student , and professour of Theologie , neither was his authoritie in handling of controuersies greater than the waight of his argument and disputation should deserue . And your Hyperbole , saying , That he bringeth nothing , but manifest falshoods , is rather an vndigested cruditie of rayling words , than a true censure of him , against whom you are better able to declame , then dispute . But your threadbare argument , whereby you labour to prooue , That worship of Images hath continued without change , euer since the Apostles , because it would haue beene most euident , when , and by whom , so great a noueltie was introduced , hath at the least three lame feet . First , The Antecedent is false , for it is euident to iudicious men , when , and by whom this noueltie was brought in ; as for those which are blinded with superstition , and haue a feared conscience , nothing is euident to such a . Secondly , This Argument presupposeth , that Worship of Images was generally practised among Christians , in the dayes of the Apostles , and in the Primatiue Church ; for otherwise , why shall Protestants be bound explicitely to assigne the time of Alteration ? If this practise was not Apostolicall and Primatiue , the succeeding practise , whensoeuer it began , and whether we can assigne or not assigne , when and by whom , maketh not the same lawfull . Thirdly , Ab ignoratione rei ad negationem non sequitur : It is inconsequent to argue , Protestants cannot out of humane Historie assigne the moment of time when worship of Images first began to be practised in the Church , Ergo , This practise is not an Innouation . For Papists cannot assigne the moment of time when Heathens first began to worship Baal and Ashtaroth , or when the Progenitors of Abraham began to serue other Gods , Iosh. 24. 2. And yet they will iudge the consequence to be absurd , which should inferre , because Papists cannot assigne , when and by whom such Innouations began , therefore they were perpetuall . Wee expect diuine Reuelation to warrant Adoration of Images , for vnlesse that appeare , the same cannot bee a necessarie dutie in Religion . But the Iesuit would ambush himselfe in the Laborinth of Historicall Discourse , which can produce onely humane beleefe b , when it is plaine and certaine , but being also vncertaine and not faithfully kept , it may perplex and deceiue , and beget contention , whereas on the contrarie , Diuine Reuelation settles the conscience , and makes the Truth manifest . IESVIT . §. 3. The places of Exodus and Deuteronomie , with no probabilitie vrged against the worship of Images , by Protestants that make them . Against Image worship , Protestants bring in the place of Exodus , Chap. 20. ver . 4. & 5. and of Deuteron . cap. 5. ver . 6. & 7. Thou shalt not haue false gods before me , Thou shalt not make to thy selfe a grauen Jmage , nor any likenesse , either in the heauen aboue , or on the earth below , or of things that are vnder waters , or vnder ground : Thou shalt not adore , nor worship them . Which place I wonder they can thinke strong enough to ouerthrow a Custome , in which the rules of Nature , the principles of Christianitie , the perpetuall Tradition of Gods Church , doth settle Christians ; for this place makes against them , or not against vs , which I prooue thus : The Images we are forbidden to worship , we are forbidden to make ; Thou shalt not make to thy selfe any grauen Jmage , thou shalt not adore them , nor worship them . Contrariwise , The Jmages we may lawfully make , we may also lawfully adore or worship , if they be Images of venerable and adorable persons . But the Images which we worship of Christ , Protestants make , yea some , to wit , Lutherans , set them vp in their Churches , and they are Images of an adoreable person : Ergo , They cannot condemne our Adoration of Jmages , except likewise they condemne their making them , as against Gods Law. ANSVVER . The places of Scripture alleaged by Protestants , against Adoration of Images , Exod. 20. 5. Deut. 5.8 . are a part of the Morall Law a : therefore if the worshipping of Images was prohibited vnto the Israelites in the same , it is also forbidden Christians , and to worship Images is vnlawfull in the state of the New Testament . The Aduersarie wondreth , why Protestants should thinke , that the 〈◊〉 places of Exodus and 〈◊〉 , are strong enough to ouerthrow Image Worship , being 〈◊〉 vpon 〈◊〉 of Nature , Christianitie , and Tradition . First , This latter Clause is onely a vaine ostentation , and repetition of that which is formerly confuted . Secondly , The reason whereupon he groundeth his confident speech , saying , Which place I wonder they can thinke strong enough , is wonderous weake , as it will appeare by the Resolution , and Answer of his Obiection . This Argument in forme is , If all worship of Images is prohibited , Exod. 20. &c. then all making them is also prohibited : for the same Precept , which saith , Thou shalt not bow downe to them , nor worship them , saith in the former part , Thou shalt not make to thy selfe any grauen Image , &c. But all making of Images is not prohibited , Exod. 20. Because Protestants themselues allow some kinde of Image making , Ergo , All worship of Images is not prohibited or condemned , Exod. 20 , &c. but some kind onely . Passing by the Assumption , Protestants denie the consequence of the first Proposition ; and to the Proofe thereof , they say , That although some kind and manner of making Images , is forbidden by the Commandement , to wit , such as is intended and prepared for worship : yet all making of Pictures or Images , to wit , for Historie and Ornament , is not prohibited . But our Aduersarie opposeth this Answer , saying : IESVIT . If they answere , That we are not absolutely forbidden to make them , but onely not to make them with purpose and intention to adore them , they discouer much partialitie , and not so much reuerence to Gods expresse Word as they pretend ; for the words of Gods Law , are as cleare and expresse against making of Jmages , as against worshipping them , Thou shalt not make them , thou shalt not adore them . If then Protestants , to excuse their Custome of making of Images , may to Gods expresse word , Thou shalt not make them , adde ( by way of explication ) with purpose and intention to adore them ; why may not Catholickes , to defend from note of impietie a continued Christian Custome , to Gods word Thou shalt not adore any Jmage , adde ( by way of explication ) as God , or with diuine worship , resting in it ? How can they truely boast they bring Gods cleere word for themselues , and against vs , which is no 〈◊〉 cleere and expresse against their Image-making , than against our Jmage-worship ? If the place be difficill , why build they their Faith vpon it against vs ? If it be cleere , why be they forced in their owne defence , to depart from the expresse Text ? ANSWER . The summe of this disputation reduced to forme , is as followeth . If to Gods expresse word , Thou shalt make vnto thy selfe no grauen Image , &c. we may adde ( by way of explication ) Thou shalt make no Image , with intention to worship : Then , to Gods expresse word , Thou shalt not bow downe to them , nor worship them , we may also adde ( by way of explication ) Thou shalt not bow downe to them , nor worship them as God , or as Gods proper Image , or with diuine worship , resting in the Image ; for the word of God is as cleere and expresse against making of Images , as against worshipping of them . But Protestants affirme the former , and they expound the first branch of the Commandement , saying , that the sence of it is , Thou shalt make no Image with intent to worship it , Ergo , To Gods expresse word , Thou shalt not bow downe , &c. we may adde ( by way of explication ) Thou shalt not bow downe to worship them , as God , or with diuine honour resting in the thing . And if Protestants denie the latter , they are partiall in affirming the former . The consequence of the Proposition is againe denied : For although we may expound the former part of the Commandement with this Explication , With intent to worship ; yet we may not expound the latter part by saying , Thou shalt not bow downe , &c. that is , although thou maiest worship some Images , according to some maner of worship , yet thou maiest not worship vnlawfull Images , expressing the verie Deitie , nor any Image , by resting finally and absolutely in them . And the reasons whereupon we ground our deniall of the Consequence , are these . First , Moses himselfe repeating the law concerning Images , saith , Yee shall make you no Idoll 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * , nor 〈◊〉 Image , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to bow downe vnto it , Leuit. 26.1 . Secondly , the brasen Serpent , and the Cherubins , were lawfully made euen by Gods appointment , in the old Testament , and yet their worship was vnlawfull , 2. Reg. 18 , 4. And some of the best learned Papists a acknowledge , that the Cherubins might not be worshipped . Thirdly , Iesuit Vasques b saith , That in the old Law , euerie similitude or pourtraiture was not forbidden to be made , but all worship and adoration of Images , and all making of an Image , or pourtraiture , appointed or accommodated to worship , was forbidden . Yea besides Tertullian c and Damascen d , the greatest number of Papals expound the first part of the second Commandement by the latter branch , to wit , Gerson , e , Ferus f , Caietan g , Alphonsus Castro h , Oleaster i , Ystella k , Turrecremat l , and Aquinas m himselfe hath these words , Non prohibetur illo praecepto , Exod. 20. facere quamcunque sculpturam , vel similitudinem , sed facere ad adorandum , It is not forbidden in that precept , Exod. 20. to make any grauen Image , or similitude ; but , to make the same to worship it . And from the former I inferre , That although some Pictures and Images may be made , yet none of them may be worshipped , and therefore we are compelled to expound the first words of the second Commandement , with limitation , to wit , Thou shalt make vnto thy selfe no Image , with an intent to worship it : but on the contrarie , we may not expound the second clause of the Commandement , by adding the Iesuits Exposition , which is , Thou shalt not bow downe to them , or worship them as God , or with diuine worship resting in the Image . The first clause of the Commandement , Thou shalt make no grauen Image , admits an explication and qualification , as it is apparant by the brasen Serpent , and by the Cherubins a , and by the confession of learned Papists b . If our Aduersaries giue instance in the Arke of the Testament , saying that the same was adored : I answer two things : First , there is a difference betweene the Arke and Images , because God was present by an extraordinarie Grace , vnto the Arke , according to a couenant made with the Israelites , Exod. 25. 22. whereas there is no such promise or couenant concerning Images . Secondly , the Israelites did not adore the materiall Arke , but they worshipped God himselfe before the Arke , and that by a speciall commandement , 1. Sam. 1.19 . Psal. 99.5 . But that the second clause of the Commandement admits a qualification , cannot be prooued by any testimonie or example of holy Scripture : yea the contrarie is manifest , and learned Papists c affirme , That although some kind of Images might be made in the old Testament , yet no Images formed by humane inuention might be adored , as I haue formerly shewed out of Aquinas , and others , pag. 209. And consequently the Iesuits speech is false , when he affirmeth , The word of God is as cleere and expresse against making of Images , as against worshipping them . IESVIT . Secondly , their exposition is not onely violent against the Text , but also incongruous against the sence ; for Gods prohibition of a thing , doth also forbid the intention thereof . In the precept , Thou shalt not kill , the intention of murther is sufficiently forbidden ; so that he who makes a sword with purpose to murther his enemie , sinnes against the Precept , Thou shalt not kill : wherefore if Gods Precept had beene thus , Thou shalt not weare about thee any weapon , Thou shalt not kill , the prohibition of wearing weapons should haue beene absolute , and not onely with purpose of murther . In like manner , Gods Precept , Thou shalt not adore Images , doth sufficiently forbid intention to adore them , and so consequently forbids the making of Images , with such an intention ; so that if not to make Jmages , be nothing else than not to haue purpose to adore them , a whole long sentence in the 〈◊〉 is superfluous , and without any speciall sence , which is scarcely credible . ANSWER . This Argument reduced to forme , soundeth as followeth : If Gods prohibition of a thing doth also forbid the intention thereof , then it had beene sufficient for him to haue said , Thou shalt not adore Images : and the former clause , Thou shalt make no grauen Image , &c. forbidding onely the making of Images , with an intention to worship , had beene superfluous , and without any speciall sence . But God held it not sufficient to say , Thou shalt not adore Images : and the former clause , Thou shalt make no Image , is not superfluous , &c. Ergo The former clause of the Commandement , which saith , Thou shalt make no grauen Image , forbiddeth not the making of Images , with an intention to worship . And from hence it appeareth , that the Protestants exposition of the second Commandement , is not onely violent but incongruous . I answer , granting the antecedent part of the first Proposition ; ( for whensoeuer God forbiddeth any action , he alwaies prohibiteth , at least implicitely , & interpretatiuely , the purpose and intention of doing the same . ) But from hence it followeth not , that because the worship of Images is prohibited in the words , Thou shalt not bow downe to them , &c. therefore it was vnnecessarie and superfluous , to say , Thou shalt make no Images , with intention to worship . First , touching such vices as man by nature and custome is prone vnto , Abundans cautela non nocet , abundant warning and caution is not superfluous . Secondly , we haue examples in the verie Decalogue , that although inordinate concupiscence was prohibited in the seuenth and eight Commandement , Thou shalt not commit adulterie , Thou shalt not steale : yet the intention , and sensuall motion and desire to do this , is prohibited also in the tenth Precept a . Thirdly , we say not in our answer , That the intention of adoring the Image , being made , is forbidden in these words of the Commandement , Thou shalt make vnto thy selfe no grauen Image , &c. as these words are considered apart , that is , diuiding , and parting the said words from those which follow , Thou shalt not 〈◊〉 downe to them , nor worship them : But we conioyne the former and latter words b , and make the one materiall , and the other formall , and expound them in this sort ; Thou shalt make vnto thy selfe no grauen Image , intending to vse the same contrarie to the words of the Law following , which prohibite the Adoration of all created and artificiall formes . When our Sauiour in the Gospell , forbiddeth to looke on a woman to lust after her , Matth. 5.28 . We may not diuide the first and latter part : for the looking on a woman without lust , is onely materiall in the Action , and it may be lawfull , and in some case vertuous , Ioh. 19.26 . Luk. 7.44 . But we must conioyne the Intention , which is formall , to the materiall aspect , and then the same is vicious , Iob 31.1 . Genes . 38.15 . And there is nothing more common in the holy Scripture , than for the former part of a Doctrine , or Commandement , to be expounded , limited , and receiue his kinde from the latter part , Mark. 10.11 . Luk. 16.18 . Psal. 37.21 . Iob 31.26 , 27. Esay 5.8 , 11. Luk. 14.12 , 13. If it be obiected , that there is a sof Pasuch , or full point at the end of the Sentence , which forbiddeth the making of Images : I answer , First , That in the place of Leuiticus , Cap. 26.1 . There is no such period or full point . Secondly , Because the making of some kind of Images , to wit , visible Images , and representations of God , according to his Deitie c , Deut. 4. 16. is vnlawfull in it selfe , secluding Adoration , therefore the Spirit of God forbade both the making of Images , to wit , of false Gods , and of the true God , in manner aforesaid ; and also in the other Branch of the Commandement , hee forbad worship and adoration of all Images whatsoeuer , deuised by man. IESVIT . Besides , as to make an Image to adore , is Idolatrie ; so likewise to take it in hand , or looke on it to that purpose . Why then was not such looking on , or touching , with purpose of Adoration , expressely forbidden , as well as making ? Or if looking on them , with intention to adore them , be so included in the Precept , Thou shalt not adore , as there needs not that expression ; What need was there , that making of Images , with purpose of Adoration , should be so largely and particularly expressed ? Wherefore , whosoeuer is a Religious follower of Gods pure Word , must either without explication , condemne the making of Images , together with their worship , or else allow the worship of the Jmages ( if their Prototypes be adorable ) the making whereof he approoues . ANSVVER . Although to take in hand , or to behold an Image , or 〈◊〉 signe , naturall or artificiall , with intent to worship it , be 〈◊〉 , Iob. 31. 26. yet as God Almightie in other Commandements doth not alwayes literally and expressely set downe euerie particular action of sinne , virtually and 〈◊〉 condemned in the same a , but deliuereth sufficient grounds , from whence the vnlawfulnesse thereof may appeare ; and also in the Prophets , and other diuine Scriptures , declareth his owne will more fully , Matth. 5. 21 , 28. So likewise , in this Commandement , concerning Images , the vnlawfulnesse of handling , beholding , and the like , are prohibited virtually and interprevatiuely ; 〈◊〉 in one of the Clauses of the Commandement , but in both Clauses conioyned , as aforesaid . As for the Iesuits Interrogations , Why then &c. What need was there &c. wee referre him to the Law-maker , to challenge or demand reasons of him : And as for our selues , we rest vpon the reuealed will of God b , not daring to question or demand reasons of his actions . IESVIT . Hence I gather , That the most naturall and truest Exposition of that Precept is , that it forbids not onely the worship , but also the making of any grauen Image . But how ? To represent God according to his Diuine substance . This sense is gathered out of the words precedent , Thou shalt not haue strange Gods before me , which is explicated in the consequent verse , Thou shalt not make to thy selfe a grauen Image : For he that makes to himselfe the Jmage of any thing , as apt to represent God according to his Diuine substance , and to conuey our imaginations directly to him , doth make and hath false Gods ; because the true God is not imaginable , nor is truly apprehended by imagination , conformable vnto any Image . ANSWER . That is not the most naturall and truest Exposition of the Commandement , which deliuereth onely a part , and not the whole and entire sense . But this Exposition of the Iesuit deliuereth onely a part , and not the whole sense . For our Aduersaries themselues confesse , That the placing of Images of false Gods , and of prophane persons , in Oratories and Temples , or of any other persons a , which are not worthie b to be worshipped with that honour , is vnlawfull ; and I suppose they will not denie , that the forming of the Images of Angels and Saints , with intent that they should be worshipped with 〈◊〉 honour , either absolute or respectiue , is vnlawfull , and consequently , prohibited by this Commandement . For although the Adoration of created or artificiall things is prohibited in the first Commandement , Thou shalt haue no other Gods but me ; yet the forming and erecting Images of any kind to be the outward meanes of such Idolatrous worship , is prohibited in this Commandement , Thou shalt not make vnto thy selfe any grauen Image , &c. Leuit. 26.1 . And thus Tertullian c , Clemens Alexandrinus d , and many other Fathers e , expound the Commandement . IESVIT . Wherefore the pictures of the Holy Ghost , in forme of a Doue ; and of God the Father , in forme of an old man , be not direct and proper Images of the two diuine persons ; but onely of the Doue that descended on Christ , and of the old man seene in a vision by Daniell , in which the perfections of these persons are not liuely represented , but a farre off , and imperfectly shadowed , nor doe Catholiques vse them as proper Images standing for their Prototypes , and conueying our actions by imagination vnto them . For no Catholike doth kisse the feet of the Doue , or lye prostrate at them , referring by imagination that outward subiection to the feet of the Holy Ghost , who hath no feet , but metaphoricall , not imaginable , nor such as can be represented by image . ANSWER . You slubber ouer the matter of Images , of the persons of the Trinitie , which are vsed in the Roman Church ( as experience witnesseth , and your owne Doctours d acknowledge ) and you conceale part of your Popish doctrine . For although you affirme , that these Images are not proper , but metaphoricall representations of the diuine persons : yet you hold , that these represent , not onely the effects and operations of the said persons , but also God himselfe ; and you teach also , that they are to be e worshipped as sacred signes ; metaphorically shadowing and representing , the persons whereunto they haue relation : and the opinion of f Durand and Abulensis g holding the contrarie , is condemned by the common sentence of later Pontificians , among which Caietan h saith , Images of the Trinitie are painted ( in the Roman Church , not onely that they may be shewed , or looked on ) as the Cherubins of old time were in the temple , but that they may be adored . Therefore if Romish Catholikes doe not kisse them , or lye prostrate before them ( as our Iesuit affirmeth ) they obserue not the ordinance of their Church , as the same is related by the renowned Cardinall Caietan , IESVIT . Wherfore this Text being thus cleerely explicable , and being not explicated at all , doth make no lesse against Protestants than vs : I see no reason why they should bee so much out of loue with the worship of the image of Christ Iesus their Lord , to which Nature and Christianitie binds them . ANSVVER . The summe of this part of your disputation is , That in the text of Exodus , To fall downe and worship images , is no more forbidden than to make : but making of images is not simply and absolutely vnlawfull ; and consequently their worship is not simply and absolutely vnlawfull . The first ground and proposition of this argument is false : for worshipping of images is forbidden , as the principall obiect of that negatiue precept , and as a thing morally euill in his very kind : but making them is forbidden ( onely ) when it is a meanes subseruient to worship : and because it may be separated , both in his owne nature , and in mans intention , from that end and vse , therefore the one is simply forbidden , and the other is onely prohibited , when it becommeth a meanes or instrument to the other . And this distinction and disparitie betweene making and worshipping , hath beene confirmed by the example of the brasen Serpent : for when the same was onely made , and looked vpon , it was a medicine ; when it was worshipped , it became a poyson . 2 Kings 18.4 . Wherefore , considering that the holy Scripture approoueth the difference which Protestants assigne , betweene making and worshipping of images , I see no reason why Papists should not rest vpon the sentence of holy Scripture , alwayes condemning , but neuer maintaining Image worship ; rather than to persist in a palpable superstition , to the offence of God , and scandall of his people . IESVIT . §. 4. Inconueniences which may come by occasion of Images , easily preuented , and their vtilities very great . ANother Argument against Images , Protestants much vrge , That they be stumbling blocks for simple people , who easily take an Image to be the very God , euen as the Pagans did in former time ; to this purpose bringing some Testimonies out of S. Augustine . ANSWER . THis is not the Protestants Obiection , but the Iesuits fiction , We say that Image worship is a stumbling blocke , both to the learned and the simple , for it is in it selfe a superstition , or vndue manner of Worship , neuer approoued or ratified , by any Precept , Promise , or blessing of God , in the Old Testament , or by Christ and his Apostles in the New. Secondly , The manner of worshipping Images , according to the Popish tenet , is so subtill and intricate , euen to the learned themselues , that it must of necessitie be difficile for the vnlearned to conceiue the same , and consequently , not to erre in the performance of it . Thirdly , When it is performed with greatest intelligence , what fruit and reward can be reaped , other than such as our Sauiour spake of the Pharisees , saying , In vaine doe you worship me , teaching for Doctrines the Precepts of men . And although Saint Augustine , Epist. 49. and againe , sup . Psal. 113. speaketh literally of Pagan Images , yet hee declareth in generall , the perill which all Images ( being adored ) may bring vnto weaker mindes , and condemneth the vse of them , euen when they are not adored for themselues , but made instruments to worship God ; saying in one place , a Thus haue they deserued to erre , which sought Christ in painted Images , and not in written Bookes . IESVIT . To this I answere , First , that this may seeme a great wrong , not onely to the Christian Church , but also to Christ himselfe , to thinke that men indued with his knowledge and Faith , and made partakers of the light , whereby they beleeue the most high , diuine , and incomprehensible mysteries which he reuealed to the world , should so easily be carried away into such blockish errors , as to thinke a stocke or stone to be God ; a blindnesse scarce incident vnto men , except they be wholly destitute of all heauenly conceits , and nuzled vp in their Cradle in that persuasion , as Panims were , of whom onely Saint Augustine speakes ; for they did not onely want this light of Christian instruction , but also were taught by their Ancestors , that in their Jdoles a kind of diuine vertue or Godhead was lodged , in and affiged vnto them : Whereas Catholicke Doctrine teacheth the contrarie , That our Images are bare resemblances of holy persons , no diuinitie , no vertue , no dignitie , no 〈◊〉 , that makes them venerable , being in them , but in the Prototype . ANSWER . Image worship may bee a scandall to Christian people , although they offend not so rudely and grossely in their worship , as Panims did : and yet that Image worship hath beene a stumbling blocke to many Christians , Papists themselues testifie . Ludouicus Viues , an eye witnesse of that he spake , saith a , Non video in multis quod sit discrimen inter eorum opinionem de Sanctis , & id quod Gentiles putabant de dijs suis : I cannot perceiue , touching many things , what difference there is betweene their opinion of Saints , and that which the Gentiles had concerning their gods . And if Christians were in no perill of Idolatrie by worshipping Images , why doth Gerson complaine b , that superstition had infected Christian Religion , and that people , like Iewes , did onely seeke after fignes , and yeeld diuine honour to Images . And the same Author affirmeth a , that some deuout people , by aspect of Images , were diuerted from holy cogitations and pure affections , to carnall , execrable , and blasphemous thoughts . And Cornelius Agrippa b saith , Dici non potest guanta superstitione ne dicam Idololatria , penes rudem & indoctam plebem alatur in Imaginibus , conniuentibus ad haec Sacerdotibus , hinc non paruum lucri questum percipientibus : It is not to bee spoken , how great Idolatrie is fostered among rude people by Image worship , while the Priests conniue at these things , and make no small gaine thereby . Durandus Mimatensis saith c , That weake and simple people , by indiscreet , and too much vsing of Images , may be drawne to Idolatrie . And Gabriel Biel d saith , That some people are so foolish , as that they thinke some deitie or sanctitie to be in Images , whereby they are able to worke meruailes , to conferre bodily health , to deliuer from dangers , nocuments , and deceits : and their ignorant simplicitie and indiscretion is such , that they more reuerently adore faire Images than foule , antient Images than such as are newly made , such as are cloathed richly with gold and purple than those which are naked . Cassander saith e , It is more manifest , than that it can bee denied , That the worship of Images and Idoles hath too much preuailed , and the superstitious humour of people hath beene so cockered , that nothing hath beene omitted among vs , either of the highest Adoration or vanitie of Panims , in worshipping and adoring Images . Polydore f also saith , People are growne to such madnesse , that this pietie ( of Image worship ) differs little from impietie , for there are many rude and stupid persons , which adore Images of wood , stone , marble , and brasse , or painted in windowes , not as signes , but as though they had sence , and they repose more trust in them , than in Christ or the Saints , to which they are dedicated . And Simon Maiolus a , a most eagre defender of Iconolatrie , confesseth , That some rurall persons esteeme Images as if they were God. Therefore , seeing such abuses and Idolatries are committed among Christians , in the worship of Images , as the former Authors report , we haue no reason to beleeue the Iesuits bare word , affirming , that presupposing the diligence of the Church , instructing ignorant people , there can be no superstition or idolatrie committed in worshipping Images . IESVIT . Secondly such Idols as Panims adored , many of them did by the Diuels meanes ordinarily speake , giue answers , moue , and exercise other actions of life , so that their speaking was not accounted miraculous and extraordinarie , but rather their silence : which speakings were verie potent to persuade men to beleeue what their ancestors told them , that those verie stocks and stones were Gods , or had a godhead affixed vnto them : now these kind of things seldome happen in our Images , scarce once in an age : and when they happen , they were taken as miracles , wrought not by the Images , or any vertue residing in them , but by Gods infinite power : nor are they brought to prooue any excellencie affixed vnto the Image , but only that God liketh that we should honour our Sauiour , and his Saints , in their Images . ANSWER . The Iesuit confesseth , that Popish Images did sometimes speake a , moue b , &c. but then hee affirmeth , that this happened by miracle , and by the infinit power of God : but he must remember , that other learned Pontificians say , That this latter happened sometimes by the fraud of the Diuel , and cheating of Priests , as well as the fotmer , which he reporteth of Panims . Gabriell Biel saith a , That by the permission of God , punishing infidelitie , miracles are sometimes wrought by the Diuell , working by Images . And Espencoeus b hath these words , That some in the second Nicene Synod propugned Images , Doemonum spectris , by Apparitions , which proceeded of the Diuell . William Malmesburie c reporteth how the Crucifix vttered a speech concerning S. Dunstan . But Polidore Virgill d in his Chronicle , speaking of the credit of this miracle , saith , It was thought by many , that this was rather an Oracle of Apollo , than of God , and that it proceeded from the fraud of men , and not from diuine power . IESVIT . Finally , I dare say , That vulgar and ordinarie Protestants in England , by reading of the Bible in their mother tongue , are in greater danger to beleeue , that God is a body , and hath all the parts thereof , euen as hath a man , than any the simplest Catholicke is to thinke an Image to bee God. This is prooued to be likely , because it is impossible to conceiue God otherwise than in the forme of a corporall thing : and ( as the Oratour saith ) we easily flatter ourselues to thinke our shape the fairest , and so the fittest for God : Wherefore it is easie for men to assent to this error , vnto which the best and greatest wits that euer were , Tertullian , and S. Augustine , whilest he was a Manichee did assent : much more easily therefore may ignorant people be deceiued herein , through weakenesse of conceit , and inclination of nature , when they read the Scripture describing God , as hauing the forme and shape of man , with head , face , eyes , eares , hands , feet . On the contrarie side , neuer any Christian did teach , that the Image of Christ is truely Christ , or a liuing thing ; nor euer did any man or woman , except some few , and these verie simple and sencelesse , ( if such Histories be true ) fall into such foolish imagination . ANSWER . I perceiue whereat you aime , in this odious comparison : you would haue Gods booke buried in darkenesse , and compell Christians to seeke Christ and his Apostles in painted walls , and dead statues a . And whereas you say , vulgar and ordinarie Protestants in England , ( not in Scotland , France , Denmarke , &c. ) by reading of the Bible in their mother tongue : ( and yet Tertullian and S. Augustine , in whom you giue instance , read the Bible in a Latin Translation ) are in greater danger to beleeue that God is a bodie , &c. than any the simplest Catholicke is to thinke an Image to be God : It is answered , That notwithstanding your I dare say : you are not able to prooue , that any person , ciuile or rude , hath ( at any time , among vs ) beene infected with the Humaniformian errour , by hearing or reading the Bible . I maruell also why you ranke not the Apostles Creed among prohibited Bookes , as well as vulgar translations of the Bible ; for ignorant people , rehearsing the article , He sitteth at the right hand of God , might more easily imagine God to be corporeall , than by reading Scripture ; because herein , that which in one Text is deliuered metaphorically , is plainely and spiritually declared in other Texts ; and the like is not done in the briefe summarie of the Creed . But on the contrarie , many of your owne Doctors ( formerly cited ) complaine of the brutish superstition committed by sundrie of your people , in worshipping Images . It may be , they thinke not the Images which they adore , to be verie God ( for Heathen people were scarcely so rude b ) yet they may beleeue they are the seat of God , and that some diuine maiestie and power is inhabiting in them ; or that they are diuine instruments to conuey graces and benefits to people which adore them ; and that in worshipping them , they merit saluation , and the like . Now as for the letter of sacred Scripture , if any rude person should sucke errour from thence , the offence is taken , and not giuen ( for the reading thereof is lawfull and holy . ) But when Roman Masters impose adoration of Images vpon simple people , if these be ensnared by that action , the scandall is actiue , and it is extreme presumption in the Roman Clergie , to prescribe a forme of worship ( neuer approoued or commended , but alwaies censured by holy writ ) which being omitted can hurt none , but being obserued endangereth many . Lastly , you censure Tertullian for holding the Deitie to be corporeall : but S. Augustine a , to whom you referre vs , expoundeth his Tenet more fauourably , affirming , that he was no Heriticke in this point , because he may be expounded , as speaking figuratiuely ; and by Corpus , a bodie , he might vnderstand a thing substantiall , reall , immutable , quia non est nihil , non est inanitas , non est qualitas , &c. he is not nothing , an inanitie , a qualitie , or accident , but abideth firme and inuariable in his nature . Neither yet affirmeth S. Augustine , either of himselfe when he was a Manichee , or of Tertullian , that they were lead into their error by reading the Scripture . And it is more probable , that the Manichees sucked their false opinion from the Gentiles , rather than from the letter of the Scriptures , because they wholly reiected the old Testament , in which principally is found the description of the Deitie , by figures of things corporeal : neither regarded they Apostolicall Scriptures , but coined a Gospell according to their owne fancie b . IESVIT . More , our Children , and ignorant people , are in the Catholicke Church often and plentifully instructed against such errors , as by our Catechismes may appeare ; and particularly by Jesuits , who make a solemne vow , to keepe their Institutes , specially about teaching the rudiments of Faith vnto common and ignorant people . Hence it is , that in townes where they dwell , and villages about , on Sundaies and holy daies , besides their Sermons for people more intelligent , they teach without faile vnto children , and men of ruder sort , the forme of Christian Doctrine , and vse all industry by giuing rewards vnto children , and by bestowing almes on poore people , to make them willing and diligent in this learning . In the English Church , what is done for the instruction of the ignorant in their rudiments of Faith by Ministers and Pastors , as I know not much , so will I say nothing , but only that the time they spend in the praises of sole Faith , and about the secrets of Predestination , and in long bitter inuectiues against our Doctrines misvnderstood , if not purposely misrelated , might in my opinion more profitably bee spent in declaring the Creed , and prime Principles of Christianitie , in plaine and Catechisticall manner . ANSVVER . How plentifull your instruction of ignorant people at this present time is , I will not examine ; but it is not long since some of the best learned of your part affirmed , That throughout the whole Christian state , there was so extreame sloath , concerning these things , that one should finde many in all places , expresly knowing no more , concerning God and things Diuine , than Pagans a . And Espenceus , vpon the 2. Tim. 3. n. 17. pag. 118. saith b , Are children well and religiously educated ? yea according to that Propheticall derision , Esay 65. Children of an hundred yeeres , that is , aged and decrepite Christians , trust as much , and yeeld as much to Saints as to God , and thinke that God is lesse mercifull , and harder to bee intreated than Saints . I knew ( saith this Authour ) an antient and noble Knight , who being demanded , What hee beleeued concerning the holy Ghost , confessed freely , like 〈◊〉 Ephesians , Acts 19. That he 〈◊〉 not whether there was any holy Ghost . Also the Catechismes of Ledesma , Bellarmine , &c. are extant , wherein few instructions are found , sufficient to preuent the former errour , whereinto ignorant people may easily fall . You descend in the next place , to depresse the English Church , accusing the Pastors thereof , of negligence , in teaching the Principles of Christian Faith , and spending their time in the praises of sole Faith , and about the secrets of Predestination , and making Inuectiues against your Doctrine misvnderstood . But you looke vpon vs with an euill eye , and your Aspersions are enuious . First , the Canons of our Church b impose catechising , no lesse than preaching ; and the negligence of delinquents in discharging this duty is punishable by Ecclesiasticall censures . Secondly , the faith which our Ministers are to preach , according to the doctrine of the Church of England , is a liuely and operatiue Faith , and this Faith alone , and no other , can iustifie and saue the soule . Thirdly , it is not lawfull for Preachers to spend their time in confuting Papists , vnlesse they vnderstand their Tenet , and are able to prooue the same to be wicked and false . And although our Tenet concerning Predestination , be no other than what Saint Augustine and his schollers maintained against the Pelagians , and which hath beene holden Orthodoxall by the best learned in the Church of Rome it selfe , yet our Church is most cautelous in preuenting offences , which may ariseby vndiscreet handling of this doctrine ; and a most prouident restraint is made among vs in this behalfe , by superiour authoritie . I might here retort vpon the Aduersarie , the abuses of his owne Church , in all or some of these kinds ; but this were to wander from the disputation , and to giue occasion of further excursion , to one , Cui verbosa lingua est , cor vero obtenebratum , as S. Cyril c anciently spake . IESVIT . Besides , it is easie for the Romane Church , to keepe her children from beleeuing that Images be Gods , or true liuing things ; or that any diuinitie or diuine vertue resides in them , as may be prooued ( conuincingly in my iudgement ) by experience had of her power in this kind about a point more difficile . For what may seeme more euident , than that a consecrated Host is bread , of which foure sences , sight , feeling , smell , tast , giue in euidence , as of bread , no lesse verily than any other , so farre as they can discerne ? and yet so potent is the Word , and doctrine of the Church , grounded on generall Councells , declaring the word of God for Transubstantiation , as Catholikes denying their sences , beleeue assuredly , that what seemeth bread , is not bread , but the true body of our Sauiour , vnder the formes and accidents of bread . Now can any man with any shew of the least probabilitie in the world , thinke that it is difficile for this Church , to persuade her children that the Image of Christ is not a liuing thing , or bath any Godhead or liuing diuine power lodged in it , as plaine Scriptures shew , and generall Catholike Councells ( particularly the Tridentine and Nicene ) define ; which doctrine neither reason nor sence can dislike ? or shall the sole similitude of members correspondent vnto humane liuing members , which Images haue , so much preuaile in Catholike minds , so to bow downe their thoughts to base Idolatrie , as to thinke a stocke or stone to be God , and that the Church shall not be able by teaching , to erect them to a more high and diuine apprehension , being able to make them firmely beleeue a consecrated Hoast is not really bread , against the Iudgement that they would otherwise frame , vpon most notorious euidencie of sence ? ANSVVER . This passage is wasted in magnifying the power which the Roman Church hath in preseruing her adheres from the infection of superstition , in worshipping Images . The argument vsed by the Idolist to this purpose , is : The Roman Church , performeth that which is more difficile ; to wit , it persuadeth people , contrarie to the experience of all their senses , to beleeue , that consecrate bread is not bread , but the true body of Christ , vnder the formes and accidents of bread . Therefore it is able to persuade people , that the Images which they adore , are not very God , or that any diuinitie or diuine vertue resides in them . I answer , that it is not more difficile , to persuade some people , to beleeue transubstantiation , than to rectifie their iudgement , in adoration of Images : for mans nature being of it selfe ( through inbred corruption ) prone to beleeue lies , and the members of Antichrist hauing a speciall curse of God vpon them , 2. Thes. 2. 10 , 11. no maruell if they credit false doctrine , although it be most absurd . But they which beleeue and obey their Masters , when they teach lyes , doe not alwayes follow their directions , if they instruct them in truth . Neither are such people free from scandall , iustly taken , if they conceiue not images to be Gods , or indued with diuine vertue residing in them , for without such imagination , they performe an vnlawfull worship , neuer instituted a , but alwayes condemned by the Holy Ghost . And this alone without further abuses , is sufficient to condeme the doctrine and practise of the Romane Church . IESVIT . The Protestant Church on the other side , may seeme to haue no great vigor , by preachings to persuade common people against the errour of the Anthropomorphits , seeing their principle is , That a world of Preachers is not to bee beleeued against the euident Scripture . Yea that a common ordinarie man , by Scripture may oppose as great , and a greater Church , than is the whole Protestant . Which principle being laid , how will they conuince people , that that God is a pure Spirit , whom the Scripture doth so perpetually set forth , as hauing humane members ? I may conclude therefore , that their translating of Scripture into the vulgar languages , breedes more danger vnto common people , than our making of Images . ANSWER . The Iesuit is fallen vpon a Paradoxe , affirming that there is more danger , for Protestants to be mislead , by reading Scriptures translated , into the errour of the Humaniformians , than the Papists to be seduced by images . And his reason is , because Protestant Ministers cannot by preaching the contrarie doctrine , persuade people to desist from any errour , which seemes to them agreeable to any literall text of holy Scripture : for one of their owne principles is , That a world of Preachers , is not to be beleeued against euident Scripture , &c. and he citeth Mr. Iohn White in his Way , pag. 59. I perceiue , it is impossible for Papists to deale sincerely . Mr. Iohn White affirmeth not , that euery priuate person , or that any companie of people whatsoeuer , are to be credited vpon the sole allegation of a text of Scripture , expounded as the outward letter soundeth : for we know , that sometimes the letter killeth , and Saint Augustines rule a , concerning Scriptures exposition , is neither strange , nor vnpractised by vs : but Mr. Iohn Whites doctrine is , That if foure hundred Baalites , or a whole Councell of Pharisees , or Errants , deliuer vntruths , one Micajah , one Stephen , one Athanasius , in whose mouth is fouud the word of Truth , although the persons seeme neuer so priuate , must be preferred before them , which teach lyes , or doctrine repugnant to holy Scripture b , truely expounded . IESVIT . But they will say the translation of Scripture into vulgar languages , is commanded in the Scripture , and the Apostles and Apostolicall Church practised it . Whereas wee cannot prooue by Scripture , that the Apostles did warrant , or practise the setting vp of Images . This they say with great confidence . But what substantiall proofe is of this their saying , I could neuer reade or heare . The testimonies they bring in this behalfe ( Search the Scriptures : Let his word dwell plentifully among you , &c. ) are insufficient to prooue a direct and expresse precept or practise , of translating Scriptures into the vulgar tongue . ANSWER . Wee affirme with great confidence , both that the reading of holy Scripture by Lay people ( which must needes imply Translation of them ) is a Diuine Ordinance , and that Image worship was neither warranted by the Apostles , nor practised by the Primatiue Church succeeding the Apostles . Neither doe wee alledge onely those Sentences of holy Scripture , Iohn 5. 39. Collos. 3. 16. which the Iesuit thinkes himselfe able to elude by subtile distinctions , as the Arrians in times past eluded the Text of Saint Iohn , Cap. 10.30 . But we cite also the Precept of God giuen to the Church , before Christ his comming , and the perpetuall practise of the godly , in the Old and New Testament , and the vehement exhortations of the Primatiue Fathers , exhorting Lay people to the reading and meditation of holy Scripture , and magnifying the fruit and benefit arising from thence . The Eunuch is commended for reading holy Scripture , Acts 8. 28. The Baereans are called Noble , by the holy Ghost , for searching the holy Scriptures , Acts 17. 11. Hee is called Blessed which readeth and heareth , Apoc. 1. 3. The Galathians read the Scripture , Gal. 4.21 . The Ephesians , Cap. 3.4 . The Collossians , Cap. 4. 16. The Thessalonians , 1. Thes. 5.27 . The Fathers are so plentifull in this Argument , as I haue elsewhere shewed a , that it would astonish any man who hath read them b , to behold such impudencie in Papists , as to denie this Practise to haue beene Primatiue and Catholicke . But necessitie hath no Law , for if the Scriptures may be suffered to speake , Papistrie must fall , like Dagon before the Arke . IESVIT . Catholickes on the contrary side , though they boast not of Scriptures , ( as knowing that nothing is so clearely set downe in it , but malapert errour may contend against it with some shew of probabilitie ) yet haue Scriptures much more cleare and expresse than any that Protestants can bring for themselues , euen about the vse of the Image of Christ crucified in the first Apostolicall Church : S. Paul to the Galathians saith , O ye foolish Galathians , who hath bewitched you , that you should not obey the truth , before whose eyes Christ Iesus is liuely set foorth crucified among you . The Greeke word corresponding to the English , liuely set foorth , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies , to paint foorth a thing ; insomuch as euen Beza , Iesus Christus depictus crucifixus , Iesus Christ painted , crucified before your eyes : so that we haue in plaine and expresse tearmes , that Christ was Painted crucified , in the Apostolicall Churches , which the Apostle doth allow ; thence drawing an Argument to prooue the Galathians were sencelesse and sottish , that keeping in their sight Christ painted , as Crucified , they would be saued by the Law , and not by the merits of his Crosse : for it was madnesse and folly to paint Christ , and honour him as crucified , and not to thinke that by his death vpon the Crosse , he redeemed the world . ANSVVER . There is reason , why Romists ( which stile themselues Catholickes , but are not a ) should bee sparing in boasting of Scripture : but the reason assigned by the Aduersarie , which is , that Scriptures may be peruerted by Errants , is vnsufficient ; for it is common to Tradition , and to Histories , and monuments of antiquitie , to be peruerted and abused , and the same happeneth not by the kind and nature of the Scripture b , but accidentally , through the malice and subtiltie of man , peruerting the right wayes of the Lord. And there is sufficient matter in the sacred Scripture , to demonstrate veritie , and to conuince Errants , when they peruert the right sence c . And whereas you affirme in the next place , that Romists haue Scriptures more cleare and expresse , than any that Protestants can bring for themselues , euen about the vse of the Image of Christ. First , If this were true , it prooueth not the question , That Images ought to be worshipped , but onely that they may bee vsed , for Historie , Ornament , and Signification , as the Cherubins , and other Pictures of the Temple , in the old Law ; for Vse being a generall , and Worship a speciall , you cannot conclude affirmatiuely from the former to the latter d . Secondly , You depart from your owne receiued Principles , when you indeuour to prooue Image worship by Scripture : for the same ( according to your doctrine ) is a diuine Tradition e , and such a Tradition ( according to learned Bannes ) as is neither expresly nor infoldedly taught in holy Scripture f . Wherefore then doe you attempt to prooue Iconolatrie out of Scripture , which being in your Tenet a Tradition , is Doctrina tantum non Scripta g : a Doctrine altogether vnwritten . It is a vaine thing to promise to fetch Treasure out of a Chest , or water out of a flint stone , in which a man himselfe confesseth there is none . Thirdly , St. Paul his Text , Galath . 3.1 . Nullis machinis , can by no ingens or deuices be wrested to your Tenet . All Expositors antient and moderne , which haue Commented vpon this Text , are against you , and you haue neither the letter nor matter of the Text fauourable to you . The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vpon which you insist , is translated by your owne Interpretors a Proscribed , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Iud. v. 4. Prescribed ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Rom. 15.4 . Haue beene written ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Eph. 3. 3. I haue written before . And whereas you flye to Beza , translating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Depictus , Painted before , he telleth you in his Annotation b , that hee vnderstandeth not artificiall , but Theologicall depainting , not externall but spirituall ; to wit , by the euident and powerfull Preaching , and Doctrine of Saint Paul , Christ Iesus was so liuely reuealed and set foorth to the vnderstanding of the Galathians , as if they had indeed beheld him crucified before them . And in this manner Chrysostome c , Theophilact d , and Oecumenius e expound Saint Paul , and with them agree your owne Doctors , Aquinas f , Adam Sasbot g , Estius , Cornelius , Iustinianus , Vasques , Salmeron , &c. There is no small difference betweene vocall and spirituall depainting ; and betweene materiall or artificiall , betweene painting vpon mindes , and painting vpon materiall Tables , betweene intellectuall beholding Christ Iesus crucified , in the Storie of the Gospell , or in the Sacrament ; and in a visible Statue , or painted Table . And therefore from St. Pauls affirming the former , the Iesuits latter followeth not . IESVIT . I know that some Catholickes expound this place , That Christ was painted out vnto the Galathians Metaphorically by preaching , which I doe not denie , but this doth not repugne with the other sence , that he was also materially painted as crucified , the which being more conforme to the natiue and proper signification of the words , is not to bee forsaken but vpon euident absurditie , especially , seeing it hath more connexion with the drift of the Apostles discourse , which is , to prooue the Galathians sencelesse in forsaking Christ crucified painted before their eyes ; for to forsake Christ crucified , set forth by preaching , as the Sauiour of the world , though it be impious , yet is not sencelesse , yea rather Saluation by the Crosse of Christ , did seeme follie vnto the Gentiles . But to haue Christ painted as crucified before mens eyes , honouring him by Christian deuotion , in regard of his crucifixion and death , and not to expect Saluation by him , is sottish and senceles . And of this materiall painting of Christ , Athanasius expoundeth this place , whom Turrianus citeth : wherefore I may iustly say , that we haue more cleere and expresse Scripture , for the vse of Images , than haue Protestants for their vulgar Translations . ANSVVER . First , yeeld vs but one Father , or learned Papist , who in their Commentaries a expound this place literally , according to your sence . Secondly , It is neither comformable to the signification of the words , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth , to be written afore , and not to be pictured before ; neither hath it any necessarie connexion with the drift of the Apostles discourse , &c. For the Galathians being Christians conuerted from infidelitie , and not Heathens or Iewes ( to whom the Crosse , or death of Christ vpon the Crosse , seemed foolishnesse , 1. Cor. 1.18 . ) were more sencelesse , that is to say , more void of right iudgement , by forsaking Christ Iesus crucified , ( which was by the preaching of the holy Ghost , and Sacraments ordained by God , euidently reuealed to their conscience , and receiued by Faith ) than if they had forsaken him painted onely in a Crucifix ; for , to forsake a thing written in the heart , and beleeued vpon the Doctrine , and by the power of the holy Ghost , is farre more vnreasonable than to forsake that which is exhibited by a dead and dumbe picture . Thirdly , your counterfeit Athanasius is a child of darkenesse , not placed at all in the workes of Athanasius by your selues : read the seuerall impressions of this Author , at Rome , Paris , Basill , &c. Anno 1520 , 1555 , 1564 , 1572 , 1581 , 1582 , 1598 , 1608 , and there is no such worke of his to be found : and therefore Harding , Turrian , Gretsar , and your selfe abuse the world in alleading such bastardly stuffe . IESVIT . And therefore the danger of ignorant peoples erring by Jmages , is without reason so much insisted vpon by Protestants , their English Translation being ( as I haue shewed ) a more dangerous blocke for fooles to stumble at , and so fall into damnable errors . If they presume that by diligent instruction they may and would haue vs thinke , that they doe preserue their people from that error , why should they not thinke that the Roman Church being so potent with her children , can keepe them from the foolish error , of attributing life and diuinitie vnto dead and dumbe Images ? and that shee will so doe , being so strictly commanded by the Councell of Trent , to vse her greatest diligence in this point , that ignorant people fall not into error by any Image , which otherwise haue many profits and vtilities . ANSWER . It is possible for ignorant people , notwithstanding admonitions , to worship Images , not thinking actually of the Prototype a : and in this case their worship is terminate in the verie Image . But it is needlesse for vs to insist vpon the matter of abuse , for if the thing it selfe , to wit , adoration of Images , be vnlawfull , then it is in vaine to deliuer precepts and cautions to moderate excesse in the performance of it . But that adoration of Images is vnlawfull , it hath formerly beene prooued by the words of the morall Law , and the perpetuall practise of the Iewish Church b , and of the Primitiue Church for certaine ages , which neither worshipped Images , and which reiected in a manner all vse of them in religion a . IESVIT . About which , J will not inlarge my selfe , but onely mention some of them . The first is an easie and compendious way of instruction , in which respect they are tearmed by S. Gregorie , The Bookes of the vnlearned : and ( as another Gregorie saith ) The silent Pictures speakes in the wall , and profiteth very much . ANSWER . This reason , whether it be true or false , serueth onely to commend the Historicall vse of Images ; and yet some learned Papists reiect this kind of teaching , by Images and Pictures : Among which , Durand b saith , Ei autem quod dictum est , quod Imagines sunt Laicorum literae , obuiat illud Euangelij , habent Mosen & Prophetas , The sentence of the Gospell ( They haue Moses and the Prophets , let them heare them ) is repugnant to that which is spoken by some , Images are lay-mens Bookes . IESVIT . The second , is to increase in men ( that keepe and honor them ) the loue of God , and his Saints ; which effect S. Chrisostome experienced , as he testifieth , saying , J loloued a Picture of melted waxe full of Pietie . And S. Gregorie the Great saith , They inflame men that behold them in the loue of their Lord and Sauiour . The third is , to moue and incite men to the imitation of the vertues of Christ , and his Saints : which vtilitie S. Basill doth declare , and highly esteeme in his Sermon of the fortie Martyres . And examples might be brought of men reclaimed by sight of godly Images , euen in the 〈◊〉 of sinfull affection . The fourth is , to stay our thoughts vpon Christ , and his passion , that our imaginations in prayer may not so easily wander ; which vse of Images , Catholickes in their deuotions do often experience . Finally , that in his Jmage wee may honour Christ , the honour of the Image redounding to the originall : and who crowneth the Kings Image , honoureth the King whose Image it is , saith S. Ambrose . In which kind memorable is the deuotion of our victorious and religious King Canutus , who tooke the Diademe that he vsed to weare on his owne head , and there with crowned an Image of Christ crucified , which in his daies was deuoutly reserued in the Church of S. Peter and S. Paul in Winchester ; and afterwards would neuer haue any crowne come on his head , out of humble reuerence to his crucified Lord. ANSWER . It is againe to little purpose , to examine the places of the Fathers , here produced , concerning the vtilitie which may follow vpon the visible aspect of Pictures & Images , for all these testimonies serue only to commend Historicall vse , but they prooue not Adoration . Also the vtilitie of Images , mentioned by them , is spoken onely according to their humane opinion . But that Images , by diuine institution , haue such vtilitie , or that God Almightie hath promised in his word any such effects and blessings vnto them , is not affirmed by the Fathers , neither can it be warranted by diuine reuelation . S. Ambrose Serm. 10. in Psalm . 118. a treateth of the liuely Images of God , to wit , iust persons , poore afflicted people , the members of Christ ; these Images he exhorteth vs to honour , illustrating his Doctrine by an humane similitude , which is , He that crowneth the Image of the Emperour , honoureth him whose Image he crowneth , &c. Then he applieth the former similitude , saying b , By honouring the liuely Images of Christ , we worship Christ himselfe . But speaking of dead Statues and Pictures , he addeth , Gentiles lignum adorant , quia Dei Imaginem putant , sed inuisibilis Dei Imago , non in 〈◊〉 est quod videtur , Gentiles adore wood , thinking it the Image of God , but the Image of the inuisible God , is in that which is inuisible , and not in it which is seene . As for your storie of Canutus ( the first Danish king raigning in England ) wherewith you close vp your question of Images , you name no Author , that so we might haue examined the qualitie of Canutus his action ; and if the same happened according to your report , yet it is not antient , because it was a thousand yeeres and more after Christ a : Neither is the consequence necessarie , that because he placed his Crowne vpon an Image of the Crucifixe , therefore he worshipped the Image b : for Iacob powred oyle vpon the top of a Pillar , Gen. 28.18 . yet his Oblation was made onely to the Deitie , and not to the Pillar . Lastly , Let it be obserued , that our Aduersarie hath manifested wonderous weakenesse , in this Romish Article concerning worship of Images ; for he hath not throughout his whole disputation , produced one plaine Text of holy Scripture , or one cleare sentence of Antiquitie , proouing the necessitie or lawfulnesse of Iconolatrie . Wherefore I conclude , that this doctrine is destitute of all diuine authoritie , written or vnwritten ; and consequently , that they are impostors , which impose the same as a necessarie dutie vpon the Church of Christ. The Second and Third Point . PRAYINGS , AND OFFERING OBLATIONS TO THE B. Virgin MARY . WORSHIPPING , AND Inuocation of Saints , and Angels . IESVIT . I Haue ioyned these two Controuersies together , hoping I might doe it with your Maiesties good liking , the maine difficultie of them both , being the same , to wit , Worship and Inuocation of Angels , and Saints . For I am most fully persuaded , that if your Maiestie did allow Inuocation of any Saint , you would neuer denie that Deuotion vnto the Blessed Virgin , Mother of God , whom you honour and reuerence aboue the rest ; though perchance you may dislike some particular formes of our Prayers , that seeme to giue her Titles aboue that which is due to a Creature : about which , I shall in the end of this Discourse endeuour to giue your Maiestie satisfaction . ANSVVER . ALthough it were granted , that some kind or manner of Petition , or Compellation , made by the Church Militant to the blessed Saints , and Angels , were lawfull ; and that we might request them to be Comprecants a , and to make intercession to God in our behalfe : yet the Inuocation of them , according to the practise of the Romane Church , wherein they pray first of all to Saints , and in the last place , to Christ ; and their excessiue worship , by Vowes , Oathes , Offertures , conioyning their satisfactions with Christs b , and confidence in their merits , and adoring their Images , cannot be iustified : for this manner of Deuotion hath no foundation expresse or infolded in Diuine Reuelation , and the Primitiue Church did not appoint or practise the same : And it encroacheth so neerely vpon the Office of Christ , our sole Redcemer , Mediator , and Aduocate , that without expresse and manifest Precept , or approbation of the Holy Ghost c , wee may not esteeme it lawfull . The Doctrine of our Church , concerning Inuocation and Adoration of the blessed Trinitie ; our accesse to God , by Supplications and Prayers , in the name of Iesus Christ ; our dependance vpon the sole Merits and Satisfactions of our all-sufficient Redeemer , and Sauiour , haue Precept , Example , Promise , Reasons , and Warrantie , deliuered in the expresse , manifest , and indubitate Word of God. Ioh. 14. 13 , 14. & cap. 16.24 . 1. Ioh. 2.1 . Heb. 4. 15 , 16. 1. Pet. 2.5 . Heb. 13.15 . Also wee haue certainetie of Faith , That Christ Iesus , our Intercessor and Aduocate , hath distinct and perfect knowledge , particular and generall of our qualitie , state and actions . Heb. 4.13 . His office is , to make intercession for vs , Rom. 8.34 . Heb. 7. 25. He inuiteth vs most louingly to come vnto him , Math. 11.28 . Our heauenly Father alwayes heareth him , Iohn 11. 42. His compassion towards vs exceedeth the pietie of any creature , Ioh. 10. 11. & 15. 13. Heb. 4 , 15. a Wee may more safely , and with greater comfort , speake to our Sauiour , than to any Saint or Angell c ; the holy Spirit helpeth our infirmities , and teacheth vs to make intercession according to the will of God d . Rom. 8.26 , 27. Therefore our praying to God in the name of Christ onely , our supplication to the Father , to accept vs for the sole merits of our Sauiour , is a most safe and faithfull deuotion , and our assurance is grounded vpon the word of faith , and hauing such promises , we cannot be deceiued in our hope , 2. Tim. 2.13 . Tit. 1. 2. But on the contrarie , Romish inuocation , directed to Saints , Angells , and the blessed Virgin ; their oblation of the merits and satisfaction of creatures , with many other branches of their holy seeming deuotion , haue neither precept , example , or promise in the large booke of God , ( notwithstanding the same booke is most abundant in teaching the dutie and forme of prayer . ) And some of our best learned Aduersaries confesse , that the doctrine of inuocation of Saints , is neither expresly , nor infoldedly taught in holy Scripture b . Therefore his most excellent Maiestie , our Soueraigne Lord and King , to whose sacred person the Iesuit directeth his former speech , may with vnspeakeable ioy and comfort , glorie that he is in this article , a defender and propugner of that faith which is taught from heauen by the holy Ghost : and Papisticall inuocation is no plant growing in the Paradise c of holy Scripture , by their owne confession , neither haue they any meanes infallible , to ascertaine themselues and others , that the same is a plant which the heauenly Father hath planted , or that their deuotion in this kind is necessarie , profitable , or acceptable to God d . IESVIT . In which question I will suppose without large and particular proofe ( being able to prooue it by testimonies vndeniable , if neede be ) That worship and inuocation of Saints , hath beene generally receiued in the whole Christian Church , at least euer since the dayes of Constantine . A thing so cleere , that Chemnitius doth write in this sort ; Most of the Fathers , as Nazianzen , Nissen , Basill , Theodoret , Ambrose , Hierome , Austin , &c. did not dispute , but auouch the soules of Martyrs and Saints to heare the petitions of those that prayed , they went often to the monuments of Martyrs , and inuocated Martyrs by name . And seeing these Fathers praysed and practised this custome , as receiued from Ancestours , and as a matter of faith , condemning the contradictors thereof as Nouelists and Heretikes , to wit , Aerius and Vigilantius , as is confessed : I may further conclude , that that custome did not then begin , but was come downe from the Apostles ; which is confirmed by testimonie of the Magdeburgians , in acknowledging that in the Fathers next 〈◊〉 the Apostolicall times , were found , Non obscura vestigia Inuocationis Sanctorum , as appeareth by the testimonie of Saint Ireneus , tearming the 〈◊〉 Virgin the aduocate of Eue , that is of her children . ANSVVER . a You presuppose that , which ( notwithstanding your facing ) you will neuer bee able to prooue , to wit , That innocation of Saints , ( according to the doctrine and practise of the late Roman Church ) hath beene generally , and vniuersally receiued as an article of faith or necessarie dutie , euer since the dayes of Constantine : neither hath Chemnitius whom you alleadge , affirmed this , but rather said the contrarie . First , he saith b , That in the Primitiue Church , vntill two hundred years after Christ , this doctrine and practise was vtterly vnknowne . Secondly , he affirmeth , that about the yeare 240. some seedes of this doctrine began to be sowne in the Church by Origen c . Thirdly , He saith expresly a , that for three hundred and fiftie yeeres and vpward , the publike practise of Inuocation was vnknowne in the Church : And then about the yeere 370 , it began to be spoken of in publicke assemblies , by Basil , Nyssen , and Nazianzen , vpon occasion of their Panegyricall Orations b . Fourthly , He addeth , c That notwithstanding these Orations , it was not generally and vniuersally receiued in those times , but both doubted of , and also reprooued and condemned by some d : and about the 400. yeere , Saint Chrysostome interposed , and laboured to reduce people to the antient forme of Inuocation e . And proceeding in his Historicall Narration , he sheweth out of Nicephorus , lib. 15. cap. 28. that Petrus Gnapheus f , Anno 470 ( condemned by the first vniuersall Synode , of Heresie ) was the first Author among the Grecians , of mixing intercessions to the Virgin Marie with diuine Prayers . Hee affirmeth also , that in Saint Augustines dayes g , Inuocation of Saints was not vsed in the common Seruice of the West Church . And descending to the 600. yeeres , he saith , Inuocation of Saints among the Latines , was not brought into the publicke Seruice and Letanies of the Church , vntill the dayes of Pope Gregorie the first . Lastly , the forme and manner of Saintly Inuocation , in the 600 yeere , differed extreamely from that which was vsed by Papals in latter times : and this is confirmed by Chemnitius i , setting downe verbatim , many Collects and formes of deuotion , vsed in latter dayes , which were antiently vnheard of . Secondly , The Fathers which you cite in your Margine , to prooue the Doctrine of Inuocation of Saints and Martyrs , to haue beene a matter of faith , from the dayes of Constantine , are Gregorie Nyssen , St. Basil , Theodorit , St. Ambrose , St. Hierom , and St. Augustine : but hauing perused the places , I finde not that these Fathers either deliuered this Doctrine , as matter of Catholicke Faith , or affirme the Practise thereof to haue beene necessarie and vniuersall ; or that they spake of such Worship and Inuocation of Saints , as is practised in the seruice of your Church . But as places may bee noted in some Fathers , touching inuocation of Saints deceased ; or which argue , that they requested Saints to assist them with their Prayers , at least in generall , and so farre foorth as they had knowledge of their necessities : So likewise other Sentences are found in their writings , maintaining the sole Inuocation of God by Christ , and condemning Inuocation of Angels and Saints deceased , according to the manner now vsed in the Romane Church . Theoderit vpon the Colossians a , cap. 2. condemneth worshipping and Inuocation of Angels . St. Ambrose saith , b Tu solus Dominus inuocandus es , &c. Thou Lord onely art to bee inuocated . St. Hierom , Nullum inuocare , id est , in nos orando vocare nisi Deum debemus : We ought to inuocate , that is , by Prayer to call into vs none but God. And in another place , c Whatsoeuer I shall vtter seemeth dumbe , because hee ( Nepotian ) being defunct , heareth me not . St. Augustine , Non sit nobis Religio cultus hominum mortuorum : Let not the worship of persons defunct be our Religion . Saint Athanasius , d Nunguam quispiam precaretur aliquid accipere a Patre & Angelis , vel ab vllis rebus creatis : No man would euer pray to receiue any 〈◊〉 from the Father , and from the Angels , or from any other creature . Thirdly , That which the Iesuit affirmeth concerning Aerius and Vigilantius , is false : for neither of these is ranked among Heretickes , by Philastrius , Epiphanius , St. Augustine , or by any of the antient Fathers , because they denied Inuocation of Saints departed ; and Popish Prateolus himselfe , maketh not this doctrine any of Aerius his errours ; and treating of Vigilantius , he produceth onely Lindanus and Hosius ( two most partiall Pontificians ) affirming him to haue beene condemned of heresie for this cause . Wherefore our Aduersarie prooueth himselfe a weake Antiquarie , when he affirmeth that Aerius and Vigilantius , were condemned of heresie , because they denyed Inuocation of Saints deceased . Fourthly , The Magdeburgians , which in the third Centurie obserue , Non obscura vestigia , &c , some not very obscure traces , or footsteps , in the writings of the Doctors of this age , concerning Inuocation of Saints , speake of the least degree and kind of Inuocation , to wit , Compellation ; and besides , they probably suspect , that suppositious Sentences haue beene inserted into the Bookes of antient Fathers a . Lastly , Ireneus b stileth the Virgin Marie , The Aduocate of Euah , not in regard of her Intercession for Euah and her children , after her decease and departure out of the world ; but because of that which she performed , in beleeuing and obeying the heauenly message which the Angel Gabriel brought vnto her , Luke 1.38 . for hereby she became a blessed Instrument of conceiuing and bearing Christ Iesus , and by this obedience the blessed seed was brought into the world , by her , whereby the fall of Euah and her children was repaired . And thus shee was the Aduocate or Comforter of c Euah and her children , by bearing Christ ; and not because she was inuocated , as a Mediator , after her death by Euahs children . IESVIT . Neither can Protestants denie this to haue beene the Doctrine of the Fathers , but seeke to discredit them , as if they had been various , vncertaine , contradictorious in this point . But seeing Antiquitie , that hath perused their workes now more than 1300 yeeres , neuer noted such contradictions in them , Christian wisedome and charitie will neuer be so persuaded of the Fathers by Protestants , specially their Allegations being such as may easily be explicated , so as they make nothing at all against this Catholicke Custome . ANSVVER . Protestants maintaine , that inuocation of Saints can be no Article of Faith , although it were manifest , that some Fathers liuing since , or before the daies of Constantine , had beleeued or practised the same ; for euery Article of Christian Faith must be grounded vpon diuine Reuelation a . But all opinions of the Fathers , are not diuine Reuelation , and the holy Fathers do not challenge to themselues infallibilitie of iudgement , neither do our Aduersaries yeeld the same vnto them b . Therefore a surer foundation must be laid to proue Adoration , and Inuocation of Saints to be a necessarie duetie , than a few scattered opinatiue sentences of Ecclesiasticall writers . Neuerthelesse , Protestants are able to giue satisfaction concerning the iudgement of Antiquitie in this point . And we haue prooued that the eldest Fathers for those ages , in which Egesippus saith , The Church continued a Virgin c , taught no such Doctrine . Secondly , no generall Councel , nor yet any particular Councell confirmed by a generall , did euer authorise or decree inuocation of Saints , as it is now maintained by Papals , to haue beene a necessarie duetie or practise . Thirdly , there be sundrie Principles and other passages in the Bookes of the Fathers , by which this doctrine may be confuted . IESVIT . For all they say in this kind is reduced to these fiue heads : First , That Saints are not inuocated * by Faith , as authors of the benefits we craue . ANSWER . Our Aduersarie hath collected fiue Expositions to elude such testimonies as we produce out of antiquitie . First , whereas many Fathers treading in the steps of holy Scripture , affirme that religious prayer is a proper worship belonging to the sacred Trinitie ; and by this argument they conclude against the Arians and Macedonians , that Christ Iesus and the holy Ghost are verie God , because Christians beleeue in them , and pray vnto them a . The Iesuit telleth vs , that the Fathers intend only , that we may not inuocate creatures by faith , as authors of the benefits we craue . But if this glosse or solution be sufficient , then the Argument of the Fathers concludeth not against the Arians , that Christ is God , because he is inuocated b , for the Arian vsing the Iesuits distinction , may replie , That Christ is inuocated as a Mediator , and as the sonne of God by adoption , but not as verie God , and the prime Author of the benefits which Christian people craue . IESVIT . Seconly , that Angels are not to be honoured * as Gods , nor by sacrifices in the Heathenish manner . ANSWER . This answer is vnsufficient ; for the Fathers , not only when they answer Heathens , but when they instruct Christians , deliuer the like speeches . And how appeareth it , that Christians were so rude in those ages , as to Imagine , that Angels were Gods ? or that sacrifices after the Pagan manner , were due to them ? IESVIT . Thirdly , the Priest doth not inuocate Saints by direct prayer in the Liturgie of the Masse , which being a Sacrifice , the deuotion thereof is to be directed * to God only . ANSVVER . Papists inuocate Saints in the Liturgie of their Masse , which the Antients did not a : and the Iesuit perceiuing this , endeauoreth to cloud the matter , saying , The Priest doth not inuocate Saints by direct prayer , &c. But S. Augustines words exclude all inuocation of Saints , both direct and indirect in the administration of the Eucharist , saying , At which sacrifice the Martyres are named in their place and order , as men of God , which haue ouercome the world in the confession of him : but yet notwithstanding , they are not inuocated by the Priest which sacrificeth . S. Augustine in these words , saith expressely , That Martyres were named at the Communion Table , but not inuocated . IESVIT . Fourthly , that the deceased do not know what is done in this world , to wit , by their naturall * forces . ANSVVER . Neither did they hold as an infallible truth , that the Saints deceased , do vnderstand by reuelation , the affaires and qualities of the liuing , but say only that the same is possible b . And S. Augustine dares not define , whether the Martyres heare our prayers or not , or pray in particular for the liuing , but affirmeth , That it may be , that they pray onely in generall , and that God himselfe , by the ministerie of Angels , effecteth those merueiles , which were performed at their tombes c . And S. Hieroms place , alledged formerly , is generall . IESVIT . Fiftly , speaking vnto some deceased persons , they make an If * , whether they heare them , because they speake vnto such as they know not certainely to be Saints , as may be cleerely shewed in particulars , if need be . ANSWER . They knew they were Saints vpon better grounds than Papists know Thomas Becket , Dominicke , Francis , Ignatius Loiola , Christopher , George , Catherine , &c. to be Saints . And did they not reckon Constantine to be in ioy and glorie with Christ ? yet Greg. Nazianzene vsing an Apostrophe to him , saith : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Heare O thou spirit of great Constantine , if thou hast any sence or notion of these things . And if holy persons deceased , are not knowne to be Saints , vntill they be canonized by Popes , the antient Fathers could not inuocate Saints by Faith , because the canonizing of Saints by Popes is of a latter hatch a , and being a matter of fact , some Papists b question the Popes Iudgement , whether it be infallible or not , in canonizing of Saints . IESVIT . This Truth supposed , I cannot but conceiue Hope , that your Maiestie professing so much loue of the first Primitiue ages , may receiue satisfaction about this custome , the causes of Protestants dislike being weake , and not to be opposed against the strength of so long continued an authoritie , as J shall endeauour to demonstrate in their eight vsuall exceptions . ANSVVER . The foundation of your structure is dubious , and in it selfe ouer weake , to carrie your heauie vast roofe . For custome and long continued practise of men , in ciuile affaires , may be of force c ; but in matters of Faith , although it may sometimes be an hand-maid , yet it can neuer be a Principle or foundation . It is not iust , saith S. Basil d , to make custome a law , and rule of right Doctrine , the holy Scripture giuen by diuine inspiration , must be appointed Iudge . And Saint Cyprian a , Wee may not follow the custome of men , but the veritie of God , because the Lord saith by his Prophet , In vaine doe they worship me , teaching the Precepts and Doctrines of men . IESVIT . §. 4. Inuocation of Saints not to be disliked , because not expressed in Scripture . ANd first J must satisfie the transcendentall cause of their dislike , which is , That Worship and Jnuocation of Saints deceased , is no where expresly set downe in Scripture ; without expesse warrant whereof , nothing may lawfully bee done that belongs to Religion . But this , though carrying a shew of deuotion , in the conceit of common people , is altogether vnworthie of the erudition of any learned Protestant : for howsoeuer in the beginning of their separation , they did crie for expresse Scripture , expresse commands of the written Word ; yet now they are so gone from that Principle , as they are exceeding angrie with vs , that we should thinke that any of theirs were at any time broachers of such an absurditie ; wherefore in their written Bookes ( what they teach in Pulpits I know not ) they disclaime from expresse Scripture , and thinke it a sufficient warrant of a Christan Custome , that the same bee grounded on Scripture , that is , may bee deduced by good Discourse from Truths reuealed therein , or bee prooued consonant vnto the rules and principles thereof : according to which ample extent of Scriptures , vnto things deducible from them , or consonant vnto them , there is no Catholicke Custome that hath not warrant in Gods word , as wee are able to shew . ANSWER . One principall argument which Protestants make against inuocation of Saints , is , that this seruice and deuotion , hath no foundation in the holy Scripture a . To this the Iesuit an swereth . First , It is vnworthy the erudition of any learned Protestant , &c. But that which was worthy in the Fathers , cannot be vnworthy in vs. Epiphanius argueth in this manner b . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , What Scripture did euer require this ? Which of the Prophets did euer permit a man , much lesse anie woman to be adored . S. Hierome c , As we deny nothing that is written , so we refuse things which are vnwritten : we beleeue God to haue beene borne of a Virgin , because we reade it : we beleeue not Mary , to haue liued a wedded woman after her childbirth , because we doe not reade this . S. Ambrose , How can we vse those things which wee find not in holy Scripture d ? A learned Papist saith e : Because it is not read in Scripture , That Christ during the time of his preaching , was a Mendicant , therefore it followeth , that he did not begge . The sequele ( saith the Authour ) is good : Quia in sacra Scriptura , tenet locus ab authoritate negatiue , because in holy Scripiure , the argument which concludeth negatiuely from authoritie , is of force . Secondly , the Iesuit addeth , that Protestants are varied from their first doctrine concerning expresse Scripture , &c. But he must not ranke men exorbitant , such as are headie opposers , and rigide exceptors against Ecclesiasticall gouernment and ceremonies , in the number of well aduised Protestants . Those men indeed haue forged in their owne braines an axiome to serue their owne turne , to wit , That Christians must haue speciall ground out of Scripture for all circumstantiall actions and decencies vsed in diuine worship . These we refute , or better instruct , to bring them into the middle way : and wee teach as followeth , First , that nothing is to be receiued as a part of Catholike faith , nor yet to be imposed in religion , as a dutie immediately commanded by God , which is expresly or deriuatiuely contained in holy Scripture . Secondly , outward ceremonies and things adiaphorous haue generall warrant in the Scripture in the doctrine of Christian libertie , and in the doctrine of the authoritie of the Church . And concerning things adiaphorous , it is sufficient to make them lawfull , that they are consonant vnto the generall rules and principles of Scripture a . But the Romish doctrine of inuocation of Saints , and offering their merits vnto God , b &c. are imposed by them as matters of faith , and as a seruice immediately appointed by Christ and his Apostles ; and they which refuse this worship , are condemned as Heretikes , with a solemne Anathema . Also the said worship is made meritorious and satisfactorie , yea many times preferred c before that which hath expresse warrant in Gods vndoubted word . IESVIT . This onely we require , that ignorant people bee not Iudges of such inferences ; an office so farre aboue their capacities , as I am persuaded no vnlearned man that hath in him any sparke of humilitie , or any mediocritie of Iudgement , will vndertake it : for no man is competent to iudge assuredly of arguments by deduction from Scripture , that hath not exact skill , as well of Scripture to know the false sence from the true , as of Logicke to distinguish Syllogismes from Paralogismes , being able to giue sentence of the truth , of Principles by the one , and of the inferences by the other ; a thing so hard , as euen learned Diuines doe much suspect their owne sufficiencie to iudge of Deductions , and dare not absolutely pronounce their sentence , but referre the same to definitions of authoritie : which besides skill of Scripture and Logicke , hath the promise of Gods perpetuall assistance , in teaching the Christian Church : ANSWER . We are farre from appointing ignorant persons to be Iudges of that , which exceedeth their modell and skill a , 1. Cor. 12. 29. and the tractation of matters , obscure and difficile , must be referred to the iuditious and learned b . But the promise of Christ to assist his Ministers , in teaching and gouerning their flocke , belongeth to other Pastours , as well as to the Romane Bishop and his associates ; to whom we may say as S. Hierome c doth in another case : Are you alone the Church , and is euery one excluded from Christ , which offendeth you ? may you betrample the right of the Church , and yet whatsoeuer you doe , it must be a rule of Doctrine ? IESVIT . Wherefore if Protestants will binde vs to bring expresse Scripture for the worship of Images , adoration of the Sacrament , inuocation of Saints ; they must themselues likewise be bound to bring expresse Scripture against Anabaptists , for Christening of infants , for their keeping of the Sunday in lieu of the antient Sabbaoth day , for their dedicating of dayes in memorie of the Apostles , with religious solemnitie , for the crosse in Baptisme , and other such things obserued in their Religion , not expressed in Scripture . And if deduction from Scripture , or consonancie therewith , be sufficient to warrant these customes , Why should they mislike the worship and inuocation of Saints ; for which ( besides the iudgement of the most flourishing and learned antiquitie that euer was since the Apostles dayes , to wit , the Fathers of the fourth age confessedly consenting with vs ) we bring more cleare warrant from scripture , than they can bring for the before mentioned obseruation , of them religiously kept ? ANSWER . If you will maintaine Inuocation of Saints , as a matter of faith , or necessarie dutie , appointed immediately by God , you must confirme the same , either by expresse Scripture , or by arguments out of the Scripture , orby some other reuelation which is infallibly diuine , besides the Scripture a . But if you vrge the same , onely as a thing adiaphorous , it is sufficient to make the practise lawfull , if it be not repugnant to the Scripture . But this latter imposeth no necessitie vpon other Churches which haue libertie to prescribe their owne adiaphorous rights . The instances which you present vnto vs , of infants Baptisme , keeping Sunday in liew of the legall Sabboath , and the figne of the Crosse in Baptisme , arguing from them , that some things are of necessarie obseruation , and practised by our selues without expresse Scripture to warrant them , are answered as before . First , baptinng of infants is deduced euidently from the Scriptures , by the confession of your learned Cardinall b . Secondly , there is expresse mention of the Lords day , and of the religious obseruing thereof in the text of the new Testament , Act. 20.7 . 1. Cor. 16.2 . And the Primitiue Church c immediately succeeding the Apostles , testifieth expresly , the obseruation of this day , to haue beene grounded vpon Apostolicall institution . But Romish inuocation of Saints , wanteth the former of these , totally , and Papists can hardly name one authenticall Authour of the first 500 yeare , which affirmeth that inuocation of Saints is a diuine or Apostolicall tradition . Thirdly , the signe of the Crosse in Baptisme , is an antient ceremonie , but yet adiaphorous , and therefore expresse Scripture is not necessarie to warrant the vse of it . But your inuocation of Saints and Image worship , are made matters of faith , and for the practise , so inuiolable , that the liuing Saints and Images of God , must be destroyed and consumed in the topheth of your inquisition , if they will not bend and bow the knee according to your tradition . IESVIT . § 2. Knowledge of Prayers made to them communicable , and communicated vnto Saints . THe second cause why Protestants dislike praying to Saints , is , for that they thinke by teaching that Saints heare our Petitions , we attribute vnto them knowledge proper to God onely : for Saints cannot know all Prayers made to them , without seeing at once what is done in euery part of the world , nor know the sincere deuotion wherewith they are done , without seeing the secret affections of mens hearts : but to know what is done in all parts of the world , and the secrets of hearts is knowledge proper to God. Therfore we cannot teach that they heare our Petitions , without attributing to them knowledge proper to God. To this exception , answere is made , That knowledge proper to God is of two kinds , the one so proper , as it is altogether incommnnicable with any creature ; and such is the comprehension of his diuine essence . The second is proper so , that naturally creatures are not capeable thereof , yet the same may be imparted vnto them by supernaturall light , eleuating them to a high and diuine state , aboue the possibilitie of nature . In this kinde is the vision of the diuine essence , face to face , which being granted vnto Saints , sight of the inferiour world , and of the secrets of hearts , is without cause reputed incommunicable with them , according to the saying of Saint Prosper , Nothing is so secret , as the knowledge thereof may bee denyed vnto the perfectly Blessed , their seeing God with pure vnderstanding , being without comparison a thing more excellent : Thus Saint Prosper , whose Argument doth conuince , That Saints may know what is done in the world , and also the secrets of hearts . For to see the whole world , and what is done in it , is not higher knowledge , nor requires a more perfect vnderstanding , than to see face to face , the Diuine essence immense and incomprehensible , before whom , the world is no more than Momentum staterae & guttaroris antelucani : but the Saints of God ( according to Christian Faith ) haue an eleuated vnderstanding , able to behold clearely and distinctly the Diuine essence , with the infinite beauties and perfections thereof : How then can a Christian conceiue so meanly of them , as to doubt whether they haue sufficient vnderstanding , to behold things done in this inferiour world , as farre as they belong to their state ? ANSVVER . If it be not certaine , either by Diuine Reuelation , or by other infallible demonstration , That the blessed Saints deceased , heare and vnderstand our Prayers , and behold the secret thoughts and intention of the heart a , then it is a vaine thing to pray vnto them , by the confession of many of our Aduersaries b : but it is not certaine , either by Diuine Reuelation , or by any other infallible demonstration , That the soules of the blessed Saints deceased , heare and vnderstand our Prayers , and behold the secret thoughts and intention of the heart . First , This degree of knowledge is appropriated to God himselfe c , 1. Kings 8.39 . 2. Chro. 6.30 . Rom. 8.27 . Ier. 17.10 . Heb. 4.13 . 1. Cor. 14.25 . Iob 34.21 , 22. Psal. 11.4 . Pro. 15.3 . 1. Cor. 1. 11. Secondly , That hee communicateth the same ( at leastwise ordinarily ) to the glorified Saints , is not reuealed in his Word . Thirdly , The Iesuits Argument , to wit , The glorious Saints behold the Diuine essence , immense and incomprehensible , with the infinite beautie and perfections thereof , face to face , 1. Cor. 13. 12. 1. Iohn 3.2 . Ergo , They behold the secrets of mens hearts liuing on earth , is denied ; for glorious Saints behold the Diuine essence in a finite manner a , and according to the measure and capacitie of creatures , and so farre foorth onely as it pleaseth God , and is sufficient for their beatitude . But no diuine Reuelation affirmeth , that it pleaseth God b , or is necessarie to their beatitude , that they should vnderstand the secrets of mens hearts heere vpon earth : and accordingly Saint Augustine saith c , The soules of the defunct are there , where they see not all things which are done , or which happen to people in this life . And concerning the sequel of the former Argument , Aquinas himselfe saith d , The blessed Angels behold the Diuine Essence , and yet they know not all things , but they are ignorant of future things , being contingent , and of the cogitations of the heart e . And whereas the Argument is further pressed , They which know or see the greater , vnderstand and behold the lesse : But the Saints behold the Essence of God , which is the greater , and therefore they vnderstand the secrets of mens hearts . The Answere is f , That if the greater and the lesse be of the same kinde , and if the greater doe necessarily represent the lesse , ad extra , or externally ; and hee which vnderstandeth the greater , comprehendeth the whole perfection and latitude thereof ; then it is true , that they which know or see the greater , vnderstand and see the lesse : but if any of these conditions be wanting , then the same is false g . First , Euery one which beholdeth the Sunne , doeth not behold euery thing which the Sunne effecteth or inlightneth a . Secondly , Angels behold the face of God , Math. 18. 10. and yet they may be ignorant of some inferiour things b , to wit , of some supernaturall misteries c , Eph. 3.10 . and of the houre when the day of iudgement shall be , Math. 24.36 . And Bannes saith , No blessed Saint beholdeth all indiuiduals , or their cogitations in the diuine Essence d . IESVIT . Secondly , As for the secrets of hearts , God is without comparison , more spirituall , more secret , more inuisible , and out of the sight of naturall vnderstanding , than is any the most secret thought of man or Angell : and yet the Saints haue so cleere penetrating and all discouering light , as they do most perspicuously discerne the diuine , most hidden , and vnsearchable Essence . What reason then is there , why Christians should thinke the secrets of mens hearts inuisible and vnsearchable vnto them ? If we looke into Scripture , as the heart of man is said to be vnsearchable , but to God onely : so likewise God is said to be inuisible but only to himselfe ; so that to Saints , together with the sight of hearts , we must deny the fight of God , or else interpret the sayings of Scipture , That mans heart and God are inuisible , to wit , by meere naturall light , and that both are visible vnto Saints by that light , whereof the Prophet said , In thy light we shall see the light . ANSWER . The inconsequence of this Argument is palpable : for there is the same reason of Angells , and of glorified Saints , in respect of beatifical vision . But Angels , although they behold the face of God , yet they vnderstand not the cogitations of mans heart , according to the Tenet of Aquinas a himselfe . And if the Aduersarie flie to diuine Reuelation , and will affirme , that Angels and blessed Saints vnderstand the thoughts of mens hearts , because God doth manifest the same vnto them , as he did sometimes to the Prophets . First , he must remember that his bare word , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no proofe , for he was neuer in heauen to bring vs newes from thence a , & the word of God is silent in teaching this Doctrine . Secondly , if God reucale , and report the prayers of the liuing to the Saints , before the Saints know them , God is a Nuncio , and as it were a Mediator betweene one creature and another ; and the inuocation of Saints is a circle , first passing immediately to God himselfe , then from God to Saints , and then backe againe to God. Thirdly , Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe sheweth the weakenesse of the former assertion of our Aduersarie , saying b , If the Saints needed a new Reuelation , the Church could not with such boldnesse say to all the Saints , Pray for vs , but it should rather beseech God ( at least sometimes ) that he would reueale our Prayers vnto them . Besides , the reason could not so easily be giuen , why Saints should be inuocated now , and not be inuocated before Christs comming . IESVIT . If there were a glasse of Diamond so cleere and excellent , that whatsoeuer is done in London in secret corners , should therein particularly and distinctly appeare ; surely he that hath eyes to see that glasse , may likewise therein discerne what is done all ouer the citie . Now most certaine it is , that in God , all creatures , all actions done in the world , and all the most secret thoughts of hearts so perspicuously and distinctly shine , as they are in themselues , so that the Saints hauing light to see the diuine Essence , may in him cleerely discerne whatsoeuer is done in the world , belonging to their state , though neuer so secret , according to the saying of S. Gregorie * : Nothing is done about any creature which they cannot see , who see the claritie of the Creator . And againe we must beleeue , that they who see the claritie of the omnipotent God within themselues , are not ignorant of any thing that is without , which that Protestants may the lesse dislike , I prooue to be grounded on the Scriptures . ANSVVER . The Popish speculation of the speculatiue glasse of the Trinitie , is not Catholicke Doctrine in their owne Schole a , and therefore the Iesuit is ouerseene in obtruding the same vpon vs. Pius a Ponte b a moderne Scholeman , hath these words : The diuine Essence cannot bee tearmed a Glasse properly , neither by Metaphor doth the condition ( or likenesse ) of a Glasse properly agree vnto it : and he citeth for his Tenet , Thomas , Caietan , Capreolus , Durand , Ferrariensis , and Bannes , and the greater part of Pontificians hold , that it doth not represent things , according to the manner of a naturall Glasse , but onely according to the good will and pleasure of God , and thereupon they say , that it is Speculatum voluntarium c , such a glasse as ( according to our manner of apprehension ) maketh reflection of such notices as God is pleased to manifest , more or lesse d , when , in what manner , and to what persons himselfe pleaseth . And therefore the Iesuits supposition , if there were a glasse of diamond , may conclude according to the reflection of a naturall glasse , but it is inconsequent according to the reflection of a voluntarie glasse e . Gregorie , in the places obiected , according to Aquinas f , speaketh of the sufficiencie of the obiect in it selfe , and not of the actuall demonstration which it maketh : or else he speaketh of the knowledge of all things essential to blessednesse , as Occham and Lombard take it a . And if his words be taken generally , then it will follow , that the blessed Saints are ignorant of nothing that is done without them , and that they behold intuitiuely euery particular and speciall action and motion , both of superiour and of inferiour creatures : but our Aduersaries themselues denie this b , as it hath formerly beene shewed . IESVIT . First , if Saints by reason of their blisfull estate do so participate of diuine nature and wisdome , as they communicate with him in the power of gouerning the nations of the world , then Saints haue knowledge of things that are done in this world , else how could they be able to gouerne and rule it . But Scriptures in plaine and expresse tearmes , make Saints participate with Christ in the rule and gouernment of the world , according to his promise , To him that conquereth , I will giue power ouer Nations , and he shall rule them with a rod of Yron , that is , with power of inflexible equitie . I will make him a pillar in the Temple of my God. And the blessed Saints say of themselues , That they were chosen out of Countries and Nations to be the Priests of God , and that they should rule with him vpon the earth : Therefore they know what is done vpon earth , so farre forth at least , as the affaires of earth do specially appertaine vnto them , and such , without doubt , are our deutionos towards them . ANSWER . The places of Scripture which you produce to prooue your Assumption &c. speake not in plaine and expresse tearmes of Saints deceased , but of the Saints liuing in this present world a . And if they be expounded of Saints deceased , the iudiciarie power mentioned in these Texts , is that which shal be exercised by them , at the last day , when they shall be assessors with Christ , Mat. 19 , 28.1 . Cor. 6 , 2. And in this manner the antient Expositors , Victorinus , Arethas , Beda , Rupertus , Ansbertus , and also Hugo Carensis , Albertus , Lira , Viegas , Alchasar , &c , expound the first place , Reuel . 2.26 b . The second place , Reuel . 3.12 . is expounded of such as are Pillars in the Church militant , by Gregorie , Ticonius , Primasius , Haimo , Beda , Andreas , Aretas , Anselmus , Richardus , Ioachimus , Albertus , Lira , Thomas , Zegerus , and Suares , ( as Alchasar c the Iesuit citeth them , in his Commentarie vpon that Text , who also confuteth Ribera d expounding the same of the Church triumphant . ) The third place Apocal. 5. 10. is expounded of the Church Militant by Rupertus , Hugo Carensis , Gagneus , Albertus , Alchasar , &c. And if it bee vnderstood of the blessed Saints , they reigne vpon earth , by their Doctrine and vertuous examples which they haue left behind them , and they reigne vpon earth also , not in their owne persons , by actuall regiment , but in the person of Christ their head . Ambrosius Ansbertus a who liued in the yeare 890 , hath these words : That power which the onely begotten Sonne of God , being made man in time receiued of his Father , he promiseth to giue to his Elect , but in himselfe by whom the whole body is ruled , and to whom the whole body of the Church is vnited ; for he , as the Apostle saith , is the head of all the Elect. If any member therefore shall bee worthy to continue with the head , he is truely said to haue that which the head himselfe is prooued to possesse by right of inheritance . The like is said by Haimo b . And from hence it appeareth , that the Iesuites exposition of the places in the Reuelations , is voluntarie , nouell , neuer heard off in the antient Church , nor deliuered by elder Pontificians , neither is the same followed at this day , by the learned Expositours of the Church of Rome it selfe : and therefore his argument being raysed vpon Scripture fondly expounded c , is of no force . For when hee argueth in this manner : Saints pertake with Christ in the rule and gouernment of the World ; Ergo , they heare , and vnderstand the prayers and deuotions of the liuing , which are made vnto them : Our answer is , that the blessed Saints doe not partake with Christ , as his Ministers , Vicegerents , or Coadiutors in the actuall rule and gouernment of the inferiour world , but they onely partake with him in his gouernment , as the friends of the Bridechamber partake with the Bridegroome , by reioycing , consenting , and reaping increase of glorie , and happinesse , by his actuall rule and gouernment . And this latter compartnership with Christ , in gouernment , prooueth not , that the blessed Saints heare and vnderstand the prayers of the liuing : but to make his sequele good , the Iesuit must prooue , both that blessed Saints partake with Christ , according to the first branch of my distinction , and also that they partake with him , intirely and perfectly in euery action of his gouernment . d For it is possible for one to bee of Councell , and to be assistant in gouernment to a King , and yet not to bee partaker of all the Kings secrets , nor to concurre with him in all actions of Emperie . IESVIT . Secondly , S. Paul saith , Now wee know but in part , wee prophesie but in part , but when that of perfection shall come , that of part shall be euacuated ; I now know but in part , then I shall know as I am knowne . By which words the Apostle signifies , that all Knowledge , both Humane and Diuine , particularly the gift of Prophesie , is contained eminently in the Beatificall Light : So that the blessed Saints haue the gift of Prophesie in a more excellent degree , than had the Prophets in this world . But by the light of Prophesie , holy men vnited with God , could see the secrets of hearts , as S. Paul saith , By the gift of Prophesie the secrets of hearts are manifested ; and also see things absent , being present , by Light of Vnderstanding , from whence they were absent according to their substance . The Prophet Elizeus saw in absence what passed betwixt his seruant Gehezi and Naaman , to whom he said , My heart was there present with thee . With farre greater reason , saith S. Augustine , the Saints of God , euen with eyes of bodie closed vp , shall see all things , not onely present , but also from which they are corporally absent . This is that which Saint Hierome doth so earnestly defend against Vigilantius , That the soules of the Martyrs are present where their Shrines and Reliques are , and neuer absent , but still readie to heare the prayers of their suppliants : not thinking ( as Dr Field imposeth vpon him ) that they are present in so many places substantially , according to their soules , but that they are present as Elizeus was present vnto Gehezi , in spirit , beholding what passed as cleerely , as if they were corporally present . ANSWER . That the blessed Saints in Heauen haue the gift of Prophesie formally , eminently , or in actu exercito , in respect of all indiuiduall Obiects , is neither expressely affirmed by S. Paul , neither can it be collected from his Doctrine ; for the vse and end of this gift , was the edification of the Church Militant , 1. Cor. 12. 10. Eph. 4. 11 , 12. And because this end ceaseth , in regard of the blessed Saints , Apoc. 14. 13 , therefore wee haue no certaintie a , that they ordinarily and perpetually enioy the same . And if it were graunted , that they had this gift eminently ; yet it followeth not , that they haue the exercise of it , according to euerie materiall Obiect it had in this life : for some Obiects of Prophesie are contingent , and accidentally b belonging to Propheticall Grace ; and euerie act of knowledge belongeth not to the perfection of the glorified state . Imperfection of knowledge , to wit , in respect of the manner of knowing , and the Obiect knowne , and the Subiect vnderstanding , shall be remooued in the blissefull state . But where doth S. Paul affirme , That the blessed , by Diuine Vision , or Reuelation , vnderstand all particular Obiects , which they knew in this life ? Aquinas himselfe c hath these words : To know all particular , or indiuiduall things , and the cogitations and actions of the same , belongeth not to the perfection of a created vnderstanding , neither doth his naturall desire affect this . Also the same Author d , with Hugo , Lyra , and others , commenting vpon S. Pauls words , 1. Cor. 13. 12. ( Then shall I know , euen as also I am knowne ) expoundeth them of the intuitiue knowledge which B. Saints in Heauen shall haue of God himselfe , and not of all other created Obiects . But from hence it followeth not , That Saints deceased shall intuitiuely , or by reuelation , know all other inferiour things , as I haue formerly prooued in my Answer to the Iesuits second Paragraph . S. Augustine , d. Ciuit. Dei , Lib. 22. cap. 29 a , Prosper . d. Vit. Cont. Lib. 1. cap. 4. b speake of the knowledge of blessed men after their resurrection , affirming , That when they shall be all of them together in Heauen , their hearts shall be open each of them to other : but that the hearts of them which remaine vpon Earth , are open to the 〈◊〉 Saints , is not affirmed by these Fathers . S. Hierome against Vigilantius , speaketh in heat of Disputation : but he affirmeth in another place , a That because Iesus knew the thoughts of some of the Scribes , he did thereby shew himselfe to be God. IESVIT . Thirdly , It is clearely to be prooued by Scripture , That holy Angels see the Prayers , and Actions , and Affections of men . In the Apocalypse , an Angell offered vnto God the Prayers of men ; which he could not haue done , had he not knowne them . ANSVVER . First , The place of S. Iohn , Apocal. 8.4 . prooueth not , either clearely , or obscurely , that holy Angels heare the Prayers , or see the Actions and Affections of men . For the Angell mentioned , is expounded by the antient Expositors , and by the Romists themselues , not of an Angell by Nature , but of an Angell by Office ; and by some of them , of an Angell by Type . Albertus a in his Commentarie : S. Iohn saith , Another Angell , that is , Christ , who is the Angell of the Couenant , Esay 9. Dionifius Carthusian b , Catholike Doctors , &c. by this Angell vnderstand Christ , who is the Angell of the great Councell , and which by the Mysterie of his Incarnation came into the world , and stood vpon the Altar of the Crosse. Blasius Viegas c a Iesuit , Wee may easily perceiue , that this Angell is Christ , because the things here spoken of him , can agree to no other but Christ : for who but he , can with so great Maiestie offer vp to God the Incense , that is , the Prayers of the vniuersall Church ? Who besides him , is able out of the Perfuming Panne , to send downe into the Earth the fierie Coales of Diuine Charitie , and to inflame people with the burning Graces of the holy Spirit ? With these , agree Ambrose d , Primasius e , Ansbertus f , Beda g , Haimo h , Hugo Cardinalis , and the Glosses i . But if it were granted , that this Angel were a created or ministring Spirit , it cannot be prooued , that Angels vnderstand the secret cogitations of mans heart , any further than the same are manifested by signes , neither is it consequent , that people ought to pray vnto them , for Priests offer the prayers of the Church to God , and yet no man doeth therefore inuocate Priests a . IESVIT . Our Sauiour witnesseth , That the Angels reioyce at the conuersion of a sinner : so they must needes know it , nor can they know it without knowing the sinners heart , conuersion not being true , nor worthie of ioy , except it proceed from the heart . ANSWER . Not onely the Angels of God , but holy men on earth , reioyce at the conuersion of a sinner , Luke 15.24 . 2. Cor. 7.9 . Likewise Parents , Ministers , and 〈◊〉 reioyce , &c. and yet it followeth not from hence , That holy men on earth , which reioyce at the conuersion of a sinner , see the secrets of the heart . 1. Cor. 2.11 . So likewise Angels which are ministring Spirits , Heb. 1.14 . may vnderstand by the signes and fruits of true repentance , the conuersion of diuers sinners , and consequently , they may reioyce , without intuitiue knowledge of the heart . Secondly , Our Sauiours words , Luk. 15.10 . are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the conclusion of a Parable , which must not be strained beyond the true scope b . But according to the exposition of sundrie Fathers c , and some learned Papists d : The hundred sheepe , Vers. 4. represent the whole Bodie of the Elect , consisting of men and Angels : The ninetie and nine sheepe not lost , were the Angels , persisting in their prime integritie : The stray sheepe , all mankinde , sinning in Adam . To recouer this lost sheepe , the Sonne of God ( that good Shepheard , Iohn 10. 11. ) was incarnate , and by the gracious worke of Redemption , he laid the same on his shoulder . Now there is great ioy in heauen before the coelestiall Angels , for this recouerie and saluation of mankinde . But if this exposition be admitted , no more can bee inferred , but that the Court of heauen , and in the same , the holy Angels reioyce , because of mans Redemption . Neither is it consequent , the holy Angels reioyce , because of the conuersion and reduction of mankind : Ergo , They know distinctly and perpetually the particular qualitie of euery indiuiduall sinners repentance . Lastly , If the said words , Luke 15. 10. bee vnderstood of sinners in particular , this Text yet falleth short to prooue , that all the caelestiall Angels , perpetually , and at the very instant , know the particular true repentance of euery sinner , indiuidually : for the same may bee vnderstood according to this supposition or reflection , to wit , There is ioy before the Angels of heauen , ouer one sinner which repenteth , when the repentance of this one sinner , is made knowne vnto them : but it is not said , neither can it bee inferred , That coelestiall Angels know constantly , and at all times , when each indiuiduall person repenteth truely . Our Aduersaries therefore cannot ground an infallible Doctrine , touching Angelicall science , vpon a branch of a Parable ( which according to themselues ) admitteth diuers expositions , and the consequence whereof is not necessarie , but contingent , and vpon supposition . IESVIT . Saint Paul saith , We are made a spectacle vnto God and Angels , and he adiureth Timothie , by God and his Angels , which shew that wee liue in the sight of Angels , and that they behold what we doe , and heare what wee say , euen in our hearts . ANSWER . Saint Pauls words are , 1. Corinth . 4. 9. Wee are made a spectacle to the world , and to Angels , and men : Angelis laudantibus , & vituperantibus , hominibus laudantibus , & vituperantibus a , ( saith Saint Augustine ) To good Angels praysing vs , to euill Angels dispraysing vs , to good men commending vs , and to wicked men condemning and deriding vs. The Consequence of this Argument , Wee are a spectacle to Angels , therefore Angels vnderstand and see our thoughts , is childish : for as Saint Paul was a spectacle to Angels , so hee was a spectacle to good men , and bad men : and yet the Iesuite will blush , to argue hence , Ergo , Good men and bad men behold the heart . Secondly , As Saint Paul saith , I testifie before God and the Elect Angels : so Moses saith , I call this day , Heauen and Earth witnesses , Deuteron . 4. 26. & 32. 1. And Esay saith , Heare oh Heauens , and hearken oh Earth , Chap. 1. v. 2. Euery creature therefore which God calleth to witnesse , or adiureth man by , is not a fearcher and beholder of the thoughts and affections of the heart . IESVIT . But as the same Scripture auerreth , The Saints are like vnto the Angels , and equall vnto the Angels , and in heauen the same is the measure of a man and of an Angell : Ergo , Knowledge of our Prayers is not to bee denied vnto glorious Saints , the fellowes of Angels . ANSWER . Matth. 22. 30. Our Sauiour saith , That in the Resurrection , neither shall they marrie nor bee married , but are as the Angels of God in heauen . Luke 20. 36. They which shall bee counted worthie of that world , and the resurrection from the dead , neither marrie nor take wiues , neither can they die any more , for they are equall to Angels , and are the children of God , seeing they are the sonnes of the Resurrection . In these words , First , The subiect is , Iust people , at the Resurrection . Secondly , Concerning these , our Sauiour affirmeth , That they shall not marrie , &c. Thirdly , They shall bee as Angels , and equall to Angels . Fourthly , Hee expresseth , wherein they shall be so , to wit , first , in freedome from secular Actions and Passions : secondly , in glorious Adoption , or reall Possession of all the priuiledges of the sonnes of God. Now I admire , what Papists can extort from hence a for inuocation of Saints ; for there is no connexion betweene this Antecedent and Consequent , to wit , Iust men at the resurrection , shall liue as Angels , remote from all the necessities of a worldly life , and they shall be as the Angels of God , free from materiall and corporeall passions , and equall to the Angels in fruition of blessednesse . Ergo , the knowledge of our prayers which we make in this life , is not to be denied vnto glorious Saints , the fellowes of Angels . The place of the Reuelations , chap. 21.17 . is expounded by learned Papists three waies b . First , the beatitude of men and Angels shall be measured with the same modell , to wit , according to the proportion of their grace & charitie . Secondly , men shall attaine the measure of Angelicall glorie , by succeeding into the place of them that fell . Thirdly , the hundred fortie foure cubits , mentioned in that place , were meated by a measure containing the length of a man , which was the meat-wand , or measure which the Angell held in his hand . And this latter exposition of the Text , is the literall sence , according to Alchasar c , Ribera d , &c. But from none of these expositions , doth the Iesuits Argugument conclude ; not from the first , & the last , as is apparant to all men : neither yet from the second ; for although the blessed Saints attaine the measure of Angelicall glorie , and fill vp the place which the declining Angels lost : Yet Angels may haue some power and actions , in respect of their present ministerie to the Church militant , which are diuers , and distinct from the power and actions of glorified Saints . For , if Angels themselues , although they are equall in essentiall beatitude , yet they differ in power and actions e ( according to the Tenet of the Schole f ) then much more men and Angels , although they partake in the same obiectiue blessednesse , yet they may haue different actions , and accidentall perfections , and consequently Angels , in regard of their office , may be able to know and vnderstand that , which blessed Saints do not . IESVIT . Neither could Saints without knowlege of humane affaires be perfectly blessed , blessednesse being a state wherein all iust and reasonable desires of nature are satisfied with vttermost content . And who can thinke , that Saints full both of glorie and charitie , do not earnestly desire to know such things as may concerne their honour done vpon earth , and the state of their friends and louers , liuing in danger , to succour them by their intercessions , of whose saluation they be still sollicitous , though secure of their owne , as S. Cyprian writes . ANSVVER . The blessed Saints in Heauen , can desire that only , which is according to the will of God , Math. 6. 10. But that it pleaseth God , they shall desire to know and vnderstand , all the particular actions and occurrents of people on earth , or that they shall desire to know , the honour which is done to them in the inferiour world , must be beleeued as a matter of Faith when the Papals prooue it by diuine Reuelation . And although , according to S. Cyprian , blessed Saints are sollicitous a of the Saluation of the Chucrh militant , yet it followeth not , Ergo they heare the petitions of the liuing : for a father dwelling in London , which hath his sonne at Constantinople , is sollicitous of his sonnes safetie , and yet he vnderstandeth not all the particulars about him . IESVIT . Wherefore our Doctrine , that Saints see our prayers , being deliuered so constantly by the antient Fathers , so conformable to the principles of Christian beleefe , about the blessednesse of Saints , so consonant vnto expresse passages of Scripture ; we may easily expect , that vnto Protestants it would not be displeasing , did they looke on it with vnpartiall eyes , specially , they hauing no Text of Scripture , that may make so much shew of direct opposition against it . ANSWER . Your insinuations are coniecturall , and at the best , seemingly plausible , but your disputation is weake : wherefore we admire your confidence in a case so groundlesse , and intreat you either to argue more soundly , or else to be lesse vaineglorious in your conclusions . IESVIT . The place continually obiected out of the Prophet Esay : Abraham knew vs not , Israell was ignorant of vs , thou O Lord art our Father , thou our Redeemer , hath this sence , that Abraham and Iacob when they did liue vpon earth , and carnally beget children , did not know particularly their posterities , and so could not beare them such particular affection ; whereas God can and doth distinctly see , and know their necessities , and prouides against them , deliuering his children out of them : And therefore he is the onely Father , the onely Redeemer , Abraham and Iacob not deseruing the name of Father , in comparison with God : What makes this against the Saints hearing our prayers ? ANSVVER . We receiued our exposition of this place of Esay cap. 63.16 . out of S. Augustine a : and I marueile , why the Iesuit reiecteth the same , and chuseth a worse , because his owne party b confesseth , that Abraham and the Patriarkes liuing in the darke lake of Limbus , did not heare the prayers of their posteritie , nor behold and vnderstand the affaires of their children , liuing vpon earth . IESVIT . §. 3. The worship of Spirit and Truth , with outward prostration of the bodie , due vnto Saints . THe third cause of their dislike is , That we giue the honor of the Creator , vnto the creature , honoring Saints with religious worship , with worship of Spirit and Truth , euen to the prostrating of our bodies before them , whereby we giue them honor , due to God only , and bring in many Gods as the Heathens do . To this Obiection , made long ago by Faustus the Manichee , S. Austine answereth in these words , The Christian people doth celebrate with religious solemnitie , the memories of Martyrs , to the end to stirre vp themselues to their imitation , and that they may be assisted with their prayers , and associated vnto their merits , &c. but with the worship tearmed in Greeke , Latria , and which the Latine language cannot expresse in one word , being a certaine subiection , and seruitude due properly to the Deitie only , wee do not honour any but onely God , nor thinke that this honour ought to be giuen but only to him . These words of S. Augustine shew the worship of Saints , to be on the one side more than ciuile , and on the other side lesse than diuine : more than ciuile , as proceeding out of acknowledgement of the excellencie Saints haue , superior vnto all naturall ; by which they be partakers of diuine perfection , in that high degree , as no substance can by natureparticipate therof ; and therfore S. Austine with good reason , tearmes it religious , Lesse than diuine , as proceeding from persuasion of excellency , though superhumane ; yet infinitely inferiour vnto the increate and immence excellencie of God , yea depending essentially thereof . So that honor is giuen them dependently of God , as being superexcellent participants of his perfection , and his singular friends . ANSVVER . Our Argument is , All religious worship is due to God onely : Papists yeeld to Saints some religious worship : Ergo , Papists yeeld to Saints some worship due to God onely . The Iesuit pretendeth to answere by distinction , out of St. Augustine a , saying , That religious worship , is either simply Diuine , and founded vpon infinite and increate excellencie , called Latria ; or else superhumane , founded vpon Grace and Glorie , which is an excellencie finite and created . Papists yeeld the latter kinde of religious worship to blessed Saints and Angels , but not the former . To this Answere , Protestants replie , saying , That there are no other kindes of worship , than there be Tables of the Morall Law. But there are onely two Tables of the Morall Law , the former whereof teacheth Diuine Worship , and the second humane , ciuile , or of speciall obseruance b . And if there be a mixt worship , partly Diuine , and partly humane ; so much thereof as is Diuine , is proper to God , and may not be imparted to any Creature , Esay 42.8 . But against this , they obiect , That to euery kinde and degree of excellencie , there is a worship due , proportionall to that excellencie . But blessed Saints and Angels , haue a speciall kinde and degree of excellencie , superiour to theirs which liue vpon earth : Therefore a speciall honour , proportioned to their excellencie , and superiour to humane , is due vnto them . It is answered , That granting in blessed Saints and Angels , an excellencie of Grace , and Glorie , and Honour , due in respect of the same : this prooueth not , that they are to bee adored with religious worship , for then holy persons vpon earth may bee worshipped with religious worship . But the vertue of Religion ( according to the Tenet of the Schoole ) respecteth immedately increated excellencie , and Latria , and Religion , are all one c : and if Saints and Angels may be worshipped with religious worship , they may bee serued with the worship of Latria . And if they answer that worship of Saints is a materiall action of religion , this answer is confuted by the schoolemen themselues , who also affirme , that the worship of Saints , &c. is an act of Dulia a , and not of Religion or Latria . The place obiected out of S. Augustin . c. Faust. Manich. li. 20. c. 2 1 , is made to speake that ( by the Aduersarie ) which the holy father intendeth not : for he tearmeth not the honour exhibited by the true Church , to the persons of Martyrs , religious : but he saith onely , Populus Christianus , memorias martyrum religiosa solemnitate concelebrat , Christian people celebrate the memorials of Martyrs , with religious solemnitie . And then expounding himselfe in the progresse of the chapter , he deliuers two things : First , that Christians honour Martyrs , with the honour of loue and societie , as holy men of God are honoured in this life b : But Saints in this life are not worshipped with vowes , fastings , and religious prayer . Secondly , he distinguisheth betweene the solemnities or festiualls of Martyrs , and the persons of Martyrs : vpon the festiualls of Martyrs religious seruice was performed to God , the Lord of Martyrs , but not to the persons of Martyrs : S. Augustine affirmeth not this latter . The totall honour which the sacred Scripture , and after it , S. Augustine requires to be yeelded to holy Saints , Martyrs , and Angels , respectiuely , may be reduced to foure heads : First , the honour of loue c , and desire of societie . Secondly , recognition and prayses of their vertues and excellencie : Thirdly , imitation of their vertues , and godly examples : Fourthly , reuerent comportment to Angels , when they appeared , and were present as Gods messengers . But none of these actions are the formall or elicitiue actions of Religion : therefore the honour of Saints and Angells , ( according to proprietie of speech ) is 〈◊〉 religious worship . Now then I subsume , no religious worship ( properly taken ) is due to Saints , by the confession of learned Papists d . Inuocation of Saints is religious worship properly taken . Rom. 10.14 . Ergo , Inuocation is not due to Saints . IESVIT . Now that men may worship Angells and Saints in this sort , with true affection of spirit , euen to the prostration of their bodies , may be prooued out of holy Scripture , supposing what is already shewed , that they see our actions ; for if Saints see our actions , wee may as lawfully and as profitably bow , kneele , and prostrate our bodies vnto them , as vnto Saints liuing on earth . But it is lawfull to honour liuing Saints with bowing , and kneeling , and prostration of body : as may bee prooued by many examples . Abdias an holy man adored Helias prostrate on the ground , not for any humane excellencie or respect , but because he was a Prophet , and a singular Saint of God. The children of the Prophets , seeing signes of supernaturall and diuine power in Elizeus , comming vnto him , adored him prostrate on the ground . The Shunamite woman her sonne being dead , went presently vnto Elize us , fell downe at his feet , suing not so much with words , as with teares and mournefull complaints , for the resuscitation of her dead sonne . We reade also that holy men haue adored , with kneeling and prostration of their bodies , holy Angells appearing vnto them ; as Abraham , Lot , Balaam , Iosua . So that this adoration of Saints and Angells , with more than humane and naturall respect , and with acknowledgement of more than humane and naturall perfections in them , is cleerely deduceable from holy Scriptures . ANSVVER . First , your supposall that Saints deceased , see and behold all our particular and singular actions , is in my praecedent answer refuted . Secondly , if they did vnderstand our actions , it were not nenecessarie for vs to worship them after your manner , because neither God himselfe , nor the blessed Saints require any such deuotion a . Thirdly , your examples of Abdias and the Shunamite , prostrating themselues to Elyas and Elizeus , are not ad idem : for these Prophets were visibly and sensibly present to those persons ; and on the contrarie , the blessed Saints are absent from those which worship them vpon earth ; children kneele to their parents , and speake to them when they are present , but when they are absent , such actions cease . Fourthly , your examples of Abraham , Lot , Balaam , and Iosua , conclude not your Angell-worship : for it is the common Tenet of the most learned Fathers , yea of many Pontificians a , That the Angell which Abraham and Ioshua worshipped , was the second person of the Trinitie . And the other Angells , Gen. 18. 2. and 19.1 . Num. 22.31 . were present in place , and did visibly and sensibly appeare to Abraham and the rest ; and vpon that vision , they made outward obeysance to them , perceiuing they were diuine messengers . But did these or any other holy men , whose example is commended in holy Scripture , make outward obeisance , or offer prayers to Angells , when they were absent from them in heauen , or when they did not behold signes and euidences of their sensible apparition ? IESVIT . Neither haue Protestants reason to stand against so many pregnant examples of Scriptures , vpon the one example of the Angell in the Apocalypse , refusing to be adored of S. Iohn , saying , See thou doe it not , I am one of thy fellow seruants , adore God : specially this place being explicated long agoe by the Fathers , as not against the custome of Christian Saint-worship ; for either the Angell so appeared , as S. Iohn tooke him to be God , and would haue adored him as God , whereof the adored was to be warned , as S. Augustine expoundeth ; or rather the Angell forbad that worship , not as iniurious vnto God , but onely as cumbersome to himselfe , which I declare by this example , Suppose that one praise a Preacher to his face for an excellent sermon he hath made , and the Preacher out of modestie saith , Praise not me , I am an vnworthy instrument of diuine wisedome , praise God the Author of all : This his speech doth not import that he thinkes to commend a Preachers sermon to be Idolatrie , and giuing away the glorie of God to a creature ; but onely that modestie makes him wish that men would not praise him , but rather turne all the praise and glorie of that sermon vpon God. In this sort the Angell seeing the great and glorious friend of Iesus prostrated at his feet , requested him to rise vp , not condemning that adoration as Idolatrous , but refusing it as an action , though in regard of the offerer pious and godly , yet to him the receiuer cumbersome ; which hee would not without some vnwillingnesse behold , in regard of the dignitie of the person hee saw prostrated before him . This is euidently gathered out of the sacred Text , seeing S. 〈◊〉 after this prohibition , did the second time offer the like honour to the same Angell , which he would neuer haue done , had he not knowne adoration of Angells by mortall men to be pious and religious on their parts , howsoeuer the Angells sometimes for iust respects may in modestie refuse it . ANSWER . It is said vntruely , and without any colour , that Protestants stand against many pregnant examples of Scripture , &c. For the examples which are obiected , doe some of them belong to the person of Christ a ( as hath beene formerly shewed , ) and the worship giuen to other Angells , and to the holy Prophets , was onely reuerence and outward obeisance b , when they were present in place and person ; and wee deny not reuerent comportment to holy Prophets and Angels , when they are personally and visibly present . But did the Church of the Iewes inuocate Elias or Elizeus , in their publike seruice , or did they offer any oblations to Angels when they were absent , or to their Images ? or to any of the Patriarkes or Prophets , or to their Images , after these persons were defunct ? If you could produce pregnant examples of this kinde , yea , so much as one example , then you might iustly say , Neither haue Protestants reason , &c. But you are , and will be as mute as a fish , in producing any one example to this purpose . From the example of the Angell refusing to be worshipped , Apoc. 19.10 . & 22.8 , 9. we argue in this manner : That which the Angel refused to admit when hee was present , and came as an Ambassadour of Christ , is not to be giuen to blessed Saints and Angels when they are absent . But the Angel refused a lesser degree of adoration , when hee was present , and came as an Ambassadour of Christ , than Papists yeeld to Angels and to blessed Saints being absent : Ergo , &c. The Iesuit imagineth ( but he prooueth nothing ) either that Saint Iohn would haue exhibited diuine Adoration to the Angell , and for this reason his worship was refused , or that being modest and also feruent about his present imployment , he esteemed such worship vnmeet , to wit , at that present , rebus sic stantibus , and in regard of the extraordinarie dignitie of Saint Iohn , who was so great and glorious a friend of God. The first solution is reiected by learned Papists themselues , Ribera a , Alchasar b , Salmeron c , Viegas d , Mendoza e , &c. and it is apparant by the Text of the Reuelation , that St. Iohn knew it was an Angel which spake to him , Apoc. 1.1 . and Christ had many times reuealed so much to him . The second Answere , The Angel in modestie , &c. hath nothing at all in the Text to warrant it , but is voluntarily faigned by the Iesuite . First , Let him giue vs any the like example of such modestie , elsewhere in holy Scripture , vsed by any Angel. Secondly , His comparison , from a Preacher refusing to bee praised , &c. is altogether vnlike : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adoration are actions of a diuers kinde ; the one may be refufed in modestie by a Preacher , a wayfaring man , for feare of vaine-glorie . But religious adoration is an vndue seruice for any creature , and must be refused in right . Neither doth any man when he praiseth a Preacher , prostrate himselfe religiously . Also if religious Adoration , had beene due to the Angel , why should he in modestie refuse it , because he was an immediate Ambassadour of Iesus Christ , and the admitting thereof would haue beene a leading case for posteritie , to teach them their dutie to Angels , if such dutie had belonged to them . The third answere , The Angel refused adoration from St. Iohn , because of the dignitie of this great Apostle , is confuted by the Text , Apoc. 22.9 . For the Angel yeelding a reason of his refusall , assignes a cause , which argueth , that such adoration was not due to him , from any other seruant of Iesus Christ , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. See thou doe it not , for I am thy fellow seruant , and of thy brethren the Prophets , and of them which keepe the sayings of this Booke : worship God. Hence it is manifest , that if the Angel refused religious worship , because God alone is to bee worshipped in this manner , and because he was the fellow seruant a of all iust persons : then he refused not this worship , onely because of the speciall dignitie of St. Iohn , but he would haue refused the like worship from any other Christian , as well as he did from him . Saint Ambrose b vpon the Reuelation , Chap. 19. saith , The Redemption of Christs Blood , brought this to the faithfull , that they should be made the sonnes of God , and companions of Angels : Therefore the Angel feared to be worshipped of a man , who worshipped one aboue him , which was God and man. To the like purpose also speaketh Ansbertus c . The Spirit of God ( no doubt ) foresaw the errours which would spring vp in future times a , and therefore hee left vpon Record , this remarkeable example in the Reuelation , to manifest his will , and to be an Antidotarie against the superstitious worship of Saints and Angels . And let men cauill , and descant vpon this Scripture as they please , It is euident from the same , that the Angel would admit no worship of himselfe : and hee draweth man to the immediate worshipping of Christ b , Hee doth not distinguish , saying , Worship me with religious worship , as Gods friend : or , worship me , not as the prime fountaine , and principall doner , or with Latria ; but simply and without all distinction , he protesteth against this religious and sacred reuerence , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Yeeld thy worship to God : As for me , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I am thy fellow seruant , and a fellow seruant , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , See thou do it not , let no other do it . Lastly , If our Aduersaries will haue vs regard their distinctions , let them not ( like spiders ) spinne them out of their owne braines , but let them yeeld vs any Text or example in the new Testament , wherein holy Angels c , or blessed Saints , or the blessed Virgin , liuing or defunct , did euer require or receiue , or our Sauiour , or any of his Apostles in their behalfe , did euer appoint such religious worship to bee yeelded vnto them , as Papists require . IESVIT . § 4. Praying vnto Saints , not iniurious vnto Gods mercie , but rather a commendation thereof . THe fourth cause why Protestants out of their zeale vnto God , refuse to inuocate Saints , is , the high conceit of Gods mercie : for seeing he calleth all men immediately to himselfe , Come vnto me all you that labour , and I will refresh you , We wrong his infinite goodnesse , in not approaching vnto him by Prayer , without the intercession of Saints . This their zeale is not ioyned with science of the course of Gods mercifull prouidence , whose Diuine wisedome prescribeth certaine bounds , and as it were lawes to the infinitie of his mercies ; which orders and prescripts whosoeuer doth neglect , and yet hopes to obtaine fauours , hee doth not truely confide , but erroniously presume . God is infinitly mercifull , and saith , Come to me all that labour ; yet the man that should seeke to him for the remission of sinnes , and would not submit himselfe to the Sacrament of water , should hope in vaine , and to no purpose challenge him of his promise , Come to me all : wherefore it imports vs verie much to know , and to vse those meanes of approching vnto God , that he hath appointed . Now , that the intercession of Saints is one meanes , without which God will not bestow many graces and fauours ( as well spirituall as temporall ) Christian Tradition doth deliuer vnto vs ; which Tradition is suitable with the bountifull and noble disposition of God , which is not onely to honour and glorifie those that haue beene zealous of his honour , to the effusion of their bloud , but also to make the world know and vnderstand , that he doth honor them : for this knowledge , is both for his glorie , and also for the good of men ; that seeing how highly God honoureth his constant friends , they be prouoked to indeauour by pure life to gaine his fauours . ANSWER . First , our doctrine and zeale are grounded vpon diuine reuelation , for we are commanded to inuocate God in the name of Christ , Iohn 16.24 . and our Sauiour himselfe inuiteth vs , to approach with confidence , to the throne of his grace , Ioh. 14.13 . & cap. 15.16 . & cap. 16.23.24.26 . Eph. 3.12 . Heb. 4.16 . He is rich in mercie , to such as call vpon him , Eph. 2.4 . and more compassionate , better able , and more willing to helpe vs than any Saint or Angell , and he is appointed by God to be our intercessor , Rom. 8.34 . Heb. 7.25 . We read in the new Testament many examples of people which made supplication immediately vnto Christ , but not of one which made intercession to the Virgin Marie , or to the blessed Saints or Angels . And the Fathers teach a , that we shall assuredly be heard , although no other pray for vs , but our selues , if we be deuout , faithfull , feruent , and perseurant , and conioine good Workes with our Prayers b . Secondly , But the Iesuit addeth , That by refusing to make intercession to Saints , we neglect a necessarie meanes , which God hath appointed in his Church , for the applying of his graces and fauour ; and that inuocation of Saints deceased , is such a meanes , he indeauoreth to prooue by vnwritten Tradition . I answer , Inuocation of Saints is not grounded vpon Apostolicall Tradition . For the Iesuit cannot prooue ( by the vnanimous consent of the Fathers , abutting vpon the Apostles age , or by any other sufficient testimonie ) that the Apostles preached or practised this Doctrine . And if he were able to produce many Fathers , maintaining inuocation of Saints , yet he must remember , what one of the best learned of his owne part teacheth vs a : The consent of Fathers in any point ( which they hold to be a veritie ) prooueth not the same to be an Apostolicall Tradition , vnlesse they consent in such sort , that they affirme the same to be a Tradition . But our Aduersaries are vnable to produce the antient Fathers , maintaining by vnanimous consent , this Doctrine , as matter of Catholicke Faith , or of necessarie practise : and they are farre more vnable to make ostension b , that Ignatius , Iustin Martyr , Ireneus , Tertullian , Clemens Alexandrinus , S. Cyprian , or any other of the first three hundred yeares , did euer affirme , That inuocation of Saints is an Apostolicall Tradition . Tradition beginning in the holy Apostles , must descend by a perpetuall current of all ages c . Inuocation of Saints began not in the holy Apostles , neither is the same deriued to our daies , by a perpetuall current , and vnanimous consent , Ergo , The same is not grounded vpon Apostolicall Tradition . IESVIT . Jf reuealed Doctrine , comming by succession of Bishops from the Apostles to vs , will not alone winne beleefe , euen the Scriptures afford vs sufficient testimonie hereof . When Abimelech king of Gezara had offended God , by taking away from Abraham his wife Sara , and penitent of the fact ( though committed but in ignorance ) sought for pardon , did not God himselfe send him vnto Abraham , saying , Restore his wife vnto the man , for he is a Prophet , and he will pray for thee , and thou shalt liue . By which example , we see , that Gods infinit mercie , who saith , Come to me all , will not many times bestow fauours and graces without intercession of his Saints , that men may know he loues and respects his friends . When he was offended against Eliphaz and his companions , did hee not send them vnto his fingularly beloued seruant Iob , that he might be a Mediator for them ? Ite ad seruum meum Iob , & offerte holocaustū pro vobis , Iob autem seruus meus orabit pro vobis , faciem eius suscipiam , vt non vobis imputetur stultitia . Out of which place , two things are cleerely gathered : First , that though Gods mercy be infinite , yet many times he will not grant our prayers , but in such manner as he will make vs beholding to his Saints : Secondly , that we ought to prostrate our prayers vnto him , as with great confidence in his goodnesse , so likewise with a most feeling humble distrust of our owne worthinesse , which affection cannot but mooue vs to seeke the intercession of them we know to be most highly gratious in his fauour ; so that vpon pretence of Gods great mercie to reiect the mediation of Saints , is zeale without science , deuotion not throughly instructed about the lawes and orders that God hath prescribed vnto his measurelesse mercie , by his imcomprehenfible wisdome . Andif we greeue to humble our selues vnto Saints , and repine at Gods prouidence , that he will not many times grant our supplications without honouring his Saints , and making vs bound vnto them , we may iustly expect to heare what hee said to one in like case , Friend I do thee not wrong ; May I not dispence my mercies as I please ? if I will bestow them in such sort , as to ioine together with thy good , the honour of my friends , Is thine eye euill because I am good , and courteous to them that haue loued mee more than their owne life ? ANSWER . First , If you had reueiled Doctrine comming from the Apostles by succession , the same would merit beleefe : but your present Doctrine of inuocation of Saints , &c. is not reueiled by the holy Ghost , neither can the same be reduced to the Apostles a . Secondly , Examples of Scripture , Gen. 20.17 . Iob. 42.8 . prooue indeed , that when God himselfe by a precept appoints a meanes whereby sinners must seeke his fauour , the same meanes is necessarie , or else the end cannot be obtained . But where hath God appointed inuocation of Saints deceased to be such a meanes ? Thirdly , Abimelech and Iobs friends did not inuocate Abraham or Iob , but at the most ( which notwithstanding is not expressed in the Text , Gen. 20.7.17 . Iob 42.8.9 . ) requested their prayers , and sacrifice to God for them , whiles these Prophets were conuersant in the world , and were Gods Ministers and Priests , appointed by him to make intercession for themselues and others , Heb. 6.1 . It may be also , that herein they were figures of Christ b . Whiles Priests and Prophets were liuing , and conuersant with men on earth , God commanded his people to aske counsell of them , and to seeke wisdome at their mouth , Malach. 2.8 . and to intreat their prayers . But when Moses and Aron were deceased , did he then appoint his people to do the like , or did any man set vp Altars or Temples , in honour of them , and repaire vnto the same , intreating to be taught by them , or to be holpen by their merits or prayers ? The Argument therefore which the Aduersarie maketh , from the liuing to the dead c , is of no greater force than these which follow . Children may lawfully , and with successe , craue food and raiment of their parents , whiles they be liuing . Ergo , Children may doe the like , when their parents are defunct . A parishioner may request his Pastor , whiles he is liuing , to instruct him , or to absolue him . Ergo , he may pray to him , to instruct and absolue him when he is dead . When a mans office ceaseth , the actions of his office surcease : but when men depart this life , their office which they exercised in the world ceaseth , their actions therefore depending vpon their office , do also cease . Now I subsume , to pray for people distinctly , and in particular , dependeth vpon the calling and office of men whiles they are liuing , but when they are defunct , this calling and office ceaseth . Or if they denie this , let the Aduersaries prooue the contrarie by diuine Reuelation : therefore although Abraham and Iob prayed for Abimelech , and Eliphas , &c. whilest Abraham and Iob liued , and although Abimelech and the rest must by Gods Precept be holpen by their Prayers , yet it followeth not from hence , that the liuing ought to make intercession to the Saints deceased . Verily he that reades this Section of the Iesuit , may well wonder and aske , Whether such discoursors euer beleeued or heard , that the Sonne of God was incarnate , that he is our Aduocate , and that by him we haue accesse to the Throne of grace , 〈◊〉 Or that the holy Ghost hath left a manifest and certaine rule of Prayer in the Church ; considering , that these men are so presumptuous , vpon their owne friuolous surmises , to prescribe a forme of religious Inuocation ? IESVIT . § 5. Inuocation to Saints , not an iniurie , but an honour to Christ the only Mediator . ANother shew of pietie pretended against Prayer vnto Saints , is , that it seemes to ouerthrow the Mediatorship of Christ , which S. Paul commends , as onely , vnus Mediator Dei & hominum Christus Iesus . But in shewing the inanitie of this shadow , I shall not need to be long , seeing this respect would make vs also neglect , and not vse the mediation of liuing Saints , out of feare of disanulling the onely Mediatorship of Christ. It is no more against the honour of the onely Mediatorship of Christ , to pray vnto Saints deceased , than vnto Saints liuing : yea , the praying vnto these kind of Saints , may seeme more dishonorable , these being imprisoned in mortalitie , militant in dangers , and not wanting some blemishes and defects ; whereas the other Saints are glorious , pure from any the least imaginable spot , settled in the consummation of ineffable blisse . But the Scripture allowes , yea , commands Prayer vnto liuing Saints , and consequently , praying vnto them is not iniurious vnto the onely Mediatour Christ : Therefore the praying vnto Saints deceased , that are in glory with God , is not iniurious vnto the onely Mediatourship of Christ. ANSWER . Our argument which you tearme an emptie shadow , will not so lightly be shaken as you imagine : for if Christ Iesus alone , in the state of the new Testament , is the Mediatour , both of redemption and intercession , then no Saint liuing or deceased is a Mediatour , &c. But the first is true , because God hath constituted Christ to be a Mediatour , and he hath appointed no other Saint , liuing or defunct to be so . Ergo Christ Iesus alone in the state of the new Testament , is the Mediatour of Redemption and Intercession . Then I subsume Papists make Saints deceased partial : Mediatours , to wit , of Intercession a . Therefore they yeeld some part of Christ ( the sole Mediatour ) his office vnto Saints . The Iesuit answereth , by distinction of Mediatour , principall , and subordinate , or dependent , saying : That they appoint no Saints Medtatours of the first kind , but onely of the second : And that this is no iniurie to Christ , or encroachment on his office , but an honour to him , and a meanes to apply , or make his Mediation effectuall to vs ; and he vseth certaine Paralogismes to conclude this . First , the Scripture ( saith he ) allowes , and commands prayer to liuing Saints , &c. but these are not iniurious but honourable to Christ. It is answered , That vnlesse the Iesuit aequiuocate , the Scripture commandeth not inuocation of liuing Saints , but onely the requesting of their charitie and prayers to God for men , Rom. 15.30 . Eph. 6.19 . Col. 4.3 . 1. Thes. 5.25 . Heb. 13.18 . But the liuing are present and conuersant with the liuing , they conioyne their common prayers , Vt deum quasi manufacta , praecationibus ambiant ( saith Tertul. Apol. c. 39. ) That going to God hand in hand they may intreat him . Besides , inuocation and prayer properly taken , praesuppose in them wee pray vnto , vnderstanding the thoughts and motions of the heart : and all religious prayer is a mentall action vnderstood by him , whom men deprecate . But the liuing Saints vnderstand not the secrets of each others hearts : Therefore , speaking properly , no man prayeth to liuing Saints . Also religious prayer is a Communication with God a , and a proper worship of God , and an action of Latria b . Lastly , no precept , or example is extant in holy Scripture , proouing that iust persons did at any time pray to liuing Saints being absent , or to liuing Saints , by Collets , or set formes of publike deuotion , in such manner as Romists doe to Saints deceased . As for petition or request ( which is all the Scripture mentions ) the same is onely generall and materiall in prayer : and therefore we cannot conclude affirmatiuely , saying , They made request to the Saints liuing , to assist them with their prayers . Ergo , they did inuocate and make religious prayers to them , any more , then we may conclude , It is a liuing creature . Ergo , it is a man ; It hath one act of prayer , Ergo , it is Prayer ; It is a promise , therefore it is a vow , &c. If it be replyed , The requesting of the liuing to pray for vs , and their supplication according to this request , is not iniurious to Christs office , &c. Ergo , Our Inuocation of Saints deceased , is no iniurie , &c. We answer : That as in humane and ciuill affaires , it is an iniury to the supreame Magistrate for any of his Subiects to constitute a master of Requests , preferring their suites vnto him without his authoritie : so likewise , it is an iniurie to Christ our Mediatour , for vs men which are wormes of the earth , without warrant and Commission from Gods word , to constitute Saints and Angells , Mediatours of our prayers . And when the Lord of heauen hath giuen vs an all-sufficient Aduocate , and withall hath prescribed the meanes , by which we must haue accesse vnto this Mediatour : is it not wicked presumption in man , to cancell this sacred ordinance , and to appoint other meanes of his owne deuising ? S. Cyprian saith c : For men to pray otherwise than the Lord hath taught , is not onely ignorance , but iniquitie : for he hath said , Ye reiect the Commandement of God , that you may establish your own tradition . And Tertullian d , They are iustly reproached with vanitie , because ( in prayer ) they doe this without any warrant from Christ or his Apostles . In the Court of heauen , he which appoints the supreame , appoints the subordinate ; and as no creature may assume , so no creature may yeeld , either supreame or subordinate iurisdiction to any , in things of this nature , besides , or without Commison from the highest . Therefore the distinction of Mediatours into supreame and secondarie , founded vpon mans owne Inuention , freeth not the Inuentors from impietie against God and Christ , but is such , as if a mortall man should imagine subordinate Creators , Inspirators , yea , subordinate Gods : for the Apostle conioyneth these two as like , One God , one Mediator , &c. 1. Timoth. 2. 4 , 5. IESVIT . I adde , That to make Saints Mediators subordinate vnto , and dependent of Christ , is to encrease his glorie . For first , If onely Christ Jesus is worthie to haue immediate accesse vnto God , and all other Saints , Men , and Angels , be Mediators and Intercessors , not hauing accesse vnto God , but by him ; then certainely , that Saints mediate and intercede for vs , is exceeding glorious vnto Christ Iesus . But Catholikes teach , That Saints be such Intercessors , as haue no accesse vnto God , but through Christ Jesus , by mediation of his Merit , Passion , and Death ; there being no other Name in Heauen , or Earth , by which wee are to be saued . Ergo , &c. ANSVVER . In words , and outward pretext , you allow vnto Saints subordinate Mediation onely ; but your practise sheweth , that you make them principall a Mediators ( at least ) to Christ a : and in your prayers to them , you say to them , Let your abundant Charitie couer our sinnes , Let thy integritie excuse our corruption : Thou , 〈◊〉 B. Virgin , art the onely hope of the Patriarchs , the glorie of the Prophets , the solemne crie of the Apostles , &c. And yet if your practise were according to your distinction , you were transgressors : for that which is giuen to another , without commission from Christ , is taken from him . And Subiects may as well fet vp a Viceroy or subordinate King in a Commonwealth , as Christians appoint new Mediators , without Christ his Word . Also , when Christ himselfe hath prescribed the meanes whereby he will be honoured , and by which his people shall be saued , mens holy-seeming Inuentions , repugnant or diuerse from these , are no honour to Christ , but an offence , Matth. 15.9 . Lastly , when the holy Scripture teacheth vs , that there is one Creator , and one Redeemer ; it is impietie for man to honour any other , vnder the name of a subordinate Creator and Redeemer . So likewise , when the same Scripture teacheth but one Mediator of Intercession , it is impietie to honour Creatures vnder the name of secondarie and subordinate Mediators of Intercession ; because wee haue no Diuine Authoritie to warrant vs in the latter , more than in the former . For if our Aduersaries say , that Diuine Authoritie hath appointed the Saints liuing , and the glorified Saints , secondarie Mediators of Intercession , they are vnable to demonstrate this : for liuing Saints are onely ioint Suitors , and in crauing mercie for their brethren , they doe withall deprecate their owne sinnes , and craue the same deliuerance from punishments and calamities , &c. being still fellow-prisoners in the same Cottage of mortalitie and frailetie . These and the like respects doe so abate all suspition of presumption , to dignifie their prayers with any Mediatorship , that this can in no sort encroach vpon Christs Office. But in the glorified Saints , there are many personall eminencies of estate and degree in glorie , which our rashnesse or weakenesse is ouer-prone to mis-imploy or mistake . And this , among other , may be a cause , why the wisdome of God sendeth vs not to be suitors to the glorious Saints in Heauen , but commandeth vs to craue the ioint prayers of our brethren on Earth , which are still tossed in the same Sea of miserie and infirmitie with vs. IESVIT . Whence I inferre , That Protestants mistake our Doctrine , when they say we teach , That Saints are fellow Mediatours with Christ , and that we bring them to supply the defect of his intercession , that otherwise would not be sufficient . This we doe neither teach , nor beleeue , but that the merits of Christ are infinite , euery drop of his precious Blood , able to pay the full ransome of a million of worlds : that the Saints mediate and intercede for vs vnto Christ , is for his greater glory , by whose merits they are made worthie of that dignitie , and whom by their Intercessions they acknowledge to bee the fountaine of all good that comes vnto mankinde . ANSVVER . If the Intercession of Christ , according to Diuine Ordinance , is sufficient in it selfe , vpon the liuely Faith and Prayers of Saints militant , without our inuocation of the Saints triumphant , to apply the benefit of his Passion to the faithfull ; and if Saints deceased are not appointed by the reuealed word of Christ , to be secondarie Mediatours : then the Inuocation of Saints deceased , is vnlawfull , and derogatorie to Christs Intercession . But the first is true : First , None of the faithfull in the whole Historie of the New Testament , did inuocate Saint Stephan or Saint Iames , or any other Saint deceased , that they might by these meanes , haue the Passion or intercession of Christ applied vnto them ; and yet many of these , to wit , all faithfull and iust persons were saued . Secondly , Our Sauiour himselfe , or his Apostles , ordained not any such meanes , either for procuring and applying of Christs Intercession , or for the honouring of his Saints . And this argueth , both that the Inuocation of Saints is a voluntarie deuotion , and also a vertuall or interpretatiue derogation , from the Intercession of Christ , and from the other meanes , which hee hath sanctified , and an vndue meanes of honouring the Saints deceased . IESVIT . Jf it be a glorie to a roote of a tree , to haue many boughes and branches laden with excellent fruit , the Saints being but branches of Christ Iesus , the true Vinetree , surely the honour of all their merits springs originally , and is referred finally vnto him : and as it is impossible to honour and praise the boughes , without honouring and praising of the roote : so likewise it is not possible that Catholikes who acknowledge that Saints haue all their grace , merit , and fauour with God , from Christ Iesus , should honour them , and pray vnto them without honouring Christ , and without praying euer finally vnto him . ANSWER . It is an honour to Christ the true Vine , to haue many fruitfull Branches , Ioh. 15.8 . And when we honour the branches , in a lawfull manner , we glorifie Christ their roote : but inordinate honour of Saints is repugnant , both to the honour of Christ himselfe , and of his Saints . IESVIT . Wherefore Saints pray for vs , that God would forgiue vs our sinnes , grant vs fauours that helpe vs towards eternall life , not for their merits , but for the merits of Christ. And when the Fathers in their Prayers alledge vnto God the merits of Saints , this is because their merits make them gracious in Gods sight , and worthie that the graces they craue for vs , be granted vnto vs ; not by the application of their merits , but onely through the application of the merits of Christ. Put case that a Prince should ransome a great multitude of his subiects taken prisoners , and held in miserable thraldome , paying for them a sufficient and abundant ransome , yet so that none should haue the fruit of that Redemption , but those whom the King should singularly chuse and make worthie of that fauour . Suppose that some Noble man in the Court ( whom his merits made gracious with the King ) should by his intercedings obtaine , that the benefit of that ransome should bee extended to some one whom hee particularly affects : surely this Captiue should be redeemed and deliuered , through the ransome paid by the King , not by the merits of the Noble man interceding for him , whose merits concurred thereunto onely remotely , and afarre off . To apply this similitude , Christ Iesus hath paid an abundant price for mans Redemption , yet none inioy the benefit thereof , but they to whom by especiall grace he applyeth the same . Sinners beseech him by the merits of Saints , that made them gracious in his sight , that he will vouchsafe to apply the merit of his Passion vnto them , for the obtaining of fanours conducing vnto eternall life ; Christ grants their Petition and request , and thereupon applies his merits vnto them . These men cannot be properly said to be saued through the merits of Saints , but only through the merits of Christ , specially because euen the merits of Saints that concurred thereunto , proceed originally from the merits of Christ. ANSWER . First , You are ignorant of the manner , and particular matter , of Saintly Intercession ; and it is more than you can prooue , that blessed Saints pray expresly and distinctly for the remission of mens particular sinnes . Secondly , Blessed Saints by their Intercession in heauen can merit nothing for themselues or others , for they are not in the state of meriting , but of possessing the full reward promised to their labours : neither can they apply their former merits to other men , because they themselues haue reaped the full reward of them : and how can the merits of a creature being finite , and already requited beyond their desert and dignitie , be imputed to others ? Your similitude of a King , is nothing to the purpose , because the ground whereupon you build it is false : Kings grant fauours and pardons , for the merits and intreatie of such as are gracious in their sight , but God bestoweth his graces and pardons , for the sole merit and intercession of Christ ; and we are sufficiently qualified on our owne part to receiue his benefits , when we performe that which himselfe requireth , and vse the meanes which he appointeth . But it is not yet prooued , that Inuocation of Saints is in the number of those meanes . IESVIT . §. 6. How it is lawfull to appropriate the obtaining of Graces and Cures vnto Saints . OVr Aduersaries finding our inuocation of Saints , for substance practised in Gods Church , euer since the primatiue times , take exceptions at some circumstances thereof , which they thinke new , and not iustisiable by antiquitie : which are principally three , whereon are grounded other three causes of Protestants dislike . ANSWER . IF inuocation of Saints hath not beene practised vniuersally in Gods Church , euer since the Apostles times , then the same is not Catholicke a , or originally diuine b : therefore you trifle , and beg the question c , when you declame , saying , Our Aduersaries finding our inuocation of Saints for substance practised in Gods Church euer since the Primatiue times . First , you dare not say euer since the Apostles times , but you equiuocate in the tearme of Primatiue . Secondly , you leaue out Vniuersally , for you cannot demonstrate , that the same was practised in all Churches , or maintained generally by the Fathers . Thirdly , you seeke an euasion by a distinction of Substance , & Circumstance , and acquaint vs not , what shall be of the one , and what of the other : publicke and priuate , freely , and of necessitie , may be circumstances , yet they are such circumstances , as varie the state of the question : and Protestants dispute against your present doctrine , and manner of inuocation , which hath neither ground in the Apostles doctrine , nor in the Tradition of the antient Church . IESVIT . The first of these circumstances whereupon they ground the sixt reason of their dislike , is , that we distribute amongst Saints , offices of curing diseases , and seeke some kind of fauour of one , some of another ; of which practise there is no example in Antiquitie , yea it seemes to resemble the leuity of Heathenish superstition , who did multiplie gods , according to the multitude of the things they thought to obtaine of them . I answer , that to seeke some fauours by the intercession rather of one Saint than another , was the iudgement of the Fathers in S. Austines time , which he himselfe did practise vpon this occasion . In the towne of Hippo , one of the familie of S. Augustine , accused a Priest of an hainous crime , making his accusation good by oath , which the other did reiect , in like manner purging himselfe by oath . The fact being open and scandalous , seeing ( of necessitie ) the one of them was periured , S. Augustine sent them both into Jtalie to the Shrine of S. Foelix at Nola , at whose reliques periured persons were vsually discouered : In defence of which fact , he writes an Epistle to his people of Hippo , allowing of this proceeding to seeke recourse rather to one Saint than another , wondring at the secret prouidence of God therein : Although saith he , men by experience see this to be true , yet who is able to discouer the counsell of God , why in some place such miracles are done , in others they are not ? For is not Africa stored with shrines of blessed Martyres , and yet do we not know any such myracles to be done here by their intercessions ? For seeing ( as the Apostle saith ) all Saints haue not the gift of curing diseases , nor all the knowledge to discerne Spirits : so likewise at the shrines of all Martyres , these things are not done , because He will not haue them euery where done , who giueth to euery one particular gifts , according to his pleasure . ANSVVER . To impose offices vpon Saints deceased , and to attribute cures , deliuerances , opitulations , power , and actions to them , vpon mans owne imagination , and to persuade people which ought to seeke vnto God , Psal. 121.2 . Esa. 8.17 . 1. Sam. 17.37 . to depend vpon creatures in their perils and aduersitie ( changing the names onely ) is Heathenish superstition . And what doe Papists else in substance , when they make Saints ( yea some perhaps , which are in Hell ) particular regents a of countries , cities , religious orders , yea of the elements , fire , water , &c. and of beasts , &c. when they appoint vnto them distinctly , and by name , seuerall opitulations : Apollonia , is for the tooth ach ; Otilia , for bleared eyes ; S. Rochus , for the poxe ; Erasmus , for the iliake passion ; Blasius , for the quinsie ; Petronella , for feauers ; S. Wendeline , is for sheepe and oxen ; S. Antonie , for hogs ; S. Gertrudis , for mice and rats ; S. Nicholas , is the patrone of sailers ; S. Clement , of bakers ; S. George , of horsemen ; S. Eulogius , of smiths ; S. Luke , of painters ; S. Cosmas , of physitians , &c. There is no doubt but that this base superstition was deriued from the Pagans , ( although it be now varnished and mantled by Papals , with the habit of deuotion ) for S. Augustine d. Ciuit. Dei , lib. 4. cap. 22. saith , That Varro maintained , it was profitable to know the power , and working of euerie god in particular , that men might be able to sue vnto them , according to their seueral offices , for euerie distinct or particular benefit , least otherwise they might aske water of Bacchus the god of wine , or wine of the Nymphs , goddesses of water . But our Aduersarie blusheth not to say , That the former doctrine and practise , is sutable to the iudgement of the Fathers , and that S. Augustine maintained the same . First , I conceiue , that by Fathers he vnderstandeth the Trident Fathers ; for could he haue named antient Fathers , no doubt we should haue had them . As for the narration out of S. Augustine , Epist. 137. it falleth short of prouing the question in hand . For no mention is made concerning inuocation of S. Foelix the Martyr , nor of any vowes or oblations presented to him . Neither was the discouerie of the fact ( mentioned in that Epistle ) required to be made by the Martyr , but it was intended to be sought from God himselfe , at the sepulchre of the Martyr . Also , after the suspected persons returned from Nola , the matter hung still in suspence , and consequently nothing was effected about the discouerie b . But if any speciall myracle had beene wrought in those daies , at the Martyres tombe , the same is to be ranked among things extraordinarie , from which a Catholicke , and perpetuall doctrine or practise cannot be concluded : for one swallow maketh not a Summer , and from miraculous and extraordinarie actions , one cannot inferre a generall and perpetuall practise for all ages , as appeareth by the poole of Bethesda . Ioh. 5.4 . and the riuer of Iordan , Kings vlt. cap. 5.14 . IESVIT . This being a Doctrine taught by the learnedest Father Christianitie bred , by him grounded on Scripture , and on the vnsearchable course of the diuine prouidence , neuer censured nor condemned by any Father ; we need not feare superstition in seeking some kind of fauors and benefits by the peculiar intercession of certaine Saints . ANSVVER . S. Augustine hath nothing in the former place which maintaineth the seeking of special benefits and fauours , by the peculiar intercession of certaine Saints ; he hath no word concerning the particular protection , patronage , gouernement , offices , or deliuerance wrought by Saints deceased a ( to which purpose you alledge him ; ) and therefore the Iesuit ouer-reacheth lowdly , when he saith , This being a Doctrine taught by the learnedest Father which Christianitie bred , being by him grounded on Scripture . IESVIT . Specially , seeing this was vsuall in the Church , in her most flourishing age . S. Lucie went on Pilgrimage vnto the body of S. Agatha for helpe of her mother , putting peculiar confidence in her intercession , as being a Christian Virgin of her Countrey and profession . S. Iustina , a virgin , being by the deuill tempted against virginall puritie , fled to the most glorious of Virgins , Virginem Mariam rogauit , vt periclitanti virgini opem feret , as S. Nazianzen writes . S. Martinian ( as Paulinus records ) hauing suffered shipwracke , called with peculiar deuotion and trust vpon Saint Paul , whose Epistles he did highly honour , remembring that the same Saint yet liuing , deliuered threescore soules from the like perill , neither was his Petition frustrate . ANSWER . Your Argument , to wit , Saint Lucie , Saint Iustina , Saint Martinian , sought deliuerance by Intercession of Saints , Ergo , This was Catholicke Doctrine in the more flourishing age of the Church , hath two lame ioynts . First , The sequele is false , for neither was this age the most flourishing age a , but farre inferiour to ages precedent : neither doth the particular practise of certaine persons , make this deuotion Catholicke ; because to the being of Catholicke it is required , that the thing so denominate , be originally Apostolicall , and vniuersally practised in former ages , as well as in the latter b . Secondly , The Antecedent is not sufficiently prooued , for no antient Author is produced concerning Saint Lucie . And Iustina the Virgin , according to the Narration of Gregorie Nazianzen , being in distresse ( as Susanna sometimes was ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. despairing of all other remedies she slieth to God , & then assumeth for her Patron and Protectour , Christ Iesus her spouse , and after this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. shee besought the Virgin Marie to succour her , being a distressed Virgin , First , she slieth to God. Secondly , shee maketh Christ her Patron . Thirdly , she requesteth the Virgin Marie , ( in zeale , rather than vpon knowledge . ) Fourthly , shee is deliuered , not by Pilgrimage to Saints , but by prayer and fasting , to God. And although Gregorie Nazianzen ( speaking onely by hearesay ) reporteth that she supplicated ( not by any Collect , or set forme of deuotion , but by a short eiaculation ) to the Virgin Marie , yet this was done by her in the last place , and after she had first sought to God and Christ ; and her deliuerance is wholly ascribed by Nazianzen a to Christ , and in no sort to the Virgin Marie . Martinian being in danger of shipwracke , amased and affrighted at the present perill , he tooke vp Saint Pauls Epistles , and laid them to his brest , and Paulinus saith b , That God by his grace did giue this man to Saint Paul , whose Epistles and Doctrine hee esteemed so highly , as that neglecting all other goods and stuffe which were in the shippe , hee gathered vp onely Pauls Epistles . I finde in this Poeme ( for the Iesuit vsed other mens eyes when he cited Paulinus his Epistles to Cythereus ) no pilgrimage or supplication made by Martinian to S. Paul , but a singular deuotion to S. Pauls Epistles , and Gods protection and fauour towards him , for the loue he bare the Apostle and his Doctrine , vpon which , it pleased the Diuine Maiestie to bestow life and safetie vpon him , and to deliuer him from perill , as he did those for whom Saint Paul prayed , Acts 27.24 . But note here , Saint Pauls Epistles saue a man from shirwracke , and yet in the Ocean of the Papacie , they must be the cause of many a mans shipwracke vpon the rocke of Inquisition . I maruell if the Iesuite blushed not when hee wrote this , well knowing what euill entertainement they giue Gods Booke , that if it be but found in a ship , it is so farre from sauing a man ( as it did Martinian in Paulinus ) that it confiscateth the whole fraught to the Holy house . IESVIT . Notwithstanding we confesse , That heerein a discreet mediocritie is to be obserued , and if any abuses bee crept in amongst common people , we desire they should be reformed ; but so , that paring away the abuse , wee take not away the substance of a pious Christian Custome . For wee cannot expect that simple people in matter of Religion will not sometimes foolishly , and superstitiously mistake , which when it happens , we must ( as S. Augustine saith ) Ignorantiam instruere pertinaciam deridere . ANSVVER . Shamefull and intollerable abuses are committed by Romists in this kind , and some learned Papists themselues a haue desired reformation . But one may as soone make the Morions skinne white , as cleanse this leprosie : and as in A dulterie , so in Idolatry , discreet moderation hath no place . IESVIT . §. 7. Concerning Oblations made vnto Saints . ANother circumstance whereupon Protestants ground the seuenth cause of their dislike , is , our offering oblations vnto Saints ; which your Maiestie doth obiect peculiarly as done to the blessed Virgin Mary . ANSWER . IN the old law as Sacrifices were offered to God onely , Exod . 22.20 . Iud. 13.16.2 . Chron. 34.25 . so likewise oblations and vowes , Deut. 23.21 . Leuit. 24.5.6 . and as the Lord condemned people of Idolatrie , for sacrificing to creatures , so the Israelites are reprooued for burning incense to the brasen Serpent . 2. Kings 18.4 . and to the queene of heauen . Ierem. 44.25 . This law in respect of the substance , is morall : and consequently obligeth Christian people , as well in case of Oblations , as of Sacrifices . Now by what authoritie and right the Roman Church can abrogate this law in whole or in part , and appropriating Sacrifices to God , make prayer , vowes , Incense and oblations , common to God and Saints , our aduersaries haue not as yet made remonstrance , and the Iesuit in this place alleadgeth no diuine authoritie , to giue his Maiestie satisfaction , but produceth onely an historicall narration out of S. Augustine , and 〈◊〉 , who report certaine miracles wrought by God Almightie at the Sepulchres of Martyrs . IESVIT . I answer , if any Catholike should offer to the blessed mother of God by way of sacrifice , any the least thing , he were seuerely to be rebuked and better instructed : for sacrifice is a religious homage due to God onely , in which respect the sacrifice of the holy Eucharist is neuer offered vnto any but vnto God , in memorie and honour of Saints : herein the Collyridians women Priests did erre , who did sacrifice a wafer cake vnto the blessed Virgin : which kind of worship vnder the title of adoration , S. Epiphanius reprooues , allowing the Catholike worship , as thereby tearming her honourable , not for humane or ciuill , but for diuine and supernaturall respects . True it is , that in Catholike countryes people offer vnto Saints , lights , flowers , and cheynes , not as sacrifices , but as ornaments , to set foorth their tombes and shrines , wherein they doe not dissent from antiquitie , nor from Gods holy will , who hath confirmed such deuotions by miracle , as diuers Authours worthy of all credit relate , particularly S. Augustine , by Protestants allowed as the most faithfull witnesse of antiquitie . He tells that a woman starke blind , recouered her sight by laying to her eyes flowers , which had touched the shrine wherein were carried about the Relikes of the most glorious Martyr S. Stephan . A more wonderfull example in the same kind he relateth done vpon an old man of good note , who being sicke and readie to die , did yet very obstinately refuse to beleeue in Christ , and leaue his Idolatrie , although he was very earnestly mooued thereunto by his children that were zealous Christians . His son in law despairing to preuaile by persuasion , resolued to goe and pray at the tombe of S. Stephan , and hauing performed his deuotions , with burning affection , with many groanes and 〈◊〉 , being to depart , tooke with him some flowers that were on the shrine , and laid them secretly vnder his father in law his head , the night as he went to sleepe . Behold , the next morning the old man awaking outof his sleepe , cryeth out , desiring them to come to call the Bishop to baptise him ; He had his desire , he was baptised : afterwards as long as he liued , he had this prayer in his mouth , Lord Iesu receiue my spirit ; being altogether ignorant that that prayer was the last speech of S. Stephan , when he was stoned to death by the Iewes , which also were the last words of this happy old man , for not long after , pronouncing these words , be gaue vp his soule . Other oblations also Catholikes vse to offer vnto Saints , not as sacrifices , but as memories and monuments of benefits receiued , as pictures of limmes , by Saints prayers miraculously cured , that therein they doe not deflect from antient Christian deuotion ; and that the Christian Church in her best times , vsed vniuersally to make such oblations , Theodoret is a sufficient witnesse , who writing against the Gentiles , alleadgeth as a manifest signe of Christs Godhead and omnipotencie , that Idols being excluded , he brought in Martyrs to be honoured in their roome , not superstitiously as Gods , but Religiously as diuine men , inuocating and beseeching them to be Intercessours for them vnto God. And those that piously and faithfully pray , obtaine what they desire , as testifie the oblations which they ( being therevnto bound by their vowes ) present in the Chappels of the Saints , as tokens of health recouered ; for some hang vp images of eyes , others of eares , others of hands , some made of gold , some of siluer . Thus he . So generall and so notorious euen vnto Infidells , was this Christian deuotion . ANSWER . Touching the Collyridians , I answer , that notwithstanding there is some difference in the materiall act , betweene Romists and them , yet because Epiphanius condemneth not onely externall sacrifice , but all Oblation to the blessed virgin , and alloweth onely , that honour , and not adoration a , shal be yeelded vnto her ; therefore Prayers , incense-offerings , and presents to Saints deceased , were held vnlawfull in this Fathers dayes . Secondly , Saint Augustine de Ciuit. Dei , l. 22. c. 8. doth not mention any Prayers , Oblations , Vowes , or donatiues offered to Saints and Martyrs ; but he reporteth what miraculous cures were performed at the toombes of some Martyrs : now , because these things were extraordinarie , and the credit of diuers of them dependeth vpon fame ( which is many times vncertaine b , and St. Augustine himselfe saith , They are not commended vnto vs by such waightie authoritie , as that without all doubt , they must needs be credited c ) they cannot be sufficient grounds or foundations of Catholicke Doctrine or Practise . Thirdly , Theoderit . d. cur . Graec. Affect . lib. 8. saith , Wee ( Oh Grecians ) neither offer sacrifice to Martirs , nor drinke offerings , but honour them as holy men , and as the friends of God. And whereas he further saith , That some hang vp the shapes of eyes , others of eares , &c. he meaneth that these were monuments of miraculous cures , wrought in those dayes extraordinarily by God at the Sepulchres of Martyrs : but he affirmeth not , that they were oblations , offered to Martyrs . And yet the particular practise of some people in those dayes , whatsoeuer it was , if it haue not ground in Diuine Reuelation , cannot raise an Article of Faith or necessarie dutie . IESVIT . § 8. The Romane Church set formes of Prayer , without cause misliked . FInally , Protestants dislike the circumstance of praying in a set forme vnto Saints , and that we appoint a particular office to the blessed Virgin Mary , which cannot be proued to haue been vsed in the Primatiue Church . ANSVVER . THe Romish set formes of Prayers to the Virgin Marie and other Saints deceased , are iustly condemned by vs , not meerely because they are exercised in a set forme ( which is accidentall ) but in respect of the matter and substance of them , neither can our Aduersaries demonstrate , that such Prayers , either in a set forme , or by sudden inspiration , were vsed in the Primatiue Church ; for the holy Apostles , which are the prime Fathers and founders of that Church , prescribed and practised no other forme of Prayer , than such as was consonant to their Scriptures : and the Churches which succeeded them , for certaine ages , continued in their Doctrine , and exercised the deuotion of Prayer , according to the forme appointed by them . And concerning latter times , our exception is the same , with our Sauiours , in another case , Math. 19.8 . From the beginning it was not so : and we say with Saint Cyprian a , to all latter examples : If veritie be changed , or leane a toside , wee must looke backe , and returne to Diuine , Euangelicall , and Apostolike Tradition ; and deriue the order of our Action , from the originall ground where it first began . And Tertullian saith b , If a custome , proceeding from ignorance or simplicitie , be confirmed by vse of succession , and opposed against veritie , we must obserue , that neither space of time , nor priuiledge of persons , may prescribe against truth ; for Christ is eternall , and before all , and in like sort , veritie is most antient . IESVIT . I answer , That the Primmar or Office ( so tearmed ) of our Ladie , is not an Office properly and principally directed vnto her , but an Office containing praises of God , taken out of holy Scripture , wherein commemoration of her is made , so as I dare say , That the Prayers of the Office of our Ladie that are directed towards her , make not the hundred part thereof . And seeing it is most certaine , that the Christian Church in her best times , did frequently pray vnto Saints ; what reason haue wee to thinke , that in her set forme of Prayers she did not vse to craue the intercessions of Saints ? If it be lawfull , pious , and profitable , when we pray vnto God , to pray also to Saints , by their Mediation offering our Prayer to him , why should any dislike the doing of this in a set forme , that is allowed by the Church ? why should this displease rather than an extemporall forme ? But further wee can prooue , That the Church in her best times , did pray vnto Saints in set formes , as Catholickes now doe , euen with a kinde of Lettanies , a forme of Prayer acknowledged and confessed by the Magdeburgians , to haue beene in vse euen in the fourth age after Christ. Jn which age the foure first generall Councells were held . ANSWER . You denie , that the Primar , or Office of our Ladie , is an office , properly and principally directed to her , &c. But the reason whereupon you ground this denyall , is slight ; for although there is a mixture of Prayers and Praises to God , contained in this Office , yet the Virgin Marie is as directly and properly inuocated therein , as God himselfe , or Iesus Christ : besides , you haue many Psalters and Primers of our Ladie , and in some of them , the Virgin Marie is the most speciall Obiect and matter of the seruice . The Romane Breuiarie saith a , In this day of solemnitie and gladnesse , wee call vpon the sweet name of Marie . And to the Apostles b , O yee , to whose command the health and infirmitie of all is subiect , heale all those that bee sicke in manners , restoring vs to vertues . To Thomas Didimus c , O Thomas Didimus , by Christ , whom thou deseruedst to touch , we beseech thee , with our loud sounding Prayers , to succour vs wretches , that wee be not damned with the wicked , in the comming of the Great Iudge . To the blessed Virgin d , Wash away our offences , that we being redeemed by thee , may be able to obtaine the seate of euerlasting glorie . Also e , All haile holy Virgin , the medecine of all our sorrowes , by whom death was expelled , and life brought in . The Romane Breuiarie teacheth vs to pray f , That the merits of the Saints , Abdon and Senon interceding , we may deserue to be deliuered from all our necessities . And g for Leo his merits interceding , absolue vs from all sinnes . Also , By the sword of sorrow h which went thorow the Virgins heart , and the compassion of teares which she shed vnder the Crosse , haue mercie on vs. Also i , Let the Host to be consecrate , bee pleasing vnto thee , by the celebritie of the Martirs , Primus and Faelicianus , that by their glorious merits and Prayers , it may purge our sinnes , and reconcile to thee the Prayers of thy seruants . The like superlatiue boldnesse was , in the enditing and publishing Bonauentures Psalter , wherein God and Christ are sacrilegiously robbed , yea , blasphemously dishonoured , to embelish the Virgin Marie ; yet all this the Church of Rome digesteth , permitteth , authoriseth , &c. In that Psalter , these and the like formes of Prayer are extant a . Oh blessed Lady , my Sauiour , I will put my confidence in thee , and I shall not need to feare . Oh blessed Ladie , our Saluation is placed in thy hands , who thou pleasest shall be saued , and they shall perish eternally , from whom thou turnest away thy face . Blessed art thou my Lady , the mother of the God of Israell , who by thee hath visited , and sent redemption vnto his people , and hath raised vp the horne of Saluation , euen thy chastitie , in the house of Dauid thy seruant , &c. Thou ô Marie shalt be called the Prophet of God , by thee hath he giuen the knowledge of Saluation for the remission of sinnes , by the bowels of the multitude of thy mercies , Visit vs ô thou day starre arising from an high , Thou art the gate of Paradise , the ladder of Heauen , the Arke of Pietie and Grace , the spring of Mercie , the Mediatrix of God and men . And in the same Psalter these words are found , Whosouer will be saued , aboue all things , he must haue stedfast Faith of the Virgin Marie , and the right Faith is ( among other Articles ) God assumed her ( bodily ) into Heauen , where she sits on the right hand of Christ , &c. Secondly , the Iesuit prooueth , that set formes of prayers to Saints are lawfull by this Argument : If it be lawfull to make intercessions to Saints , then it is lawfull to performe this in a set forme ; But the first is true , for the Primitiue Church did this , and the Magdeburgians confesse , That a kind of Letanie to Saints was vsed in Primitiue times , Ergo , &c. I answer , That if by Primitiue Church , be vnderstood the Church Primitiue , comprehending the Apostles , and their immediate successours , then the proofe of the assumption is false ; for that Primitiue Church vsed no such deuotion . And if by Primitiue Church , be vnderstood ( extensiue & exclusiue ) the Church after the three hundred yeares , inuocation of Saints was not vsed by the whole Church for three hundred yeares more : neither can the practise of any Church ( excluding the Apostles ) produce doctrine of Faith , or of necessarie duetie . The Magdeburgians rehearse out of a counterfeit worke , fathered vpon Athanasius a , a set prayer vsed to the Virgin Marie ; but they adde , apparet multa esse deprauata & supposita in istorum doctorum scriptis , It is apparant that many things depraued and supposititious are found among the writings of these Doctors . IESVIT . But they will perchance say , that they do not so much dislike set formes of prayer vnto Saints , as some phrases and speeches in our praying bookes , that seeme to giue too much vnto creatures ; as our calling the blessed Virgin , Mother of Grace , Mother of Mercie , saying to her , Ladie protect vs from the Diuell , receiue vs in the houre of death , giue light to the blind , pardon the guiltie , remooue from vs all euill , &c. A answer , These speeches cannot iustly bee disliked , because they are vnderstood in a pious sence , knowne to a Catholicke , a sence obuious and plaine , according to the phrase of Scripture , and which the words may well beare , euen according to the common custome of speech . The nature of things being various , and the answerable conceits of men copious , but words to expresse such conceits scant , and in great paucitie , Necessitie doth inforce to vse words applicable to diuers senses : For example , one man may deliuer another from death , either by authoritie , pardoning him as do Kings ; or by iustice defending him , as do Aduocates ; by force taking him out of his enemies hands , as do Souldiors ; or paying his ransome to them that keepe him captiue , as Almoners ; finally , by begging his life of them that haue power to take it away , as Intercessors . These be verie different wayes of reliefe , yet haue we but one word to expresse them all , to wit , to saue a mans life ; which therefore is to be vnderstood , according to the subiect it is applied : and if men want vnderstanding , or will , to take our wordes , according to the matter they are applied vnto , there can neuer want cauills , vnlesse we either speake not at all , or when we speake , euer vse long circumlocutions , which were ridiculous , and in verse impossible , the meeter not permitting it . And yet the aforesaid misliked phrases in the office of the blessed virgin , are taken out of the hymnes and verses thereof . If they that by begging obtaine of the King the life of one condemned to death , may be , and are commonly said to saue his life , though they saued him by intercession , not by their proper authoritie , Why may not Saints bee said to giue vs the things which by their prayers they obtaine for vs ? Why may not the Church speake in hymnes and in verse , as the learnedest Fathers speake euen in prose , neuer imagining that any would mistake their meaning . ANSVVER . We condemne the verie substance of your prayers , in this kind , and not only some phrases , &c. For what Prophet , or what Apostle , or Euangelist , did euer teach Gods people to pray in this manner ? And whereas some formes of your prayers to Saints , being vnderstood according to the sound of words , are blasphemous a , you labour to qualifie this by a fauourable exposition , pretending that you say one thing , and meane another , and that herein you varie not from the Scripture . You call the blessed Virgin , Mother of Grace , Mother of Mercie , Queene of Heauen , &c. you say , that all power is giuen her in heauen and in earth b , and because she outliued her sonne , she was by naturall right heire of all the world c . Yea some of you go further , teaching that as Christ redeemed man-kind by his flesh and bloud , so she redeemed the same with her soule a , and that all grace and glorie comming from Christ the head , passeth to the Church , by the Virgin Marie , as by the necke b , and she as his mother , hath all right , authoritie , and dispensation of his mercie c . This lying doctrine is coloured with certaine distinctions , and forced instances of holy Scripture , which notwithstanding agree to the present question like Harpe and Harrow . Men indeed which are instruments of preseruing life , and sauing others , may be said in largenesse of speech , to giue life , or to be sauiours , Iud. 3. v. 9. & 15. But the blessed Virgin , and Saints deceased , since their departure , are not by any new actions , instruments of spirituall life , nor bestowers of grace and saluation vpon the liuing . And when the Prophets and Apostles exercised their office and ministerie vpon earth , Who euer stiled them Sauiours , or prayed vnto them with such a conceit , or by vsing such titles ? They themselues gaue all glorie to God , and Christ ; and instructed the Church to do the like . The Virgin Marie was neuer stiled a Redeemer , Mediatour , or Sauiour , by the holy Ghost , but she saith in her thankesgiuing , My spirit reioiceth in God my Sauiour . Some names are common , and sometimes that which was common or typically giuen to certaine persons in the old Testament , is appropriated in the new , as we obserue in the names of Sauiour , Iesus , Redeemer , Mediatour , High Priest , and the like . Sometimes the effect of the principall cause is attributed to the instrumentall : but in all these , Regulam habemus praeter quam loqui fas non est , We haue a rule beside which we may not speake . And we are not so straighted for words , that we must of necessitie applie or communicate the titles of Christ vnto the creatures . Now to that which you adde by way of excuse , for your improper or abusiue speaking , ( saying , in verse impossible , the meeter not permitting . ) I answer , What an impudent and ridiculous plaster is this ? will not verse permit vs to implore benefits , only at Gods hand by Christ ? or will not the measure and number of poeticall feet , without pinching in the stockes , be applied to direct and euident compellation of Saints to pray for vs , without crauing the benefits we desire , at their own hands ? Nay , who so readeth the Papisticall poeticall Church hymnes , shall in the most of them find versing laws most broken , where the lawes of inuocation are most transgressed . A reasonable Poet in lesse than a weekes worke , would make so many hymns in exact verse , and yet without ridiculous circumlocutions expres that , which might better beseeme the triumphant Church to heare from the militant . But that is verified in you , which Arnobius said of the Gentiles a , Quod semel sinè ratione fecistis , nè videamini aliquando nescisse , defenditis , meliusquè putatis non vinci , quam confessae cedere atquè annuere veritati , That which you haue once done vnreasonably , you wil still persist in defending , least you should seeme to haue beene ignorant ; and you rather desire to haue it appeare you are not ouercome , than to submit your selues to euident truth . IESVIT . Saint Gregorie Nazianzen ( for his excellent learning , tearmed by the Grecians , The Diuine ) thus prayeth vnto Saint Cyprian : Looke downe on vs from heauen with a propitious eye , guide our words and wayes , feed this holy flocke , gouerne it with vs , dispose some of them as farre as is possible , to better state , cast out importune and troublesome wolues , that cauill , aud catch at syllables , vouchsafe vs the perfect and cleare splendor of the blessed Trinitie , with whom thou art alreadie present . ANSWER . That Gregorie Nazianzen prayed vnto Saint Cyprian , is more than you can prooue ; he vseth indeed an Oratoriall Apostrophe , but your selues make a difference betweene a Prosopopeia or Apostrophe , and Prayer : you say , you make an Apostrophe to the Crosse , when you vse this Hymne , All haile oh Crosse , &c. And I thinke , you will not grant that the wodden Crosse heareth you : So by your owne Glosse , b , Nazianzen , might by an Apostrophe speake to Cyprian , not thinking , or at least , not being assured that he heard him . Sixtus Senensis deliuereth this obseruation concerning the Fathers , That in their Sermons wee may not take their words strictly , and in rigour , because they many times breake out into declamations , and enunciate and inculcate matters , by Hyperboles , and other figuratiue speeches . We finde in Lipoman , one speaking to the girdle of the blessed Virgin in this manner : O veneranda zona , fac nos haeredes aeternae & Beatae vitae , & hanc nostram vitam ab interitu conserua . Tuam haereditatem , tuum populum , O intemerata zona intemeratum conserua , ô venerable girdle , make vs heires of eternall and blessed life , and preserue this our present life , from perdition ; ô vndefiled girdle preserue thy people from pollution . If our Aduersaries will haue this speech to be figuratiue , they haue more reason to grant the same touching Nazianzene , of whom it is certaine , that hee doubted a whether the B. Saints heare all our prayers or not . IESVIT . And not onely Fathers , but also Scriptures speake of Saints in the same sort , our Sauiour saying , Make to your selues friends of the riches of iniquitie , that when you dye , they may receiue you into the eternall Tabernacles . If then the Saints of God , by the mouth of veritie it selfe , be said to receiue their friends when they die , into the eternall Tabernacles , because God mooued by their prayers , admits them into the blissefull vision of his essence , Why may not the Church and her children craue the blessed Virgins intercession , in these words , Mother of mercy , receiue vs in the houre of death ? And seeing God is tearmed in Scripture , Mercy , Why should not she be stiled Mother of Mercy , that is vndoubtedly Mother of God , especially seeing , that in , and of her , the Author of mercy and grace was conceiued and borne , and she filled with grace and charitie aboue all other Creatures ? ANSWER . Our Sauiour speaketh not of blessed Saints , but of indigent people , to whom men distribute their almes , and these are said to receiue their benefactours into heauen , because they are the obiect of charitie , and beneficence , for which Christ receiueth mercifull persons into heauen a . Math. 25.35 . But was any mans vnderstanding so poore and beggerly , as therefore at any time to inuocate beggers ? b and in giuing almes to vse this forme of prayer , Oh blessed Mendicants receiue our almes , and receiue vs your benefactours into heauen c . Also some expositours referre the former saying , to God and the Angels , which receiue charitable persons when they decease into the state of blessednes . Neither do Romists when they stile the blessed Virgin , Mother of mercy , and pray vnto her to receiue them at the houre of death , vnderstand these words 〈◊〉 , but properly , for they hold that she is a Mother of mercy d , not onely by way of Intercession , but of distribution and dispensation : and she receiueth soules into heauen by her office and authoritie . This is affirmed by Rutilius Benzonius , a moderne Roman in his Commentarie vpon the Magnificat . And Stellarium , Coronae Mariae saith e , She hath this right , because she hath bought vs with a Price . And Viegas the Iesuit citeth Arnoldus Carnotensis f , saying , She is placed ouer all creatures , and her glory is not onely common , but the very same with her sonnes . And Viegas applyeth the words of Ecclesiasticus to her , In me is the grace of all life and veritie , in me is all hope of life and vertue . Paulus Cararia g saith , Whatsoeuer Christ giueth , must passe vnto vs by the hands of Mary , as by a Mediatrix . Osorius the Iesuit saith , Euen as the heauens haue that eminencie , that all generation , perfection , and motion of things inferiour depends vpon them ; so likewise God bestoweth all spirituall gifts to men , by Mary . IESVIT . That other phrase , much disliked by your Maiestie , That God reseruing Justice to himselfe , hath giuen away his Mercie to his Mother ; is not vsed by the Church in any of her Prayers , nor allowed of by Catholike Diuines : nor will wee iustifie it , being an harsh and vnfitting Metaphor , though thereby the Authors thereof meant to expresse a Truth , to wit , that the blessed Virgin is exceeding gracious with her Sonne , and her intercession verie potent , alluding to a phrase of Scripture ( Hester , cap. 5. 3 , 6. cap. 7. 2. Mar. 6. 23. ) whereby such as are gracious with a Prince , are said , that they may haue any thing of him , though halfe of his Kingdome : So diuiding Gods Kingdome into Iustice and Mercie , to shew how gracious the blessed Virgin is with her Sonne , they say , God hath giuen her one halfe of his Kingdome , to wit , his Mercie : which is a Metaphor farre-fetcht , not to be vsed , howsoeuer in Charitie it may be excused . ANSVVER . It is not a Phrase onely , but a blasphemous Doctrine , which his Maiestie misliked : For what can be more impious , than to maintaine , That Christ reseruing the Kingdome of Iustice to himselfe , hath graunted the Kingdome of Mercie to his Mother ? To veyle this Sacriledge , the Iesuit affirmeth two things : First , That this forme of speaking is not vsed by the Romane Church , nor approoued by Catholike Diuines : secondly , That being expounded charitably , it containeth a Truth . But these excuses are Figge-leaues , and painted Sepulchers : for learned Papists , both of elder and moderne times , maintaine the same , to wit , Thomas a , Bonauenture , Gerson , Gabriel Biel , Antoninus , Bernardinus , Gorrhan , Holcoth , Rutilius Benzonius , Blasius Viegas , Osorius , Paulus Cararia . Bonauenture saith , O God , giue thy Iudgement to the King ( thy Sonne ) and thy Mercie to the Queene , his Mother . Gerson , Gorrhan , &c. say , The B. Virgin is so magnified at this day , that shee may rightly be called the Queene of Heauen , yea , and of Earth ; for shee hath preheminence and iufluxiue vertue ouer all . Shee hath the moitie of Gods Kingdome ( if one may presume to say so ) vnder the Type of Hester and Assuerus : For the ( whole ) Kingdome of God consisteth of Power and Mercie ; and Power being reserued to God himselfe , the moitie of the Kingdome , to wit , Mercie , is shared ( after a sort ) with the Mother and Spouse of Christ , reigning ( together with her Sonne . ) Benzonius saith , a The whole Kingdome of God consisteth of Iustice and Mercie , as it were of two Moities , Psal. 84. Now , to the end that God might honour his Mother , diuiding as it were his Kingdome , he hath reserued Iustice to himselfe and his Sonne , &c. and the other part of his Kingdome , which is gouerned and compassed with Mercie , he hath graunted to the Queene his Mother . Euen as King Assuerus offered halfe of his Kingdome to Queene Esther , and as Raguel graunted halfe of his goods to Tobia , &c. as Moses , Exod. 24.6 . tooke halfe of the bloud and put in Basins , and halfe of the bloud he sprinkled on the Altar : so Cod put ( as it were ) halfe of his Kingdome , that is , that part of the bloud of Christ from which Mercie floweth , into the admirable Vessell and Basin , the Virgin Marie ; and the other part , to wit , of Iustice , which was poured vpon the Altar , he hath left vnto Christ. Thus writeth Benzonius , a famous Romane , both by birth and Religion , in our dayes . Blasius Viegas b , a moderne Iesuit , applyeth also this absurd comparison of Assuerus and Esther , to Christ and the Virgin Marie . And these Authors , with the rest whom they follow , doe not intend onely to teach , That the blessed Virgin is very gracious with Christ , in respect of her intercession , but that shee hath a right and authoritie , as a Queene Regent a , to distribute mercie and benefits , where shee pleaseth , and to dispence with the Lawes of Iustice , when there is cause : as appeareth by the words of Ozorius the b Iesuite , citing out of Nunne Bridgets Reuelations , Christs words following : My mother in my Kingdome , ruleth as a Queene , &c. and therefore shee may dispence with Lawes made by me , when there is iust cause : And by this speech , Nunne Bridget intendeth to shew , that Christ did vse the helpe of his mother Marie , in ruling his Kingdome ; now this Osorius was a Iate Preacher in Portugall . Our English Iesuits , when they returne to vs , dissemble and cloake this Superstition , not because they dislike it ( for they and the rest are all Birds of a feather , and feed their silly chicks with the same carraine , ) but they prudently consider , that such notorious blasphemies , being published , would appeare odious , and hinder their successe in beguiling vnstable soules , and minister greater aduantage to their Aduersaries : therefore like the Steward in the Gospell ( commended for his craft , but not for his honestie ) when their Tenet is an hundred , they write downe fiftie , and when their Doctrine is blasphemous , they confesse a pettie ouersight , or vnfitnesse in the phrase and manner of speaking . But if in good earnest they disliked the former assertions , why hath not the grand Senior of Rome , ( siue cum Concilio , siue sine Concilio ) condemned , rased , and purged out these sacrilegious blasphemies ? especially , because in other Authours , their expurgatorius Index hath Eagles eyes , and a line or sentence cannot escape these Critickes , if there appeare obloquitie , or antipathie to their inueterate forgeries . Now for a Conclusion of the former Question , let it be obserued , That the Aduersarie is deficient in the demonstration of his Popish Tenet , concerning Inuocation of blessed Saints and Angels , for he hath produced no Diuine Testimonie from sacred Scripture , no Tradition from the Apostles , no plaine and resolute definition of approoued Councels , or Primatiue Fathers , no sufficient argument of naturall reason : yea , the mayne Principles of his Doctrine , are litigious and dubious , amongst Pontificians themselues . Hee hath strugled , playing fast and loose with our Arguments , and spent himselfe in soluing , or rather in eluding of obiections : but he confirmeth not his owne . St. Augustine a saith , That in things ( diuine or ) which concerne saluation , they offend grieuously , Qui certis incerta preponunt , which preferre vncertainties , before that which is indubitate . Nostra fides certa est , ex Doctrina Apostolica , & nouo & veteri Testamento confirmata b : Our faith , concerning the direct inuocation of the deitie , by Christ our Mediatour of intercession , is right , and a certaine Apostolicall Doctrine , confirmed by the Old and New Testament . The Popish Appendix , concerning Inuocation of Saints , wanteth all Scripture c proofe ; and whatsoeuer else may be pretended for it , is dubious and litigious : therefore our Doctrine is of faith , and the Popish Tenet , of humane opinion or presumption . THE FOVRTH POINT . THE LITVRGIE , AND PRIVATE PRAYERS FOR THE IGNORANT , IN AN vnknowne Tongue . IESVIT . THe Custome of the Romane Church , in this Point , is agreeable to the Custome of the Churches in all ages , and also of all Churches now in the world , bearing the name of Christian , though opposite vnto the Romane ( only those of the pretended reformation excepted ; ) which constāt concurrence , is a great figne , that the same is very conforme vnto reason , and not any where forbidden in Gods Word , which will easily appeare , if we looke particularly vnto the same . ANSVVER . YOu lay your foundation of this Article , vpon two apparant vntruths : for the Doctrine and custome of the present Romane Church , is not onely not agreeable , but opposite , both to the Doctrine and Practise of the antient Catholicke Church , and also to the custome of other Churches ( which are not absolute Protestants . ) First , It is the common voyce of the Fathers , That the Liturgie and Seruice of the Church , was in their dayes , and ought to be vsed in a knowne tongue . Origen saith a , That in his dayes , euery nation prayed to God in their owne Language , the Grecians in Greeke , the Romanes in Latine , and all other people in their proper tongue . Iustin Martyr b , Tertullian c , Clemens Alexandrinus d , affirme , That the Priest and the people prayed ioyntly , and in common in the publicke Seruice , which argueth that the people vnderstood the Prayers . And St. Cyprian e requires , That peoples hearts and words agree , and that they heare and vnderstand themselues , when they pray to God. Saint Basil saith f , When the words of Prayer are not vnderstood by them which are present , the minde of the Precant is vnfruitfull , neither doth any man hereby reape any profit : St. Chrysostome g , St. Ambrose h , affirme the like . And St. Augustine i requireth people to vnderstand what they pray and sing , for if there be onely sound of voyce without sence , they may bee compared to Parrats , Owsells , or Popiniayes . And some of the best learned Papists , to wit , Thomas Aquinas k , Lyra l , Cassander m , acknowledge , That in the Primatiue Church , the common Seruice was vsed in the vulgar tongue . Secondly , it is false , according to the Tenet of Bellarmine himselfe n , that all other Churches , which differ from the Protestants , haue their publique seruice in Hebrew , Greeke , or Latine . Bellonius and Aluares affirme the contrarie of the Armenians o , and Abissines p ; and Eckius , of the Indians q ; and Sigismundus Baro r , and Hosius s , of the Russians ; and Ledesma t , of the Egyptians and Armenians . And AEneus Syluius reporteth , That when Cyrillus u and Methodius had conuerted the Saluons vnto Christ , & were suitors that they might administer the common . Prayers and Seruice among them in their vulgar tongue . The Pope in the Conclaue consulting about this matter , a voice was heard , as it were from Heauen , saying , Let euerie Spirit praise the Lord , and let euerie tongue acknowledge him , and hereupon they were permitted to vse their owne tongue . And it appeareth by the Decretals , that the Roman Church in former times did ordinarily appoint this ; for the words of the Canon are a , For as much as in many places within one Citie and one Diocesse , there be nations mingled together , speaking diuers tongues , &c. We therefore commaund that the Bishops of such Cities and Diocesses prouide meet men to minister the holy Seruice , according to the diuersitie of their manners and tongues . Thirdly , it is repugnant to the nature and end of vocall Prayer b , that the same should be exercised in a forme of words , which people that pray together vnderstand not ; for prayer is an ascending of the mind to God c : and according to Aquinas d and other Schole-men e , it is an action of the vnderstanding facultie ; and in the same , people confesse their sinnes , and request of God such things as they haue need of f . They giue thankes for benefits spirituall and temporall , general and speciall , conferred vpon them : and the effect of prayer dependeth vpon their inward humiliation , and sence of their wants , 2. Chro. 34.27 . Psal. 51.19 . and vpon their speciall faith g in the diuine promises , Math. 9.28 . Marc. 9.23 . and Marc. 11.29 . And Tertullian saith h , God is not so much an hearer of the voice , as of the heart : But these things cannot be performed , where people vnderstand not what they confesse , request , or praise God for . And words are appointed to instruct , excite , and edifie men ; and if they vnderstand them not , to what vse serueth vocall prayer i ? for we vse not words to teach God , but to instruct and excite our selues . And hereby the Popish euasion is answered , wherein they affirme , that euen as When a Supplication is preferred to a King or Iudge , which the Suppliant vnderstandeth not , it is all one in what language soeuer the same be , preferred the Iudge vnderstand it a : So likewise because God vnderstandeth all languages , it mattereth not though people pray to him in a strange tongue ; for our words in vocal prayer concern our selues mutually & principally : but God himselfe requireth the vnderstanding and affection of our heart . Read S. Augustines words b cited in the margent . Also the Iewes vnder the Law and the Prophets , prayed in a language which they vnderstood : our Sauiour and his Apostles , and the Primitiue Church did the like , and the gift of languages was bestowed vpon Pastors and people , in common , Act. 2.3 . Also the former Doctrine is so apparant , that some of the best learned Romists teach , that publicke seruice , in a knowne language , is most fruitfull and conuenient . Caietan saith c , It appeareth by S. Pauls Doctrine , that it is better for the edification of the Church , that common Prayers which are made in the hearing of the people , be said in a vulgar tongue , vnderstood indifferently by Priest and people , than in Latine . Lira saith d , If the people vnderstand the prayer of the Priest , they are better brought to God , and they answere Amen with greater deuotion . And the reason hereof is manifest , for deuotion , compunction , desire , and affection , depend vpon vnderstanding , and follow the same e , and the more distinct and particular the vnderstanding of the obiect of these is , the more feruent and perfect the actions are . IESVIT . For we may imagine a triple state of Liturgie , in an vnknowne tongue . The first in a language altogether vnknowne , in which no man in the Church speakes , no man vnderstands besides the celebrant himselfe , nor he neither , but by Enthusiasme or inspiration of the holy Ghost . Without question it is inconuenient that publique prayer should be said in a language in this sort vnknowne , and this is prooued by the reasons the Apostle brings against an vnknowne tongue in the Church . ANSWER . This first imagination , is a Chimera , or 〈◊〉 ; for there was neuer in the world any such kind of common or ordinarie Seruice or Liturgie . And S. Paul 1. Cor. 14. condemneth in generall , the vse of vnknowne tongues in the congregation , vnlesse they be interpreted , and referred to mentall edification . As for the vnlearned Ideot which is ready to ioine with the Priest in prayer , what is it to him , whether the Priest speake by Enthusiasme , or by discipline , an vnknown language ? his ignorance and impossibilitie of speciall concurrence in prayer , is the same , as well in the one as in the other . IESVIT . Secondly , in a language vnknowne to most , euen of the better sort of the Church , yet some know it , and other may with facilitie learne it . To vse a language in the Church for publique prayer in this sort vnknowne , cannot be prooued vnlawfull , nor forbidden by the Apostle , seeing the reasons brought by him against a language vnknowne , make not against this : For S. Paul reprehends in the publique Liturgie , a language vnknowne , as the Minister of the Church , that supplies the place of the Ideot and ignorant , cannot vpon his knowledge of the goodnesse of the prayer , say thereunto Amen , in the name of them all . But when the language is knowne to some of the Church , and may with facilitie be learned of others , there is , or may easily be found one able to supplie the place of Jdeot , and ignorant , and answere in their person Amen , out of his intelligence of the prayer in that vnknowne tongue . ANSVVER . That is forbidden by the Apostle to bee vsed in prayer , ( and consequently it is vnlawfull ) whereby all states and sorts of people being of ripe yeres , may not be edified in their vnderstanding ; and to which , being read pronounced or heard , they are not able to say Amen , hauing some distinct vnderstanding of the things which are spoken , 1. Cor. 14.16 , 17. 19 , 20. but all states and sorts of people being of riper yeares , cannot be edified in their vnderstanding , neither are they able to say Amen , &c. to prayers which are heard by them , being read or pronounced in a strange language : Ergo , Common prayer read and pronounced in the Church in a strange tongue , is prohibited by the Apostle , and consequently such forme of ordinarie prayer is vnlawfull . The Iesuit restraineth the words of S. Paul , either to the Minister supplying the place of the Idiot , or to the Clerke of the congregation . But the Apostle requireth , that all those which ioyne in prayer , and among these the Idiots , and vulgar sort be edified in their minds , and they must pray , and giue thanks , vnderstanding the sence of words spoken , and vpon this vnderstanding , say Amen . And except ( saith he ) ye vtter by the tongue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 significant words , or words carrying a perspicuous sence with them , ye shall speake in the ayre , and be as Barbarians to the hearers , v. 9.11 . and the Idiot a mentioned by him , v. 16. is not the Priest , or the Clarke alone , but the vulgar sort of people , ignorant of the language and words which are vsed in preaching , reading , or praying , as all the Fathers b , and sundry Pontificians c deliuer , which comment vpon this text . As for the Latine , the same is as vncouth to a great part of the congregation , as to the Chineses : they can onely gape at it , and returne home from Masse and Mattens , as wise as they went , for ought they learne by the language . The old rule was , Barbarus hic ego sum , quia non intelligor vlli , and accordingly , your Masse Priests are meere barbarians , to the ordinarie sort of people . IESVIT . Notwithstanding , the Roman Church doth not approoue the vsage of a language in this sort vnknowne , as appeareth by the late dispensation of Paulus the fift vnto Jesuits , to turne the Liturgie of the Masse into the vulgar language of China , and to vse the same till the Latine language grow more knowne and familiar in that countrey . For though publike prayers in a language thus vnknowne , cannot be prooued vnlawfull , yet it is vndecent to vse a language which to the whole multitude of the hearers may seeme barbarous and vncouth . ANSVVER . In the Roman Church vntill Lutber began more freelie to manifest your abuses to the world , palpable ignorance was so predominant in many places , that most Priests a , and other religious persons were ignorant of the latine tongue , and vnderstood not the Psalmes , lessons , and prayers which themselues read in the Church . Matthew Paris b speaking of England saith , Clarkes and men in Orders were so illiterate , that he was a mirhor among his fellowes which had learned Grammer . Catherinus saith c : Not only they which supply the place of the Idiot doe many times notvnderstand what is prayed , but also Priests and Deacons themselues are ignorant of what they pray or reade . Ioseph Angles saith : Many Clerkes and religious persons , and Nunnes , pray in Greeke and Latine , which neither doe , nor can vnderstand the meaning of the words . Neither is it held necessarie in our Aduersaries Tenet , that either Priest or people should vnderstand the seruice of the Church . For Suares saith d , It is not necessarie at this day , for the Minister to vnderstand the language wherein the Masse is said , but it is sufficient that it be vttered in the faith of the Church . And Ledesma saith e , Prayers and prayses , performed by them which vnderstand them not , are pleasing to God , and Christ : for if ( saith he ) Prayers profite such as are absent , and heare them not , much more shall they profit them which are present , though they vnderstood them not . This reason concludeth as well , that it is not necessarie for the people to be present at common seruice , nor yet that it is requisite they should so much as desire the prayers of the Church ; for Infidels and Infants are many times benefitted by the Churches prayers , when they in their owne persons , by reason of tender yeares , or ignorance , can require or wish no such thing . Now if one should argue as Ledesma the Iesuit doth , Prayers profite such as vnderstand nothing of prayer , and which desire not the Church to pray for them : Therefore it is not necessarie that common people shall know any thing in generall or particular , touching the nature of prayer , or that they should desire to reape benefit by common prayer , he concludeth as firmely from this antecedent , as the Iesuit doth from the former . IESVIT . Thirdly , a language may be tearmed vnknowne , because it is not the vulgar , though most men of better sort vnderstand it . Such was antiently the Latine language in the whole Roman Empire , and now in the Latin Church ; for not onely Priests vnderstand the same ( or if some few doe not , it is the fault of Bishops that or daine them ) but also an innumerable companie of Lay men , not onely addicted to learning , but also other Gentlemen , yea manie of the vulgar , partly by reason of the affinitie their Mother tongue hath with the Latin , partly out of Education , which commonly when they are children they haue . How then can the Seruice or Liturgy in Latin be said absolutely to be in an vnknowne tongue , which the most part ( besides women ) in some sort vnderstand ? Moreouer the prayers which S. Paul speaketh of , were extempor all , made in publike meetings , according to the deuotion of the speaker : therefore it was necessarie that hee should pray in a knowne language , that those which heard him , might know when to say Amen ; and whether the prayer for matter was such as they might lawfully say Amen therunto . But now theSeruice and Liturgie of the Church hath set offices for euerie Festiuall day approoued by the Church , which by continuall vse , are made so knowne and so vulgar vnto common people , as no man is so ignorant that vsing diligence or attention , may not in short time come to vnderstand them . And hereunto serue exhortations , sermons , Catechismes , priuate instructions , Manualls and Primers in vulgar languages , where the prayers vsed for the Church are found ; which shew that the latine seruice cannot be vnknowne to anie tbat will vse diligence to vnderstand it , neither can anie doubt , but that he may lawfully say Amen to it , ANSVVER . The summe of this argument is ; It is lawfull to make common prayer in a language which most people vnderstand , but such is the Latine tongue : for ( besides Women ) Priests and Lay men , both Gentlemen and Plebeians , partly by education , and partly by helpe of Sermons , Catechismes , and priuate instructions , &c. vnderstand Latine prayers . Neither part ofthis argument is true . First , although the Moietie or Maior part of people in some congregarions , did vnderstand Latine Seruice , yet because a great part vnderstandeth it not , there is no reason ( especially the thing required being good in it selfe ) to respect one part with neglect and detriment of the other . For if many 〈◊〉 in the congregation vnderstand Greeke , Latine , or French , shall it therefore be lawfull in an ordinarie course , to reade the holy Scriptures , or to make Sermons in these tongues , when as manie or very many people are ignorant in these languages ? The Papalls in their seruice , not onely reade their common Prayet , but also the Lessons and Portions of holy Scriptures in the Latine tongue , of which a great part of the affemblie is ignorant . Secondly , it is false , considering the state of the Church in generall , that the Maior part of people vnderstandthe Latin seruice , or that by Sermons , or Catechising , &c. they are 〈◊〉 hereunto . Of the ignorance of Priests I haue formerly spoken , and manie learned Papists which maintaine Latine Seruice : hold it not generally necessarie for Priest or people to vnderstand the words of the Seruice . Suares the 〈◊〉 saith a , It is not at this day necessarie for the Priest or Minister to vnderstand the language in which the Masse is said . And Ledesma saith b , Although the antient Church required that the Clergie should vnderstand that which they read andprayed , yet they sought not this in the people , neyther is it behoouefull for the people in what language the Priest saith Masse or prayeth for them ; and euen as the children crying 〈◊〉 in the Gospell , without knowledge of what they said , pleased our Sauiour , Matth. 21 , so likewise God accepteth the prayers of people , although they vnderstand not what they aske or speake . Thirdly , if according to your owne concession , it be expedient to haue vnlearned persons taught the sence of the publike seruice , by Catechismes , Manualls , and priuate instruction : then it is farre more reasonable to haue the same vttered in a vulgar language , because hereby there ensueth an immediate edification of all persons present at diuine seruice : and the other meanes by Catechising , &c. is a going about the bush , the effect is vncertaine , and vnsufficient to affoord distinct vnderstanding of an vnknowne language . IESVIT . Now , that S. Paul did command that Seruice should be in such a language , as euery woman in the Church might bee able to vnderstand it word by word , is incredible , nor are our Aduersaries able to prooue it . ANSWER . A most ridiculous Paralogisme , for admitting , that S. Paul descended not precisely to euery single word , explained in such manner , that euery particular woman might at the first hearing vnderstand the same , yet the conclusion followeth not , That he commanded not the common Seruice should be in a knowne language . First , your selues acknowledge that Preaching and Prophecying should be in a knowne tongue : and yet euery word , or perhaps euery sentence cannot ( speaking morally ) bee vttered so plainely , that euery person shall at the first sight , distinctly conceiue the meaning . Secondly , the ignorance of the distinct notion of euery word , hindereth not sufficient edification , when the ordinarie , necessarie , and common passages of the publike Seruice are intelligible . IESVIT . Neither can they shew by any records of Antiquitie , that such a Custome was in the Primatiue Church ; yea the contrarie may more than probably bee shewed , because the drift of the Church , in appointing Liturgies , or set formes of publicke Prayer , at the Oblation of the Eucharisticall Sacrifice , was not the peoples instruction , but for other reasons . First , That by this publike Seruice , a continuall daily tribute of homage , of Prayer , of Thankesgiuing , might be publikely offered , and paid vnto God. Secondly , That Christians by their personall assistance at this publicke Seruice , might protest and exercise exteriourly Acts of Religion , common with the whole Church , represented by the Synaxis or Ecclesiasticall meeting of euerie Christian Parish . Finally , To the end that euerie Christian by his presence , yeelding consent vnto the publicke Prayers , Praises , ! and Thankesgiuings of the Church , and as it were , subscribing and setting his Seale vnto them , by this assisting at them , might ordinarily participate of the graces , benefits , and fruits which the Church doeth obtaine by her Liturgies and publicke Oblations . Now for this end , there is no need that euery one should vnderstand word by word , the Prayers that are said in the publicke ; but it suffiseth , that the Church in generall , and in particular , Pastours and Ecclesiasticall persons , dedicated vnto the Ministeries of the Church , and who watch , being bound to giue an account of soules committed vnto their charge ; haue particular notice of all the Prayers that are said , and that all that will , may be taught and instructed in particular , if they will vse diligence and desire it . ANSWER . We can prooue by Records of Antiquitie , that the publike Seruice was ioyntly performed by the Ministers , and people , a in a language common to both . And the drift of the antient Church in their Seruice , was , that God might bee honoured by voyce , heart , and minde of all which were present , Iohn 4. 24. But God in the state of the Gospel , is not honoured with dumbe shewes , and with lip labour , nor with Prayers and Praises which the Offerers vnderstand not . The reasons which you produce to prooue , That it is not necessarie for vnlearned people to vnderstand the Common Seruice or Liturgie , are lame and disjointed . First , Although the sole or principall end of appointing set formes of publicke Prayer , was not to teach or instruct people in knowledge , but to worship God , &c. yet because the latter cannot intirely be performed without the former , because they which come to God with sound of words , without sence and vnderstanding of matter , offer the sacrifice of fooles ; therefore the placing of the one , excludeth not the other : for although the end of priuate Prayer , is to worship God , Psal. 50. 15. yet our Aduersaries themselues holde it requisite a , that such Prayer be made in a knowne Language . Also , one end of celebrating and receiuing the holy Eucharist , is , to commemorate and shew foorth the Lords death , vntill his comming againe , 1. Cor. 11. 25 , 26 : but without vnderstanding the Language wherein the Lords Supper is administred , people cannot call to remembrance , or shew foorth the Lords death , at least wisè so clearly and distinctly , as is fit for them to doe . Secondly , A distinct and explicite inward deuotion , ioyned with externall saying Amen , is more effectuall and pleasing to God , than a confused and generall . But when people vnderstand the publike Prayers and Seruice of the Church , in a familiar Language , they are inabled to conioyne distinctly and explicitly , inward and outward deuotion , mentall and vocall saying Amen . Therefore it is most expedient and necessarie for the Church , to celebrate Diuine Mysteries , and offer publicke Prayers , in a Language which the people vnderstand . IESVIT . Moreouer the Churches antiently , euen in the purest times of Christianitie , had Chancells , into which , Lay-men might not enter , and so could not particularly , and distinctly vnderstand the Prayers said by the publicke Minister of the Church : within the said Chancels , they did also vse to say a good part of the Liturgie secretly , so that their voyce was not audible vnto any ; yea , the Greeke Church did antiently vse a vaile , wherewith the Priest was for the time of the sacred Oblation compassed about , which are manifest signes , that the Church did neuer thinke it necessarie , that all the publicke Liturgie should be heard , much lesse word by word vnderstood by the whole vulgar multitude present thereat . ANSWER . It is not certaine at what time Chancells began , neither were all Lay Persons prohibited to enter : for the Emperour had his seate within the Chancell , vntill the dayes of Theodosius the Elder , as Theoderit a and Sozomene b report . And although Lay persons were not seated in the Quire or Chancell , yet the Seruice was pronounced by the Ministers in that place , with an audible voyce , so as the people in the bodie of the Church heard the same . Iustinian c the Emperour made this Decree following : Wee command that all Bishops and Priests , ( within the Romane Monarchie ) shall celebrate the sacred Oblation of the Lords Supper , &c. not in secret , but with a lowd and cleare voyce , that the mindes of the hearers may bee stirred vp with more deuotion to expresse the praises of the Lord God , for so teacheth the Apostle , 1. Cor. 14. Honorius d in gemma Animae , lib. 1. cap. 103. It is reported , that in antient time , when the Canon of the Masse was openly recited , &c. Iohn Billet e , cited by Cassander , saith , In times past , the Masse was pronounced with a lowd voyce : whereupon Lay people knew the same , &c. And mumbling and whispering in the Masse , is not much more antient than Pope Innocent the third . The Liturgies also fathered vpon S. Basil , and S. Chrysostome , haue a knowne Mother ( to wit , the late Roman Church : ) but there is ( besides many other iust exceptions ) so great dissimilitude betweene the supposed Fathers and the Children , that they rather argue the dishonest dealing of their Mother , than serue as lawfull witnesses of that which the Aduersarie intendeth to prooue by them a . The Vaile in the Greeke Church , of which S. Chrysostome speakes , Hom. 61. ad Pop. Antioch . was not vsed to depriue the people of hearing , but it was a ceremonie , admonishing , and signifying , that prophane and vncleane persons were vnworthie to behold or pertake the sacred mysteries b . And as this Father sheweth , Hom. 3. in Ephes. c , the drawing open of the curtaines signified the opening of Heauen , and the descending of Angels at the celebration of the holy Eucharist . Metrophanes a Monke of Greece d , in a certaine tractate , testifyeth the forme or vse of the Vaile or Curtaine in the East Church to be , That the Priest may within or vnder the same , prepare aforehand the things requisit for the administration of the Sacrament : and when this is done , then the Canopie is drawne , at the pronouncing of the holy Creed ( which is vttered with a loud voice , euen as all other parts of the Liturgie are , that all people may heare . ) Now this action signifieth ( according to Dionisius ) that God reuealeth these mysteries , to those only which are Orthodoxall in Faith , and hee communicates his diuine grace to none but those which are sound in the diuine worship , and to such all things are manifested , whether men or women , poore or rich , &c. The Iesuit therfore is ignorant of the reason , wherefore the Greeke Church vseth a Canopie , and shutteth and openeth the same at the holy Communion ; for the same was not done to take away audience of any part of the Seruice from lay people ( for the whole Liturgie from the beginning to the ending was pronounced with a loud voice ) but to admonish and signifie the due preparation which all persons were to vse when they pertake the sacred mysteries . IESVIT . Besides it is certaine , that the Scripture was not read in any language but Greeke , ouer all the Church of the East , as S. Hierom witnesseth . Also the Greeke Liturgie of S. Basil was vsed in all the Church of the East , and yet the Grecian was not the vulgar language of all the Countries of the East , as is apparant by manifest testimonies of the Cappadocians , Mesopotamians , Galatians , Lycaonions , Egyptians , Syrians ; yea that all these countries , and most of the Orient had their proper language distinct from the Greeke , is manifest out of the Acts of the Apostles . No lesse manifest is it , that the Latine Liturgie was common antiently for all the Churches of the Westerne parts , euen in Africke , as appeareth by testimonies of Augustine : but it is manifest , that the Latine was not the vulgar language for all nations of the West . And though the better sort vnderstood it , yet some of the vulgar multitude onely knew their owne mother tongue , as may be gathered out of the same S. Augustine , who writes that he pleading in Latine against Cryspinus a Bishop of the Donats , for possession of a village in Africke , whereunto the consent of the villagers was required , they did not vnderstand his speech , till the same was interpreted to them in the vulgar African language . So that the Christian Church did neuer iudge it requisit , that the publique Liturgie should be commonly turned into the Mother language of euery nation , nor necessarie , that the same should be presently vnderstood word by word by euerie one of the vulgar Assistants , neither doth the end of the publique diuine Seruice require it . ANSWER . Omitting things doubtfull , this is apparant , that common people both of the East and West , had the vse of the Scriptures in such a language as they vnderstood ; for otherwise the Fathers would not haue exhorted them to read the holy Scripture , but such exhortations are most frequent in S. Chrysostome , S. Hierome , and in other Fathers , Read before , pag. 279. And that the people of Asia vnderstood Greeke , and the Africans Latine , is prooued by the learned of our part , out of many Authors a ; and where this was wanting , people had Translations and Seruice in their natiue tongue b . Also such people as were conuerted to Christianitie , if they wanted Translations in their Mother tongue , were careful to learne the ordinarie language , in which diuine Seruice was vsed , and wherein the holy Scriptures were commonly read . But what proofe can the Aduersarie make , that Christian people ( altogether ignorant of the language vsed in the publique Seruice ) came into those congregations , and were pertakers of the holy Sacraments ? IESVIT . As for the comfort that some few want , in that they do not so perfectly vnderstand the particulars of diuine Seruice , it may by other meanes bee aboundantly supplied , without turning the publique Liturgies into innumerable vulgar languages , which would bring a mightie confusion into the Christian Church . First , the whole Church should not be able to iudge of the Liturgie of euerie countrie , when differences arise about the Translation thereof , so diuers errours and heresies may creepe into particular countries , and the whole Church neuer able to take notice of them . Secondly , particular countries could not be certaine that they haue the Scripture truely translated ; for thereof they can haue no other assured proofe , but onely the Churches approbation , nor can she approoue what she doth not vnderstand . Thirdly , were vulgar Translations , so many as there be languages in the world , it could not be otherwise but that some would be in many places ridiculous , incongruous , and full of mistakings , to the great preiudice of soules , specially , in languages that haue no great extents , nor many learned men that naturally speakethem . Fourthly , the Liturgies would be often changed together with the language , which doth much alter in euerie age , as experience sheweth . Fiftly , in the same countrie , by reason of different dialects , some prouinces vnderstand not one another . And in the island of Iaponia , as some write , there is one language for noble men , another for rustickes , another for men , another for women . Into what language then should the Iaponian Liturgie be turned ? Finally , by this vulgar vse of Liturgie , the studie of the two learned languages would bee giuen ouer , and in short time come to be extinct , as we see that no antient language now remaines in humane knowledges , but such as haue beene as it were incorporated in the publique Liturgies of the Church , and the common vse of learned tongues being extinct , there would follow want of meanes for Christians to meet in generall Councells , to communicate one with another in matters of Faith. Jn a word , extreame Barbarisme would be brought vpon the world . ANSVVER . They cannot be some few onely in this case , but the maior part , yea an hundred to one , which want the benefit and comfort of the holy Scriptures , and publique Seruice of the Church . And to supplie this want , by preaching or priuate instruction , it is ( morally speaking ) impossible , & it may be performed more compendiously and easily , if Papists would chuse rather to follow S. Pauls doctrine , 1. Cor. 14. than stifly to adhere to the late custome of the Roman Church . Now the reasons which the Aduersarie and his consorts vse , to prooue the inconuenience of Translations , &c. are no other than such as will make against Preaching and Catechising in a knowne tongue , as well as vsing publique Seruice in the same . For are Romists able to translate Catechismes , Homilies , Meditations , and priuate Prayers into a vulgar tongue , and to accommodate all sorts of people according to the diuersitie of their languages , without detriment to the common Faith , and shall it be impossible to do the like in translating Scripture , and the Seruice of the Church ? And to the reasons , I answer . First , the whole Church , whensoeuer it is requisite , may iudge of translated or peculiar Liturgies , by the helpes of the learned and iuditious , who vnderstand both the vulgar language of the place , and also Latine or other Language , fit for Ecclesiasticke communication . Secondly , It may take notice of heresies , and iudge of Translations , by the same meanes . And in the third , fourth , fift , and sixt place , as the obiected inconueniences are preuented in Preaching , Catechising , and priuate Prayers , so they may bee preuented in publicke Liturgies , yea , God Almightie will giue a blessing , and bee assistant to such as obserue his owne Ordinance . The same also would be so farre from causing Ignorance and barbarisme in the world , that nothing could more increase good literature , and polish barbarous Languages , than the often comparing of one Language with another , and the refining and inlarging of that which is rude , and ouer-narrow and sparing , out of Tongues more ample and elegant . Experience teacheth this in Great Britaine , whose deficient and rude natiue Language , by meanes of all sorts of Translations , is made most polite and copious . IESVIT . Priuate Prayer for ignorant people in their vulgar Languages , we practise , we allow ; yea , the Pater noster and the Creed , are to be knowne of all in their mother Tongues , which two formes containe the whole substance of Prayer : For the end of Prayer being threefold , to praise God for his infinite perfections , to giue him thankes for his benefits bestowed vpon vs , to demand of him such necessaries as we want , as well for the maintaining of this present , as for the attaining vnto eternall life : The Creed being a summe of the perfections of God , and his benefits towards man , affoords sufficient knowledge to complie with the two former ends of Prayer ; and the Pater noster being an abridgement of all those things which we need , containes a full instruction for the third . Other Prayers doe but more plainely expresse things contained in the Pater noster and the Creed , and our many Bookes doe shew , that these kind of Prayers in vulgar Languages , are by vs written , esteemed , and practised . We adde , that ordinarily speaking , Common people doe more profit by saying Prayers in their mother tongues , than in the Latine ; because not onely their affections are mooued vnto pietie , but also their vnderstanding edified with knowledge . Notwithstanding , some Prayers , though translated into English , be so difficile to be vnderstood , as they will rather distract ignorant ( especially curious people ) than instruct ; of which kind , are many Psalmes of Dauid : and these Prayers ( as wee thinke ) may more profitably be said in Latine . So that I see no great difference either in practise , or in Doctrine , betweene Protestants and the Romance Church , concerning priuate Prayers in a Language vnknowne . ANSVVER . The Opposition of Protestants hath brought you to this a , and yet you enterfere in your Tenet : for many of your fellowes teach , That it is not necessarie to make priuate Prayer in a knowne Language . And as you permit vulgar Translations of holy Scripture , rather to satisfie the importunitie of people , than for any good will you beare the Scripture : so likewise , if your Kingdome were as absolute in the World , as sometimes it was , wee may iustly suspect , that you would recall your later Indulgences , and reduce each thing to the old Center . But taking you at the best , it 〈◊〉 strange to vs , that you should approoue a knowne Tongue as most fit for priuate Prayer , and account the same a Canker in the publike Liturgie . One of your Order is not ashamed to traduce our Seruice , because it is vsed in a common Language , as pernicious , prophane , sacrilegious , detestable , and opposite to all Religion , and Apostolicall Tradition b . But hauing examined whatsoeuer this Author , or your selfe can say , I obserue in neither of you so much as one probable Argument , to support the high conceit you haue of your Roman Seruice , and the partiall respect , or rather despect , you carrie against ours . It is Custome therefore , and not Veritie , which hath emboldened you ; and you leane vpon a broken Reed , when you ground your Faith , in this and other Questions , vpon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Trident Synod . Sapientiam sibi adimunt , qui sine iudicio inuenta maiorum probant , & ab alijs more pecudum ducuntur ( saith Lactantius c : ) They remooue wisedome from themselues , which without iudgement maintaine the inuentions of their Elders , and which like Animals are led by other mens Deuices . THE FIFTH POINT . REPETITIONS OF PATER-NOSTERS , AVES , AND CREEDS , ESPECIALLY affixing a kind of Merit to the number of them . IESVIT . I Am persuaded , that your Maiestie doth not intend to dislike Repetition of Prayers , so the same be done with renewed Deuotion , and Affection . For this Repetition is iustified , not onely by the example of the blind man , who still cryed vpon our Sauiour , with Repetition of the same Prayer , Iesu fili Dauid , miserere mei , by which Repetition he obtained his sight : Nor onely of the Princely Prophet , who in his 135. Psalme repeats 27 times , Quoniam in aeternum misericordia eius : Nor onely of the Seraphins , who in praysing their Creator , repeat three times ouer the same word , Holy , Holy , Holy : But also by the example of our most blessed Sauiour himselfe , who thrice at the least in the Garden repeated the same Prayer , Pater si fieri potest transeat à me Calix iste , veruntamen non mea voluntas sed tua fiat . Wherefore to repeat the same Prayers , is very good and pious , so the same be done with new Deuotion ; which new deuotion , that it may not be wanting , there is appointed for euery Pater noster , Aue , and Creede , a speciall Meditation that may stirre vp new deuotion , at euery repeated praier ; and seeing we cannot pray long , but we must needs repeat ouer the Pater noster in sence : for what can we demand of God , that is not there conteyned ? Why may wee not also repeate the same in words ? ANSVVER . TWo points are controuerted in this Article : First , Whether the repetitions of Creedes , Aues , and Paternosters , according to the formes prescribed in Primers and Rosaries , is a conuenient meanes to honour God , and the Saints ? Secondly , Whether the same be meritorious and satisfactorie ? Concerning the first , the Iesuit vseth this argument , Sundry examples are extant in holy Scripture , of repetitions vsed in prayers and thanksgiuing , to wit , Luc. 18 , 38 , 39. Esa. 6. 3. Psal. 136. Math. 26. 39. to 45. Marc. 14.39 . Luc. 22. 42. Ergo , Repetition of Paternosters , Creedes , and Aues , according to the formes prescribed in the Romish Primers and Rosaries , are pious and lawfull . I answer : Granting that repetitions in prayer , and thanksgiuing which agree with the examples of sacred Scripture , are pious and lawfull : but the Illation from these to the Roman Battalogees is inconsequent , because the repetitions in question , differ from the patterne expressed in holy Scripture . First , in the kind and obiect , for this latter are in part directed to creatures , and not onely to the Creator , and of this deuotion there is no example in Scripture . Secondly , they are multiplyed to an excessiue and portentuous number a , and doubtlesse the Romists exceede and transcend their b brethren the Pharisees , in the c number and vaine repetition , of such superstitious Orisons . Thirdly , the Creed and Aue-maries are d no prayers or thanksuings , either formally or vertually . Fourthly , our A duersaries maintaine , That if these repetitions be vsed , without vnderstanding of the words e , and consequently without present actuall attention f , they are pious and effectuall . But the Romists cannot produce approoued examples out of holy Scripture , of such repetitions , and therefore their argument from example concludeth not . It is also apparent that the repetitions which are practised among Papals in manner aforesaid , doe rather resemble the superstitious Battalogie of the Pharisees , Math. 6.7 . g than the deuout prayers and thanksgiuings , recorded for our instruction in holy Scripture . IESVIT . Jf any thinke to merit by reason of the number of his prayers , hee is ignorant of the doctrine of the Catholike Church , which attributes no merit to prayers , in regard of their number , further than the number awakes in vs deuout thoughts , which is the onely thing that by the number we aime at . Wee say Paters , Aues , and Creedes , to the number of three , in memorie of the blessed Trinitie , seeking Gods fauour and grace by glorifying that incomprehensible Mystery : to the number of fiue , in memorie of the fiue speciall wounds our Sauiour receiued , that pierced into , and through his sacred body : to the number of 33 , in remembrance of the 33 yeares our Sauiour wrought our saluation vpon earth , giuing him thankes for his labours , desiring the application of his merits , stirring vp our selues to the imitation of his vertues : The like reason mooueth vs to pray in the number of sixtie three Angelicall salutations , to call to mind the yeeres the Mother of God liued on earth , according to one probable opinion . And because the opinion that she liued seuentie two yeeres , now begins to be much followed , many Catholickes therupon ( particularly in Spaine ) haue thereupon increased the Corone of our Ladie , to seuentie two Aue-Marias ; a manifest signe , that they neuer attributed merit vnto the number of sixtie three , but onely to the deuout memories of the blessed Virgins vertues , exercised in the yeeres shee conuersed in this world , giuing to God thankes for his great graces bestowed on her . The Psalter of our Ladie , and the Iesus Psalter , containe one hundred and fiftie repetitions of Prayers , the one of Aue-Marias , the other of Iesu , Iesu , Iesu , in imitation of the deuout Royall Prophet , whose Psalter containes Psalmes in Gods praise , to the samè number . ANSVVER . The true Catholicke Church ( which the Roman is not ) maketh no Prayer meritorious in condignitie : for what can be imagined more absurd , than to maintaine that beggers doe merit , by crauing , and receiuing almes ? And the number of Pater Nosters , Aues , and Creeds , which moderne Romists prescribe , is a nouell Inuention , and was of small esteeme vntill the dayes of Friar Dominicus a . It was expected , that the Iesuit would haue confirmed his Romish deuotion , by the Testimonie of antiquitie , and by the practise of Apostolicall Churches , in the best ages thereof : But in place hereof hee reciteth onely , what the practise of the moderne Romists is , in repeating Pater Nosters , Aues , and 〈◊〉 , to the number of three , fiue , and thirtie three , sixtie three , seuentie two , &c. But these deuices are voluntarie , and grounded vpon vncertaine causes : for what connexion is there betweene the Antecedent , to wit , the fiue wounds of Christ , and sixtie three , or seuentie two yeeres of the blessed Virgins Temporall life , and the deuotion inferred and proportioned ? because Christ had fiue wounds , and the Virgin Marie liued seuentie two yeeres in the world , therefore it is a seruice pleasing God , and such a meanes to honour the blessed Virgin , as God accepteth for satisfaction , merit , and impetration . There appeareth small difference betweene the former practise , and that which some Romane Casuists censure as superstitious , to wit , to place vertue , and to ascribe effects , to the precise number of words a and syllables , when the same is not appointed by God. IESVIT . Neither are we in this point of repeating Prayers vpon Beades or little stones , in a certaine number , for the causes before mentioned , destitute of the example of Saints that liued in the best ages of the Church . Palladius in his Historie , setteth downe some examples of Saints praying in this kinde : yea , the Centurie Writers and Osiander acknowledge the example of Saint Paul , a most holy Monke , liuing in the fourth age after Christ , that In dies singulos trecentas orationes Deo velut tributum reddidit , 〈◊〉 ne per imprudentiam in numero erraret trecentis lapillis in sinum coniectis , ad singulas preces singulos eijcit lapillos , consumptis igitur lapillis constabat sibi orationes lapillis numero pares abs se expletas esse : Which example of so great a Saint , so knowne , and notorious , and neuer censured by any Father , may more than abundantly suffice for satisfaction in a matter of no more moment than this : for wee are not curious in this point , nor doe require of any man that he say his Prayers in a certaine number , so as that he may not say more or lesse , as his deuotion serues him . ANSVVER . Palladius his writings are of small credit , and this Authour was long agoe censured by the Antient b . Paulus the Monke in Sosomene made three hundred Prayers to God a , but not any to the blessed Virgin ; and his vsing of stones when he said his Prayers , is an onely example , not paralelled in Antiquitie . But singular examples are no rule , neither doe they alwayes prooue the thing done , to be lawfull : for Batheus b a Monke , in the same Historie , vsed such abstinence , that wormes bred in his teeth . Pior c another Monke refused , after fiftie yeres absence , to looke vpon his naturall sister . Ammonius d being sollicited to bee a Bishop , cut off his owne eare , to make himselfe vncapable . These and the like examples , are not censured by the Historian reporting them , and yet it is more than probable , that it is not safe for others to imitate them . In like sort , Paulus his beades are a matter of singularitie , rehearsed by Sozomene , rather for noueltie than for imitation . Romists also , haue yet a farther slight in their Checkstone trickes of beades , forsooth , to blesse and sanctifie them , by the touch of Relickes , or by the Popes benediction , that such trash may be sold the dearer by their pettie Chapmen . THE SIXT POINT . THE DOCTRINE OF TRANSVBSTANTIATION . IESVIT . YOur Excellent Maiestie submitting your Iudgement vnto Gods expresse word , doth firmely beleeue the body of Christ , to be truely present in the most venerable Sacrament of the Altar , which Doctrine doth naturally and necessarily infer whatsoeuer the Church of Rome holds as matter of Faith , concerning the manner of his presence . ANSVVER . HIs Sacred Maiestie ( a true defendour of the antient Catholicke , and Apostolicke Faith , to his immortall praise ) submitteth his iudgement in this , and in all other articles , to the expresse word of God , reuealed from Heauen by the holy Ghost , and externally preached and penned by the Prophets and Apostles a . And concerning the sacred Eucharist , he firmely beleeueth , that in the holy vse thereof , the verie Bodie and Bloud of Christ are truely , really , and effectually presented and communicated to all faithfull and worthie Receiuers . But that the Romish Doctrine of Transubstantiation , to wit , that after consecration , the substance of bread and wine is abolished , and the shapes , accidents , and quantitie thereof onely remaine ; or that the Bodie and Bloud of Christ are inclosed substantially and corporally vnder the accidentall formes , before participation ; or that dogs and swine truely eat the flesh , and drinke the bloud of the sonne of man a , he cannot beleeue vntill demonstration be made , that this Faith is taught by Gods expresse word , and was antiently beleeued by the true Catholique Church . IESVIT . To declare this , and together answer an obiection much vrged by some Protestants , That they beleeue the bodie of Christ to be in the Sacrament , but say , they are not bound to beleeue the manner , that , not being expressed in Scripture . ANSWER . When the substance of a point is reuealed , and the distinct and particular manner concealed , it is sufficient to beleeue the former , without searching into the latter . And not only some Protestants , but the Fathers also , and some learned Pontificians , deliuer thus much concerning the sacred Eucharist . Bandinus b , and the master of the Sentences c , say , Touching the manner of conuersion ( in the Sacrament ) some affirme one way , and some another , &c. We say with S. Augustine , This mysterie is safely beleeued , but not with safetie searched into . Cyrill d of Alexandria , We ought firmely to beleeue the holy mysterie , but let vs neuer in matters thus sublime , so much as imagine , to vtter the manner how . And againe , The manner how this is done , can neither be conceiued by the mind , nor expressed by the tongue . Theophilact . a When we heare these words of Christ , vnlesse yee eat the flesh of the sonne of man , &c. Wee ought firmely to beleeue the same , and not enquire after what manner . And with these agreeth Caluin b sup . Ephes. 5.32 . IESVIT . We must note that men are bound firmely to beleeue the manner of a mysterie reuealed , when the same belongs to the substance thereof , so that reiecting the manner , we reiect the beleefe of the substance of the mysterie . This is euident , and may be declared by the example of the mysterie of the Incarnation , the substance whereof is , That in Christ Iesus , the nature of God , and the nature of man are so vnited , that God is truely man , and man is verily God. The manner of this mysterie is ineffable and incomprehensible : yet we are bound to beleeue three things concerning it , which if we denie , we deny the mysterie in substance , howsoeuer we may retaine the same in words . First , that this vnion is not onely metaphoricall by affection , as two persons that are great friends , may truely be said to be all one , but c also true and reall . Secondly , this reall vnion of Natures is substantiall d , and not accidentall , so that thereby the nature of man is not only accidentally perfected , by receiuing excellent participations of the diuine nature , power , wisdome , and maiestie , but also substantially the verie fulnesse of the Godhead , dwelling corporally and substantially in him . Thirdly , this substantiall e vnion is not according to the Natures , so that the nature of God , and the nature of man become one , and the same nature ( as Eutiches taught ) but hypostaticall , whereby God and man became one and the same person . These particulars about the manner of the Incarnation , though high and subtile , and imcomprehensible to reason , Christians may , and must beleeue , because they belong to the substance of the mysterie , and are declared by the Church in generall Councells , though the vulgar be not bound explicitly to know them . ANSWER . When the distinct and speciall manner is reuealed , and belongeth to the forme and being of an Article , we are obliged to inquire , and firmely to beleeue the same , according to the instance giuen about the personall vnion : But when the same is not distinctly and plainely reuealed , nor of the substance of the mysterie , it is more safe , according to the holy Scripture , and Fathers a , to be ignorant of that which is abstruse and hidden , than to be curious beyond our modell , Exod. 19. 17. Pro. 25.27 . Act. 1.7 . Rom. 12.3 . 1. Cor. 4.6 . Col. 2.18 . Touching things inscrutable , S. Chrysostome saith b , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is better to be soberly ignorant , than naughtily intelligent . S. Hierom c , Melius est aliquid nescire securè , quam cum periculo discere , it is better to be ignorant of some things with safetie 〈◊〉 to seeke to learne them with perill . S. Augustine d , Melior est fidelis ignorantia , quam temeraria scientia : and Iustine Martyr e , It is the part of euerie prudent and pious man , in matters diuine , sometimes to giue the wall ( to that which exceedeth his modell . ) S. Athanasius f , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The verie Cherubims vaile their faces when it is come thus farre . Saluianus g in like manner saith , Sacriligae temeritatis quoddam genus est , si plus scire cupias quam sinaris , It is sacrilegious temeritie to couet to know that which thou art not permitted . But the questions of Theologie , which are de modo , concerning the distinct manner , in many cases want sufficient grounds in diuine Reuelation , to vnfold them ; and therefore in things of this nature , humble scilence is more safe than temerarious definition . IESVIT . Jn this sort we say , That the manner how our Sauiours bodie is in the Sacrament of his last supper , must be beleeued , and may not be denied as farre as it concernes the verie life , being , and substance of the mysterie reuealed : which mysterie in substance is , That the Bodie of Christ is present in the Sacrament , in such sort , that the Priest , Minister thereof , demonstrating what seemeth bread , may truely say thereof in the person of Christ , This is my Bodie . This supposed as the substance of the Mysterie , I inferre , that two Catholicke Doctrines concerning the manner of this Mysterie , belong to the substance of this Mysterie , and cannot be called in question without danger of misbeleefe . First , the Reall presence of the whole Bodie of Christ , vnder the formes of bread : Secondly , that this is done by Transubstantiation . ANSWER . Whatsoeuer is certainely reuealed in holy Scripture , concerning the manner of Christs Presence in the Sacrament , must be beleeued , and not denied : and so much is reuealed , as is sufficient to inable the Minister & people to vnderstand by Faith , that Christs word and promise , saying , This is my bodie , are infalliblie true , and alwayes fulfilled , when his Ordinance is obserued . But Christ affirmeth not , that the shapes of bread and wine are his Bodie and Blood , neither that he is present by carnall vnion of his naturall Bodie and Blood , with the formes or accidents of the Elements ; or that his Bodie and Blood are present in the holy Eucharist , by Transubstantiation . IESVIT . §. 1. That the Reall presence of the whole Bodie of Christ , vnder the formes of Bread , belongs to the substance of the Mysterie . TO prooue this , I suppose as certaine , that the Bodie of Christ is truely and really in the Sacrament of his Supper . This I may iustly suppose , seeing your Maiestie doth professe to hold a presence of the Body of Christ in the Sacrament , no lesse true than we hold ; and consequently , you will not vnderstand the words of Christ figuratiuely , as Sacramentaries doe ; for they make the Body of Christ present in the Eucharisticall Bread , but as in a figure , holding not a true nor a reall presence , but onely a presence by imagination and conceit , as is euident . ANSVVER . Reall presence is taken two wayes . First , for a true and effectuall presence , of the body and blood of Christ , so as man , receiuing the externall signes by his naturall parts , receiueth also the thing signified and presented , by the action of his spirituall facultie , to wit , by an operatiue faith a , Ioh. 6.51.53 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57. Secondly , for a corporall presence , when the thing signified and presented , is according to the naturall substance thereof , contayned vnder the shapes of the outward signes b , and together with them conueyed into the mouth , stomacke , and bodily parts . His most excellent Maiestie and all his Orthodoxall people , beleeue reall presence according to the first acceptation , but the fame is denyed according to the latter acceptation . The Iesuit being ignorant of this distinction , or else dissembling the same , disputeth as followeth : They which hold a reall presence of Christs body no lesse true than Papists themselues hold , cannot vnderstand the words of Christ , This is my body , &c. figuratiuely . But his Maiestie holdeth a reall presence of Christs body , no lesse true than Papists themselues hold , Ergo His Maiestie cannot vnderstand the words of Christ , This is my body figuratiuely . I answer . The Maior of the former argument is denyed : for a true reall and effectuall presence of Christs body and blood , may bee taught and deliuered by a figuratiue a speech : for , First , the mysticall head , is really , truely , and effectually present to the mysticall body ; and yet notwithstanding , this presence is taught in holy Scripture , by figuratiue words : Read Psal. 45. Salomons song . Eph. 5. Ioh. 15. Secondly , one part of our Sauiours words about the Sacrament ( to wit , This cup is the new Testament in my blood , Luc. 22.20 . ) is figuratiue , by confession of Romists themselues b , and yet they hold the thing expressed and meant by those words , to be really giuen . It is false therefore , which the Iesuit and his consorts affirme , That Protestants expounding the words of Christ ( This is my body ) figuratiuely , doe by this sence ouerthrow the true presence of Christs body and bloud in the holy Eucharist , and bring in onely a fantasticall and imaginarie presence : for a mysticall Presence , wrought by the power of the holy Ghost , is as reall , and true a presence c in one kind , as a corporall and carnall presence is in another kind . But the Romists themselues are the men , which contending for their carnall Presence , giue vs a fantasticall body of Christ , in stead of a true and naturall body ; and Phantasticall Elements , to wit , Accidents , and emptie shadowes of Elements , in stead of the substantiall creatures of Bread and Wine , by this absurd doctrine vtterly subuerting the holy Sacrament . IESVIT . Wherein , as your Maiestie knowes , they contradict the antient Church , which teacheth expresly , That Christ did not say , this is a figure of my body , but , this is my body ; and exhorts vs to beleeue Christ on his word , he said , This is my body ; I pray you let vs beleeue him whom we haue beleeued , veritie cannot vtter vntruth , and herein acknowledge with your Maiestie , a most high and incomprehensible Mysterie , which were no Mysterie at all , the words being vnderstood in a meere figuratiue sence . ANSWER . The question is not , Whether Christ vttered these words or not , This is my body , This cup is the new Testament in my bloud . Neither is there any doubt of the veritie of our Sauiours speech , or whether we must beleeue his word or not ( to which purpose Gaudentius a speaketh ; ) but the question is , concerning the sence of the words , to wit , whether , This is my body , This cup is the new Testament in my blood , are to be expounded literally ? Arguments for the negatiue part , are these which follow : First , if the substance of Bread and Wine be deliuered in the Eucharist , our Aduersarie will grant b , that the words are figuratiue , because one indiuiduall substance , cannot be predicated of another , properly . But it shall be prooued in the sections following , both out of Scripture , and Fathers , that the substance of Bread and Wine , are deliuered in the holy Eucharist . Secondly , the words whereby the wine is consecrated , Luc. 22.20 . are tropicall , by the confession of our Aduersaries . c Thirdly , if the words be taken properly , then the body of Christ , and the bloud of Christ , are deliuered , and receiued , without the soule and deitie of Christ , for in proprietie of speech , the body is a distinct , and diuers thing , from the soule , and likewise the blood . Fourthly , that which Christ deliuered to bee eaten and drunke , by his Disciples , he did sacramentally eate and drinke himselfe , Luc. 22.15 . as S. Hierome c , S. Chrysostome , Euthymius , with many Schoole-men d affirme . But if the words be litterally vnderstood , then he did eat his owne body , and drinke his owne blood . Fiftly , if the words be vnderstood literally , then Christ gaue his passible and mortall body a to the Disciples : but I trow , no Iesuit will maintaine that a body mortall and passible can be in many Hosts , or mouths at once ; neither can the same be corporally eaten , without sensible touching and feeling thereof , or diuiding one part thereof from another . Sixtly , if our Sauiours words be literally expounded ; then Infidells , dogges , and swine , may b eate the flesh , and drinke the bloud of the Sonne of man : but all that eate the flesh , and drinke the bloud of the Sonne of man , haue euerlasting life , Ioh. 6.49.50 , 51.54.56 . Seauenthly , if our Sauiours words were literall , regular , and plaine ( as Papists pretend ) then they themselues could not bee distracted , and diuided about the sence thereof . But they are notoriously diuided c . First , Some of them say , that the Pronoune ( This ) signifieth nothing d . Others say it signifies the Bread e . Alex. Hales . Hocest corpus meum : sensus est , signatum hoc signo , quod est panis transubstantiandus in corpus meum , est corpus meum , that is , The sence of these words , This is my body , is , the Bread presently to bee transubstantiate , into my body , is my body . Some say it signifieth the Accidents , and formes of Bread : others , it signifieth the body of Christ. Some say , it signifieth confusedly , that which is contayned vnder the formes . And euery of these opinions , hath sundry crookes , windings , and limitations f . Secondly , Touching the Verbe substantiue , est ( is ) some expound it by continetur a , vnder these formes , my bodie is contained . Others expound it by Erit b , This shall be my bodie , when the sentence is ended . Some say it signifieth Transmutatur c , It is changed and conuerted . Thirdly , Touching the words Corpus meum ( my Bodie ) Some say it is Materia prima , The first matter of Christs Bodie . Others , The materiate Bodie with the reasonable soule . Others , A Bodie organicall , without reference , to being a liuing Bodie , or a dead . Others , A liuing Bodie . Some say it is a Bodie without quantitie , dimensions , or parts d . Others , A Bodie , hauing quantitie , without extension , figure , & order of parts e . Others , A bodie hauing quantitie , without extrinsecall reference to place f , an immateriall Bodie , like vnto Angels and Spirits g , and they resemble the same by the Image of mans face reflecting in a glasse h : A Bodie hauing the stature of a man , and yet contained in euerie crumme of bread i . Thus whiles Romists denie , that there is a figure in our Sauiours words , they fall into innumerable absurdities , & in stead of the true and perfect bodie of Christ , crucified for vs , and communicated in the holy Eucharist , they reach vs a fantasticall bodie , and a very vaine shadow , and Image of Christs reall bodie . But the Aduersarie , to make the contrarie Tenet appeare Catholicke , affirmeth , That the antient Church expresly denied our Sauiours words to be figuratiue , and in his Margen he pointeth out certaine Authours , Euthymius , Theophilact , Damascene , &c. I answere , although these Authours ( being none of them antient , but post nati ) affirme , that Christ in the holy Eucharist deliuereth , not onely a figure of his bodie , but his true bodie , ( which is also our Tenet ) yet they say not , that there is no trope or figure in our Sauiours words . Theophylacts k words are , Non tantum figura & exemplar est corporis Christi , &c. It is not onely a figure or similitude of Christs bodie . Euthymius l , Esaias beheld a fierie coale , the coale was not simply or onely wood , but fierie wood , such is this fierie coale in this great Mysterie . Secondly , It is to be obserued , that these Authours , teaching that bread and wine are Sacramentally or mystically conuerted , doe also maintaine , that the said Elements remaine in their materiall substance a , and that Christs bodie and blood are receiued into the spirituall powers of the soule ; and they say b farther , That Christ changeth the worthie Receiuers into his Bodie . IESVIT . As for some places of Fathers brought to the contrarie , how they are to be vnderstood your Maiestie is not ignorant : Saint Augustine saying , That Christ gaue to his Disciples a figure of his Bodie and Blood , spoke not of a bare emptie figure , but of the figure of a thing really present ; as likewise in another place , when he saith , Christ affirmed it was his Bodie , when he gaue a signe of his Bodie , though there he may seeme to speake in the opinion of the Manichees , who held , That Christ had not true flesh , but a meere figure , shape , and shaddow of flesh : against whom in that place , he vndertakes to prooue , That the figure of a thing may bee tearmed the thing it selfe ( Argumento ad hominem ) that Christ said , This is my Bodie , when hee gaue but a figure of his Bodie , to wit , as you thinke . Tertullian hath this speech , Christ taking bread into his hands , and distributing it to his Disciples , made the same his Body , saying , Hoc est corpus meum , id est , figura corporis mei ; where , figura corporis mei , is referred , not vnto corpus meum , as an explication thereof , but vnto hoc , in this maner , hoc id est figura corporis mei , est corpus meum . This to bee Tertullians meaning , appeares by the drift of his discourse in that place ; for Tertullian is to shew , that whereas in the Old Testament Bread was afigure of the Bodie of Christ , as appeares by the words of the Prophet , Mittamus lignum in panem eius , id est crucem in corpus eius : Christ in the New Testament , made this figure to be truely and really his Bodie , taking Bread into his hands , saying this , that is , This figure of my Bodie is my Bodie , as if he said , Bread ( which antiently was a figure of my Bodie ) I doe now make to be truely and really my Bodie ; and this is an vsuall phrase in Tertullian , who not to interrupt the sentence of holy Scripture , addeth his explication of the subiect ( not presently , but ) after the Attribute , as when he said , Christus mortuus est , id est , vnctus , the sence whereof is , Christus , id est , vnctus mortuus est . ANSWER . Many of the Fathers a , treating of the Sacramentall signes , call them Figures , Representations , Similitudes , Memorials , Antitipes , &c. of the Bodie and Blood of Christ. But that which is a figure , similitude , and representation of a thing , is not properly the same . Saint Augustine b , It is a figuratiue speech , commanding vs to be partakers of the Lords Passion , and sweetly and profitably to keepe in minde , that his flesh was crucified , and wounded for vs. The Lord did not sticke to say , This is my bodie , when hee gaue the signe of his bodie c . Origen d , This I speake of the typicall , and figuratiue bodie . Saint Ambrose e , Which is the figure of the bodie and blood of the Lord Iesus . Saint Chrysostome f , In the sanctified vessell , there is not the true bodie of Christ , but a mysterie of his bodie is there contained . Gratians Glosse g , The Diuine bread , which representeth the flesh of Christ , is called , The bodie of Christ , but improperly . Beda h , Substituting his flesh and blood , in the figure of bread and wine . Druthmarus i , The blood of Christ is aptly figured thereby . Bertram k , Bread and Wine , is figuratiuely the Bodie and Blood of Christ. And Tertullian more antient than any of these , saith , That Bread representeth the Bodie of Christ l : And he saith in two places m , That it is a figure of Christs Bodie . The Iesuit in his answer to these plaine testimonies , taketh notice onely of S. Augustine , and Tertullian : and concerning the first , he saith , that S. Augustine spake not of a bare and emptie figure , but of the figure of a thing really present : but this answere is deceitfull , for the Sacramentall elements are a true and liuely figure , and not a bare and emptie signe of the Bodie and Bloud of Christ. And although the Bodie and Bloud of Christ are not essentially contained and inclosed in the shapes , or materiall substance of the elements , yet they are really communicated by the holy Ghost , at and by the faithfull and worthie receiuing of these diuine mysteries . The second place of S. Augustine admitteth not the Iesuits solution : for one difference betweene the Manichee , and this Father , was , concerning Moses his words , Deut. 12.23 . Thou shalt not eat the Bloud , for the Bloud is the Soule . S. Augustine saith a , Possum interpretari praeceptum illud in signo esse positum , I may expound that commandement , by saying , it was set downe in a signe for Christ doubted not to affirme b , This is my bodie , when he gaue a signe of his Bodie . In these words S. Augustine teacheth , that as the Bloud is called the Soule , after the manner of a signe , so likewise , the Bread in the holy Eucharist is called the bodie of Christ , because it is a signe of his bodie . This similitude prooueth , that S. Augustine held our Sauiours words , This is my Bodie , to be a siguratiue enunciation , which is the thing affirmed by vs. Tertullian c affirmeth expressely of Bread , which he receiued into his hand , and distributed to his disciples , that it is a figure of Christs Bodie . And the Aduersaries 〈◊〉 , expounding his words in this manner , The figure of my bodie is my bodie , is voluntarie , or rather sophisticall , for the words immediately following are , he called bread his Bodie , and in other places , he maketh bread the subiect of the proposition d , This is my Bodie . But the accidents and shape of bread , are not bread : neither did our Sauiour , when he said , This is my Bodie , demonstrate the forme only of Bread , or command the formes only of Bread and Wine to be corporally receiued ; for he did demonstrate that which was sacramentally changed , but the accidents of Bread and Wine are not changed into Christs Bodie and Bloud , by the confession of Papists themselues . IESVIT . This supposed , I inferre that the bodie of Christ is present in the mysticall Supper , not onely to the faithfull that receiue the Sacrament , nor onely to the place or Church where the holy Synaxis is celebrated , but vnder the formes of Bread in the verie same place therewith . This manner of presence is cleerely consequent vpon the precedent , and that granted , this cannot be denyed . For the reason for which Christians hold the bodie of Christ to be really & truly present in the Sacrament , is , because they cannot otherwise in proper and plaine sence verifie the word of Christ , to say of Bread , this is my bodie . Wherefore we must either put no real presence at all , or els put such a real presence as is able to verifie the foresaid speech , in proper and rigorous sence . But if the bodie of Christ be not in the same place with the consecrated Bread contained vnder the formes thereof , it cannot be said to be verily and really the body of Christ. For though we should suppose the Body of Christ to leaue heauen , and be substantially present in the Church where the Sacrament is giuen , yet this supposed presence would no waies further the verifying of the words of Christ , This is my Bodie , except his bodie be vailed and couered with the sensible accidents of Bread , so that it be demonstrated by them ; and pointing vnto them , one may truely say , This is the Body of Christ. For why should consecrated Bread be tearmed truely and substantially the Bodie of Christ , if his body be not so much as in the same place with it ? Wherefore the Fathers affirme , that Christ is so in this Sacrament , as he is vailed with the semblances of Bread , as S. Cyrill of Hierusalem in his Booke ( highly commended by Dr. Whitaker , saith . ) Let vs therefore with all certitude receiue the Bodie and Bloud of Christ : For vnder the forme of Bread is giuen Thee his Bodie . Yea Caluin saith , In the supper , Christ Jesus , to wit , his Bodie and Bloud , is truely giuen vnder the signes of Bread and Wine . ANSVVER . Although the mysticall words be not vnderstood properly and rigorously , yet we may truely and really ( though spiritually ) eat the Flesh , and drinke the Bloud of the sonne of man , by a liuing Faith , Ioh. 6.54 . a . 1. Cor. 10.16 . The food which entreth into the bodie must be locally present , but this food entreth not into the bodie , but it is the bread of life which nourisheth the substance of the soule , saith S. Ambrose a . But the Obiector demandeth , Why consecrated bread should be tearmed truely & substantially the body of Christ , if his bodie be not so much as in the same place with it ? Our answer is , because of the Sacramentall vnion betweene the signes , and the bodie of Christ represented b , and spiritually communicated to the worthie receiuor , by that signe . As a Kings crowne may be called a kingdome , because it is a signe thereof , and the placing thereof vpon the head may be a meanes of conferring a kingdome . So likewise in Sacramentall speeches , the outward signe is called by the name of the thing signified , because it representeth it , and is by diuine institution an effectual instrument to applie and communicate the same , 1. Cor. 10.16 . And by the same reason , Christs Bodie may be said to be in the bread , and his Bloud in the Cup , not by locall presence , or as wine is contained in a vessell ( which S. Cyrill affirmeth not ) but vertually , and by relation and spirituall donation , because when the Minister deliuereth the outward signe , and the Communicant receiueth the same , The holy Ghost c deliuereth and communicates the thing signified to the beleeuing soule . IESVIT . Whence it is also consequent , that the whole bodie of Christ is contained vnder a consecrated Host , be the same neuer so little ; for by this mysterie , the bodie of Christ is demonstrable by the sensible accidents , so that consecrated bread may be termed truly , really , & substantially , the bodie of Christ , not a parcell or part thereof only . But were not the bodie of Christ wholly and entirely vnder the formes of bread , consecrated bread could not truely and properly be tearmed the bodie of Christ , but a sole part and 〈◊〉 thereof . Againe , we haue no reason to beleeue the bodie of Christ is truely and really present in the Sacrament , but only to the end that it may in the Supper be truely and really eaten , to nourish and feed mens soules . And if he be eaten onely mentally by Faith , we haue no ground to thinke that he is present more than mentally by Faith , the presence of his bodie being ordained vnto the manducation thereof ; for else , why did he institute this Sacrament vnder the elements of Bread and Wine ? But if Christ be not present wholly and totally vnder the forme of Bread , he cannot be truely and really eaten : Why then is his bodie brought from heauen to be there really present ? or how can the bodie of Christ being coextended in place according to the naturall dimensions thereof , enter into the mouth of the Receiuer , yea in at the mouth of the wicked and vnworthie , as Fathers teach ? ANSWER . That bodie which is neither circumscriptiuely , nor definitiuely present in the outward signes , is not substantially contained in the same . The bodie of Christ is neither of these waies present in the outward signes a : not the first way , for in circumscription , the continent must be as large or ample as the thing contained : not the second way , for that which is definitiuely in one place , cannot at the same time be substantially in another . And yet , although the bodie of Christ is not according to his materiall substance wholly and intirely vnder the outward elements , notwithstanding the bread may truely be tearmed the bodie of Christ , because of a relatiue , Pactionall b , and Sacramentall Vnion , and Donation of the things signified , together with the signes worthily receiued : For God Almightie hath made a Couenant with his Church , and faithfull people , to nourish their Soules with the liuely food of the Bodie and Bloud of Christ , Ioh. 6.32 . He hath also appointed a Sacrament , in which there shall be made a representation and commemoration of his passion vntill his comming againe , 1. Cor. 11.26 , and he hath annexed a promise therunto , which is , that as often as the same is lawfully administred , he will communicate to all worthie receiuers , the Bodie and Bloud of Christ , 1. Cor. 10.16 . Now then , when the outward Sacrament is administred and receiued , as is aforesaid , God remembring his Couenant , reacheth vnto the soules of his people , by the powerfull hand of the Holy Ghost , the very bodie of his Sonne crucified , and his blood shed , and powred out , and hereby feedeth and nourisheth them to eternall life . The Obiect , or thing carnally and bodily receiued , is the Elementall Creature . The Obiect and thing receiued spiritually and internally , is the bodie and blood of Christ , crucified vpon the Crosse. The Donour and distributer of this inward gift , is the blessed Trinitie , the Sonne of God himselfe , and by appropriation , the Holy Ghost . The eating and drinking of it , is by Faith a , Iohn 6. 29. 35.40.47 . And thus if it be demanded , What kind and manner of Presence we maintaine ? It is answered : First , a mentall and intellectuall presence , by way of representation . Secondly , an exhibitiue presence , by way of donation and Tradition , on Gods part ; and faithfull reception on mans part , whereby wee possesse the thing giuen , and are vnited mystically to Christ our Head. Now to the effecting hereof , locall and corporeall presence is not necessarie . A father and his sonne may bee absent by distance of place , one from the other , yet the sonne is truely and really vnited with his father , so as his fathers nature is in him , and he hath right in his fathers person and estate . A mans goods may be at Constantinople , and yet he liuing in England is a true possessour , or owner and proprietarie of them , and he may communicate and vse them , and distance of place hindreth not his right and proprietie . Now although there bee a difference betweene things temporall and spirituall , yet thus farre there is agreement , That euen as wee possesse temporall meanes , being locally absent ; so likewise wee may receiue and partake Christs bodie and blood locally distant , by the power of Faith , and by the donation of the Holy Ghost , according to a celestiall and spirituall manner . For in Baptisme b we are washed with the blood of Christ , and wee put on the Lord Iesus , Gal. 3.27 : Now that which is absent , cannot wash , or bee put on , in a naturall manner , but a spirituall vnion and application is necessarie : Euen so , in the holy Eucharist , wee are nourished with the bodie and bloud of our Sauiour ; but to the performance hereof , locall presence , or presence by indistance of place , is of no vse ; but a spirituall vnion and application is sufficient . These things premised , the Iesuits Argument is answered as followeth : First , The bodie and bloud of Christ are in such sort truly and really presented in the holy Eucharist , as that they are truly and really eaten , not bodily , but spiritually , by Faith. Secondly , Although they be receiued by Faith onely , yet they are truly and really communicated , by the powerfull operation of the Holy Ghost . Thirdly , Christs bodie is not brought locally from Heauen vnto Earth ; but being crucified vpon the Crosse , is symbollically represented vpon Earth by the Sacramentall signes , and actions ; and being locally at this day sitting on Gods right hand in Heauen , is also truly and effectually communicated and giuen to worthie Communicants . Fourthly , The Sacrament is not instituted in vaine , although Christs bodie and bloud are not locally present in the outward Elements : For if vpon the worthie receiuing of the Sacrament , the Holy Ghost truly and effectually communicates vnto vs Christs bodie and bloud , to be the food and life of our soules , and doth not so effectually and fruitfully communicate the same by any other meanes ; then there is great vse of this Sacrament , and vnspeakable benefit receiued by it , although Christs bodie and bloud are not locally contained within the outward signes . Fifthly , The Fathers teach not , that Infidels and wicked persons receiue in , at their bodily mouth , the naturall bodie and bloud of Christ. First , The Fathers cited in the Margine of the Iesuits booke , speake not of wicked and vnworthie persons . Secondly , They affirme expressely , That Infidels and wicked persons receiue the bodie of Christ onely Sacramento tenus a , that is , according to the visible signe ; and not reuera , in truth , and in deed ; Panem Domini , non Panem Dominum b , The Bread of the Lord , and not the Bread which is the Lord ( or the Lords Bodie . ) The Author bearing the name of S. Cyprian c , saith , Lambunt Petram , Wicked men ( like AEsops Foxe ) licke the outside of the Rocke , but sucke not out the Honey . They receiue ( saith Bernard d ) Corticem Sacramenti & furfur Carnis , the outward Barke of the Sacrament , and the Branne of Christs flesh . Beda e , Omnis Infidelis non vescitur carne Christi , No vnbeleeuer eateth the flesh of Christ. Hilarius f , Panis qui descendit de Coelo , non nisi ab eo accipitur qui Dominum habet & Christi membrum est , The Bread which came downe from Heauen , is receiued of him onely , which hath the Lord , and is a member of Christ. Cyril of Alexandria a , For as much as wicked men doe not liue , nor are reformed to immortalitie , they eat not that flesh . Origen b , If it were possible for one , perseuering a wicked man , to eat the Word , which became Flesh , being liuing Bread , it would not haue beene written , Whosoeuer eateth this Bread , shall liue for euer . S. Chrysostome c , This Bread filleth the mind , and not the belly ; this is our Bread , and the Bread of Angels . Thirdly , Whereas some of the Fathers say , That the bodie of Christ is receiued into the mouth ; they vnderstand by the bodie of Christ , the Sacrament or outward signe of his bodie : as appeareth not onely by their owne Exposition , where they call the outward signe a figure of Christs bodie d ; but also because they say , the bodie of Christ is visibly eaten , and his bloud is visibly drunke e . Also they affirme , That the bodie of Christ is spirituall food , and passeth not into the bodie f , but into the soule . IESVIT . Wherefore , seeing we must of necessitie grant , as I haue prooued , That some part of the Bodie of Christ is vnder consecrated Bread , penetrating the same , and occupying the same place with it , Why should wee doubt , to beleeue the whole Bodie of Christ to be wholly and totally in euery consecrated Hoast ? ANSVVER . The Question is , Whether the whole Bodie of Christ is entirely and totally in euerie consecrated Hoast ? that is , Whether the true and substantiall Bodie of Christ , which is an humane bodie , essentially and in kind differing from a Spirit , and hauing magnitude , proportion , order , and distinction of parts , is contained vnder euerie small crumme of consecrated Bread ? The Iesuit propugneth this Paradox in manner following . IESVIT . For if we can beleeue that two bodies bee in the same place at once , we may as easily beleeue the same of twentie . And if we grant that one part of Christs body doth penetrate , that is , occupy the same roome , with the quantitie of Bread , Why should we not thinke , that the rest of his parts may also doe the like ? Our Sauiour saith , That it is as easie for a Cammell to passe through a needles eye , as for a rich man to enter into the kingdome of heauen , adding , Though these things be impossible to men , yet all is possible vnto God. If then God can put a whole Cammell in the eye of a needle , is he not able to put the whole body of Christ within the bignesse of a consecrated Hoast ? The body being mortall and passible could penetrate the body of his Mother , and come out of her wombe through the same still remaining entyre , as we professe in the Creede to beleeue , Natum de Maria Virgine , Why then may not the same body , being now glorious , immortall , and ( as the Apostle speakes ) spirituall , penetrate the quantitie of the Bread , and inclose it selfe wholy and intirely within the small compasse thereof : and Christ that made heauie things not to weigh , as the body of Peter walking on the water ; coloured things not to be seene , as his owne person , which he so oft made inuisible to the Iewes ; bright things not to shine , as his body after his Resurrection , more bright than the Sunne , did not shine in so many apparitions to his Disciples ; finally , a flaming furnance not to burne the bodies of the three children , cast into the midst thereof , Why may not hee keepe a body from occupying a place , or from extruding another bodie from the place where it is ? for to occupie a place or to extrude thence another body , is but an effect consequent and flowing from the nature of a quantitatiue substance , as to weigh , to be seene , to shine , to burne , be the naturall and necessarie effects of heauie , coloured , bright , and fierie things . ANSVVER . We must beleeue whatsoeuer God hath reuealed . But God hath reuealed that Christ hath a true body , and all proprieties and attributes essentiall to a true body , Heb. 2.16 . Luc. 24. 39. And therefore the Romish doctrine , which conuerteth the indiuiduall , and finite body of Christ , into a Spirit , and fancie , and destroyeth the true properties of the same , affirming that is not circumscript , palpable , or situated in one particular place at once , is erroneous a ; neither can that be one and the same indiuiduall body , betweene which , are interposed many bodyes : but betweene the one indiuiduall body of Christ in heauen , and the same body in the Eucharist , many other bodies , to wit , the seuerall bodies of the Heauens , the Ayre , the Pixe , &c. are interposed ; and the body of Christ in heauen , is not ioyned to the sacramentall body , by continuation or indiuision . But it is obiected , a whole Cammell may bee in the eye of a needle , Math. 19. 24. 26. The passible body of Christ , passed through the Virgins wombe , the same being closed and not opened ; Peters heauie body walked aboue the waters ; the bodyes of the three young men continued in the fierie ouen , vnconsumed , or scorched ; Christs body was diuers times inuisible , and once it was resplendent as the Sunne , &c. Therefore the now glorified body of Christ , by the omnipotent power of God , may be separate from circumscription , length , and thicknesse , and other effects and properties of indiuiduall humane bodies . It is answered , the examples mentioned in the Antecedent , are set vpon the Racke : for our Sauiour affirmeth not , that a Cammell continuing in his ordinarie quantitie , can passe through the eye of a small needle ; but he saith onely , that this may as easily be fulfilled , as a rich man b ( which maketh Mammon his God ) may enter into the kingdome of heauen . Prouerbiall speeches , Parables c and suppositions , are not according to euery passage in them , to be strayned or expounded literally Luc. 17.6 . Math. 7.3 . If it be further said , it followeth in the Text , All things are possible with God. Math. 19. 26. Marc. 10. 27. Luc. 18.27 . Our Answere is , First , these words are referred to the latter part of Christs speech , touching the rich mans entrance into heauen , and not to the Cammels passing thorow the needles eye a . Secondly , all things agreeable to truth b , and which God will haue done , are possible : but that it is agreeable with Truth , for a Cammell retaining his quantitie , with the whole bodie , to passe thorow the eye of a needle ; or that God will haue this to bee , or that it is his will , that the bodie of Christ shall bee separated from circumscription , and continencie of place , deserueth to be credited when the Aduersaries prooue it by Diuine Reuelation , or by other demonstration . Secondly , The Scripture affirmeth not , nor yet the Apostles Creed , that the blessed Virgin in 〈◊〉 trauell , in Puerperio , bare Christ in a different manner from other women , Luk. 2.23 . and what a sophisticall inference is this , the Creed hath , Borne of the Virgin Marie , meaning according to conception , generation , and clearenesse from the companie of man , Ergo , the bodie of the blessed Virgin was not opened at the time of Christs birth . Also many Fathers c , and some Schoolemen d denie this , and therefore from an Antecedent , doubtfull and in question , a consequent or conclusion of Faith cannot be inferred . Thidly , The example of Peter , Math. 14. 29. and the three yong men Daniel 3. prooue not the question ; for the miracle might be in the water , and in the fire e , and not in the bodies of St. Peter , and the three yong men . St. Luke c. 4.30 . affirmeth not , that our Sauiours bodie was inuisible , but that he passed thorow the midst of the people : and yet admitting , that he was then inuisible , the cause might be in the peoples eyes , Luke 24. 16. or in the Aire , and not in his bodie , Genes . 19. 11. Neither is actuall grauitie , or actuall combustibilitie , or visibilitie so inseparable from a bodie , as circumscription and distinction of parts . Lastly , For a bodie to bee resplendent , and to shine as the Sunne in glorie , is not repugnant to the nature of the bodie , but is of the perfection and happinesse thereof , Matth. 13. 43. But that an indiuiduall bodie may bee in many places at once , and in diuers formes , and according to diuers actions a , and haue no reference to place , nor any properties , inward or outward of a true bodie , is not Diuine veritie , but an audacious fiction , or rather an incongruous dreame , and contradictorie Chymera . But that is verified in this Question of the Romists , which Ireneus saith b , Multa male oportet interpretari eos , qui vnum non volunt rectè intelligere : They are compelled to expound many things amisse , which will not vnderstand one thing aright . IESVIT . § 2. Transubstantiation belongs to the substance of the Reall Presence . THis J prooue : That belongs to the substance of this Mysterie of the reall Presence , which being denied and taken away , the words of Christ , This is my Bodie , cannot be true , taken in the literall sence , in which sence they are to be taken , as hath beene shewed . But without granting Transubstantiation , the words of Christ cannot be true , taken in the literall sence , Ergo , Transubstantiation belongs to the substance of this Mysterie of the reall Presence . The Minor is prooued . Because these words , This is my Bodie , signifie that the thing the Priest holds in his hand , is truely , really , and substantially the bodie of Christ ; for in this Proposition , This is my Bodie , the Verb , est , signifies a coniunction betweene this in the Priests hand , and the bodie of Christ ; and being a Verb substantiue , taken in his proper signification , it signifies a substantiall Identitie betweene this in the Priests hands , and the bodie of Christ. But this in the Priests hands , being before Consecration , bread ( a thing substantially distinct from the bodie of Christ ) cannot by consecration bee made substantially the bodie of Christ , as the Fathers teach it is , without some substantiall alteration , or change : and what other substantiall change can make bread to become truely the bodie of Christ , beside substantiall conuersion of the same into his Bodie . ANSVVER . You cannot demonstrate , that our Sauiours words must be expounded literally , for the Instance of the cup , Luke 22.20 . ( besides other Arguments ) choakes you ; and therefore the mayne ground of your Doctrine being sandie , the Arguments inferred vpon the same are infirme . The waight of the first Argument lyeth in this Proposition : Our Sauiours words cannot bee expounded literally , vnlesse the Romish Doctrine of Transubstantiation bee granted . I answere : First , if Transubstantiation were admitted , the words of Christ , This is my bodie , This Cup is the New Testament in my blood , cannot bee litterall ; for where there is any figure or trope , the speech is not literall : but in the Sacramentall words , there is some figure or trope , by our Aduersaries confession a . Secondly , If the said words be vnderstood litterally , then the bodie of Christ is properly broken , and his blood properly shed in the Eucharist : for Saint Paul saith , This is my bodie which is broken for you , 1. Cor. 11.24 . Saint Luke , This cup is the New Testament in my blood which is shed for you . But the bodie of Christ is not properly broken b , nor his blood properly shed in the holy Eucharist . Thirdly , It is an improper speech to say , This is my bodie , that is , the thing contained vnder these formes c , is by conuersion and substantiall Transmutation , my bodie : but Papists maintaining Transubstantiation , expound Christs words in this , or in some other manner d , whereby they depart from the proprietie of the letter : therefore in the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , they depart from the letter of the words , and consequently , they make the same figuratiue . IESVIT . But some may obiect , That as a man shewing a leather purse full of gold , may truely say , this is gold ; or a paper wrapt vp full of siluer , may say , this is siluer : so the bodie of Christ being vnder consecrated bread , wee may truely say , This is the bodie of Christ , though the substance of bread remaine . ANSWER . Many famous scholemen a . teach , that the doctrine of Consubstantiation , to wit , such a presence as maintaineth the substance of Bread and Wine to remaine together with the Bodie and Bloud of Christ , is in it selfe more probable , and were rather to be followed than the doctrine of Transubstantiation , but onely because of the contrarie definition of the Romane Church : and some of these Doctors hold , that the opinion of Transubstantiation is not verie antient b . And Card. Caietan affirmeth c , that secluding the authoritie of the Roman Church , there is nothing in the Scripture which may compell one to vnderstand the words properly . IESVIT . I answer , that when substances are apt of their nature , and ordained by vse to containe other substances , then shewing the substance that containes , we may signifie the substance contained , as in the former examples : The reason is , because their naturall aptitude to containe other things being vulgarly knowne , mans vnderstanding straight passes from the consideration of the substances containing , to thinke of the thing contained therein . But when substances are not by nature and custome ordained to containe others , we cannot by shewing them , demonstrate another , because their outward forme signifies immediately the substance contained in them . For example , one puts a peece of gold in an apple , and shewing it , cries , this is gold : in rigor of speech he sayes not true , because the sence of his word is , that the thing demonstrated immediately by the formes and accidents of that apple is gold . Yea put the case , that one should say this is gold , shewing a peece of paper vnfolded , in a manner not apt to containe any thing in it , he should not say true , though by some deuise hee had put secretly into it a peece of gold : because when the paper is shewed , displaied , and not as containing something in it , and yet is tearmed gold ; the proper sence of that speech is , that the substance immediatly contained vnder the accidents of paper is gold , although it be couered with other accidents than those that vsually accompanie the nature of gold . Wherefore the proposition of Christ , This is my Bodie , being spoken of a thing that naturally is not apt , nor by custome ordained to containe an humane bodie : it cannot be vnderstood litterally , but of the subiect immediately contained vnder , and demonstrated by the accidents and outward semblance of Bread. Now the thing that lyes hidden immediately vnder the accidents of Bread , which was once substantially Bread , cannot become substantially the bodie of Christ , except it bee substantially conuerted into his bodie , or personally assumed by the same bodie . And seeing this second manner of vnion betweene Bread and Christs Bodie , is impossible , and reiected by Protestants , as well as by Catholickes : Wee may conclude , that the mysterie of Christs reall presence cannot be beleeued in truth by them that deny Transubstantiation , specially seeing our Sauiour did not say , here is my Bodie , which speech may be verefyed by the presence of his Bodie locally within the Bread , but This is my Bodie , which imports , that not onely his Bodie is truely and substantially present , but also that it is the substance contained immediately vnder the accidents of Bread , ANSWER . First , if a substance be either by nature , humane Custome , or diuine Ordination , appointed to containe another substance , then demonstrating the externall substance which containes , we may signifie the hidden substance contained a . But according to that Tenet , which maintaineth Consubstantiation , the substance of bread is by diuine Ordination appointed to containe the substance of Christs bodie ; therefore demonstrating by words the substance of bread , one may signifie the hidden substance , which is Christs bodie . Secondly , Scotus b , Durand c , and Paludanus d affirme , that although the substance of Bread remaine , yet because the substance of Christs bodie is also present , it might truely and properly be said by our Sauiour , This is my Bodie . Now if such profound Scholemen haue weighed the Iesuits obiection , & do find the same light , the propugnors of Consubstantiation haue smal reason to regard it . Thirdly , the former obiection is nothing to vs , which maintaine a true mysticall presence e of Christ in the holy Eucharist , and refuse both Transubstantiation and Consubstantiation ; for we beleeue , and are able to demonstrate , that our Sauiours words are figuratiue in part , and yet the true Bodie and Bloud of Christ are really and verely communicated f , according to the manner formerly declared , pag. 405. IESVIT . Jf any man say that by this Argument it appeares , that the Doctrine of Transubstantiation is not expressed in Scripture , but from the words of the Jnstitution subtilly deduced , and so may perchance bee numbred inter scita Scholae , not inter dogmata Fidei : I answer , That the consequence of this Argument is not good , as is euident in the example of the Incarnation . The Doctrine that the vnion of natures in Christ is proper , not Metaphoricall , substantiall , not accidentall , personall not essentiall , is no where expressely set downe by Scripture , but by subtile deduction inferred from the mysterie which Scripture and Tradition deliuers . Notwithstanding , because these subtile deductions are proposed by the Church , as pertinent vnto the substance of the foresaid mysterie , they cannot be denied without preiudice of Faith. In this sort the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , though not in tearmes deliuered by the Scripture , but deduced by subtile and speculatiue inference , may not be denied by them that will be perfect beleeuers , because the Church hath declared the same to pertaine to the proper sence of Christ his words , and substance of the mysterie . ANSVVER . I know at whom you glance a , when you say , inter scita Scholae , but your solution , from the Doctrine of Incarnation , is not leuell to the scope : for illations are of two sorts ; some are immediate , formall , necessarie , euident , and illustrious , to wit , Christ Iesus is a true and perfect man , therefore he hath an humane will : some are obscure , contingent , remote , and sophisticall , to wit , Christ said , This is my bodie , Ergo , the consecrate host is Christs substantiall bodie by Transubstantiation . Christ said , Do this in remembrance of me , Ergo , he made his Disciples sacrificing Priests . That which is deriued from Scripture the first way , is Doctrine of Faith : that which is inferred the other way , may be loose , vncertaine , infirme , and many times ridiculous , and apparantly false . Now let me intreate you , ( vntill you prooue your deduction necessarie ) to ranke your Popish Masse and Transubstantiation among this latter kind of deriuatiue Articles . Neither can the swelling vsurpation of Romish Prelates ( which you stile the Church ) make euery subtile speculation of Schoolemen a , and nice figment of humane wisedome b , an Article of Christian Faith , any more than a bragging 〈◊〉 , can by outfacing , conuert copper into gold : for Articles of Faith come downe from heauen by the holy Ghost , and are such onely from their forme and originall causes . As for your Romane Synode of Pope Nicholas , and your Laterane , vnder Innocent the third , These were your owne Idols , the definitions that passed in them , were the breath of the Popes nostrils , and therefore why are you so fantasticall , as to enammell them , with the title and authoritie of the Catholicke Church ? And in one of these conuenticles , your Pope hath so rudely and grossely c determined the Question of Reall presence , that Romists d themselues are now ashamed , and forced to Glosses and strained Expositions , to metamorphise and new mould those vndigested crudities . IESVIT . §. 3. Transubstantiation was taught by the Fathers . IT is certaine , the Fathers acknowledge a Transmutation of bread into the Bodie of Christ , and that they meant Transubstantiation , that is , not onely a mysticall and significatiue , but also a reall and substantiall change , appeares by these fiue Circumstances of their Doctrine in this point . ANSWER . THat we may rightly vnderstand the testimonies of Fathers , alleadged in this question , wee are in the first place to examine , what transubstantiation is , according to Papalls . The Trident Councell saith a , It is a conuersion of the whole substance of Bread and Wine into the substance of Christs body and bloud , wrought by the words of consecration . First , by the whole substance , they vnderstand the whole substantiall matter and forme b . Secondly , they affirme , that the whole substance of Bread and Wine is destroyed c , or ceaseth to be . Thirdly , the substance of Christs body and bloud , are placed vnder the accidentall shapes of Bread and Wine . Fourthly , by the force of the words of consecration , the substance of Bread and Wine ceasing , the body and blood of Christ , acquire a new manner of being d , vnder the externall formes , differing from his being in heauen . Fiftly , the shapes and accidents of Bread and Wine subsist , e without any materiall subiect of inherencie , and affect the senses , and nourish f , in like manner as formerly they did . This doctrine of Popish Transubstantiation , is new , according to the iudgement of many learned Schoolemen g : and the Primitiue Fathers neuer taught the same ; for many of them maintaine expresly , That the substance of Bread and Wine remaine ; and none of them affirme , either that the substance of Christs body and bloud , are placed vnder the naked formes and shapes of Bread and Wine ; or that the Accidents haue no materiall subiect of inherencie ; or that the body and bloud of Christ acquire a new being in the Sacrament , differing from that which they had formerly vpon the crosse , or which they haue not at this present in heauen . And transmutation , and transubstantiation , are different conuersions , as appeareth by the examples of Lots wife , changed into a pillar of salt , Gen. 19. 26. and water changed into wine . Ioh. 2.9 . for in these transmutations , the common materiall substance remaining , the formes and accidents were onely changed . IESVIT . First by the expressenesse of their words : for there can be no words more significant and expressiue of a substantiall change betweene Bread and our Sauiours bodie , than those the Fathers vse . ANSWER . Expresse words if they be figuratiue , prooue not a substantiall change a : for the Fathers vse words , which according to the letter , import a substantiall change , when they treat of regeneration , and the Sacrament of Baptisme . Also treating of the holy Eucharist , they affirme , that faithfull Communicants are changed into the body and flesh of Christ b , which our Aduersaries themselues vnderstand not of a substantiall change . IESVIT . S. Nyssen , That the word made flesh , is inserted within euery faithfull man , by his flesh taking his consistence of Bread and Wine , Consecration transelementing the nature of things appearing , into the same flesh . ANSVVER . If the words of this Father be vnderstood of Transubstantiation , then the bodies of faithfull receiuers are conuerted into the substance of Christs flesh : for he saith , Whē the immortal body of Christ is within him which hath receiued it , it transmuteth him wholy into his owne nature a . Also the humane nature of Christ should be conuerted into the diuine nature b , and Christ should be commixed , and contempered with the bodies of beleeuers ; and bread should be changed into Christs bodie , as meat is into mans bodie . Also Gregorie Nyssen saith c , That Christs body is inserted into beleeuers onely . Lastly , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Transelementation d , prooueth not Transubstantiation : for in Transubstantiation , the matter is destroyed , and the quantitie and accidents remaine ; and in Transelementation , the matter remaineth , and the essentiall and accidentall formes are altered . IESVIT . S. Cyril saith ( That we might not feele horror , seeing flesh and blood on the sacred Altars ) the Sonne of God condescending to our infirmities , doth penetrate with the power of life , into the things offered ( to wit Bread and Wine ) conuerting them into the veritie of his owne flesh , that the body of life as it were a certaine seed of viuification might be found in vs. ANSVVER . This Tract of S. Cyril ( according to Vasques e the Iesuit ) is not found among his antient workes , but cyted out of him by Thomas Aquinas , and therefore the authoritie thereof , may bee suspected ; notwithstanding I answer as followeth . First , S. Cyrill , by the words , Conuerting them into the veritie of his flesh , vnderstandeth not Popish Transubst . but mysticall and Sacramentall Conuersion , to wit , conuersion of signification , vse , and operation ; for he speaketh of Bread and Wine , not according to a part of their nature , to witte , their matter and substance , but according to their whole nature , containing substance , accidents , and quantitie : now if the things offered b to God , in the holy Eucharist , are the whole creatures of Bread and Wine , and the same are conuerted into Christs flesh ; then the accidents and quantitie are conuerted into Christs body , as well as the matter and forme , which Romists deny . Secondly , from the word Conuersion , Romists cannot prooue Transubstantiation : for if the conuersion , be onely of vse , relation , and operation , as in the water of Baptisme , then it followeth not , That because S. Cyrill taught conuersion , Ergo , hee taught Transubstantiation . And if it be a substantiall conuersion , then also there cannot be Popish Transubstantiation , for in this forme and substance perish , and the accidents remaine : in the other , the common matter remaineth , and the forme and accidents perish c . In all substantiall conuersions , naturall or miraculous , there is a new thing produced , out of that which is conuerted , as appeareth in the conuersion of Water into Wine , and Lots wife into a Pillar of salt , &c. But in Popish Transubstantiation , the body of Christ is not produced anew d : for it is praeexistent , and receiueth no substantiall change , by the confession of 〈◊〉 themselues e : neither is it substantially vnited vnto the accidents of Bread and Wine , for it giueth no subsistance to them , and it sustaineth them not , but it is vnited accidentally f onely , by being made present where the substance of the Elements formerly were . Now if water should be poured vpon the ground , or otherwise consumed , and wine be brought from 〈◊〉 , as haile and snow g are , and be placed where water formerly was , here is no substantiall conuersion : so likewise when the substance of Bread and Wine cease , and Christs body and bloud are brought 〈◊〉 the place where these were , no substantiall thing is produced , but one substance succeedeth in the roome of another , by that which they stile vbiation h . It is in vaine therefore for Romists to obiect the Fathers words , speaking of conuersion of bread and wine into Christs bodie and blood , because in Popish Transubstantiation , there is not conuersion of bread into Christs bodie , but onely a locall succession of Christs bodie into the same vbitie , where the substance of bread formerly was a . Thirdly , In all substantiall conuersions , either a new thing is produced , or the old preserued . In Transubstantiation , no new thing is produced , nor any old preserued : Ergo , Transubstantiation is no conuersion . If they answere , That some new thing is produced , to wit , an vnion of Christs bodie with the Sacramentall signes b . I answere , That when a garment and a bodie are vnited , here is no substantiall conuersion , or when a Diamond and gold Ring are vnited , or when the humanitie or Deitie are vnited in the person of Christ. If they say , That the bodie of Christ 〈◊〉 is preserued , as when nourishment c is receiued into the bodie , it preserueth the same ; then I demand , Whether Christs bodie is preserued in regard of the being ? and if they affirme , then it is also produced according to the being d , because the same thing which produced the bodie of Christ , doth at this present onely preserue it , and no new thing super-added ; but it is not produced anew , Ergo , It is not preserued or continued in the being which it formerly had , by any new Action . If they answere , It is preserued according to the Sacramentall being : I reply , That this Sacramentall being , must be either the being of Christs bodie , according to matter and forme ; but then Christs bodie receiueth no such being , for it was preexistent . Or else it is the vnion and application of Christs bodie , to the Sacramentall signes ; and then I reply , That this vnion is onely accidentall a , and in regard of presentialitie and vbitie , and consequently it is no conuersion of bread into Christs bodie , but a translation and adduction of Christs bodie from heauen , vnto the place of the substance of bread : but translation and adduction of one substance , into the roome or seate of another , is not substantiall conuersion b , but alteration of place . IESVIT . Saint Chrysostome , When waxe is put into fire , nothing of the substance thereof is left , nothing remaines vnconsumed : so likewise doe thou thinke that the Mysteries are consumed by the substance of the bodie of Christ. ANSWER . This Father c saith not , That nothing of the substance of bread and wine is left , but cleane contrarie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Nothing of the substance goeth away : And the words which follow , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are falsly translated : for they are not , Is consumed by the substance , but , Is coabsumed with the substance . Also the substance of bread is not consumed by the bodie of Christ , according to the Tenet of many Schoolemen d . The substance of the externall elements , passeth into the bodie of the Receiuer , and is consumed , or vnited to the flesh of the Receiuer . The bodie and blood of Christ represented by the same , and receiued by Faith , nourish the soule to life eternall , Iohn 6. 54. And if our Aduersaries , following their owne translation , will expound Saint Chrysostome literally , then Communicants receiue Christs bodie by the hands of the Seraphim e , and not by the Priests hands . IESVIT . S. Ambrose , What arguments shall we bring to prooue , That in the Sacrament is not the thing which nature hath framed , but that thing which benediction hath consecrated ; and that greater is the force of benediction , than of nature , seeing by the benediction euen nature is changed . ANSVVER . The quantitie and accidents of the outward signes , are framed by nature , as well as the substance ; and the force of consecration , and benediction passeth vpon the one , as well as vpon the other : and therefore the change of nature , which Saint Ambrose intendeth , is not the destruction of the elements a , and the conuersion thereof into another substance , but the eleuating of these earthly creatures , to be mysteries of grace , and holy instruments , to apply and communicate that which is represented by them . It is inconsequent to argue , They are changed in their nature , Ergo , Their naturall substance is destroyed : for nature implieth qualities b and properties , as well as substance , and it is taken Theologicè , as well as Physicè ; for S. Peter speaking of regenerate persons , 2. Pet. 1. v. 4. saith , They are made partakers of the Diuine nature , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and yet his meaning is not , that their former substance is abolished . The nature of glorified bodies is changed , and they are made spirituall , 1. Cor. 15. 44. and yet they retaine the same substance . Mans nature was changed after his fall , Ephes. 2. 3. yet the substance of his nature remained . Saint Ambrose himselfe saith , That in Baptisme man is changed , and made a new creature ; and treating farther of the Sacrament of Baptisme , he saith , Learne how the word of Christ is accustomed to change euery creature , and when he will he altereth the course of nature . IESVIT . Secondly , They require , that the Authour that changeth bread into Christ his Bodie , be omnipotent ; and consequently , the change not meerely significatiue , but substantiall . S. Cyprian , This Bread changed not in shape but in nature , by the omnipotencie of the word is made flesh . S. Cyrill , Hee that in the marriage of Cana changed Water into Wine , by his onely will , is not hee worthie that we beleeue him that he hath changed Wine into his Bloud ? S. Gaudentius , The Lord and Creator of Natures , that of Earth made Bread , againe ( because he can doe it , and hath promised to doe it ) makes of Bread his owne Bodie ; and he that of Water made Wine , now of Wine hath made his Bloud . ANSWER . S. Cyprian was not the author of the Booke de Coena Domini , so Bellarmine a confesseth , and before him Iohannes Hessels b , but in some copies it passeth vnder the name of Arnoldus , who liued manie ages after Cyprian . And yet in one part of that worke , d. vnctione Chrysmatis c , there is a manifest place against Transubstantiation : Our Lord ( saith he ) in the table wherein he banqueted with his Disciples , with his owne hands deliuered Bread and Wine , &c. declaring also how the thing signifying , and the thing signified are called by the same name . Secondly , to a mysticall change , the omnipotent power of God is necessarie , as appeareth in the water of Baptisme d , and earthly creatures cannot be instruments of grace , or meanes to communicate spirituall or miraculous benefits without the same , as appeareth in the waters of Iordan , 2. Reg. 5. and in the poole of Bethesda , Ioh. 5. Therefore although some do require an omnipotent power to eleuate and change the creatures of Bread and Wine , yet it followeth not that they maintained Transubstantiation . Thirdly , the author e by the words , Natura mutatus , changed in nature , vnderstood not a corporall change , for in the same sentence he declareth himselfe , by the example of Christs humanitie , which being personally vnited to the deitie , is changed , but not so as that it looseth his naturall forme and substance . And in the same Booke this Father faith a , That although the immortall food ( deliuered in the Eucharist ) differ from common meat , yet it retaineth in the kind of corporal substance . He saith not , Species in the plurall number , meaning according to the new Popish sence , the externall shapes and accidents , ( for let the Aduersarie prooue out of antiquitie , that S. Cyprian , or the Primatiue Church maintained the late Romish Doctrine concerning shapes of Bread and Wine , without the materiall substance , and we will freely grant that the Doctrine of Transubstantiation is antient ) but he saith , Speciem , the kind , in the singular number , that is , the corporall substance and forme , in the same sence in which S. Ambrose b vseth the word , saying , Ante benedictionem verborum Coelestium alia species nominatur , Before the benediction of wordes ( applied ) it is called another kind of thing . S. Cyrills place maintaineth not Popish Transubstantiation , for in this , the shapes and accidents remaine , and the materiall substance is corrupted : but in our Sauiours miracle , Ioh. 2. the shapes , accidents , and forme were changed , and the materiall substance remained . Gaudentius saith c Satis declarat Sanguinem suum esse omne Vinum quod in figura passionis sua offertur . Bonauent . d. 11. q. 6. in 4. sent . Omnia verba significantia innouationē circà corp ' Christi sunt falsè dicta . Haec est simplicitèr impropria Corpus Christi fit . Ne 〈◊〉 putes quod Coeleste effectum est per eū qui transit in 〈◊〉 . Nam cum panem consecratum , & vinum Discipulis suis porrigerat , &c. , The Lord makes Bread of his owne Bodie , and he makes Wine of his Bloud : and then he saith further , of Bread he makes his owne Bodie , and of Wine his owne Bloud ; but he saith not that this is done by Transubstantiation ( for Christs Bodie and Bloud are not transubstantiate ) but calling the same coelestiall food , he declareth his meaning to be , that the change is spirituall and mysticall . And speaking of the elements of Bread and Wine , he affirmeth expresly , that our Sauiour deliuered consecrated Bread and Wine to his Disciples . If then , according to Gaudentius , the consecrated signes which Christ deliuered his Disciples , were Bread and Wine , they were not abstracted shapes and figures of Bread and Wine : for where the matter and essence is abolished , and the accidents onely remaine , there is not the verie thing , but a shadow and image d thereof onely . IESVIT . Thirdly , the Instrument by which God workes this Transubstantiation , is by them acknowledged the most efficacious that may be , to wit , the word not of man but of God. S. Ambrose : Moses his word changed the water of Egypt into blood , and againe turned them from bloud into water . If so great was the benediction of man , what may we thinke of diuine Consecration , where the verie words of our Sauiour worke ? The words of Elias had power to bring downe fire from Heauen , and shall not the words of Christ haue force to change the kinds of the Elements ? Againe , thou seest how working and efficatious is the word of Christ. If therefore such vertue is in his Word , that thereby things that are not , receiue being , how much more hath it power that the things that are still , remaine ( in the geneall latitude of being , and according to the sensible accidents ) and be conuerted into another substance . ANSWER . Among the six or seuen examples brought by S. Ambrose , of changes , only two are substantiall , and the rest accidentall : and the elements are changed , when of common and naturall creatures , they are made sacred , and become chanels and instruments of sauing grace . So the Fathers affirme , That the word of Christ in Baptisme is most efficacious , to alter the property of naturall water , and to giue regeneratiue force and vertue to it a . Also the holie Scripture affirmeth concerning Euangelicall Doctrine , That it is the immortall Seed of God , the Word of eternall life , the Power of God to saluation , &c. 1. Pet. 1.29 . Act. 5.20 . & 14.3 . Rom. 1.16 . & the same conuerteth people to God , Act , 2.37 . and maketh them new creatures b , 2. Cor. 5.17 . & 1. Cor. 4.15 . But yet from hence we cannot inferre , that either the water of Baptisme , or regenerate persons are changed by Transubstantiation . IESVIT . Fourthly , The effect of this Transmutation taught by the Fathers , is the presence of the substance of Christs bodie , and the absence of the substance of Bread , binding vs to abnegate our senses , and not to beleeue what we seeme to see with our eyes . Theophylact , Bread is transelemented or transformed by an ineffable creation , although to vs it seeme Bread , because we are weake , and haue horror to eate raw flesh , specially the flesh of man : for this reason Bread appeareth , but in essence and substance it is not Bread. S. Cyril , Come not therefore as vnto simple Bread and Wine , for it is the Bodie and Bloud of Christ , according to the affirmation of our Lord : for although sense suggest the contrarie , yet let Faith confirme thee , iudging not of the thing by tast , but indubitably , and with full Faith beleeue that thou art made partaker of the Bodie and Bloud of Christ. And againe know this , and with full certitude beleeue , That the Bread seene is not Bread , though it so seeme to the tast , but the Bodie of Christ ; and that Wine seene is not Wine , though tast iudge it to be so , but the Bloud of Christ. ANSWER . First , the Fathers teach , and we with them acknowledge , that Christs bodie is mystically present to faithfull communicants , 1. Cor. 10.16 . But corporall presence ( by indistance of place , and absence of the materiall substance of the elements ) was not taught by the antiēt Church ; for they teach , That the creatures a of Bread and Wine are present in the Eucharist , and that after they be changed b , they nourish the bodie : but the abstracted shapes of Bread and Wine are not Gods creatures , but Popish fancies . Againe , they teach , that such signes and elements are present , as haue power to feed and nourish the bodie c , and to resemble the mysticall vnion betweene Christ and Christian people , to wit , Bread confected of many cornes of graine , Wine of many grapes d : but mathematicall Bread and wine , haue neither power to nourish , neither doe they resemble the mysticall Vnion aforesaid ; for there is in them , onely the shadow of graine and Grapes , but no substance ; and Papists may as well say , That painted bread and wine , haue power of feeding , and mysticall representation , as these fictions and Mathematicall shadowes . Secondly , Cyrill sheweth in other passages of that worke , what hee intendeth and meaneth , namely , That the consecrate bread , is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , common , prophane , and meere naturall bread , which the sight and taste iudge so to be ; but sanctified , eleuated , and changed to supernaturall vse and operation . Thirdly , If Theophylact , a late Writer a , and some one or two besides , speake obscurely , and improperly b in this Argument , what is this to the grounding and raysing of an Article of Faith , or to the proouing a matter in question , by a common and euident consent of Fathers ? Fourthly , The Fathers exhort people to abnegate their sences in Baptisme , wherein they maintaine no Transubstantiation : and there is good reason why wee should doe this in the holy Eucharist , because wee therein eate the flesh , and drinke the blood of the Sonne of man , Credendo c , by beleeuing , Iohn 6. 35. and not by sensible or corporall eating . IESVIT . Finally , That the Fathers held Transubstantiation , is prooued by the continuancie which they taught of Christs bodie in the Sacrament , so long as the accidents of bread last , as appeareth by their reseruing of the same . For Reseruation to haue beene the custome of the Primatiue Church , Protestants grant . That the Sacrament was of some reserued in the elder dayes of the Church , is not ( saith Master d Fulke ) so great a question , as whether it ought to be reserued . And Chemnicius granteth , that in this point on our side stands , 〈◊〉 consuetudinis late patentis & diu propagatae . And whereas 〈◊〉 addeth , Haec tamen veritati praescribere non debet , hee accuseth the Primitiue Church , and opposeth no lesse against them than vs ; and I am sure your Maiestie knowes , that the Primitiue Fathers did vse to send the Sacrament vnto them that were lawfully absent from Church , as doth witnes S. Iustin ; and vnto the sicke , as Dyonisius Alex. writes of Serapion , That Christians carryed the same to their priuate houses to take in the morning before other meate , as testifieth Tertullian , That many times they did weare the same about them for protection , as Satyrus brother to S. Ambr. going to sea , carryed it in a stole , by vertue whereof he was saued in shipwracke : That Martyrs had the same frequently with them , to receiue it for their Viaticum , as Tharsilius a most glorious Martyr , who being taken with the Sacrament about him , permitted himselfe rather to bee bruised with stones to death , than disclose it to the Persecutors ; who when they had crowned the Martyr , searching seriously for the Sacrament in his cloathes and about his dead body , found nothing , God by miracle keeping the same out of their impious hands . S. Cyprian records diuers miracles done in confirmation of this our Sauiours permanent presence in the Sacrament , namely of a woman vnworthily approaching to the Chest where the same was kept , that was frighted backe with fire that thence flashed out , Tanta est Domini potentia , saith S. Cyprian , Tanta Maiestas . And so fully were they persuaded in this opinion , That Christs body is permanently in the Sacrament , that Cyril dareth say , Insaniant qui dicunt benedictionem a Sanctificatione cessare , Si quae reliquiae remanserunt eius in sequentem diem , non enim mutabitur sacrosanctum corpus Christi , sed virtus benedictionis & viuificatiua gratia iugis in eo est Now what reason could the Fathers haue , thus constantly to defend this continuancy of our Sauiour in the Sacrament , but that they beleeued Bread to be changed into his body , remaining demonstrable , by the formes and accidences thereof , so long as they remained entire , and were not changed into the accidences of some other substance ? ANSWER . Your obiection reduced to forme of argument is : All they which vsed reseruation of the Sacrament , and maintained continuancie of Christs body therein , beleeued Transubstantiation . The antient Fathers vsed reseruation of the Sacrament , and maintained continuancie of Christs body therein , Ergo The ancient Fathers beleeued Transubstantiation . If the argument be thus formed , First , the Maior Proposition is denyed : for the Fathers might vse reseruation of the Sacrament , and beleeue the permanencie of Christs body therein , vpon the Tenet of reall Presence by Consubstantiation , and not vpon beleefe of Transubstantiation . Secondly , the Primitiue Church , and antient Fathers , generally or vniuersally , vsed not reseruation of the Sacramentall signes b ; and Iustin Martyr c , and Ireneus d , speake onely of the sending of the Sacrament from the Church , where it was administred to sick persons and strangers . Some examples of reseruation proceeded vpon the ignorance , and superstition of priuate persons e , in which case although some Fathers vsed conniuence , yet these abuses were afterwards reformed f . The Minor therefore if it be generall , is denyed : and if it be particular , then the Maior and Minor inferre not the conclusion ; because that which was done by some , vpon priuate opinion , and in another kind or manner than Romists doe at this day , and was also opposed and corrected by others , cannot be a matter of Catholike doctrine , or practise . But this question of Reseruation hath beene largely handled by many of our part , and whatsoeuer Romists haue obiected concerning the same , is fully answered a : and therefore , because this Iesuit produceth no new matter , but onely repeateth what wee haue formerly confuted , and especially because Reseruation concludeth not Transubstantiation , which is the matter now in question , I forbeare further examination of the particular Testimonies produced by him . IESVIT . Against this consent of Fathers , Protestants obiect the Testimonie of Theodoret and Gelasius , who in plaine tearmes affirme , That the substance of Bread and Wine remaines in this holy Eucharist , bringing this as an example of the Incarnation , where the Natures of God and man remaine in Christ : Signa mystica ( saith Theodoret ) post sanctificationem non recedunt à sua natura . And Gelasius , Non esse desinit substantia vel natura Panis & Vini : I answer , That these Fathers , by the substance of Bread and Wine , vnderstand the naturall qualities that flow from the nature and essence of Bread and Wine ; for ordinarily , and in common speech , the naturall accidents and proprieties of a thing are tearmed the nature of the thing . Thus wee say , That to be heauie , and to fall downeward , is the nature of the Stone ; to be hot , and to burne , is the nature of the Fire , which yet are but naturall qualities and properties of Stone and Fire . By this , or rather by a more strange manner of speech , S. Theodote , Bishop of Ancyra , to explicate against Nestorius and Eutyches the coniunction of two Natures in one Person , by the example of the Water that Moses conuerted into Bloud , saith , That the Water was not changed in nature , nor did cease to be Water ; which in rigor of speech , taking the nature of Water for the substance thereof , as condistinct from the naturall qualities , is not true . But because Water changed into Bloud , remaines , according to some naturall qualities and properties which it hath common with Bloud , as Moisture , Liquidnesse , and the like ; he the better to sit and accommodate the similitude , saith , The Water remained according to the nature , that is , according to some naturall qualities thereof . For these Fathers bring those similitudes , to declare the Mysterie of the Incarnation against the Heresie of Eutyches , who denied the naturall qualities and properties of the two Natures of God and man to remaine distinct in the Person of Christ : which Error they reiected , by the example of the Eucharist , where the naturall qualities of Bread remaine together with the Bodie of Christ in the same Sacrament . Which naturall qualities of Bread , they tearme the nature of Bread ( as in some sense they may be tearmed ) to the end , that the phrase of two distinct Natures remaining , might seem common to the Mysteries of both the Incarnation and Eucharist , and so the similitude seeme more fit and proper ; though the Fathers knew well , that the phrase did not agree to both Mysteries equally in the same sense . Which obscure vttering his mind , is the lesse to be wondered at in Theodoret , because he doth professe in that place , not to speake plainely , as fearing that some Infidels or Catechumes were present , to whom the Mysterie of Transubstantiation was not to be reuealed Non oportet ( saith hee ) aperte dicere est , enim veresimile adesse aliquos non initiatos . Much lesse cause haue they to stand vpon the words of S. Augustine , Quod videtur in Altari panis est , quod etiam occuli renunciant . Quod autem fides postulat panis est corpus Christi : For the sense is , That consecrated Bread is Bread in outward apparance , and the naturall Accidences of Bread truly remaine , as the eye doth witnesse ; but inwardly , and according to the substance , it is not Bread , but the Bodie of Christ , as Faith requireth we beleeue . And it is to be noted , that these words are not extant in the workes of S. Augustine , but alledged by venerable Bede , a follower of S. Augustines Doctrine ; and so it is not likely they are to be vnderstood , but as Bede vnderstood them , who sets downe his mind in these words : The forme of Bread is seene , but the substance of Bread is not there , nor any other Bread , but onely that Bread which came downe from Heauen . ANSVVER . Demonstration hath largely beene made by our part , that none of the antient Fathers maintained Romish Transubstantiation : and I haue not obserued one expresse Testimonie , produced by Romists , wherein the Primatiue Fathers , nay , where Damascene a or Theophilact affirme , That the whole materiall substance , and forme essentiall of bread and wine being destroyed , the bare accidents and quantitie of bread and wine remaine ; or that the abstracted figures and qualities of those creatures , are receiued into the mouth and stomacke , and are tasted , felt , and conferre nourishment , without any earthly matter conioyned to them . But on the contrarie , many Fathers affirme , That after consecration , bread and wine remaine . Theoderet b saith , That they lose not their proper nature , but remaine after they are sanctified , in their former essence , figure , and kinde . Gelasius c saith , Esse non desinit substantia , vel natura panis & vini , The substance or nature of bread and wine ceaseth not to bee . Bertram d saith , Secundam creaturarum substantiam , quod fuerunt ante consecrationem hoc & postea consistunt ? According to the substance of creatures , they persist the same before and after consecration . Ireneus e teacheth , That bread which is from the earth , receiuing diuine calling or sanctification , is not common bread , but the Eucharist , consisting of two seuerall things , or matters , one earthly , and the other coelestiall . Saint Chrysostome f , Before Sanctification wee call it bread onely , but when diuine Grace hath sanctified it , it is deliuered from the name of bread , and is counted worthie of the Appellation of the Lords bodie , although the nature of bread remaine in it still . Damascene g saith , As a fierie coale , is wood and fire , so the bread of the holy Communion , is not onely bread , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but bread vnited to the Diuinitie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But it is apparent , that when fire is vnited to a coale , that the materiall substance of wood remaineth , at least in part . The Aduersarie , in answere to Theoderit and Gelasius , pretendeth that these Fathers , by the words , Substance , Nature , and Kind , vnderstand onely the naturall qualities and accidents which flow from the Nature and Essence of Bread and Wine , and he yeeldeth a reason , saying , That in ordinarie speech , the naturall properties and qualities of things , are tearmed , the nature of the thing , &c. But this Answere is insufficient , because it might perhaps salue the Obiection grounded vpon the word Nature ; but the Fathers affirme also , that the Sacramentall signes remaine in their essence , substance , and kinde ; and they adde farther , that they may bee sensibly tasted and felt a , and haue force of nourishing the bodie , and that they are compounded of many cornes , and of many grapes b , which make one substantiall bodie of bread and wine . Now these things cannot truely bee said of the naked shapes and accidents of bread and wine , suspended and diuided from their materiall substance . Besides , the Fathers c deliuer the foresaid Doctrine , to prooue the veritie and distinction of the two substantiall natures in Christ , by making a comparison betweene the holy Eucharist , and the two natures in Christs Person ; but if the substance of bread and wine cease , and are changed into the very bodie and blood of Christ , then the former comparison would rather confirme the false beleefe of the Hereticke , than maintaine the Orthodoxall Faith of Christs humanitie , remaining euen after his Ascension : for the Hereticke might inferre vpon the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , two errours about the humane nature of Christ. First , That as in the Eucharist there is onely the outward shape and forme of bread , and not the reall substance : euen so in Christ , there was the shape and forme of flesh , but not the verie nature . Secondly , Euen as in the Eucharist , the essentiall forme and materiall substance of bread and wine are swallowed vp and conuerted into the bodie and blood of Christ ; so likewise after Christs Ascension , the humane nature is absorpt , and conuerted into the Deitie . IESVIT . § 4. The seeming repugnancies this Mysterie hath with sence , should incline Christians the sooner to beleeue it . THe former proofe of Transubstantiation might satisfie , were this Mysterie easie , and not accompanied with many seeming absurdities and repugnances against sense , 〈◊〉 these foure . First , That a bodie as big as our Sauiours , remayning still truely corpulent in it selfe , should be contained within the compasse of a round Hoast , scarce an inch long and broad . Secondly , That a bodie so glorious should be combined vnto corruptible elements , and so made subiect vnto the indignities and obscenities that may befall vnto them . Thirdly , That the same bodie may be in heauen , and on earth in innumerable places at once . Fourthly , That the substance of bread being conuerted into Christs bodie , the sole accidents remaine by themselues , performing the whole office of substance , no lesse than if it were present , euen to the nutrition of mans bodie . These difficulties so scandalize Protestants , that some condemne Transubstantiation , as impossible : yea , as absurd , ridiculous , barbarous ; others professe they cannot subdue their vnderstandings to beleeue it as a 〈◊〉 of Faith. To giue full satisfaction in this point , I set downe this Proposition ; That these seeming absurdities should not auert , but rather incline a true Christian minde to beleeue this Mysterie . In proofe whereof , I present vnto your Maiestie these three Considerations . ANSVVER . WEe measure not supernaturall Doctrine , by humane sence or reason ; neither can any seeming repugnances of reputed Philosophie , to Diuine Reuelation hinder our Faith , where the holy Ghost commaunds vs to beleeue a , as appeareth in the articles of the sacred Trinitie , Incarnation , Resurrection , &c. Est quidem de communibus sensibus sapere in Dei rebus , sed in testimonium veri , non in adiutorium falsi , quod sit secundum diuinam , non contrà diuinam dispositionem , saith Tertullian b , We must haue vnderstanding in the things of God out of common sence , but this must serue to testifie truth , and not to patronise errour , according to diuine disposition ( Reuelation ) not against it . So farre as sence and reason are not repugnant to diuine veritie , but subseruient , we may giue credit to them , and euerie good Christian ( saith S. Augustine ) Vbicunque inuenerit veritatem , Domini sui intelligat esse , Wheresoeuer he findeth veritie ( taught either by nature or grace ) must vnderstand , that it is his masters . The question betweene the Romists and vs is not , Whether if Transubstantiatiō be reuealed by God , we may notwithstanding therefore refuse to beleeue it , because the matter is difficill to be conceiued , or because it hath manie seeming repugnances to sence ; for if they be able to demonstrate the first , we must renounce the latter : But the question is , Whether Transubstantiation , hauing no certaine and manifest ground in diuine Reuelation , and many repugnances to common sence and reason ; and besides , being expressely repugnant to the letter of the Scripture , we are to beleeue the same ? First , the holy Scripture calleth consecrated Wine , the fruit of the Vine ; and consecrated Bread , by the name of verie Bread , Luc. 22.18.1 . Cor. 10.16 . & 11.26.27.28 . Secondly , the same affirmeth not that the substance of Bread and Wine is abolished . Thirdly , naturall reason sheweth , that accidents must haue a subiect of inhaerencie , and that bare formes and shadowes of things cannot nourish without corporall substance . Fourthly , the sences of Tast and Feeling discerne apparantly a corporietie in the elements receiued . In this case there is no reason to imagine that our sences are deluded , or that God almightie by miracle worketh in a contrarie manner , to the course of nature , and to that which he hath otherwise reuealed in his word . It is not sufficient for Romists to affirme , That God vseth a miraculous course in these things ; and to palliate absurdities , repugnant to sence , reason , and scripture , vnder pretext of Gods omnipotencie : but they must prooue by diuine Reuelation , that he will doe this , for God effecteth not all things by his omnipotencie , which men may imagine to be possible . In the wordes of our Sauiour , This is my Bodie , This cuppe is the new Testament in my Bloud , &c. there is not a sillable concerning accidents without a subiect , or concerning any miracle wrought in the Sacrament by omnipotencie , neither is there any such doctrine elsewhere reuealed . And if Christs words be expounded figuratiuely according to S. Augustine a , Tertullian b , Theoderit c , Origen d , Bertram e , &c. they make nothing for corporall presence by indistance of place : and if they be vnderstood literally , they prooue not Transubstantiation ; for Bread may be called the bodie of Christ by an inusitate forme of speaking f , which according to the Tenet of some learned Diuines g is no trope or figure . And if neither of these expositions content our Aduersaries , they might haue beleeued the words of the holy Text as they sound literally , and a reall presence of Christs Bodie and Bloud wrought by the power of the holy Ghost , without defining and determining the expresse manner how . For if they beleeue that accidents subsist without a substance , and nourish , and are tasted , and felt , and passe into the stomach h , and yet are not able to expresse the distinct manner how : and if they beleeue a substantiall presence of Christs indiuiduall humane bodie in many hosts , and yet are vnable to declare the maner how i ; Why might they not haue suspended other questions concerning the distinct manner of presence , and maintained onely a true and mysticall presence , the distinct manner whereof is incomprehensible in this life , and not haue disturbed the peace of the Church by defining as an article of Faith , such a doctrine as hath no foundation in diuine Reuelation , to make it appeare certaine and infallible ? IESVITS 1. Consideration . The first is grounded vpon the supposall of two things most certaine . First , that the Primitiue Church preaching vnto Pagans , Iewes , and other Infidels , the rest of Christian mysteries , as the Trinitie , the Incarnation , the Resurrection of the bodie , did most carefully keepe as much as might be from their knowledge , the mysteries of the Eucharist ; yea Catechumens and Nouices were not , before Baptisme , fully taught or instructed therein . Secondly , the reason moouing the Primitiue Church to be carefull in this point , was , least Catechumens and Infidels being fully acquainted with the whole mysterie , the one should be scandalized , and the other mocke thereat . Hence it was accounted such a haynous offence , that Christians should discouer this secret vnto Infidels , or dispute about the difficulties thereof , in their presence . The Councell of Alexandria , relating the crimes of Arians , number this as one of the greatest , They were not ashamed in publique , and as it were vpon a scaffold , to treat of the mysteries before Catechumens , and which is worse , before Pagans . And a little after , Jt is not lawfull to publish the Mysteries before them that are not initiated , for feare least Pagans out of ignorance mocke , and Catechumens entring into curiosities , be scandalized . And againe , Before Catechumens , and which is more , before Iewes and Pagans , blaspheming Christianitie , they handled a question about the Bodie and Bloud of our Sauiour . S. Ambrose saith , To declare the mysteries vnto them that be Catechumens , is not Tradition but Prodition : seeing by such declarations danger is incurred , least they be diuulged vnto Jnfidels that will scoffe at them . This supposed , I infer that the seeming absur dities of the Catholique reall presence should incourage a true Christian mind to beleeue it : for a true Christian desires to beleeue , and firmely cleaue vnto the reall presence that was beleeued by the Primitiue Church . But this was a reall presence , accompanied with many ( so seemingly grosse ) absurdities , that the Church had no hope to satisfie Infidels therein , or to keepe them from blaspheming , but by concealing the mysterie from them ; and consequently they held the Catholique not the Protestant Doctrine in this point . The Protestant Doctrine that makes Christs bodie present spiritually by Faith vnto the deuout Receiuer , that communicating , thinks sweetly of Christs passion and death , containes no mysterie to be concealed , in respect of the seeming absurdities . ANSWER . In the daies of the Fathers , Heathens , Iewes , and Heretickes might enter into the Church , and heare the publicke Sermons , and preaching , as appeareth by the fourth councell of Carthage a , and Infidels might read the bookes and tractates of the Fathers : But the Fathers in their sermons to the people , and also in their written bookes , deliuered the Doctrine of the holy mysteries , as appeareth by Ireneus , Iustin Martyr , S. Cyprian , Gregorie Nissen , Cyrill of Hierusalem , S. Chrysostome , S. Augustine , S. Ambrose , &c. Neither is it apparant that the said Fathers taught any other secret Doctrine , touching the holy mysteries , than such as they preached in their Homilies , and penned in their Bookes : and therefore these Homilies and Bookes being publique , it appeareth not , that the Primitiue Church was more carefull to conceale the Doctrine of the Eucharist than of Baptisme , or of the Trinitie . The Obiections out of Athanasius and S. Ambrose , shew that it was held vnlawfull in those ages to treat or dispute of the holy Eucharist intempestiuè , that is , before Heathens which were not at all instructed in the first Principles of Religion ; or to treat of this Doctrine in prophane places or auditories . But what is this to Transubstantiation ? For it was held vnlawfull in the Primitiue Church , in maner aforesaid , that is , in an vndue time , order , & place , to treat or dispute of the mysteries of Baptisme , or of other profound mysteries belonging to Christian faith b . Also if it were granted that some antient Fathers beleeuing a reall Presence , did therefore conceale the doctrine of the holy Eucharist , Ratione scandali , because of offence of Infidels , arising vpon many difficulties and seeming contradictions to sence and common reason , it followeth not from hence , that those Fathers beleeued Popish Transubstantiation , for many difficulties and repugnances to sence and common reason , are found in Consubstantiation , as well as in Transubstantiation , and sundrie places of the Fathers , may with more probabilitie be alleadged in fauour of reall Presence by Consubstantiation , than for Transubstantiation . Lastly , The mysticall vnion betweene Christ and his members , is ineffable , and the manner incomprehensible : and the Protestant Doctrine teaching a reall donation of the bodie and blood of Christ , and a mysticall coniunction by the operation of the holy Ghost , with the soules of faithfull Receiuers ; and that dead and corruptible creatures , can be a meanes and instrument heereof , is a great mysterie of godlinesse , incredible to prophane persons : and therefore the Primitiue Church , which beleeued this Doctrine , might iustly require , that this Mysterie should not be manifested before Infidels and other infirme Christians , vntill they were first instructed in the rudiments of Christianitie . IESVIT . Yea , the Fathers did not feare to declare vnto Catechumens this Sacrament , so farre as it was commemoratiue of Christ and his Passion , as appeareth by the Treatises of Saint Augustine vpon Saint Iohn , made before Catechumens ; out of which Treatises , Protestants , for their meere commemoratiue presence , alleadge many Sentences to little purpose . For he there explicates spirituall manducation by Faith , and he excludes the grosse imagination of eating Christs bodie in his proper shape , tearing it in pieces with the tooth ; but denies not , yea rather insinuates another kind of spirituall manducation , not onely by Faith , but by reall sumption , though to conceale the Mysterie from Catechumens , he speakes not so clearely thereof . Wherefore as the Palme tree , the heauier the waight is that is laid vpon it , the more it riseth vpwards , as it were ioying in difficulties : so a true Catholicke Christian , feeling in the doctrine of Transubstantiation , many seeming absurdities , that presse carnall imagination to the ground , groweth thereby more strong to beleeue it , imbracing these difficulties as manifest signes that this doctrine was beleeued by the Primitiue Apostolicall Church . On the other side , Protestants finding the Presence of Christs body by Faith to be deuoyd of such difficulties , may by the very lightnesse thereof suspect it is not the doctrine which the Fathers concealed from Jnfidells , as more absurd to humane Imagination than any other mystery of Christian Religion . ANSWER . You obiect , that the Fathers declared to Catechumens , that is , to Nouices in Christianitie , a commemoratiue presence in the holy Eucharist , but not a corporall presence by Transubstantiation : and from hence you would inferre , that the Fathers held two kinds of Presences of Christs body and bloud in the Eucharist , the one soly spirituall , by intellectuall apprehension , the other corporall , by reall sumption of Christs body into the mouth and stomacke of the receiuer , and you pretend ; that S. Augustine was of this iudgement . But you must remember , that you are not now to deale with Aduersaries which will credite your bare words , and proofes you haue none . Therefore I answer , First , that the Fathers taught no other kind of Presence , to them which were baptised , and receiued the holy Eucharist , than to Catechumens or vnbaptised Christians , although they instructed the one sort more fully than the other . Secondly , S. Augustine teacheth not , that Christs body is receiued inuisibly , insensibly , and according to the nature of a spirit , by the mouth and stomacke of each Communicant : but he teacheth onely two kinds of manducation in the Sacrament ; one , both corporall and spirituall , wherein the body of man receiueth the externall elements of Bread and Wine , and the soule receiueth the true body and bloud of Christ by faith a ; the other corporeall onely , wherein the receiuer partaketh the outward signe , and not the thing signified , Panem Domini , non panem Dominum b , the visible Sacrament of Christs body c , but not his very body : and he affirmeth not vpon the sixt chapter of S. Iohn , That a malicious sinner , continuing such , receiueth the very body and blood of Christ. Thirdly , Protestants beleeue not onely a commemoratiue , but also an exhibitiue presence of the thing signified , together with the outward signe , according to the manner formerly declared , pag. 405. and this Presence is mysticall , and such as may seeme incredible to vnbelceuers , because of sundry difficulties , repugnant to common sence , to wit , That Christs flesh , by the vnspeakeable power of the holy Ghost , should be after a sort incorporated into the soule , and that corruptible and dead creatures should be eleuated , and made effectuall instruments to apply and communicate Iesus Christ , and the vertue of his death to faithfull Communicants . IESVITS 2. Consideration . This consideration is drawne from the qualitie of the difficulties obiected against this Mysterie , which be such , as a Christian in honour should neglect them . For if it be the part of a prudent and intelligent man , not to permit Imagination to preuaile against his Reason ; What a disgrace is it for a Christian , that his faith should be conquered by these kind of difficulties ? For , that the seeming absurdities of this misterie be not in respect of naturall Reason , but meerely of Jmagination , may hence appeare , that some naturall truths be in a manner as difficile and incredible , which will be seene if we compare the foure aboue mentioned difficulties , with the difficulties some truths ( euident in nature ) haue . ANSWER . When difficulties obiected arise from experience of sence , and principles of nature , and there is no expresse or manifest word of God sufficient to mooue vs to beleeue the contrarie , it is the part of each intelligent and prudent man , rather to credite that which is apparent to sence , and common reason a , than to beleeue Paradoxes vpon no true ground and reason . IESVIT . First , we cannot imagine , that the whole body of Christ can be contained in the compasse of a small Hoast . But it is not more incredible , that in a thing of small quantititie , for example the wing of a Flye , there should be so many parts , as vnfolded and laid together would couer the whole face of the world , both of heauen and earth . And yet it is demonstrable in Philosophy , That euen in the wing of a Flye there are so many parts , as broad and long as the wing , though still thinner and thinner , that Almightie God separating and vnfolding them , may therewith couer the whole world . For certaine it is , that some finite number of such parts , so separated each of them as long and as broad as a Flyes wing , would couer the face of the whole world : certaine also it is , That the wing of the Flye , is still diuisible into more and more such parts , so that no finite number is assignable , but God may still separate from that wing a greater number , without any end : therefore it is certaine , that in the wing of a Flye , there is so much quantity as is sufficient to couer the face of the whole world , both of heauen and earth , if God would but separate and vnfold the same . Is not this Secret of Philosophy as incredible to carnall Imagination , as the being of Christs body , within a small Hoast ? Wee that cannot comprehend things we see with eyes , and feele with hands , certainely we shall haue much adoe at the day of Judgement , to iustifie our not beleeuing any part of Gods word , by reason of the seeming absurditie thereof . ANSWER . You are not able to demonstrate , that God will haue vs beleeue that the whole Organicall body of Christ , hauing the stature , quantitie , and magnitude of a perfect mans body , is contayned in the compasse of a small Hoast , or in a crum of Bread : for that Christ Iesus hath a true and perfect body , differing in kind from a Spirit , from an Angell , and from an immateriall substance , diuine reuelation teacheth : but that the same indiuiduall and corporeall substance , partaketh the spirituall manner of Angelicall existence , and the diuine immensitie , simplicitie , and omnipresence , as Bellarmine a affirmeth , is not reueiled vnto vs by the holy Ghost , neither can the same be inferred ex Reuelatis , from any plaine and euident truth which God hath reuealed b . Neither is it reuealed that the Abstracted formes , and accidents of Bread and Wine subsist , or are tasted , and felt , or nourish the body , and are afterwards corrupted , according to the manner of corporeall food , hauing no substantiall , or materiall nature in them . Therefore this large tract , wherein the Obiectour laboureth to prooue a possibilitie of the former , by diuine miracle and omnipotencie , is vnworthy our examination : for we make no question of Gods omnipotent power , in effecting whatsoeuer himselfe pleaseth ( as hath beene formerly answered , Pag. 181. ) Yet the Fathers c and Schoolemen very well d teach vs , That such things as implie a contradiction , and falsitie , are not the obiect of diuine power ; and they teach vs further , that there is a twofold power in God , Ordinata , & Absoluta e , one according to the order which himselfe hath fixed by his word and will , the other , according to the infinitenesse of his essence , and which exceedeth his will. Now according to the power of God , measured and regulate by his word and will , all things are impossible , which God will not haue to be . And thus we say , that it is impossible that the whole body of Christ can be in one crumme of Bread , or substantially present in many places at one instant : and accidents cannot subsist , or be tasted , felt , and nourish , and be conuerted into the substance of mans body , without a materiall subiect of inherencie , to sustaine and giue force vnto them . But on the contrarie , we dispute not , what God is able to effect by his absolute power , neither is this question of any vse in the matter now in hand ; for the naturall kind of the things themselues , created by God and the Doctrine of holy Scriprure , teach vs what is the reuealed will of God : but that hee changeth this Ordinance which himselfe hath fixed , no Diuine Testimonie or Reuelation affirmeth , or teacheth . The sole pretext which Papals haue , to palliate the absurdities pursuing Transubstantiation at the heeles , are the words of Institution : But there is nothing coactiue in the said words to prooue this Romish Article , by the confession of the best learned Papists , as I haue formerly prooued , pag. 414. And besides many other Reasons , This Argument out of our Sauiours words is most strong against Transubstantiation : If nothing bee found in our Sauiours words , This is my Bodie , which prooueth the conuersion of the substance of bread into Christs bodie , more than which is likewise found , to change the quantitie and accidents , then Popish Transubstantiation , being onely a conuersion of substance , and not of quantitie and accidents , cannot be concluded out of our Sauiours words . But nothing is found in our Sauiours words , This is my Bodie , &c. proouing any more the conuersion of substance , than of quantitie and accidents : for our Sauiour tooke the whole bread , both according to the substance , and also according to the quantitie and accidents thereof , into his hands , and blessed and consecrated the same intirely , with the like thankesgiuing and pronuntiation of words , and performed all things to the one as well as to the other . Therefore if our Sauiours words prooue Transubstantiation of the substance of Bread and Wine , they must likewise prooue conuersion of the quantitie and accidents into Christs bodie and blood . But by the confession of Papals , they doe not the latter : for the quantitie and accidents are not conuerted into Christs bodie and blood ; and consequently , they doe not the former . Now this being apparent , the Popish Doctrine of Transubstantiation hath no foundation in our Sauiours words , This is my bodie , &c. I supersede therefore , to examine the Obiectors particular Arguments , among which , one is learnedly borrowed from the flies wing , which according to Romish Phylosophie , may be thinned , extended , and inlarged , to make a case ( such perhaps as Base Viols haue ) to put the whole world into . Euery punie in our Vniuersities can distinguish betweene Mathematicall or Potentiall diuision of a bodie , and Physicall or Actuall : Aristotle himselfe teaching vs , that there is Minima caro , though there be not Corpus minimum . But this fictious Cosmotecture and case , may well bee paraled to the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , and they are twinnes , the one as credible and infallible in Theologie as the other in Philosophie . But if our Aduersarie would be pleased to respite vs from beleeuing Transubstantiation , as an Article of our Creed , vntill his vast words cap-case made of a flies wing bee finished , hee shall finde vs more flexible and prone to credite his Romish Doctrine in this and other Articles . IESVIT . Secondly , Wee cannot imagine the bodie of Christ to bee really combined vnto the consecrated formes , and not to bee polluted by such indignities as may happen vnto the formes ; yet wee haue seene , or may see , things able to make this not to seeme incredible : for holy men often by Prayer so purifie their soules , and by contemplation , bring their spirits to such an independencie of their sences , that neither bitter meates offend their tastes , nor loathsome sents their smell , nor shrill cries their hearing , yea , burnings and torturings are not perceiued , their spirit being eloyned through Diuine vnpolluted affection , from the contagion of the bodie , vnto the substance whereof it still remaines most really vnited . This being so , cannot the glorious bodie of Christ ( graced with most Diuine Ornaments , flowing from the excessiue blisse of the soule , made spirituall , impassible , and insearchable ) bee really present , vnto the formes of consecrated bread , and yet free , immune , and wholly independent of any contagion or corruption that may happen to those formes ; especially the bodie of Christ , not being so strictly and substantially tied vnto the formes , as the spirit is to the bodie it informeth , but is present vnto them , as an Angell assistant is to the bodie wherein he worketh . What dishonour can it bee to attribute to Christs most venerable bodie , this spirituall manner of Angelicall presence , yea , rather a participation of the Diuine Immensitie ? for as God by his incomprehensible Immensitie exists euery where , no lesse pure in the sincke than in the Sunne , no lesse sweete in the dunghill , than in a Garden of odoriferous flowers : So the bodie of Christ , by supernaturall participation of his Diuine Presence , is really vpon earth , in things visible inuisible , in things hurtfull impassible , in things noysome inuiolable , in things impure immaculable ; to his friends that receiue him with loue , most sweet and comfortable , and ouerflowing in Graces ; but to the vnworthie present , in a manner dead and sencelesse , as if hee were not there at all . And as hee that receiues into his armes a bodie , wherein the spirit absorpt in contemplation , neither feeling nor felt , lyeth inclosed , may bee said to imbrace the bodie without the spirit , which is in that bodie insensible , and as good as if it were not there : so they that receiue vnworthily , are sometimes said by the Fathers , to receiue the Sacrament , without the bodie of Christ ; because , though the bodie of Christ bee really in the Sacrament they receiue , yet hee is there in a dead manner in regard of them , as if hee were not there at all , because hee stirres not vp heauenly actions in them , nor makes them feele the workings of his grace and loue in their sences . ANSWER . The glorified bodie of Christ , being impassible , cannot bee polluted or corrupted : because , although it retaineth the same essentiall forme , figure , and substance a , yet it is deliuered from all terrene staines and frailtie , and conuerted into caelestiall puritie and stabilitie a . And as this bodie cannot be polluted , so likewise it cannot be masticated , or ground with mens teeth , as a Roman Synod vnder Pope Nicholas compelled Berengarius to confesse b . But from impassibilitie to omnipresence and immensitie , it followeth not , for impassibilitie is an affection of finite creatures , but omnipresence and immensitie are diuine and in communicable properties . And although in an extasie there is alienation and independencie of the spirit vpon the sences c , yet this argueth not that Christs humane bodie is substantially and insensiblie in the consecrated creatures of Bread and Wine , or according to the manner of Angelicall presence , or rather a participation of diuine immensitie ( as the Iesuit , compelled to turne vbiquitarie , speaketh ) or without bodilie stature , posture , and dimensions . Lastly , the Obiector saith , that wicked persons receiue into their bodilie mouthes and stomach the substance of Christs flesh . He prooueth not this assertion , but bringeth only a similitude taken from the spirit of man in an extasie , and pretendeth that the Fathers did therefore affirme wicked persons to receiue the outward Sacrament without the bodie of Christ , because Christ in regard of them , is in the Sacrament after a dead manner . But S. Augustine , and other Fathers speake not figuratiuely , or by similitude , but literally and expressely , saying , Non manducant illam carnem d , wicked persons doe not eat that flesh . The thing it selfe e , to wit , the bodie of Christ , whereof this Bread is a Sacrament , is receiued of euerie man which eateth it , to life , and by no man , to death f . IESVIT . Thirdly , We cannot imagine the same bodie can bee in many places together at the same time : Jt is true , but as hardly can we imagine the soule to be in the head and in the feet of a man , one and the same without diui sion in it selfe ; or an Angell to bee in two townes of the countrie whereof he is president , as distant one from the other as Yorke and London . Also who can conceiue God , who is infinitly one and indiuisible , to be both in heauen and on earth at once ? What marueile then , that imagination failes vs to apprehend the multiplyed presence of Christs bodie in the Sacrament , which is Spirituall , Angelicall , Supernaturall , comparable with the diuine , that S. Gregorie Nissen stickes not to say , Sicut Diuinitas replet mundum , & tamen vna est , ita innumerabilibus locis offertur , & tamen vnum corpus est , The bodie of Christ being glorious , is , for operation as swift and agill as any thought ; but a mans thought is so quicke , that one may be by thought in two disjoined places at once ; for example , in London and at Rome . Some Diuines giue such agilitie to Angels , that they can place themselues substantially where they please by a thought ; and thinke , that as their thoughts , so like wise their substances are so independent of corporall space , that they can be naturally in two distinct places without being in the spaces interiacent . But the agilitie of Christs glorious bodie is more excellent and perfect , as being supernaturall , than the naturall agilitie of Angells , yea than of thoughts ; why then should we make any doubt but he may be disioined in different places at once ? ANSVVER . This discourse being reduced to argumentation , is as followeth . If a soule may be in euerie part of the bodie , the thought of man in many places , an Angell in many distinct vbities , and if God is in heauen and earth ; then the bodie of Christ may be in many places . But the first is true , Ergo , &c. It is answered , First , one part of the antecedent is false : for an Angell being a finite creature , is at one instant difinitiuely in one vbitie onely a ; for that which mooueth and passeth from one vbitie to another , is not in both the places at once ; but Angels mooue and passe from one place to another , Genes . 28. 12. Math. 4.11 . & cap. 12.43 . Marc. 5.12 . Ioh. 5.4 . Genes . 19.1 . & 32.1 . Apoc. 14.6 . & ca. 18.1 . & 20.1 . Damasc. li. 2. ca. 3. Angeli dum sunt in terra non sunt in coelo , Whiles Angels are on earth they are not in heauen . And the opinion of some Schoolemen , alledged to the contrarie , is not to be regarded , because their owne fellowes a teach , that there is no certainetie of these and the like assertions . Secondly , the consequence is infirme , because of the difference which is betweene a bodie , and the things compared thereunto in the antecedent . First , the soule of man is in euery member of the bodie , because it is the forme thereof , and because it is by nature immaterial . Secondly , God is euery where , because he is infinit . Thirdly , the thought of man is a spirituall or intentionall motion and action , and not a substantiall thing ; therefore Speculando phantasmata , it may conceiue and apprehend diuers distant obiects Per modum vnius b at one instant . Fourthly , Angells are immateriall substances , and therefore their motion and action is sodaine , yet determined to one place , at one instant : but an humane body is materiall , finite , and limited to a certaine space , and measure , and differeth from all the former things , mentioned in the argument , in kind , and motion , in manner of being present . ( Reade before pag. 180. ) Ergo haec nihil ad Rhombum . Therefore all these instances , to this purpose and question of bodies , are no better than shadowes without bodies . IESVIT . Fourthly , We finde difficultie to conceiue that accidents existing separated from any substance , can performe the office of substance , euen to the nourishment of mans body ; but we should perchance find as much difficultie to beleeue , That of a little kernell of an Apple , a great tree may bee made and nourished , by the force and vigour proceeding from the same , did not we see by daily experience the same to be true ; that ashes may be made of glasse ; that stones in the stomacke of a Doue , yron in the belly of an Ostridge , be turned into flesh ; that of a rotten barke of a tree falling into the water , should be bred and produced a perfect bird , to me seemes more incredible , than that God should make the accidents of Bread , separated from their substance to nourish mans body : for the dead barke of a tree may seeme to haue no more efficacie of it selfe to produce a liuing creature , specially so perfect a bird as Barnacles , than haue the accidents of Bread , to feede and breede the flesh of a liuing man. Yea many Philosophers teach , and in my iudgement conuince , that in substantiall generations , where no cause coequall in perfection to the effect produced is present , God by his Omnipotencie doth supplie deficiencie of naturall causes : Why then should any man so much mislike our Doctrine , that in this Mysterie , where the substance of Bread wants , God by the secret operation of his power , supplies the defect thereof ; seeing by the opinion of many learned Philosophers , his prouidence ( by the like secret speciall working ) doth ordinarily , daily , and hourely , supply the manifold defects of substantiall secondarie Agents . Neither is the manner how God can doe this , difsicile to explicate , For he may inable the quantitie of Bread , to receiue and sustaine the working of mans nutritiue power , and when in that quantitie there is the last accidentall disposition , to the forme of flesh , he can secretly produce againe Materiam primam that was of the Bread , and combine the same with the prepared quantitie , and the substantiall forme of Flesh : What reason is there why God may not doe this , yea doe it sooner than we speake it ? Wherefore the seeming absurdities of this mysterie being ( as J haue shewed ) meerely imaginarie , and not like those against the Trinitie , and the Incarnation , wherein not so much imagination , as reason , findes difficultie ; it is the part not onely of sincere Christian faith , but also of a cleere excellent wit , to conceiue them ; and not to permit wandring vnruly fancie , destitute of reason , to controll our beleefe , about the literall sence of Christs words , so many waies by the grauest testimonies of Antiquitie recommended vnto vs. ANSVVER . That Accidents may subsist , and haue their naturall force and operation , without a subiect of support or inhaerencie , implies a contradiction ; for it is of the being and definition of Accidents to be in another a , or to be in their subiect : And none of the Examples taken from a Kernell , Ashes , Iron in the belly of an Ostridge , the barke of a tree , &c. are ad idem , for these are not Accidents without a substance , but reall bodies , hauing by nature a proportion and propension to produce their owne effects , either as seminall causes , or true materials , conuerted by heate , fire , and art ; or things putrescent , formed , and animated by the heate of the Sunne , and other secret and naturall causes : That an Akorne should become an Oake , is wonderfull , as the workes of God are : yet it is as naturall , as that a Lyon begets a Lyon , nay , as that the Sunne or fire shineth . That of ashes is made glasse , what is it , but that a transparent bodie is made of a bodie not transparent : so , Yee of Snow , &c. And concerning Stones , Iron , &c. I doe not thinke that these feed or nourish Doues , Hawkes , Struthiocameles , &c. but onely coole or cleanse them : and this I count not impossible in nature , that vegetatiue heate should in short time dissolue stones . The Barnacles are generatio ex putri , as are Mice , Frogs , and Serpents : but what is this to accidents nourishing without matter and substance . Now for all the former , wee know the truth and certaintie by naturall reason , and by experience of our sences : but there is no naturall or supernaturall rule or Law , no manifest demonstration either to sence or reason , no reuelation of Faith , that the abstracted formes of bread and wine subsist without a subiect , and haue power to nourish , and may bee tasted and felt , and also putrifie : but Romists presumptuously forme these Chimera's and Idols in the forge of their owne deceiued brest , and they deserue to bee fed onely with accidents ( like Birds that pecked at the painted grapes b ) which thinke to feed any intelligent Reader with such improper and extrauagant accidents . IESVITS 3. Consideration . Thirdly , to make Christians incline to 〈◊〉 this Mysterie , so difficile to carnall imagination , this Consideration may be very potent , to wit , that in beleeuing the same , on the one side , there may be great merit , and excellent faith , if it be a truth ; and on the other side , though ( which is impossible ) it should be false , yet in beleeuing it , we shall not fall into any damnable errour . For although we suppose this an vnpossible case , yet what can be laid to our charge , which wee may not defend and iustifie by all the rules of equitie and reason , if we be accused that we tooke Bread to be the body of Christ , adoring the same as God , so committing Idolatry , we may defend , that both for soule and body we are innocent herein . For seeing the body is not made guiltie , but by a guiltie mind , euen our body may pleade not guilty , seeing our mind , our thoughts , or deuotion , were fully and totally referred vnto Christ , whom we truely apprehend by faith , as vailed with the Accidents of Bread , and so may repell the reproach of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bread Worshippers , with saying : Quae nouit mens est , pani nil vouimus illa . Neither did we beleeue that the Bread was changed into Christs body vpon sleight reasons , or mooued by the fancies of our owne head , but contrary to our fancies out of Reuerence to the expresse words of Christ , This is my body . A sense declared by most antient Fathers , defined by many generall Councells , deliuered by full consent of our Ancestors , so practised in the Church for many ages without any knowne beginning ; finally , confirmed with the most credible and constant report of innumerable most euident miracles . Can a Christian beleeue any points of Religion vpon surer grounds ? And if God at the day of iudgement , will condemne none but such as liuing in this world wronged him in his honour , Why should Catholikes feare any hard sentence in respect of their prompt Credulitie of Transubstantiation , that is , of Gods Word taken in the plaine proper sense ? Js it an 〈◊〉 to his veritie , that they denie their senses , correct their imaginations , reforme their discourses , abnegate their iudgements , rather than not to beleeue what to them seemeth his Word ? Js it an iniury to his power , to be persuaded he can doe things incomprehensible without number , put the same body in innumerable places at once ? Make a body occupy no place , and yet remaine a quantitatiue substance in it selfe ? Js it iniury to his charitie , to thinke that loue vnto men makes him vnite himselfe really and substantially with them , and to be ( as it were ) incarnate anew in euery particular faithfull man , entering really into their bodies to signifie efficatiously his inward coniunction , by spirit , vnto their soules ? Finally , is it an iniury to his Wisedome to beleeue that to satisfie on the one side the will of his Father , that would haue him euer in heauen , sitting at his right hand ; on the other side the Ardencie of his owne affection vnto men , desiring to be perpetually with them , he inuented a manner , how still remaining glorious in heauen , he might also be continually on earth , with his Church , secretly not to take from them the merit of faith , yet to afford full satisfaction to his owne loue , really by continuing personall presence and most intime coniunction with them . On the other side , it imports them that thinke Transubstantiation impossible , or that God cannot put the same body in different places at once , to consider , if they erre ( easie it is for men to erre , that with the compasse of their vnderstandings measure the power of God ) how dangerous and vnexcusable their errour will prooue , when they shall be called to giue vnto their omnipotent Maker a finall account , particularly of this Doctrine , so much derogating from him ? Let them thinke how they will answer , if God lay to their charge the neglect of the most prudent and reasonable aduise which S. Chrys. giues : Let vs beleeue God ( saith he ) let vs not reiect his Word , though the same seeme secret , and absurd vnto our cogitation and sense , for his speech doth surpasse our reason and sense , his words cannot deceiue vs , but our senses be deceiued easily and often . How will they reply if they be pressed with the Intergatory which S. Cyril makes vnto such misbeleeuers ; If thou couldst not comprehend the diuine operation of God , Why didst thou not accuse the imbecility of mans wit , rather than the omnipotencie of God ? Or how ( disputing or proposing so many arguments against Gods power , reiecting or questioning the same , because they could not vnderstand it ) they neuer called to mind the saying of S. Augustine , Ecce quibus argumentis diuinae omnipotentiae , humana contradicit infirmitas ? ANSWER . This third and last consideration is a meere declamation ; grounded vpon a vaine supposition ; for it presumeth as granted , the opinion of Transubstantiation , to be most probable , and reasonable , as being declared by many antient Fathers , defined by generall Councells , &c. But this supposition is a begging of the question , for not so much as one antient Father , or generall Councell , did euer declare or define the same , as it will plainely appeare to all iudicious Persons , which shall compare and apply the sentences of Fathers and antient Councells , to the Popish definition of Transubstantiation . And the said Doctrine is not grounded vpon our Sauiours words : and the miracles which Romists venditate , to authorise the same , are eyther Fryars fables a , or reports misapplyed , and wrested to a contrary end . And that there should be merit , or at leastwise , lesse perill in adhering to this doctrine rather than to any other b , may bee proclaimed ouer and ouer againe by Romists c , but it deserueth credit when they demonstrate , That an opinion which is not grounded vpon diuine Reuelation , and which containeth so many difficulties , as cannot be solued , and the beleefe whereof is vnnecessarie , can be imbraced with safetie , and expectation of reward . To the words following in the Iesuit ( That he might also bee continually with his Church secretly ) it is answered , That excluding Transubstantiation , Christ Iesus is continually with his Church secretly , by his grace , spirit , and mysticall vnion ; and he dwelleth in the hearts of iustified persons by faith , Epkes . 3. v. 17. S. Chrysostome , S. Cyril , and S. Augustine , in the places obiected , affirme , that we are not to beleeue our dull and carnall sence , when it suggesteth vnto vs that which is repugnant to faith ; and when it acknowledgeth no other force and operation in the holy Sacraments , but that which is sensible and naturall ; But embracing this doctrine of the holy Fathers , we cannot from thence extract the fancie of Transubstantiation . Learned Papists themselues acknowledge the intricacies and difficulties of this Article a , many of them affirme , that secluding the authoritie of the Romish Church , there is nothing in diuine Reuelation , compelling to beleeue it b . The doctrine is not Catholike or Antient c : The Propugners of it vntill the late Trident Councell , disagree in that which is maine and substantiall d in it ; and for auoiding one figure , they make many e . Therefore it standeth not with Christian Wisedome , to imbrace or maintaine this doctrine , and Romists are more confident than prudent in imposing the same as an Article of the Creed , censuring the Noncredents as hainous Heretikes . My finall conclusion about this Article is : That doctrine , which is not expresly taught , or formally deduced from holy Soripture f : which no antient Councell or Church for the first 600 yeares , plainely taught ; and vnto which , many aduerse passages are extant in the monuments of antiquitie : also , which is repugnant to sence and common reason , and hath no apparent vtilitie g , ought not to be imposed as an article of diuine faith . But such is the doctrine of Romish Transubstantiation : Therefore it ought not to be imposed as an article of diuine faith , and the Roman Church should either cancell this part of their new Creed , or be lesse censorious in obtruding of it . THE SEVENTH POINT . COMMVNION VNDER ONE KIND , AND THE ABBETTING OF IT BY CONCOMITANCIE . IESVIT . YOur most Excellent Maiestie , in the Proposition of this Controuersie , shewes your deepe insight into Theologicall difficulties , perceiuing a maine ground whereon the Catholicke opinion of the lawfulnesse of Communion vnder one kinde standeth , to wit , Concomitancie : which being granted , Communion vnder one kind , is iustified . ANSVVER . IF his Sacred MAIESTIE should yeeld you Concomitancie , yet vpon that ground Communion in one kinde could not be iustified : Neuerthelesse , we denie both 〈◊〉 and Communion vnder one kinde . IESVIT . § 1. The Doctrine of Concomitancie prooued . THe Doctrine of Concomitancie is , that vnder the forme of bread , not onely the bodie of Christ , but also his precious blood and blessed soule , are truely and really contained ; the bodie directly , and by vertue of the words of Consecration ; the blood and the soule consequently : for being contained within the bodie of Christ , they must needs Concomitate , that is , follow the bodie , in what place soeuer the same bee ; neither can any that acknowledges the reall Presence denie this Concomitancie , without falling into many absurdities , as I prooue by three Arguments . ANSWER . THe bodie of Christ is considered two wayes : First , According to the nature of a perfect liuing bodie ; secondly , As it is represented and exhibited in the Sacrament . If we consider it the first way , the blood of Christ cannot properly be said to be in his bodie , by Concomitancie , ( for then it were accidentally therein ) but as a part in the whole ; for as the bones , sinews , and veynes , are integrall parts of anaturall humane bodie , so likewise is the blood a : and naturall parts are in the whole , by substantiall vnion , not by Concomitancie ; for then they were in the bodie , or belonging thereunto , as an adiunct to his subiect . If we consider the bodie of Christ , taken for the more solid parts thereof , as it is represented and exhibited in the Sacrament , to wit , as it was fixed to the crosse , and diuided from the blood ; then , according to this Sacramentall representation and exhibition , the same alone neither containeth nor representeth the blood b . The sacred Eucharist is one intire Sacrament a , ( totum compositum ) hauing two externall Elements , to wit , Bread and Wine , and these two signes or elements , represent the materiall Sacrifice of Christ vpon the Crosse b , which consisted , at the time of the Oblation thereof , of a bodie fixed on a tree , and the same dying by effusion of blood , Luk. 22.21 . And in the holy Eucharist , Christ is as it were crucified before our eyes , and his bodie and blood , by representation , are diuided : and God Almightie vseth these mysticall creatures , as instruments , to communicate vnto euery worthie Receiuer , the Sacrifice of Christ his Sonne , 1. Cor. 10.16 . But as the Sacrifice vpon the Crosse , was not performed in one of these Indiuiduals apart , or by it selfe , but ioyntly in them both ; and without effusion of blood , there is no remission of sinnes c , Heb. 9.22 : So likewise in the holy Eucharist the bodie of Christ is represented , as it was diuided from the blood ; and againe the blood , as seuered from the bodie : and God concurreth with both the Elements , deliuered and receiued ; with the one , as it were by inception , and with the other by consummation : and Communicants partake not the whole Sacrifice of Christ , vntill they haue receiued both the materiall parts of the Sacrament . Here then is no Popish Concomitancie , either of the blood to the bodie , when it is receiued apart , or of the bodie to the blood , when that is receiued alone : but the Sacrament reacheth the bodie & blood , as they were diuided , and they are then conioyned to make one Sacrifice , when they are both deliuered and receiued . The whole cannot be in one part , neither doth one part Concomitate another , but is substantially vnited to another : and in a Sacrifice or Sacrament , compounded of diuisible parts , he which giueth or receiueth one materiall part , doth not therein or thereby distribute or receiue the whole . Neither againe is the Deitie vnited to the bodie or blood of Christ by Concomitancie , but by personall vnion . Thus then I argue : Whatsoeuer is receiued in the Sacrament by vs , was before offered to God vpon the Crosse. But the bodie of Christ hauing bloud in it by concomitance , or the deitie in it by concomitancie , or the bloud of Christ hauing in it the bodie or 〈◊〉 , by concomitancie , was not offered to God vpon the Crosse : for before the effusion of the bloud , the same was in the bodie as a part , not by concomitancie . After the full effusion , the bloud was diuided from the bodie , and the 〈◊〉 was with the bodie by personall vnion , and not by concomitancie , Ergo , At this day the bodie and deitie of Christ are not in the bloud of Christ by concomitancie , &c. IESVIT . First , hee that acknowledgeth the reall presence of Christs sacred bodie vnder the forme of bread , and denies concomitancie , doth in his beleefe seperate the bloud and soule of Christ from his bodie : but to seperate either Christs diuinitie from his humanitie , or soule from his bodie , or his bloud from his flesh , is vnlawfull ; for such a beleeuer doth dissolue and destroy Christ Jesus , and so is one of the number of them that S. Iohn condemneth , Omnis Spiritus qui soluit Iesum , non est ex Deo , & hic est Antichristus . ANSVVER . The summe of this obiection is , Whosoeuer dissolueth Christ Iesus , is an Antichrist . Euerie one who admitteth reall presence , and yet denyeth concomitancie , dissolueth Christ Iesus , for he seperateth the bloud and soule of Christ from his bodie , and his diuinitie from his humanitie : Ergo , Whosoeuer in the reall presence denyeth concomitancie , is an Antichrist . Our answer is , Whosoeuer dissolueth Christ Iesus , according to S. Iohns meaning , 1. Ioh. 4.3 . by denying his deitie , humanitie , or personall vnion a , is Antichrist . But the denying of Popish concomitancie inferreth none of these . For although we affirme , that in the holy Eucharist the bodie and bloud of Christ are represented distinctly , and as they were diuided at his passion : yet this dissolueth not Iesus , but signifieth the seperation of his bodie and bloud formerly made vpon the Crosse a . And we beleeue that the holy Ghost , according to the distinct signification b of the sacramentall elements , reacheth in a spirituall manner , the bodie and bloud of Christ crucified , to all faithfull communicants , and addeth a seuerall effect and vertue of spirituall refection to each distinct part receiued c according to the signification ; and this is confessed by Vasques , Ruard Tapper , Alexander Halles . IESVIT . And this argument hath greatest force in their opinion , who shall thinke that Christ leaues heauen for the time , to come downe really according to his Bodie and Bloud : for how can the bodic of Christ come downe from heauen without bloud and soule , vnlesse he come downe dead ? and so Christ should be not only mystically and figuratiuely , but truely and really massacred in the Sacrament , and the Eucharist be a bloudie Sacrifice , and not incruent as the Fathers tearme it . ANSWER . None of our part thinke that Christ leaueth heauen , to come downe really according to his bodie and bloud , Act. 3.21 . Donec seculum finiatur , 〈◊〉 est Dominus ( Augustine in Ioh. tract . 7. ) vntill the world be finished , the Lord continues aboue . And the Fathers tearme the holy Eucharist , an vnbloudie sacrifice , not because Christ is properly , and in his substance offred therein , but because his bloudie sacrifice vpon the crosse , is , by this vnbloudie commemoration represented , called to remembrance , and applyed . Read the sentences of Fathers a placed in the margen . Read also Peter Lombard b , and the Enchiridion of Colen c . IESVIT . Secondly , The Priest in the person of Christ , who is glorious in heauen , or rather Christ being glorious in heauen , by the mouth of the Priest , saith , This is my bodie : but a bodie deuoid of bloud without soule , and consequently dead and sencelesse , is not the bodie of Christ , as he is now glorious in heauen , which hath bloud in the veines , and is informed and glorified by a most excellent soule . Therefore Christ glorious in heauen , cannot say truely , that a bodie void of bloud , sence , and soule is his bodie ; but soule , life , and bloud , must needs follow and concomitate his bodie wheresoeuer it be . ANSVVER . First , The new Testament acknowledgeth no proper sacrificing Priests , but Christ Iesus onely , Heb. 7.23.27.28 . & ca. 10. 21. Neither is there any word or sentence in our Sauiours Doctrine , concerning any reall sacrifice , but only of himselfe vpon the Crosse : neither was any altar a vsed and ordained by Christ and his Apostles . And if in all reall sacrifices , the matter of the oblation must be really destroyed and changed , and no physicall destruction or change is made in the bodie of Christ , or in the elements of Bread and Wine by Transubstantiation b ; then Romists haue deuised a reall sacrifice in the new Testament , which hath no diuine Institution . Secondly , There is no created vertue inhaerent in the Sacramentall words c , as they are pronounced by a Priest , to make the bodie of Christ locally present in the holy Eucharist : but when all the words , and all the actions are lawfully performed , which Christ commanded , the holy Ghost is assistant to his owne ordinance , and deliuereth vnto faithfull people the crucified Bodie of Christ , and the Bloud of Christ shed for our sinnes vpon the crosse . And although the crucified bodie of our Sauiour was seuered from the soule , yet the deitie euen then remained vnited to that bodie , which then was not dead in regard of merit and satisfaction : and all they which receiue that bodie by operatiue faith , are made partakers of the merit and satisfaction thereof , and by this receiuing , are more and more ingraffed into Christ. IESVIT . Thirdly , If vnder the forme of bread were onely the bodie of Christ , and his soule and bloud were not by concomitancie there , the communicants should receiue the body of Christ , but not truely Christ , as our Aduersaries grant . Caluin specially saying , Quis sanus & sobrius Christi corpus Christum esse sibi persuadeat ? And againe , Ne fando quidem auditum est corpus Christi , aut sanguinem Deum & hominem appellari . But Fathers affirme most constantly , that not onely the bodie of Christ , but also a Christ himselfe is in the Sacrament ; that we take in the Dominicall refection , The word made flesh ; that by the consecration of the Mysteries , wee receiue the verie Sonne of God ; that vnder the forme of Bread , we lodge within vs the Soueraigne King ; and that we see Christ , feele Christ , eate Christ , Non regium puerum , sed ipsum vnigenitum Dei filium . An hundred other places might be brought , where the Fathers call the consecrated Bread Christ ; and consequently , they did not thinke there was the meere Bodie , without Blood and Soule , seeing , as Caluin doth confesse , Jt is an absurd manner of speech , to terme Christ the meere bodie of Christ ; and such a forme of speech was neuer heard of hitherto in the world : Ergo , Concomitancie , that is , Christs reall and entire Bodie , Soule , Flesh , Blood , to be vnder the forme of Bread , was acknowledged by the Fathers . ANSVVER . It is granted , that worthie Communicants in the holy Eucharist , receiue Christ , Ioh. 6. 33 , 35 , 48. but Sacramentall eating his flesh , and drinking his blood , is the meanes , by which they are vnited and incorporated with Christ himselfe : therefore the Obiection , to wit , if the soule and blood were not in Christs bodie by Concomitancie , Communicants should receiue the bodie of Christ , but not truely Christ , is inconsequent : because by receiuing the one , they receiue the other , and the former is the instrumentall cause of the latter . So in this kinde of spirituall Concomitancie , neither the Fathers , nor Caluin , nor we , nor you , need be at any difference . IESVIT . This Principle , which is no lesse certaine than the true reall Presence supposed , I inferre the lawfulnesse of Communion vnder one kinde , ( to wit , vnder the sole forme of Bread ) by this Argument : If Communion vnder one kinde be not against the substance , either of Christs Institution or of his Sacrament , or his Precept , or of the Practise of the Primitiue Church ; it is lawfull , iustifiable , and for iust Reasons may be commanded by the Church . This Proposition is true , because there neither are other causes of dislike , that may not be reduced to these foure ; neither doe Christs Institution , or Sacrament , or Precept , or the Primitiue practise , bind vs to keepe them further , than in substance , the accidentall Circumstances of Institutions , Sacraments , Precepts , Primitiue Customes , being variable , according to the variable disposition of things , vnto which the Church Militant in this life is subiect . Now I assume , Concomitancie being supposed , it may be made euident , that Communion vnder one kind is not against the substance , either of Christs Institution , or of the Sacrament , or of his Precept , or of his Primitiue practise : For the substance of these foure Obligations is one and the same , to wit , that we be truly and really partakers of the Bodie and Bloud of our Sauiour ; which is fully done by Communion vnder one kind , as I will shew in the foure consequent Sections . ANSWER . If Concomitancie ( which is stiled in this place by the name of a Principle ) were graunted , yet Communion in one kind is not iustifiable : For although it depriue not people of Christs Bloud , as it is a bodily part , a contained in the veines , yet it depriueth them of the Bloud of Christ , as it was shed , and poured out , and offered in Sacrifice for them . To the maine Argument I answer , denying the Assumption . For Communion in one kind is repugnant to the first Institution of the Eucharist by Christ , who hallowed two materiall Elements , Bread and Wine ; appointed them a distinct signification , deliuered them indifferently to all the Communicants , and annexed a Promise to the reception of the one , as well as to the sumption of the other . Secondly , It is repugnant to the expresse Precept of Christ , saying , Drinke yee all of this ; and to S. Pauls Precept b , 1. Cor. 11. 28. Thirdly , The practise of the holy Apostles a , and of the Primitiue Church b , is against it . Fourthly , The people which receiue in one kind , receiue onely a Moitie , and piece , but not the whole and entire Sacrament IESVIT . § 2. Communion vnder one kind , not against the substance of the Institution of Christ. DIuine Institution , is an Action of God , whereby hee giues being vnto things , with reference vnto some speciall end . This end is twofold , the one corporall and temporall , for which God hath instituted agreeable & 〈◊〉 meanes ; that men may be borne into this world , he did institute marriage ; and for maintenance of the said life , being had , hee or dained many sorts of meate . The other end is spirituall , for which God hath instituted Sacraments : as for the first obtaining of grace and spirituall life , the Sacrament of Baptisme and Penance ; and for the preseruing of grace , and increasing therein , particularly the Sacrament of the Eucharist . That a man bee bound to vse the Jnstitution of God , two things are required : First , that the end thereof bee necessarie , and hee bound to indeuour the attaining thereof . Hence it is , that though marriage bee the Jnstitution of God , appointed to propagate mankinde , yet euery man is not bound to marry , because he is not bound to propagate mankinde , when there be others that do abundantly complic with that duty ; to which mankind is in general bound , multiplicamini & replete terram . Secondly , when the end of tion is such , as euery man must indeauour the attayning thereof ; to the end that a man be bound to vse that institution , it is further required , that the thing instituted be necessarie for attaining of that end : for if there be other meanes ordained , sufficient for the attaining of that end , man is not bound to vse such particular diuine institutions . For example , man is bound to maintaine his corporall life , so long as nature will permit , and to this end God created varietie of fruites ; yet no man is bound by diuine institution to eate fruites , there being other meanes instituted for the maintenance of life . Applying this to our purpose , it is apparent , that by force of diuine institution , no man is bound to vse Communion vnder both kinds . For though the end why Christ did institute the Sacrament in both kinds be necessarie , and all must indeauour the attaining thereof , to wit , maintenance and increase of grace , the life of the soule ; yet there be other meanes by which we may attaine to this end . Whence it is that learned Diuines hold , that the Sacrament of the Eucharist is not Necessarium necessitate Medij , as they speake , that is the vse thereof is not a necessarie meanes for the maintenance of spirituall life , but a man wanting meanes of Sacred Communion , may by other meanes preserue himselfe in the state of grace . And though we should suppose that actuall Communion were a necessary meanes to preserue spirituall life , yet Communion vnder one kind is abundantly sufficient thereunto . For the Sacrament in the sole forme of Bread , contayning the Author and fountaine of life whole and intire , according to Body , Soule , Bloud , and his infinite person , is abundantly sufficient for the refection of the soule , yea no lesse sufficient than Communion vnder both kinds . For this one kind 〈◊〉 within it nothing lesse , than what is contained in both : and Christ promiseth life to sole manducation , Qui manducat me & ipse viuit propter me , and vnto the sole reception of his Body vnder the forme of Bread , Panis quem ego dabo caro mea est pro mundi vita & qui manducat hunc panem viuet in aeternum : If the Tree of life in the midst of Paradise , if the Manna of the Jewes ( the Bread of Angells ) did suffice to nourish the body without Drinke , Why should we deny this soule-nourishing sufficiencie vnto the sole body of Christ , were the same alone in the Bread : but specially being there conioyned with his soule and his most precious bloud ? ANSWER . FIrst , the ground of the obiection laid by the Iesuit in certaine comparisons , taken from Marriage , Meatand Drinke , is of no consequence : for as touching Wedlocke , the same ( presupposing humane Propagation ) is necessarie , both Necessitate Medij , and Necessitate praecepti , that the generation of man may be morally lawfull , Heb. 13.4 . so likewise presupposing , that Christians doe receiue the holy Eucharist , it is necessarie Necessitate finis , or Medij , & necessitate praecepti , That they receiue the same , as the Author appointed it to be receiued ; which was not in one kind , but in both . And as touching Food , it is necessary , that man receiue it in some kind or other , for the sustenance of his life : but because God hath left it to the libertie of mans Election to vse which kind he liketh , and hath not by law , or precept , obliged him to any one kind in speciall , thereforeman is free in choosing his materiall Food , and obtaineth the end of Food , and obserueth the law of his Maker , when he orderly vseth any kind thercof . But in the matter of the holy Eucharist , as God hath not made it adiaphorous for man to change the Elements , substituting Water and Broath , or Flesh in the stead of Bread and Wine : so likewise he hath not permitted it to humane discretion , to omit or vse the Sacramentall signes , but hath by expresse precept , obliged his Church to thevse of one signe , as well as the other . But I wonder that the Iesuit in this discursiue preamble , would vse an instance from our naturall foode , than which nothing by wayof inference doth more expresly refute him . Can he in the Sacrament make mention of Food , and not consider that our Sauiours intent in the institution was , to proportion our Spirituall food to our Corporall ? In our bodily nourishment , haue we not need of drinke as well as meat ? Did not our Sauiour therfore adde the Cup to the Bread , and equally blessed both ? How dare they then make the repast of our soules , a dry banquet ? And although God neuer bound any man to eate all kind of meat , yet he neuer forbad any man all kind of drinke . Secondly , If the matter or materiall part of compounded things belongs to their substance a , then the defalcation of one kind is against the integritie of the substance of the Eucharist . For the Element of Wine , vnto which answereth the distribution and reception thereof , is a medietie or halfe part of the matter of the holy Communion ; and if the taking away thereof , is not against the substance of Christs Institution , then likewise the taking away of Bread , which is the other part , and the retaining of Wine onely , is not against the same : for the blood of Christ is as noble a part of Christ , and hath as great vertue , necessitie , and commendation in holy Scripture , as his bodie strictly taken ; and consequently , the outward signe heereof , is as necessarie for all the members of the Church , as the externall signe of his bodie . But against this , the Iesuit argueth as followeth . If Lay people may attaine the end for which Christ ordained the Eucharist , without receiuing in both kindes , then Communion vnder one kinde is not against the substance of Christs Institution . But Lay people may attaine the end , &c. to wit , maintenance , and increase of grace , by Communion in one kinde , because one kinde containeth in it nothing lesse than what is contained in both , Ioh. 6. v. 55 , 58 , 59. Ergo , Communion vnder one kinde is not against the substance of Christs Institution . ANSWER . The sequele and assumption of this Argument are denied . First , Communion vnder one kinde , may be of the substance of Christs Institution , although the end and fruit of the holy Eucharist might bee receiued by other meanes : for as in the Sacrament of Baptisme , the end is regeneration and remission of sinnes a , Acts 22. 16. Tit. 3. 5. and this end , in some cafe , may bee obtained without aspersion of water , as appeareth in Baptismo sanguinis b , when Martyrs decease , without Sacramentall Baptisme : and yet to be washed or sprinkled with water , is of the substance of Christs Institution ; so likewise Communion in both kindes , is of the substance of Christs Institution , although the end and fruit of the holy Eucharist , to wit , continuance and increase of grace , may be obtained by spirituall manducation alone , without Sacramentall . If the former illation of Romists were good , it will follow likewise from thence , that receiuing of Bread in the Eucharist , is not of the substance of Christs Institution : for whole and intire Christ , according to bodie , and soule , and infinite person , is in the blood alone , if the Popish Doctrine of Concomitancie be true : and if this be granted ( as of necessitie it must ) then Romists may mangle and transforme the holy Sacrament at their pleasure . Secondly , The end and fruit of the Sacrament is either common to the holy Eucharist , with other meanes of Grace a , or else proper to it onely . To eate the flesh and drinke the blood of the Sonne of God , by recognition of Christs Passion , and by Faith in the same , may be an effect of the Gospell preached , Ioh. 6. 54. But to eate the same flesh and blood , communicated more distinctly and effectually by visible seales , of the couenant of the new Testament , is an end and fruit peculiar and proper to the holy Eucharist , 1. Cor. 10. 16. A man may haue the same inheritance bestowed on him , by the word and writing of the Donor , yet when the same is confirmed by the seale of the Donor , the donation is of greater validitie ; and if by Law or custome , two seales should be appointed , the apposition of one is not of equall force and validitie to the apposition of both : so likewise , because the Sonne of God made choyce of two outward signes , namely , Bread and Wine , to represent and apply his Passion and Oblation , and withall commanded the common vse and reception of both , saying , Drinke ye all of this : and also annexed a speciall promise and blessing to both these outward signes , ioyntly vsed : therefore the vse & sumption of one of these without the other , cannot haue so great force b , to apply the effect & fruit of the Sacrament , as the vse & reception of both . And as in concauses , or partiall causes , the action of the one , cannot produce the effect without the other ; and as when two keyes are prouided to open a locke , the same is not opened by one of them onely : so likewise Christ Iesus , hauing instituted and sanctified two signes , for the more proportionable and effectuall application of his Bodie , and Blood , it is grosse presumption in man to mutilate and cut off a part of that bodie which the wisedome of Christ hath framed in due and beautifull proportion , and to diuide that which God hath ioyned together , and without warrant from Gods reuealed word , to attribute a totall effect , to a partiall meanes and cause . IESVIT . Hence it is apparent , that without any iust cause , some Protestants inueigh against the Councell of Constance , as professing to contradict the Precept of Christ , because it decreed , That the Sacrament may bee lawfully giuen vnder one kind , Non obstante quod Christus in vtraque specie illud instituerit , & Apostolis administrauerit : Notwithstanding Christs Institution and Administration thereof in both kinds , to his Disciples . This their bitternesse proceeds from zeale without knowledge , not distinguishing the Jnstitution of God from his Precept , which are very distinct : for the Precept of both kinds ( if Christ gaue any ) doth bind , whether both kinds be necessarie for the maintenance of mans soule in grace , or no ; but the Jnstitution in both kinds , doth not binde further than the thing instituted , to wit , Communion vnder both kinds is necessarie for the maintaining of spirituall life , for which , one kind being sufficient , as I haue shewed , Christs Institution of both kinds , doth not inforce the vse of both . If God should haue commanded the vse both of meate and drinke , euery man should be bound , not onely to eate , but also to drinke , though he had no necessitie thereof ; but now seeing God hath not giuen such a Precept , a man that can liue by meate without euer drinking , is not bound to drinke , non obstante , that God did institute both eating and drinking for the preseruation of life in euerie man. ANSWER . The Councell of Constance is iustly censured , for presuming to alter and disanull the ordinance of Christ a ; for if it be flagitious amongst men to alter and contradict the lawfull Will of a Testator , Galat. 3.15 . shall it not be much more vnlawfall to alter the Testament of the Sonne of God , who disposed to the common people his Bloud , as well as his Bodie , saying , Drinke ye all of this , Math. 26 , 27. and except yee eate the flesh , and drinke the bloud of the man , &c. Ioh. 6.53 . And the words of the said Synod are most presumptious , for this they pronounce , Although Christ , after supper , instituted and administred to his Disciples vnder both kindes , &c. And although in the Primitiue Chruch , this Sacrament was receiued of Beleeuers in both kinds , yet notwithstanding , the contrarie custome for Laicks to receiue in one kind , is with good reason brought in , and they are Heretickes which hold this , sacrilegious or vnlawfull . But what are these men in comparison of Christ and his Apostles , and of the Fathers of the Primitiue Church ? If men may thus twit Christ and his Apostles , what shall become of all religion ? The sole and totall rule to guide the Church in the matter of the holy Eucharist , is Christs Institution and practise , recorded by the Euangelists , and testified by the Apostles , and the Primitiue Church in their doctrine and practise followed this rule ( as some of our learned Aduersaries ingeniously confesse a . ) If therefore Christ Iesus and his Apostles , and after these , the Primitiue Church administred the Communion to lay people in both kinds ( as this Synod confesseth ; ) and on the contraie , nothing is extant in holy Writ , or in the monuments of the Fathers , to testifie that Christ and his Apostles retracted or altered this first practise : What audacious sacriledge was it in the Prelates of Constance , vpon their owne priuate and childish b reasons , to cancell Christs last Will and Testament , and to violate the sacred precept and ordinance of the Sonne of God ? But our Aduersarie laboureth by a distinction of Institution and Precept , to plaister the vlcerous Doctrine of the 〈◊〉 of Constance , saying , or implying , That although Christ did institute the holy Eucharist in two kinds , yet he gaue no precept for the vse of it in two kinds . But this plaister of sig-leaues healeth not the wound , for there is both an institution and a precept for both kinds , and more expressely for the cup than for the bread : for Christ said expressely and literally , Drinke yee all of this , whereas he said not so literally and expressely , eat yee all of this . Besides , his institution is a vertuall and interpretatiue precept , as appeareth by S. Paul 1. Cor. 11.23 . And Christ did institute the Eucharist in two kinds , that people might receiue and vfe it in two kinds . Also , if the manner of the institution prooueth not the manner of the vse , then the Eucharist may be vsed in another manner ( I meane in things substantiall ) than as it was instituted : and if this , then it may be vsed in wine onely without bread , or in broth , or in flesh , for we haue no direction or rule for the manner , of greater authoritie than the institution . Lastly , diuine institution doth not only signifie an action of God , whereby he giueth being vnto things , with reference to their end , ( in which manner the Iesuit sinisterly defineth it a ) but it signifieth also a decree , rule , precept , and information , concerning the vse and practise of that which God hath ordained . Now our Sauiour , when he ordained the holy Eucharist , in regard of the being and entitie thereof , he withall conioyned the vse of the same as a necessarie condition , to make it operatiue and effectuall to his people . For euen as in Baptisme , although the Word and Element constitute the Sacrament , in regard of the definition b , yet the same is no Baptisme c to vs , vntill the Word & Water be applied to the subiect by ablution : so likewise in the holy Eucharist , the words and elements make the definition , but the vse and application , according to the manner taught by Christ , giues it a Sacramentall vertue and operation in respect of vs d . IESVIT . §. 3. Communion vnder one kind , not against the substance of the Sacrament . A Sacrament of the new Testament , being a visible efficatious signe of inuisible grace , foure things are necessarie to concurre to the substantiall constitution thereof , which I will set downe in order , and together shew that they are all found in the Eucharist giuen vnder one kind . First , there is required some element , that is a visible and sensible thing or action , without which , no Sacrament can subsist , tearmed by Diuines Materia Sacramenti . This substantiall part is not wanting in the Sacrament giuen in one kind , in which kind there is consecrated bread , visible and sensible in the accidents thereof , and manducation also , an action visible and appar an t to sence . ANSVVER . THis quadripartite argument ( at least in the three formost branches ) is meerly sophistical , & indeed against common sence : as if one should question , whether a man without legs or armes were a perfect entire man , according to the first creation of mankind , & the perpetual succeeding law of nature , not erring ? The Iesuit should answere thus : This is a sufficient and perfect man , for the other members which he hath , as head , brest , backe , &c. are not of the substance of humane nature . In my replie , I need adde no more , but smile . And yet to answere his particulars : First in euerie Sacrament there is required not onely a sensible action , but also a visible and materiall signe a , and therefore ( to speake by the way ) some of the seuen which Romists number in their List or Kalender , are no Sacraments . But in the holy Eucharist there is a double visible element , and materiall visible signe b , to wit , Bread and Wine , Math. 26.26 , 27. Luc. 22. 19 , 20. 1. Cor. 11.23.25 . and these outward elements being two in number , and diuided the one from the other , were distinctly and seuerally distributed by our Sauiour , and were receiued by the communicants apart , the one of them after the other : and although they make but one Sacrament in regard of the definition , as similarie and dissimilarie parts make but one bodie , yet there is a diuersitie and pluralitie both in their matter and forme c , and a reason why they must be two , and not one indiuiduall signe . IESVIT . The second thing required to the substance of the Sacrament , is , Verbum , the Word ; that is , a forme of speech , shewing the diuine and supernaturall purpose , vnto which the element is consecrated . Neither is that part wanting in the Sacrament giuen vnder one kind , which is consecrated by the words of Christ , This is my bodie : and the Theologicall Principle taken out of S. Augustine verified , Accedit verbum ad elementum & fit Sacramentum . ANSWER . As the outward elements are two in number , so likewise a double act of blessing and consecration must passe vpon them a ; for otherwise , that part which wanteth benediction , is not a sacramentall signe , but a common creature : and if any signe be omitted , then the Sacrament wanteth integritie of parts . IESVIT . The third thing is signification , euerie Sacrament signifying some diuine effect of grace , which God worketh by the application thereof ; and the sensible signe , euen by nature hath as S. Augustine noteth , some proportion and analagie to signifie that diuine effect , which to produce it is assumed by Gods omnipotencie as an Instrument . This sacred signification which the holy Eucharist hath , is of three kinds , and all three are found in the Sacrament giuen vnder one kind . First , this Sacrament is a signe of spirituall food , for the nourishment and refection of the soule , which signification is manifestly found in Communion vnder one kind , for the Eucharist doth signifie this effect of spirituall nutrition , because it is a signe of Christ the Bread of Life , the food of Angels , the fountaine of grace : but by the sole forme of bread , Christ is signified as present according to his most sacred bodie , and consequently as most sufficient to feed and refresh the Soule . Another signification of this Sacrament , is vnion and coniunction betweene the Faithfull , as being members of the same Bodie whereof Christ is Head , and fellow members one with another , as S. Paul declares : which coniunction , the Sacrament in the forme of Bread , doth signifie . For Bread being a compound of many graines of Wheat , massed together in one Loafe , and also made of Flower and Water mingled one with another , signifies the perfect vnion , both of the Church with Christ , and of the Faithfull that are in the Church one with another ; as S. Paul testifies , Vnum corpus sumus quotquot de vno Pane participamus ; where he makes no mention of Wine , the Sacrament in the forme of Bread being alone able to shew and worke this signification . This Sacrament doth also signifie the Passion and Death of our Sauiour , which Death and Passion is shewed and represented by Communion vnder one kind . For receiuing the Sacrament in the forme of Wine onely , wee haue a sufficient ground to remember the Bloud of Christ , that was in his Passion shed and seperated from his Bodie . Likewise , by participating of the consecrated Bread , wee may liuely conceiue the Bodie of Christ , as it was depriued of the most precious Bloud , by the effusion thereof on the Crosse : whereupon Christ ( as S. Paul testifies ) did after the consecration of each kind , particularly recommend the memorie of his Passion , as knowing that in each of them alone , was a sufficient Monument and memoriall thereof . ANSWER . Significations may be found in Types and figures , being no Sacraments ; as in a Vine and Branches , a naturall Humane Bodie , a materiall House , or Temple , a Lambe led before the shearer , and the like : but yet , because they are otherwise in the Sacrament , both in regard of a more perfect and liuely representation , and also because a speciall Promise of Diuine assistance and grace is annexed to the Sacramentall signes , vsed and receiued , according to Christs Institution , which belongeth not to other signes and figures , therefore it is inconsequent , to say one Element receiued alone , signifies as much in substance , as both : Ergo , the vse of one Element , is as profitable and effectuall , as the vse and reception of both . But if the obiection be reduced to forme , the defect will be more apparent . If there is the same signification , of one single Element , which there is of both , then there is the same benefit obtained by receiuing one , which is obtained by receiuing both . But there is the same signification of one single Element , which there is of both , to wit , spirituall Food , vnion of the Faithfull , and Christs passion : Ergo , There is the same benefit obtayned , by receiuing in one kind , as in both . I answer : First , denying the consequence of the Maior Proposition . For although there were the same signification in one Element , which is of both , yet there is not equall benefit reaped by receiuing one , as is reaped by receiuing both ; because the promise of Grace is annexed to the receiuing both , and not to the receiuing of one without the other : for when a promise is made vpon condition of a duty to be performed , the promise is not fulfilled , but vpon obseruing the condition . Now Christ hauing instituted the Sacrament as a seale of his Couenant , and appointed the same to be receiued in both kinds ( as his Institution shewes ) a the Church cannot expect that Christ should fulfill his promise , in giuing his flesh and blood by the Sacrament , vnlesse the Church obserue his ordinance , and doe that which he appointed . Also , obedience is better than Sacrifice , 1. Sam. 15. 22. but when we administer and receiue in both kinds , we obey Christ , saying , Drinke ye all of this ; and we disobey , when we doe otherwise . Therefore although there were the same signification of one Element , which is of both , yet the same benefit is not reaped by receiuing one , which is obtained by receiuing both . Secondly , to the assumption I answer , that there is a more perfect and liuely representation b of spirituall feeding and refection , and of coniunction of the faithfull , and of Christs death and Sacrifice vpon the crosse , by both the signes , than by one : and pouring out of the wine c , doth in a cleerer manner represent and signifie the effusion of Christs bloud , and also the separation of his body and soule ; and there is a more perfect similitude of nourishment in Bread and Wine a together , than in Bread alone , Eccles. 4. 9. so likewise two Elements represent more than one , and nourish more than one , and vnite more than one . Otherwise , if the representation of one Element , were equall to the representation of both , to what purpose should our Sauiour institute a Sacrament in two kinds , which ( according to Papists , who will seeme wiser than God ) b is as sufficient in one kind , as in both ? IESVIT . The fourth thing required to the substance of a Sacrament , is Causalitie , to wit , to worke in the soule the Spirituall effects it signifies . This Causalitie cannot be wanting to the Sacrament vnder one kind , wherein is contayned the fountaine of Spirituall life . For , the cause why the Sacrament in both kinds giueth grace , and refresheth the soule , is , That Christ is assistant vnto them , bound by his promise at the presence of sensible signes , to worke the proportionable spirituall effects in disposed soules . But Christ is in the Sacrament vnder the forme of Bread , and he is able through infinite power , and bound by inuiolable promise , to worke the effect of grace , preseruing vnto life eternall , the worthy participant of this Sacrament , vnder the forms of Bread , Qui manducat hunc panem viuet in aeternum . Not any doubt then may be made but the Sacrament in one kind is full , entire , compleate in substance ; and by participation thereof , prepared consciences doe receiue the benefite of celestiall fauour , that conserueth the life of the soule , with daily increase in perfection . ANSVVER . The summe of this obiection is : There is the same power of causing Grace , in one signe receiued alone , as in both ; because Christ , the Fountaine of Grace , is receiued in one signe alone , Ioh. 6. 51. Therefore the receiuing of one signe alone , is as sufficient , and profitable , as the sumption of both . The Antecedent of this Argument is denyed . And the Scripture , Ioh. 6. 51. saith not , Whosoeuer eateth Sacramentall Bread , without Wine , shall liue for euer ; but if any eat this Bread which came downe from Heauen , to wit , Christ Iesus incarnate a , shall liue for euer . And then it followeth , Vnlesse you eate the flesh of the Sonne of man , and drinke his bloud , you shall not haue life in you , Ioh. 6.53 . Now let the Romist chuse which Exposition hee pleaseth . If our Sauiour , in these last words , speaketh of Sacramentall and Spirituall eating ioyntly , then Communion in both kinds is necessarie to life eternall ; and if he speake of Spirituall eating only , by Faith , then this Scripture prooueth not the necessitie of receiuing eyther Bread or Wine b , and much lesse prooueth it , that there is the power of causing Grace , in receiuing Bread alone . IESVIT . §. 4. Communion vnder one kind , not against Christ his Precept . ALthough Communion vnder both kinds pertaine not to the substance of the Sacrament ; yet if Christ did specially command the same , we are bound to that obseruance , and should by Communion vnder one kind , sinne not against his Sacrament and Institution , but against a speciall Diuine Precept . ANSWER . WHen Christ instituted the Sacrament , he prouided and prescribed two materiall Elements , and not one onely , or none ; and he sanctified and distributed both , and with his Institution and Practise , he conioyned a Precept ; Doe this in remembrance of me : Drinke ye all of this . Saint Paul likewise saith , Let a man prooue himselfe , and so let him eate of this Bread , and drinke of this Cup : and the practise of the holy Apostles in their dayes , and of the successours of the Apostles ; and Saint Pauls owne practise appeareth , 1. Cor. 10.16 . & cap. 11.26 . and he describeth Communicating , by taking the Cup , as a most noble part , saying , Yee cannot drinke the cup of the Lord and the cup of deuils , 1. Cor. 10.21 . Iustin Martir , who borders vpon the Apostles , saith , That Christians in his age , distributed the sanctified Bread and Wine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to euery one present : and he addeth further , that the Apostles taught , That Iesus commanded them to doe thus . Saint Chrysostome saith a , That whereas in the old Law there was a difference betweene Priests and Laicks in communicating of Victimes ; in the New Testament it is otherwise , for one Bodie and one Cup is ministred to all . This practise continued as a Law , more than a thousand yeeres after Christ. And Haimo b ( who liued in the yeere 850. ) saith , That in his dayes , all the people receiued out of the Cup , the Blood of Christ. And Paschasius c after him , saith , That the Flesh , or Bread , is not lawfully receiued , without the Cup or Blood. But whatsoeuer our Sauiour himselfe , and his Apostles , and their successours , and the antient Church , by perpetuall succession , taught and practised a thousand yeeres and vpward , yea , euen the Latine Church it selfe , and the Easterne Churches c to this day ; the Romish generation exalting it selfe aboue God , not onely presumeth to commit Sacriledge at home , but it censureth the followers of Christs Testament of damnable Heresie d . Now , that they may with some colour aduance their owne Tradition against the Ordinance of Christ , they prie into euery corner , and inuent friuolous Glosses and Pretexts , as wee shall further perceiue , by that which followeth in our Aduersaries Discourse . IESVIT . Hence wee may probably inferre , That Christ gaue no speciall Precept thereof , because Christ hath commanded no more concerning the vse of the Eucharist , than what by the substance of the Institution and nature of the Sacrament we are bound vnto ; leauing accidentall circumstances belonging thereunto , to be ordained by the Apostles and Pastours of the Church , as S. Augustine noteth , saying , Our Lord did not appoint in what order the Sacrament of the Eucharist was to be taken afterward , but left authoritie to make such appointments vnto his Apostles , by whom he was to dispose , and order his Church : So clearely doth S. Augustine speake , that Christ gaue no commandement to his Church concerning the vse of the Sacrament , besides such as are contained in the substance of the Institution of the Sacrament , of which kinde , Communion vnder both kinds , cannot be , as hath beene prooued , which will farther appeare , by pondering the places alleadged to prooue a Precept . ANSVVER . Ecclesiasticall power , to adde , detract , or alter any thing about Sacraments , is confined to things adiaphorous : and Saint Augustine a , in the place obiected , speaketh expresly of these : but the materiall parts of Sacraments , belong to their substance , euen as the matter of the heauens is of the substance of the heauens , and the matter of the Scripture is of the substance of the Scripture . And if in the holy Eucharist the Element of Wine is not of the substance thereof , then the Eucharist may bee administred without wine ; also the kinde of the Element may be changed , and milke or broath , substituted in the place of wine ; and the Communion may be celebrated in wine without bread . In all compounded things , the moitie of the matter , is the moitie of the substance : and whatsoeuer Iesuited Romists teach , I see not how their Laickes can truely say , that they haue at any time in all their liues beene partakers of this Sacrament ; for if halfe a man be not a man , then likewise halfe a Communion is not a Communion . If they except , That they receiue the Blood of Christ Consecutiue , or by Concomitancie : I reply , This Answere solueth not the difficultie , for I dispute of the materiall Element , and the direct receiuing thereof , and not of receiuing the blood of Christ spiritually , or any other way . Now the wine is a moitie of the substantiall outward matter of the Eucharist , and therefore if they receiue not the wine , they receiue not the one halfe of the substantiall outward matter of the Eucharist ; and consequently , they receiue no Eucharist : for as the poope of a ship , the prowe being broken away , is no ship ; and as halfe a cloake is not a garment to keepe a man warme : so likewise , halfe a Communion is no Sacrament . And concerning the being of Christs Blood in the bread by Concomitancie : I answere , If this were granted , they receiue not Christs blood Sacramentally , but some other way : for nothing is receiued Sacramentally , but that which is caused by the words of consecration : Ergo , It is not there Sacramentally , and consequently it is not receiued Sacramentally . IESVIT . The words of Christ , Doe this in remembrance of me , doe no wayes inferre a Precept of both kinds . First , because he said , Doe this in remembrance of me , onely of the Sacrament in forme of bread ; of the forme of wine , not absolutely , but conditionally , Doe this as often as you drinke , in memorie of me , that the Aduersaries of the Church , might not haue any the least plausible shew , to complaine of her neglecting Gods Precept . For this Precept , Doe this , being the onely Precept giuen by Christ to his Church , as shall afterwards appeare , and giuen absolutely of the forme of Bread ; conditionally of the forme of Wine ; there is no colour to accuse the Church of doing against Christs Precept , by Communion vnder one kinde . ANSWER . The first reason vpon which you presume , that our Sauiours words , Doe this in remembrance of me , are not Preceptiue , in regard of Communion in both kinds , is an emptie shadow , without substance of matter . Our Sauiour in your Tenet , saith not , Doe this as often as you Lay men communicate , but whensoeuer you receiue the cup and drinke , then doe it in remembrance of me . But if this be the whole sence , then Christs words must be resolued against sence in this manner . As often as you Lay people drinke , which needeth neuer to be done by you , ( according to Romish Diuinitie ) Doe this nothing , in remembrance of me . Secondly , Quotiescunque biberitis , as often as you drinke , maketh not the Precept conditionall , in respect of the cup , more than of the bread : for in the very next verse it followeth , Quotiescunque ederitis panem hunc , as often as you shall eate this bread : and therefore , if as often as you shall drinke , restraineth the speech in regard of the cup , then as often as you shall eate , restraineth the Precept in regard of the bread . And Haimo saith , Idem sensus est , &c. There is the same sence of , Doe this , being referred to the cup , as of Doe this , being referred to the bread . But Doe this , referred to the bread , is a Precept : Ergo , Doe this , referred to the cup , is also a Precept . But the Romanist , infatuated with this conceit , croweth as followeth , That the Aduersaries of the Church might not haue the least plausible shew , &c. The Vermine is deceiued , in calling vs , Aduersaries of the Church ; for wee are fast friends to the true Catholicke Church , and we are Aduersaries to Romists , an vnsound Church , no otherwise than Saint Paul was to the Galathians , when he said , Am I therefore become your enemie , because I tell you the truth , Gallat . 4. 16. And touching the fancie of this Obiectour , I adde , That euen as when Saint Paul said , 1. Cor. 10. 31. Whether yee eate or drinke , or whatsoeuer thing else ye doc , doe all to the glorie of God : If these words should be resolued in this manner , As often as ye eate and drinke , doe this to the glorie of God ; the placing of this word , As often , restraineth not the speech from being a Precept : so likewise , when Saint Paul saith , As often as ye shall drinke , doe this in remembrance of me ; this manner of speaking , altereth not his words from being a commandement . IESVIT . Secondly , suppose Christ spake these imperatiue words , Doe this , after the giuing of the Cup , yet are they to be vnderstood with this restriction , Doe this , that is , all things that belong to the essence and substance of this Action , in memorie of me : for if we extend the Precept , Doe this , further than the substance of the Action , vnto the Accidentarie circumstances thereof , in which , Christ did then institute and gaue the Sacrament , many absurdities will follow . By this rule , wee must alwayes celebrate and receiue the Eucharist after supper , as Christ did ; especially , seeing this circumstance of after supper , was chosen of Christ , as being verie proper and mysterious : for thereby is signified , that this is the sacrifice which succeedes the Paschall Lambe that was offered in the euening : the sacrifice , whereof the royall Prophet saieth in the person of Christ , Eleuatio manuum mearum Sacrificium vespertinum , The Sacrifice instituted in the Euening of the World , to continue vntill the end thereof . We should also by this rule , be bound stil to celebrate in Azime , that is , vnleauened Bread , in which Christ did celebrate and giue the Sacrament , saying , Do this : which circumstance was also mysticall , signifying the puritie of our Sauiours virginall bodie and person , which was without any leauen of finne . And befides , the Priest might not giue the Sacrament vnto any but such whose feet he had washedafore , seeing Christ gaue the Eucharist with this preparatiue Circumstance : which doubtlesse is verie pertinent , and mysterious , to signifie with what puritie of conscience men ought to approach vnto the sacred Table . If to bind men to obserue these circumstances of our Sauiours Action ( though mysterious and Sacramentall ) were absurd ( as without doubt it is most absurd ) then we must not extend the Precept , Doe this , to the Circumstances of Christs Action ; but acknowledge that the Precept , Do this , onely includes the doing of that which pertaines to the substance of the Sacrament , and so not to the giuing of both kinds , the substance thereof being entire in one onely kind , as hath beene prooued . ANSVVER . This precept is not extended to things adiaphorous , and accidentall circumstances , such as was the time , after supper ; the place , and vpper roome ; the persons , men onely , and no women ; the qualitie of the bread , vnleauened ; the gesture of the receiuers , the preuious washing of feet , &c. but it commandeth onely that which was of the substance of the holy Eucharist . And the sacramentall signes of Bread and Wine , or such as hath formerly beene prooued , pag. 482. &c. IESVIT . The second Text , much vrged for the giuing of the Cup vnto all men , is the words of our Sauiour , Bibite ex hoc omnes , wherein some note our Sauiours prouidence , saying , That he foreseeing that some would take the Cup from the Laitie , granting them the consecrated Bread , said of the Supper , Bibite ex hoc omnes ; but not of the Bread , Manducate ex hoc omnes . I answere , The words of our Sauiour be plaine , Drinke ye all of this ; but the difficultie is , to whom they are spoken , and who are these all ? Luther would haue , all men for whom the bloud of Christ was shed ; whence is followes , that as the Bloud of Christ was shed for all men , euen Infidels , Iewes , Turkes , Infants , the Cup also should be giuen vnto all these , which to say were verie absurd . Others restraine the word , All , to the Faithfull , come to the yeares of discretion , who must drinke of the Cup all of them . But what shall we say of them that are by nature abstemij , who cannot indure the tast of any wine , yet are not to be excluded from the Sacrament ? Wherefore the trueth is , that these wordes were spoken vnto all the Apostles , and to them All only . And though it be enough for Catholickes to say it , and put their Aduersaries to prooue their pretended precept , which they call of the eternall King , for the Cup ( and so long as they cannot cleerely conuince the contrarie , good reason the word of the Church , defined by Councels , should stand ) yet exabūdanti , we can very probably shew out of the sacred Text , that the particle All , concernes all the Apostles only . First , what one Euangelist saith was commanded vnto all , Bibite ex hoc omnes , Drinke yee all of this ; another relates to haue beene answerably performed by them all , biberunt ex eo omnes , all dranke thereof . But the second All , is restrained to all the Apostles , and to them all onely : What reason then is there to extend the words , Drinke yee all of this , further than to all the Apostles ? ANSVVER . That which S. Stephen spake to the vnfaithfull Iewes , Yee do alwaies resist the holy Ghost , Act. 7. 51. is verified in the Pharisees of Rome , for no light of heauenly veritie is so illustrious , which this generation , in fauour of their owne impietie , will not indeauour to cloud . Is it possible for any thing to be more euident for Communion in both kindes , than this precept of Christ , Drinke yee all of this a ? especially when the same is expounded by the immediat practise of our Sauiour , and by the practise of the holy Apostles , and of the Primitiue Church ? But the sonnes of darkenesse , hauing renounced veritie , and chosen the way of errour , blunder and grope in the cleere light , and verba recta ac veritatis luce fulgentia , tortuosis interpretationibus obscurare & deprauare moliuntur ( as S. Augustine b long since spake of the Pelagians . ) The Iesuits euasion or starting hole is , the words of Christ , Math. 26.27 . Drinke yee all of this , containe a precept not generall to all Communicants , but speciall or singular , to the Apostles onely . The reasons of this assertion are : First , if the precept were generall , then all men for whom the Bloud of Christ was shed , euen Infidels , Iewes , Turkes , and Infants must receiue the Cup. A profound obiection , and such as will take away the Bread as well as the Cup from Lay people . For at the instant , when Christ ordained and administred the holy Eucharist , none were present ( for ought we know ) but only the Apostles . And there is extant a speciall rule touching people of riper yeares , and for Christians onely to receiue this Sacrament , 1. Cor. 11.28 . &c. cap. 10.17.21 . and Cardinall Caietan c concludeth the same out of our Sauiors precept , Math. 26.26 . The consequence of this Obiection , to wit , the Precept of Christ , is not generall in respect of all Christians rightly disposed ; because when the Eucharist was first administred , and these words vttered , none were present but the Apostles , is like vnto these which follow . None were present but the Apostles , and the words were in speciall directed to them , when Christ said , Watch and pray least yee fall into temptation , Math. 26.41 . Ergo , this precept concerneth the Apostles onely , and not Lay men . Also when our Sauiour said , Math. 18.3 . Vnlesse yee bee conuerted , and become as little children , yee shall not enter into the kingdome of God , the Apostles onely were present , and the Doctrine was personally pronounced to them alone . Also , Math. 18.9 . 15.22 . the like is found concerning other doctrines and precepts , and yet these doctrines and precepts are common to all Christians . The Romists ( if they were not partiall ) could distinguish betweene personall precepts deliuered to the Apostles onely ( as they were by office Pastors of the Church ) and betweene common precepts , deliuered vnto them as Christians , and as they represented the whole body of the Church . But the Obiectour addeth , That we are not able to demonstrate , that this Precept Drinke yee all of this , was common . I answere , First , if that which Christ said to the Apostles , S. Paul spake to the whole multitude of Beleeuers , then Christs words vttered to the Apostles were common : But the first is true , 1. Cor. 11. 28. And S. Hierome a inferreth vpon the same , Oportet Coenam dominicam esse communem , quià ille omnibus Discipulis suis qui aderant , equalitèr tradidit Sacramenta , The Lords Supper ought to be common , because Christ deliuered the Sacraments of his Bodie and Bloud equally to all the Disciples that were present . Secondly , If Communion in both kinds hath not foundation in Christs words vttered to the Apostles , then Communion in one kind wanteth foundation in Christs words and institution : and if it haue not foundation in Christs words , then it wanteth all foundation ; for S. Paul grounds his whole Doctrine , touching the holy Eucharist , vpon our Sauiours words and institution , 1. Cor. 11.23 . Thirdly , If the reason why the Apostles receiued the Cup , was , because they were Priests , then all Priests being present at the communion , ought to receiue in both kinds , although they administer not ; but this is repugnant to the practise of the Romane Church . Fourthly , It is not certaine that the Apostles were Priests when Christ ordained and administred the Eucharist , for that they were not Priests , Math. 18. is affirmed by our Aduersaries a , and that they were made Priests , Luke 22. by the words Hoc facite , as Bellarmine , Suares , Henriques , Hosius , Canisius , &c. say , can neuer be prooued : for what force is there in Hoc facite , to conclude Priestly Ordination : and if Hoc facite prooueth Priesthood , then Lay men are made Priests , when the words , Doe this in remembrance of mee , are spoken to them b , in part , or respectiuely . Hitherto we haue found nothing in our Aduersaries , but Sophistrie of words , and Theomachie against Diuine Institution and Apostolicall Tradition . But to hold correspondence with the rest , the Iesuit addeth : IESVIT . Secondly , These words , Accipite , manducate , bibite , Take , eate , drinke , were certainely spoken vnto the same persons , and they runne so together in rancke , that no man can with probabilitie make the one outrunne the other : But the command , Accipite , which signifies , Take with your hands , ( for it is a Precept distinct from Manducate , which is , take with your mouth ) was giuen to the Apostles onely , not vnto all the faithfull ; else wee must say , That all Communicants were bound to take the consecrated Bread and Cup with their hands : who euer heard of such a Precept in the Christian Church . ANSWER . This Argument truely propounded , is , All persons commanded to eate , were commanded to take . None but the Apostles were commanded to take : for if Lay men were commanded to take , they must alwayes receiue the Eucharist in their hands , Ergo , None but the Apostles were commanded to eate . This Obiection , fighteth against Lay mens receiuing in one kinde , which vntill 〈◊〉 we supposed Papists had permitted , but it seemeth that they will haue the whole vse of the Sacrament depend vpon the Popes deuotion and pleasure . But touching the Argument , I denie the Assumption : for Lay men were commanded to take , that is , to receiue , at least into their mouthes , and then to manducate , that is , to chew or swallow , and to let the Element receiued , passe into their stomack a . To take with the hand is agreeable to Christs manner of Administration b , and it was vsed in the Primitiue Church , but the same is not of absolute necessitie , for some Communicants may want hands , or the naturall vse thereof : but to receiue into the mouth , and then to manducate or drinke , is commanded . The Iesuit imagineth , that all taking , is by the hand , and thus he prooueth himselfe to be neither good Grammarian , nor Diuine . Virgill saith , Illos porticibus rex accipiebat in amplis : where , accipio is to entertaine . S. Paul saith , Per quem accepimus gratiam , Rom. 1. 5. By whom we haue receiued grace and Apostleship , ca. 8.15 . Ye haue receiued ( 〈◊〉 ) the spirit of Adoption . The Angell said , Ioseph thou sonne of Dauid , feare not to take Mary thy wife . Math. 1. 20. His Bishopricke , let another man take . Act. 1.20 . IESVIT . The third reason is , because there was a peculiar and personall cause , Why Christ should giue that particular Councellor Admonition ( for the imperatiue word doth not euer signifie a precept , but often an aduise , or a permission , as your Maiestie well knowes ) to his Apostles , at that time , to wit , because he would haue them all , not onely drinke of his bloud , but also would haue them drinke of the same Cup , without filling and consecrating the same anew , this is more manifest in the Protestants opinion , who thinke the Chalice whereof Christ said in S. Mathew , Bibite ex hoc omnes , to be the same whereof he said in S. Luke , Accipite , diuidite inter vos , non enim bibam amplius de hoc genimine vitis : For this being supposed , the words Drinke ye all of this , imports the same , as Diuide this Cup amongst you . But , Diuide this Cup amongst you , was a personall precept , giuen to all the Apostles ; importing that euery one should drinke but a part of that Cup , and that also in such measure as the Cup , without new filling and consecration , might suffice for all to drinke therof , What ? All men in the world ? Or all Christians that should succeede them to the Worlds end ? Christ neuer intended that one Cup for all , nor is it indeed diuided or parted with vs , but the Apostles dranke it vp amongst them . Wherefore referring my saying to your Maiesties learned censure , I conclude , that to me it seemes cleere , that the precept or rather direction , Drinke ye all of this , was but personall , confined vnto the number of all there then present . ANSWER . The Precept , Drinke ye all of this ( saith the Iesuit ) was personall , and concerned the Apostles onely , because our Sauiour commanded them All to drinke of the same Cup without filling and consecrating it anew . But , if Drinke ye all of this , had imported a generall duty , then Christ could not haue stinted them to one single Cup. This obiection is grounded vpon a false Principle , which is , all Precepts are Personall in regard of their substance , wherein any circumstance is Personall . Nothing can be more absurd and false than this Position : for in the Decalogue it selfe , some things were Personall , as appeareth by the Preface , Exod. 20.2 . Likewise in many generall or common Preepts of the old and new Testament , some personall circumstances may be noted , and yet the substance of the Commandement is generall . 1. Cro. 28.9 . Pro. 30.1.3 . Math. 18.2.3 . Ioh. 13.13 , 14. Also we may consider a twofold vnitie of the Cup : Specifical , and Indiuiduall ; to drinke of the same indiuiduall Cup , euen as to eate of the same indiuiduall loase , is an accidentall circumstance . But to drinke , and receiue the common kind , to wit , the fruit of the Wine , this is the substance of the Commandement . If we parallell the Obiection , the defect is manifestly ridiculous . It is not of the substance of Christs Commandement , That lay People shall receiue consecrated Bread at the Communion , because the Bread which Christ gaue his Disciples , was of one Indiuiduall loafe , but the bread of one indiuiduall loafe will not suffice all men in the world , therefore the Precept of receiuing consecrated Bread was Personall , and concerned the Apostles only . Now if a man should vse this Argument , which in substance is the same with the Iesuits , he had in my opinion , more cause to blush for shame , than to glory before the Presence of a most iudicious and learned King , as this vaine Boaster doth . IESVIT . Another text of Scripture some vrge to prooue , That Communion vnder one kind is commanded , to wit , the famous place out of the sixt chapter of S. Iohn , Except ye eate the flesh and drinke the bloud of the Sonne of man , you shall not haue life in you . Where our Sauiour vnder the penaltie of loosing eternall life , commands not onely eating but also drinking , Perchance your Maiestie doth not stand much vpon this , as not beleeuing that chapter of S. Iohn to concerne the Sacramentall sumption of our Sauiours Flesh , as also some learned Catholikes hold . Not withstanding , though we grant that Chapter to concerne the eating and drinking in the Sacrament , as most of the Fathers teach , yet this obiection may be easily satisfied by the former Principles : for as we distinguish in the Sacrament the substance and the manner , The substance being to receiue the body of Christ , the manner in both kinds by formall eating and drinking : so the same distinction is to be made in our Sauiours Precept about this Sacrament . For howsoeuer his words may sound of the manner of receiuing in both kinds , yet his intention is to command no more than the substance , to wit , that we really receiue his body and bloud , which may be done vnder one kind . This is made cleere by the Precept by our Sauiour giuen about another Sacrament , to wit , Baptisme ; where , though his words seeme to define the manner , yet his mind was but to determine the substance : He saith to his Apostles , Baptise all nations in the name of the Father , and of the Sonne , and of the holy Ghost : To baptise , signifies the same that the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , not to wet or sprinkle with water , but to put and plunge into the Water by immersion , bathing them in water ; in which respect , Baptisme is tearmed by the Apostle , the Lauer or Bath of the renouation of the holy Ghost . And yet because the Church teacheth Baptisme by 〈◊〉 or sprinkling to be sufficient and substantiall Baptisme , no lesse than Baptisme by immersion , Christians must and doe so interpret the words of Christ ( Baptize ) that is , plunge into the water all Nations , to command onely cleansing and washing in substance , not the manner thereof by immersion , as his words may seeme to import , and the Primitiue Church did the first sixe hundred yeares practise . Jn this like sort , the words , Vnlesse you eate the flesh of the Sonne of man , and drinke of his bloud , you shall not haue life in you , be preceptiue no further than they signifie reall receiuing of his body and bloud ; not the manner of both kinds , as may appeare by the intention of the Commaundement . For as Christ gaue this Precept of Eating and Drinking , onely to the end that wee might haue life in vs ; so likewise he meant to command the same no further than it was necessary to this end . But eating formally the body of Christ vnder the forme of Bread , and vertually and implicitly his bloud , as contayned within his Sacred body , suffiseth that we may haue life in vs , as he promiseth in the same place , He that eateth this Bread shall liue for euer : What necessitie then is there to vnderstand this Precept of formall receiuing in both kinds ? But further I adde the coniunctiue particle ( & , and ) signifies disjunctiuely the same that ( vel , or ) as Argentum & aurum non est mihi , and particularly of this Sacrament , He that eateth and drinketh vnworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation : the sence is disjunctiue , eateth or drinketh vnworthily . In this sort the words of Christ , Except you eate and drinke , is to be vnderstood disjunctiuely , Except you eate the flesh or drinke the bloud of the Sonne of man , you shall not haue life in you . Which disjunctiue sence to be the sence intended in this place , may be prooued , because else Christ should be contrary to himselfe : for seeing in the ver . 59. of this Chapter , He promiseth life eternall to eating onely , Qui manducat panem viuit in aeternum , If in the foure and fiftie verse of the same Chapter , he require vnto himselfe life euerlasting , eating and drinking both , he should in the space of a few lines speake contraries . And because this is impossible , wee interprete the place disiunctiuely , vnlesse you eate or drinke , &c. ANSWER . Cardinall Bellarmine a affirmeth , that the Text of Saint Iohn cap. 6. is to be expounded of the holy Eucharist ; and not onely of spirituall receiuing , but also of Sacramentall eating and drinking the Bodie and Blood of Christ : And hee saith , that although some Catholickes , to wit , Gabriel Biel b , Cusanus c , Caietan d , Ruard Tapper e , Hesselius f , and 〈◊〉 g , expound this Chapter of spirituall Receiuing , yet other Pontificians hold , as himselfe doth h : with Bellarmine also agree Suares i , Vasques k , Gregorie Valence l , Salmeron , Barradius , &c. From this Exposition , it followeth , That Communicants when they partake the holy Eucharist , ought to receiue in both kindes ; for our Sauiour saith , Iohn 6.54 . He that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , &c. 55. My flesh is meate indeed , and my blood is drinke indeed , 56. Hee that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood , dwelleth in me , and I in him . 53. Except ye eate the flesh , and drinke the blood of the Sonne of man , &c. Our Aduersarie , after some staggering about the place , Ioh. 6. condescendeth at last to Bellarmines Tenet , and admitting that Saint Iohn treateth of Sacramentall Receiuing , answeres the former places , by a distinction of substance and manner , saying , That howsoeuer Christs words may sound of the manner of Receiuing in both kinds ; yet his intention is , to command no more than the substance ; and he prooueth this by the example of Baptisme , wherein , although according to the letter , dipping and plunging into the water is required , yet according to the Intention , sprinckling is sufficient . But heere I demand of the Romist , Whether any thing touching the manner of receiuing the Eucharist , is deliuered in Christs words or not ? And if nothing , then our Sauiour treateth not , either of Spirituall or Sacramentall eating or drinking , for both these belong to the manner : and if hee speake about the manner , then the Blood of Christ must be Sacramentally receiued , as well as his Bodie : but it is not receiued Sacramentally a vnder bread alone , because to receiue Sacramentally , is to receiue vnder the proper and indiuiduall signe , representing the Blood receiued , which is Wine . And implicite and vertuall receiuing of Christs Blood , is spirituall drinking , and this is performed out of the Sacrament , and not onely in the same . The last euasion is , That in the words of Christ , Et , is taken for Aut , that is , vnlesse you eate the flesh , or drinke the blood of the Sonne of man , ye haue no life , &c. This poore Cauill , borrowed from Claudius de Saincts b , is against the letter of the Text : and if it be admitted , then it will follow , That it is not necessarie to drinke the blood of the Sonne of man , implicitely and vertually : and the reason why Christ nameth bread alone , vers . 51. is , in opposition to Manna : for the Sonne of God descended from heauen by incarnation , and propounded himselfe incarnate , as an obiect of Faith c , and because he was the spirituall Life , and food of mans soule , by donation of his Word and Grace ; and heerein excelled Manna , which was onely corporall bread . But in the sacred Eucharist Christ is represented , as hauing perfected mans saluation , and this representation is made by two sensible signes , wherein his suffering of death , by separation of bodie and soule , and of bodie and blood , is visibly proposed : and whosoeuer receiueth him Sacramentally , as he was sacrificed on the Crosse , must receiue him by both the signes ; because in both , and not in one alone , there is a representation of his Passion , and of the effusion of his blood . As for the Iesuites instance in the manner of Baptising , whether by plunging or by sprinckling , the same is not to purpose : For in our Question , the Dispute is , about taking away one of the Elements and materiall parts of a Sacrament : in Baptisme onely a circumstance , in the manner of applying and vsing the Element , was altered by the Church . But from alteration of a thing accidentall , or of circumstance , to inferre a libertie to defalcate a substantiall part , is sophisticall . IESVIT . §. 5. Communion vnder one kinde , not against the Practise of the Primitiue CHVRCH . CErtaine it is , that the Primitiue Church did very often and frequently vse Communion vnder both kindes , so that Lay men had by prescription a right to receiue in both kindes , yea , they were bound thereunto by the Obligation of custome , not by Diuine Precept . ANSWER . THe Primitiue Church , in all her publicke Assemblies and congregations , administred the holy Eucharist to the people in both kinds perpetually , and not frequently onely , or often ( as the Iesait minseth . ) And Iustin Martir saith a , That the Apostles prescribed this , as commanded by Christ : and Saint Cyprian b hath these words , Lex esum sanguinis prohibet , Euangelium precipit vt bibatur ; Whereas the old Law forbade the eating of blood , the Gospell commandeth to drinke the blood : and in his 63 Epistle , Many Bishops , &c. depart not from that which our Master Christ commanded and performed ( Praecepit & iussit ) but others of ignorance and simplicitie , In Calice Dominico sanctificando , & 〈◊〉 ministrando , In consecrating and ministring the Cup to the people , doe not that which Christ our Lord and God performed and taught . Petrus de Occhagauia saith c , that the words , Et plebi ministrando , Deliuering it to the people , are not St. Cyprians . But this man went by heare-say , as appeareth both by the elder & later Edition d of Cyprian : And that this was the constant Doctrine of this Father , is manifest by other places cited in the Margen e . Therefore it is palpably vntrue which the Iesuit venteth , They were bound thereunto by Obligation of Custome , and not by Diuine Precept . IESVIT . Also because the Manichees , being impiously per suaded that wine was the gall of the prince of darknesse , did superstitiously abstaine from the Chalice . The Church in detestation of this errour , commaunded , for a time , Communion vnder both kinds : Vpon which ocasion Gelasius Pope made the decree recorded by Gratian , aut integra Sacramenta suscipiant , aut ab integris arceantur . And why , because such Abstinents , 〈◊〉 qua superstitione docentur astringi , that is were superstitious , not abstaining out of any deuotion , but out of impious persuasion of the impuritie of Gods creature . Wherefore the crime with which some Protestants charge vs , That our receiuing vnder the sole forme of Bread , is to iumpe in opinion with the Manichees , we may ( as Doctor Morton confesseth ) reiect as injurious , saying , That it was not the Manichees 〈◊〉 from wine , but the reason of their for 〈◊〉 , that was iudged hereticall . This custome was the cause that Cyprian saieth , That the Law 〈◊〉 the eating of bloud , but the 〈◊〉 commaunds the same should be drunke , not only because some Christians , to wit , Priests are bound to 〈◊〉 the Bloud of Christ , but also because Christ in his 〈◊〉 did 〈◊〉 the Sacrament of his Bodie and Bloud in both kinds . Whence grew the custome of the Primitiue Church , to receiue in both kinds , and by custome there grew further , an Oligation to drinke of the 〈◊〉 there were some iust cause of 〈◊〉 , as in the sicke , and in some that by nature loathed wine . ANSVVER . One errour begets another . It was formerly said , that Communion in both kinds was vsed by the Fathers , as a matter of custome onely , and not because of precept : now it is added , that this was done only because of the errour of the Manichees . I answere , First , before euer the Manichees appeared in any number a , Communion in both kinds was in practise , as appeareth by the Apostles , and by Ignatius , Dionysius , Iustin Martyr , Ireneus , Tertullian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Saint Cyprian a . Secondly , although Pope 〈◊〉 b in his Sermon speaketh of the Manichees , yet Vasques c the Iesuit saith , That he commanded not the vse of the Cup ; because of them , but required that these Heretickes which feigned themselues Catholickes , and came to the holy Communion , receiuing the Bread , and taking the Cup into their hands , pretending that they drunke the Wine , and yet did not , should carefully be obserued . Thirdly , touching the place of Pope Gelasius d , the same Author saith e , That whereas some of his part applie the same to the Manichees , yet this exposition agreeth not with the last branch of the Canon ; for therein Gelasius teacheth that the mysterie of the Eucharist is of that nature in regard of it selfe , that without grieuous sacriledge it cannot be diuided and seuered the one part from the other , to wit , because of the institution and signification . Thus our Aduersarie is confuted , touching Pope Leo and Gelasius , by a most intelligent and learned Doctour of his owne societie . IESVIT . And as this is certaine and granted on our part , so it is no lesse certaine that the Primitiue Church did neuer practise the vse of the Cup , as pertaining to the essentiall integritie of the Sacrament , or as commaunded by diuine precept , but thought the recoiuing vnder one and both kinds , a thing indifferent . This may be prooued by the consideration of the time since Christs 〈◊〉 , from our dayes vpward , whence I gather fiue Arguments . First , is the confession of our Aduersaries , amongst whom a Bohemian Protestant doth professe , That hauing the feare of God before his eyes , be dares not censure the Roman Church of Heresie in this point . Hospinian writes that some Protestants confessed that whole christ was really present , exhibited , and receiued vnder euery kind , and therefore vnder the onely forme of Bread : and that they did not iudge those to do euill that communicated vnder one kind . Melancthon , As to eate , or not to eate Swines flesh , is placed in our power , and athing indifferent , so ( saith he ) J iudge of the Eucharist , that they finne not , who knowing and beleeuing this libertie , doe vse either part of the figne . And Luther , They finne not against Christ , who vse one kind , seeing Christ doth not commaund to vse it , but hath left it to the will of euerie one . And Hospinian alledgeth Luther , affirming , Jt is not needfull to giue both kinds , but the one alone sufficeth : the Church hath power of ordaining onely one , and the people ought to be content therewith , if it be ordained by the Church . But these testimonies though they may serue to stop the mouth of a clamorous Aduersarie , yet are they not sufficient to satisfie any iuditious man , in regard their Authors were men most vncertaine and various in their Doctrines about Religion , now auerring as Orthodox and diuine Truth , what soone after they fell to abhor as hereticall and impious . ANSWER . Concerning Luther , Melancthon , Iohannes Perzibram , &c. I answere , that your benefactor Coccius ( to whom you are perpetually indebted for your readings ) alledgeth some such sayings out of these Authors , but how truely it is vncertaine ; for in the ordinarie editions , I find the contrarie deliuered by them a . , made a Booke of Recognitions . And it were more seemely for your selfe to reuoke your errours than to persist in a blind and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Truth . IESVIT . I adde therefore , secondly , the definitions of the three generall Councels celebrated before the breach of Luther from the Romane Church . The Councell of Florence , wherein were present the Grecian and Armenian Bishops , where 〈◊〉 is defined , that Christ is whole vnder each 〈◊〉 . The Councell of 〈◊〉 , though they allowed the vse of the Cup 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 , defined the lawfulnesse of Communion vnder one kind . The Councell of Constance gaue example vnto both these former Councels , being the first that defined this truth . ANSVVER . You adde nothing of any worth , for the Councels of Constance and Basil were in your owne eyes vncanonical and he adlesse , and are reiected by your selues in diuers articles a : and when you prooue ( which will be Ad Calendas Graecas ) that the three Synods , named by you , were generall Councells , it shall be granted that Communion in one kind is not destitute of generall Synodicall late Testimonie . IESVIT . The third argument , is the receiued and allowed generall custome of the Church , which spontaneously euen before the Councell of Constance , did abstaine from the Cup , as the said Councell doth acknowledge : which may be prooued by the testimonies of many that liued before the Councell of Constance . Yea Alexander Halensis ( who liued two hundred yeares before the 〈◊〉 of Constance ) sayeth , That almost euerie where , Lay men receiued vnder the sole for me of Bread. And venerable Bede doth signifie , That in the Church of England , euer since the first 〈◊〉 of her vnder S. Gregorie , was vsed 〈◊〉 vnder one kind for the Laitie : which could neuer haue entred into the Church , without being 〈◊〉 and marked as an Heresie , had not the Church euer held Communion vnder one or both kinds , as a thing of indifferencie . ANSWER . The Greeke Church alwayes receiued in both kinds ( as your selues acknowledge ) a therefore Communion in one kind was at no time an vniuersall Custome . Also Vasques b the Iesuit saith , Wee cannot denie , but that euen in the Latine Church , Communion in both kinds was vsed , and had continuance vntill the age of Thomas Aquinas . Alexander de Hales affirmeth c , There is more Merit and power of Grace in Communion in both kinds , than in one . Lastly , you were guided with that Spirit which is mentioned 3. Kings 22. v. 21. when you affirme , That venerable Bede saith , in the Church of England , euer since her first Conuersion vnder S. Gregorie , Communion vnder one kind was in vse for the Laitie . First , No such report is found in this Author : Secondly , In one of the Testimonies cited by your selfe , the contrarie is affirmed . For the two Apostles which are reported to haue spoken to a certaine young Lad , say as followeth d : You must wait vntill the Masse or Communion be ended ; and hauing then receiued the holy Food of the Lords Bodie and Bloud , you shall be deliuered from your infirmitie by Death , and exalted to coelestiall ioyes . IESVIT . The fourth Argument is drawne from many signes and tokens , that the Primitiue Church did sometimes vse Communion vnder one kind . First , the 〈◊〉 receiued vnder the onely forme of Bread , as may appeare by the History of Serapion , related by Eusebius , and the Graecians at this day though they giue the Cup to the Communicants in the Church , yet to the sicke they send the Sacrament vnder one kind . Yea S. Ambrose , as Paulinus relateth in his life , at his death receiued the Sacrament vnder the sole forme of Bread , and straight after the receiuing thereof gaue vp his soule . ANSWER . First , touching Serapion , related by Eusebius , he receiued both Bread and Wine : for the ladde which brought the Portion of the Eucharist , was commanded by the Priest , which sent him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to sop the Bread into Wine , and being moistened , to put it into the old mans mouth ; and this was performed accordingly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a the ladde wetted , or moistened the Portion of Bread , which he receiued of the Priest , and infused the same into Serapion the old mans mouth ; and the Councell of Towers , alleadged by Burchardus and Iuo b , reporteth the manner and reason of dipping the Bread in this sort : We command , That the Eucharist which is 〈◊〉 to be giuen sicke Persons , shall be dipped into the bloud of our Lord , that the Priest may say in truth , The body and bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ profit thee to life eternall . Which dipping sheweth that they thought it not sufficient to giue the sicke only the Bread. Secondly , if Paulinus ( of whom Erasmus c saith , it is the same Craftsman , which hath corrupted so many things in the writings of S. Hierome and S. Augustine ) report truely touching S. Ambrose , this prooueth not , That Communion in one kind was in ordinary vfe , but that S. Ambrose being speechlesse , and without vnderstanding , and deceasing instantly after the Bread was put into his mouth d , and consequently being preuented by death , receiued ( by reason of this accident ) one materiall part of the Sacrament onely . IESVIT . Secondly , it was an antient custome in the Church to giue the Sacrament vnto Lay men , especially vnto Eremites , to be carryed in most pure linnen corporalls home to their houses , to be taken in the morning before all other meates , but there is no signe or token in Antiquity , That the Faithfull , together with the consecrated Bread did carry away with them consecrated Wine : yea diuers Histories shew , the onely forme of Bread was carryed away , and consequently that the Church did not then esteeme of Communion 〈◊〉 one kind , as of a Sacrilegious mayming of the Sacrament , as Protestants now doe . ANSVVER . It was an antient custome to send the Communion to Persons absent , in both kinds , as appeareth by the Historie of Exuperius , in S. Hierome a . And Gregorie Nazianzen b saith of his sister Gorgonia , if her hand had laid vp any Portion of the types or tokens of the pretious body , and of the bloud , &c. And as touching sicke persons , Why should we not iudge , that the same order and proportion was kept in sending the Sacrament to them at their houses , as was obserued when sicke persons came to the Communion Table or Altar in the Church . IESVIT . Thirdly , it was an antient custome in the Graecian Church , to consecrate the holy Eucharist on Saturdayes and Sundayes ; and on the other dayes of the weeke to communicate Ex praesanctificatis , of the praesanctified forme st hat is consecrated on the Saturday or Sunday before . Now it is not probable , that they did consecrate Wine to indure fiue or sixe dayes long , for feare ( specially in such hot Countreyes ) the same should grow sower . Wherefore for the most part they did communicate vnder one kind . ANSWER . The Office of the Greeke Church , making mention of the Sacramentall signes , consecrated or sanctified before they were vsed a , nameth Bread and Wine : For thus wee reade in the same , That after the Priest hath sanctified the Bread , hee powreth Wine and Water into the sacred Cup , and rehearseth the accustomed words , &c. And the Liturgie Praesanctificatorum , of the Presanctified signes , according to Genebrards a 〈◊〉 , speaketh both of the body and of the bloud presented in the mysticall signes . It appeareth also by Balsamon b , vpon the 52 Canon of the Synod in Trullo , that both the Elements were consecrated at least vpon two seuerall dayes in the weeke ; and Baronius c acknowledgeth , That in antient times the Eucharist was reserued in both the kinds : now if it was consecrated and reserued in both kinds , Why should we imagine , that it was not deliuered and receiued in both kinds ? IESVIT . Fourthly , the Manichees liued in Rome , and other places , shrouding themselues among Catholikes , went to their Churches , receiued the Sacrament publikely with them , vnder the sole forme of Bread : and yet they were not noted , nor there discerned from Catholikes . A manifest signe that Communion vnder one kind was publikely in the Church permitted at the least vpon some iust causes that might be pretended For how could the Manichees still refusing the Cup , haue beene hidden among these antient Christians , if they had beene persuaded , as now Protestants , that receiuing vnder one kind only is a Sacriledge ? If one in the Church of England should refuse the Cup but once in a publike Communion in the Church , would he not be incontinently noted ? ANSWER . The holy Eucharist in the dayes of Pope Leo the first was administred in both kinds , and Romists could neuer as yet produce any one sufficient testimonie or example , that so much as any one congregation of Christians in antient times receiued in the open Church vnder one kind . And although the place obiected out of Leo d doth in speciall concerne the Manichees , yet it sheweth plainely that the present doctrine and practise of the Roman Church , is not consonant to the antient practise of the same Church . Neuerthelesse , our peruerse Aduersary argueth against vs out of this place of Leo , saying , That if the Communion had not sometimes beene administred vnder one kind , the Manichees practise , in refusing the Cup , could not haue passed vnmarked , but must necessarily haue beene obserued . I answer : First , The Manichees were espied , and discouered ; otherwise , how could the Pope reprooue their practise . Secondly , Vasques a the Iesuit saith , That these Heretikes receiued the Cup into their hand , but dranke no Wine ; and among a multitude of Communicants , some few might hold the Cup to their mouth , and make shew of drinking , and yet receiue no Wine . IESVIT . The last Argument , is practise of the Apostles , that is , of the first Christians vnder them , of whom wee reade in the Acts of the Apostles , Erant perseuerantes in Doctrina Apostolorum , & communicatione , fractionis Panis , & Orationibus , speaking of sucred Eucharisticall Bread , the taking whereof was ioyned with Prayer , which vnto the newly baptised was straight giuen after Baptisme : and yet there is no mention of Wine . So that Protestants , if they will haue these Christians to haue Wine , they must out of their owne liberalitie , by way of interpretation , bestow it vpon them , seeing the words of the Text doe not affoord it them . To this Apostolicall practise , wee may adde the example of Christ , who gaue to his two Disciples in Emaus , the Sacrament vnder the sole forme of Bread. That the Bread Christ gaue , was Eucharisticall , and consecrated , the words of the Text insinuate , some learned Fathers affirme , and the miraculous effect of opening their eyes to know Christ , and their returne to Hierusalem and the Church of the Apostles in all hast , confirmes it . That they receiued at the hands of Christ the Sacrament vnder one onely kind of Bread , is euident by the context of the Holy Narration , which saith , That vpon our Sauiours breaking , and giuing them Bread , they knew him , and bee straight vanished out of their sight . So that here also , if Protestants will haue Wine giuen to these Disciples , they must by the superabundance thereof , in their Expositions , supply 〈◊〉 want thereof in Scripture ; yea , the Scripture in this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 capable of that Exposition , the Apostles acknowledging of Christ in the verie fraction , and giuing of Bread , and our 〈◊〉 departing in the same moment , leaues not-time for him , to giue them Wine after the Bread. ANSWER . Your last Argument is poore and drowsie , and perhaps you imagine , that at this your Feast ( if yet we may be said to drinke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sine Calice ) we haue drunke well before , and therefore in the conclusion , you giue vs that which is worst , Iohn 2. 8. The Antecedent , or leading part of your Argument , is dubious , and the Consequence also is infirme . First , you are not able to prooue out of the Texts , Act. 2.42 . or Luk. 24.30 . that Christ and his Apostles in those places , administred the holy Communion : for there may be Prayer and breaking of Bread , and yet no Sacrament , 1. Tim. 4. v. 3.4.5 . Also the place , Act. 2. 42. may be vnderstood of dealing bread by Eleemosinarie dole to the poore . And although some of the Fathers apply these Scriptures to the Eucharist , according to the mysticall sence , yet other Fathers are contrarie a , yea many Pontificians b expound these Texts , of common food or bread , and not of the Eucharist . But if the first Exposition were true , yet Communion in one kinde cannot be hence inferred ; for either the words are proper , or figuratiue . If Romists will presse them , according to the letter , then no wine at all was then vsed by Christ , Luc. 24. or by the Apostles , Act. 2. and consequently , it followeth , , 〈◊〉 . If they will yeeld , that there is a 〈◊〉 in the words , then , euen as when wee reade in sundrie places of Scripture , That people meet together to 31.34 〈◊〉 . 2.10 , wee vnderstand by a part of the 〈◊〉 , the whole ; not 〈◊〉 wine , or other in the 〈◊〉 Texts , making literall mention of bread onely , must be vnderstood , as mentioning a part of the spirituall Feast for the whole . Neither is there any force in the Argument ensuing , which is , Their eyes were opened to know Christ , Ergo ; They 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bread ; for the eyes may be opened by Miracle , Grace , and by Donation of Faith , Act. 10. 14. without receiuing Eucharisticall Bread. The holy Eucharist , is not a sole or 〈◊〉 cause of grace , 〈◊〉 there are other caufes and meanes besides : and therefore the Illation is inconsequent , 〈◊〉 an effect which may proceed from diuers and fundrie 〈◊〉 to one speciall and determinate efficient cause . But the Aduersarie proceedeth , saying , That after breaking of bread , Christ straight way vanished out of their sight , and they hastened to Hierusalem with all speed . Therefore there was no space after receiuing the Bread , for the sumption of Wine . The Reader may perceiue by these , and other such like writhings of the Text , vpon what foundation Popish Faith is builded . First , The word , Straight wayes , is not in the Narration , Luke 24. Secondly , The receiuing a small quantitie of Wine , could neither hinder our Sauiours expedition , nor the Apostles iourney to Ierusalem . Thirdly , How appeareth it , that receiuing Eucharisticall Bread , made the Disciples more agile in bodie , and prompter in minde to trauell to Hierusalem : for two Disciples ranne to the Sepulchre , with as much allacritie and expedition as was possible , 〈◊〉 . 20. 4 , and yet they had at that present time receiued no Eucharisticall Bread. Yea , on the contrarie , the Apostles of Christ , after the receiuing of the holy Eucharist , doe all of them flie away and forsake their Master , Math. 26.58 . This collection therefore , The Disciples hasted to Hierusalem , Ergo , They receiued the Eucharist , is dissolute , and not much vnlike that of Pope Boniface the eight , God said , Let vs make two great lights , Ergo , The Pope is greater than the Emperour . IESVIT . These bee the Warrants that Communion vnder one kinde hath , being the greatest that may bee : whereby appeares , that the Roman Church is furnisht with all kinde of proofe in this point , in which she doth seeme to her Aduersaries to be most forsaken of Antiquitie . Now supposing Communion vnder one kinde to be good and lawfull , That the Church could preseribe it , and , That shee had iust reasons to prescribe it , J will let passe without proofe , as a thing not doubted of by your Maiesties excellent wisedome . ANSVVER . All your warrants for halfe Communions , are meere Impostures , and audacious words and figments , Commota semel , & excussa mens , ei seruit à quo impellitur ( saith Seneca , ) The mind which is disordered and put out of frame , becomes a slaue to that which impells it . This is verified in you , you want all kinds of iust defence for your Sacriledge in mangling and dismembring the holy Communion , yet hauing once ouershot your selues , and become slaues to your owne conceit , of not being subiect to errour , Litigare magis quam sanari vultis , you chuse rather to make warre with heauen , than to retract your errour ; for they warre with heauen , which oppose the Testament of the Sonne of God , the Tradition of the holy Apostles , and the practise of the Primitiue Church : and this is your case , although you list not to see it , or rather seeing , to acknowledge it . THE EIGHT POINT . WORKES OF SVPERERROGATION SPECIALLY WITH REFERENCE TO THE TREASVRE OF THE CHVRCH . IESVIT . IT is hard , if not impossible , to giue satisfaction in this point , vnto any that is not aforehand persuaded of the Catholicke Doctrine of Merit . ANSVVER . THe word or name of merit is taken in two notions : First , properly , strictly , and vniuocally , Ro. 4.4 . Deu. 7.10 . Secondly , improperly , largely , and equiuocally , Eccle. 16.15 . The first is tearmed by Schoolemen , Merit of Condignitie a ; and the latter Merit of Impetration or of Congruitie . If the Iesuit maintaine Merit , according to the first acceptation , then out of all question the Doctrine of Merit is not Catholicke a . If he maintaine Merit , according to the second notion , then Popes pardons , and workes of Supererogation cannot be inferred or concluded from the doctrine of Merit ; for how can that action bee applied to other persons as satisfactorie , which is rewarded by God , of his free fauour and grace , aboue the desert of the person himselfe which hath wrought it ? IESVITS §. 1. The Doctrine of Merit declared . THis Doctrine is much misliked by Protestants as proud and arrogant , yet not so much misliked as misunderstood , their dislike growing from misconstruction thereof . For Catholickes hold that no worke is meritorious with God of it owne nature : but to make the same meritorious , many graces are required , and those most diuine and excellent , particularly these seuen . ANSVVER . CAn any thing be more arrogant and foolish , than for a miserable begger and sinner a , whose iustice is rather in remission of sinnes , than in perfection of vertues b , to maintaine that God should be vniust , if he rendred not heauen to mans good workes ? And yet this proud Doctrine is deliuered by the Rhemists , and by some other Romists . But our Aduersarie laboureth by distinction , to salue this Pharisaisme , saying , Good workes are not meritorious by their nature , but by many graces , &c. I answer , If he should maintaine , that Good workes merit iustification or perseuerance , not by their Nature , but by Grace , this distinction would not free his Tenet from error a : so likewise it is erroneus to maintaine that Good works merit glorie by Grace ; for that which is of Merit , is not of Grace b but of debt . And diuine grace doth not eleuate vertuous actions , by adding vnto them a force of meriting c , but onely by making them susceptible of a free and liberall reward , and by placing them in the state and order of causes impetrant , or dispositiue conditions . S. Paul saith , Rom. 8.18 d . I thinke that the Passions of this time are not condigne to the glorie to come , that shall be reuealed in vs. First , the passions here expressed , were Martyredomes sanctified by grace , Phil. 1.29 . and spirituall sacrifices of a sweete smelling sauour , 2. Tim. 4. 6. most pretious in Gods sight , Psalm . 116.15 . Secondly , Condignitie or Worthinesse , equall in desert or value to the reward of glorie , is denyed vnto them : but where there is inequalitie betweene the worke and the reward , and where the reward is of Grace , and the worke of debt , there is found no proportion of Condignitie . Origen e saith , I can hardly persuade my selfe , that there can be any good worke deseruing ( as a debt ) the reward of God. S. Augustine f , Thou shall not receiue eternall life for thy Merit , but only for Grace . Andreas Vega g saith , That many Schoole-men , to wit , Gregorie Arimine h , Durand i , Marsilius k , Waldensis l , Burgensis m , Eckius n , &c. reiect the Romish doctrine of merit of Condignitie , Dionisius Cistertiensis doth the like a . Brulifer saith b , It is a verie deuout opinion established by many authorities , that no man in this life ( how pure and perfect soeuer ) can merit coelestial glorie by 〈◊〉 , but that , by 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c d 〈◊〉 of e 〈◊〉 . And 〈◊〉 f the Iesuit 〈◊〉 . That the Roman Church hath not hitherto determined expressely the question of 〈◊〉 of condignitie : and the same author , with others g 〈◊〉 ; That Merit of congruitie is not truly , properly , & simply Merit , but 〈◊〉 quid & nomine tenus , comparatiuely , and in appellation only . And they deliuer a good reason of this assertion : for if for a small labour and seruice , or if for a seruice and obedience due of right by other titles , a liberall and immense gift shall be bestowed , there is no Merit in the receiuer , but the reward is meerely of 〈◊〉 in the bestower : So likewise when God Almightie bestoweth vpon his children an incomparable weight of glorie h , for a small and imperfect seruice , and for that which is due vnto himselfe in right , by many other titles ; this reward is not a wages of debt , neither is God obliged in iustice i to bestow it , but it is a reward of Grace and bountie , and man is indebted to God for promising and bestowing the same . Now from hence it is apparent that the doctrine of Merit ( taken properly k ) is not Catholicke or infallible , and therefore if Popes pardons depend vpon the same , a worme-eaten post is made the pillar and supporter of this moath-eaten rag of supererogation , wherwith the Romists would gayly cloath their children . IESVIT The first grace is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because God out of his owne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and his actions 〈◊〉 a without which Ordination , no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or correspondencie with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ANSWER . By Diuine preordination , vertuous actions haue reference ( not of desert , but of disposition , and instrumentall efficiencie or manuduction ) to beatitude , or the last supernaturall 〈◊〉 and according to Saint Bernard a , they are Via regni , non causa regnandi , The way to the heauenly Kingdome , but not the ( meritorious ) cause of raigning . IESVIT . The second , is the Grace of Redemption by Christ Iesus , without whom , wee and our workes are defiled , wee being by nature the children of wrath , and should bee so still , had not hee by his Passion and Death appeased God , 〈◊〉 vs the inestimable treasure of his merits : so that , In illo , benedixit nos Deus omni benedictione spirituali in caelestibus , in quo habemus redemptionem per sanguinem eius , secundum diuitias gratiae suae quae superabundauit in nobis . ANSVVER . The grace of Redemption appeaseth God , and purchased for vs the fruit and inestimable benefit of Christs Merits , both for remission of our sinnes , and for our Sanctification . But that Christs Merits make mans actions meritorious , and that his satisfaction inableth man to satisfie Gods Iustice b , is all one , as if one would inferre , saying , Christ Iesus hath redeemed vs by his Passion , and he communicates to vs the grace of Redemption , Ergo , Christ Iesus hath made vs Redeemers . IESVIT . The third is grace of Adoption in Baptisme , whereby soules are supernaturally beautified by participation of the diuine nature ; whence a triple dignity redounds vnto Works , one by the grace of Adoption from God the Father , who in respect of this Adoption regards good works as the works of his children ; Another is from God the holy Ghost dwelling in vs , by whom Good workes are honoured , as by the principall Author of them , so that he , rather than we , doth the works ; who therefore is said to pray for vs with vnspeakable groanes : The last dignitie is from God the Son , Christ Iefus , whose members we are made by Grace ; so that the works we doe , be reputed not so much ours as his , as the worke of the particular members is attributed principally vnto the head . ANSWER . By the grace of Regeneration and Adoption , the diuine Image is imprinted in the soule , 2. Pet. 1. 4. Ephes. 4.24 . and a dignitie of goodnesse a redounds to vertuous actions from the three persons of the Trinity . But hence it followeth not , Ergo , Good workes merit in condignitie : for although Christ Iesus and the holy Ghost worke in righteous People , and the vertuous deedes of these Persons are in some sort reputed the works of Christ ; yet because the diuine Persons worke in them according to a certaine degree , and measure of grace , and not according to the fullnesse of Power , and the vertuous deeds of men , are attributed to Christ , not as the cause Elicitiue b , or as immediately producing them , it is inconsequent to say : Good workes are produced originally by the holy Ghost , and they are reputed Christs works , in regard of Influence , Approbation , and Acceptation , Ergo , they haue the totall Perfection ( to wit , of meriting and satisfying ) which Christs owne Personall workes had . The foot of man is vnited to the head , and the head maketh influence into it : neuerthelesse the whole perfection of the head , is not in the foot , and the foot doth not vnderstand , because the head vnderstandeth ; nor seeth , heareth , or smelleth , although these senses are 〈◊〉 in the head . So likewise euery iust person is vnited to Christ , and is spiritually sanctified by the Grace of the holy Ghost : but this motion and influence is finite in it selfe , and limited to the estate of our weakenesse , 〈◊〉 distributed according to the necessitie of the Receiuer , and the wisedome and good pleasure of the moouer , and therefore it imparteth not the whole vertue of the moouer , but so much onely as is necessarie and conuenient for the Subiect to receiue : but it is not necessary for men to receiue power of meriting properly , and it is most honourable for God to bestow life eternall freely . IESVIT . The fourth is Grace praeuenient , whereby God stirreth vp in vs thoughts and affections to good and pious workes : and grace adiuuant to helpe vs in the performance of these desires , making our free will produce works that are supernaturall in their very substance , and aboue the capacitie of man. ANSWER . The free will of man , by the power of praeuenient , adiuuant , and subsequent Grace , produceth works which are supernaturall in their kind : but yet this free will being Principium vulneratum b , an originall roote , or beginning of Action , which was wounded with sinne , and is in this life cured onely in part , it alwayes retayneth some remainders of inborne infirmitie , and consequently the good Actions produced by it , attaine not the fullnesse of Perfection , but there is found in them some haereditary staine or limping c . Rom. 7. 18 , 19 , 20.23 . Gal. 5. 17. Heb. 12. 1. Hence it followeth , that iust men cannot challenge a reward by merit or debt , because they neuer yeeld God his full and perfect due a : for it is his due to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without any sinne adherent , but righteous Persons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Iam. 3.2 . Therefore they can challenge nothing of Debt , or as 〈◊〉 of God , but onely 〈◊〉 with humilitie vpon his bounty and 〈◊〉 b . IESVIT . The fift , is the Grace of mercifull indulgence , in not 〈◊〉 with vs the rigor of his 〈◊〉 . For God might wholy require the good worke we 〈◊〉 his owne , by many 〈◊〉 as by the 〈◊〉 of Iustice , being works of his 〈◊〉 ; by title of Religion , being workes of his Creatures ; by title of gratitude , as being workes of persons infinitely obliged vnto him . By which Tytles , if God did exact vpon workes with vttermost rigor , no goodnesse would be left in them to be offered for the meriting of heauen . But his infinite benignitie remitting this rigor , moued thereunto through the merits of Christ , is content that we make vse of our good workes for the gaining of glorie , and doth not exact them wholy and totally as otherwise due . ANSWER . The Lord is content that we make vse of our good workes for the attaining and increase of glorie . Mat. 25.16.2 . Cor. 9. 6. Gal. 6.8 . And he requireth them also for many other good ends , Ioh. 15.8 . 2. Pet. 1.10 . But they may be vsed and referred to life eternall , as dispositions and causes impetrant , and not as causes properly or condignely meritorious . Also it is remarkeable , how the Iesuit in this section , hath set fire on his owne house : for if we we owe good works vnto God by the titles of Iustice , Religion , and Gratitude , What peeping hole I pray you is left for aspiring Merit to creepe in at ? The true application whereof is , That if God exact according to his due , then ( vpon the Aduersaries owne ground ) there is no Merit . But if he doe not in rigor exact , then this indulgence and not exacting , for Christs sake , taketh away all plea of Merit from vs , and casteth the Merit vpon Christ alone . IESVIT . The sixt , is the grace of liberall promise , by which he obligeth 〈◊〉 himselfe to reward the good Workes of his children according to the deserv of their goodnesse . Did not God binde himselfe by his word in this manner , no worke of Saints though neuer so perfect and excellent , were able to bind 〈◊〉 to reward it , as all 〈◊〉 teach ; though some disputation be , whether Gods liber all 〈◊〉 supposed , the goodnesse of the 〈◊〉 concurre partially with his promise to oblige him , which is a Disputation of no great moment . ANSVVER . First , the promise of God whereby he obligeth himselfe to 〈◊〉 a benefit to his People vpon their obedience , inferreth not desert a or merit on their part , as appeareth in repentance , whereunto the Lord promiseth mercie , remission of sinnes , and saluation , and obligeth himselfe by oath , Ezech. 18.31 , 32. & ca. 33.11 . and yet the benefit conferred is not of Merit , but of Grace . God Almighty promised to bestow the land of Canaan vpon the Israelites , and he bound himselfe thereto by oath , Exod. 13. 5. Neuerthelesse , he gaue this good land to them , not for their owne merits , but of his free bountie . Deut. 7. v. 7 , 8 , & chap. 9. 5. Secondly , it is false , that God hath obliged himself by promise to reward the good Works of his children according to the desert of their goodnesse ; for he rewardeth them according to his owne bountie b , but not according to their own defert , yea he rewardeth aboue desert c , and in part contrary to desert , Ps. 103.10 . Thirdly , the disputation of Schoolemen , whether Gods liberall promise supposed , the goodnesse of the worke concurre partially with the diuine promise to oblige God , is of so great moment , that Vasques the Iesuit saith e , They which hold the former without teaching the latter , destroy Merit , teaching the same in words , and really denying it . IESVIT . Finally , That Merit attaine reward , is required the grace of perseuerance : without which , no man is crowned . And though Good workes , strengthened with so many supernatur all Excellencies , bee good stayes of confidence , in themselues considered ; yet because we are not sure of our perseuerance , no nor altogether certaine that we haue good Workes , adorned with the former perfections ; the Catholicke Saints of God vse not to confide in their Merits past , specially being guiltie of diuers daily negligences , but flie to Gods mercies , as the Church teacheth vs in the Liturgie of the Masse , daily praying , In sanctorum nos consortium non aestimator meriti sed veniae quaesumus largitor admitte . ANSWER . Without perseuerance , no man can attaine the Crowne of Glorie , Apoc. 2.10 . and yet , as perseuerance it selfe is the free gift of God , Ierem. 32.40 . 1. Cor. 1.8 . Phil. 1. 6. so likewise the Crowne of Glorie , following perseuerance , is of Grace , and not of Merit , Rom. 6.23 . Secondly , Good workes are stayes and supporters of confidence a , Heb. 3.6 . 1. Ioh. 3.21 . Psal. 119. 166. And iust men may know that they haue Faith and Good workes , Esa. 38.3 . Ioh. 29.14 . Psal. 119.22 , 67 , 100 , 110 , 112 , 157 , 166. Also they are regenerate , of immortall seed , 1. Pet. 1. 23. And hee that is begotten of God , ouercommeth the world , and keepeth himselfe , and that wicked One toucheth him not , 1. Ioh. 5. v. 4. 18. And so by Grace , they are inabled to perseuere to the end , Phil. 4.13 . Ioh. 4.14 . & 6.37 . 2. Thes. 3.3 . Thirdly , Although all good Christians are studious of Good workes , 1. Ioh. 3.7 . Mat. 7.17 . Iohn 15.5 . yet no true Catholicke Christian glorieth or confideth in his owne Merits b , or expecteth saluation for his owne deserts . And the reason hereof , is not the vncertaintie of his owne Sanctification a , but a true vnderstanding of his owne 〈◊〉 , to Merit condignely at Gods hand , and of his owne vnworthinesse ( euen supposing the state of Grace , &c. ) to receiue the Crowne of Glorie , by any other purchase , than by the free donation and Merit of Christ b , Luk. 17.10 . Rom. 6.23 . Psal. 143.2 . IESVIT . Did Protestants know that we require all these diuine 〈◊〉 to make any worke meritorious , did they well also 〈◊〉 how singular and excellent these fauours are , they 〈◊〉 not perchance wonder , that Workes graced with so many supernaturall excellencies , should haue some proportion with the heauenly reward . And so dealing with your Maiestie ; who is well able to ponder these things , I shall without proofe passe by this Doctrine , as not particularly belonging to the proposed difficultie . ANSWER . Protestants are not ignorant what Romists require , to make Workes meritorious ; but withall , they vnderstand that the seuen Graces rehearsed by you in this place , are not sufficient to infuse a 〈◊〉 causalitie or efficiencie intothem . And some proportion with the heauenly reward , maketh not vertuous actions to be condignely meritorious : for there is proportion of Order , yea , of instrumentall causalitie , and of meanes to the end , and there is proportion of Equalitie , or 〈◊〉 . The first kind of proportion maketh not the cause or meanes meritorious , as appeareth in Faith and contrition , in respect of remission of sinnes ; and of Regeneration , 〈◊〉 respect of the heauenly inheritance ; and there was some 〈◊〉 betweene the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 through the Wildernesse , and the land of 〈◊〉 , yet the 〈◊〉 trauell was not a meritorious cause of their possession of that good Land. His 〈◊〉 therefore , being of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iudgement , is well able to ponder these things , and to discerne , that you hauing deliuered as much in substance for your Doctrine of Merit as the matter will beare , yet haue in effect said nothing , but that which is refelled by some of your owne part , and which is insufficient to demonstrate , That the Roman doctrine of Merit is Catholicke . And to conclude this Paragraph , I desire ingenious Readers , not to be abused by the equiuocations of Romists , who wilfully peruert the Testimonies of Councells , and Fathers , to establish the erroneous Doctrine of Merit of condignitie : for enteruiewing the places , you shall perceiue , that the Fathers frequently applying the word Merit , to vertuous Actions , speake of obtention and impetration , and not of meriting in condignitie : yea , as the learned Pontifician Andreas Vega a obserueth , they often apply the word Merit , to Actions , in which there is neither Merit of condignitie nor congruitie . IESVIT . § 2. Merit of Workes of Supererogation . WHerefore to come to workes of Supererogation ; These workes , besides the seuen aforenamed graces , suppose another singular fauour , and stand grounded thereon . This 〈◊〉 is , That God , though 〈◊〉 might , yet he doth not 〈◊〉 require of his Saints and seruants , That in his 〈◊〉 they doe the vttermost of their forces . He hath prescribed vnto men certaine Lawes and Commandements , which if they keepe , he is satisfied ; and what they doe 〈◊〉 beyond these commanded duties , hee receiues as a gracious and spontaneous gift . This Diuine 〈◊〉 is noted by Saint Chrysostome ( Homil. 21. in priorem ad Cor , ) and excellently declared in these words , Etenim cum benignus sit Dominus suis praeceptis multum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , potuisset enim si hoc voluisset praeceptum magis intendere & augere & dicere : Qui non perpetuo ieiunat puniatur , qui non exercet virginitatem det paenas , supplicium , Sednon 〈◊〉 fecit concedens nobis vt 〈◊〉 solum ex iussu sed 〈◊〉 ex libero faciamus arbitrio . ANSWER . God in his bountie and 〈◊〉 mercie , is pleased to accept of his children , true and entire obedience , although the same be lesse in measure and quantitie than his law requireth , and lesse also than his seruants ( if they vsed their vttermost indeauour and force ) might performe . S. Chrysostome vpon 1. Cor. Hom. 21. affirmeth , That God might haue imposed vpon man a stricter law , to wit , of perpetuall fasting , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , &c. But now , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. He hath 〈◊〉 his precepts with mansuetude , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that we might doe many things not onely by precept , but also of our owne accord . Now from hence you cannot conclude the Romish doctrine of Workes of 〈◊〉 ; for 〈◊〉 the definition , and being of workes of Supererogation , two things are required . First , That all be performed and fulfilled which the diuine Lawe commandeth . Secondly , Besides this , that some thing be performed which the diuine Law requireth not , either expressely or 〈◊〉 . But if 〈◊〉 men haue any sinne , they performe not all which the 〈◊〉 Law requireth , for euerie sinne is a 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 Law , 1. 〈◊〉 . 3.4 . And although God almightie doth not 〈◊〉 ( oras simply necessarie to 〈◊〉 ) exact of his 〈◊〉 and seruants , That in euery particular worke of his seruice , they do the vttermost of their forces , but accepteth a possible measure and latitude of true and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a , consisting of Faith and Charitie , Gal. 5.6 . yet this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not the highest degree of obedience a thing adiaphorous , and of right not due , but serueth , both to declare the riches of Gods mercie , in pardoning our offences , and also to humble vs before him in the recognition of our vnworthinesse . S. Bernard b hath these words : He hath therefore 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 to be obserued 〈◊〉 , or to the full , that we 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and falling short , and finding that we 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 that which we 〈◊〉 , may 〈◊〉 to his mercie , and say , Thy 〈◊〉 is better 〈◊〉 life : and because we are not able to appeare in the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , we may appeare in the vesture of Confession . IESVIT . Wherefore the Precept , Thou shalt loue the Lord thy God with all thy heart , with all thy soule , with all thy strength , doth not commaund an intire imployment of all our powers on God , with all our vttermost forces ; nor that we neuer loue , nor desire , nor thinke of any thing besides him ; nor that all our thoughts and affections be wholly , intirely , and perpetually on him : For this were a thing impossible , and God doth not require of vs things vnpossible , as Scriptures and Fathers teach . This Precept therefore commaunds a quadruple integritie of diuine loue . The first Integritie is in respect of our selues , that we loue God wholly and intirely , not onely with the outside , but with the inside , euen to the bottome of our soule , that is in a word , sinceerely . The second Jntegritie is in respect of God , that we loue God according to all his Commandements , not leauing any unkept ; and so to loue God intirely , or with all the heart , is the same as to walke in all his Commaundents . The third Jntegritie , is in regard of the effect of Loue , which is to ioine men in friendship with God , whom wee must so loue , that there be no breach betweene God and vs , nor we seperated from him ; which we do so long as we keepe his Commaundements without 〈◊〉 mortally against them . The fourth Jntegritie is , in respect of time , that we loue him intirely , not only for this present life , but also desiring and hoping to see and loue him for eternitie . ANSWER . We maintaine not that the Precept Math. 22.37 . Luc. 10.27 . obligeth man at all times to an actuall imploiment of all his powers & the forces therof on God , without conuersion to other lawfull obiects a : But we 〈◊〉 with S. Augustine b , and other of the Fathers , three things concerning this Precept . First , That it commaundeth to esteeme , desire , delight in , and to honour God almightie aboue all things created , and to subiect all our faculties , and the forces and operations of the same , to his obedience and seruice . Secondly , That we ought not to entertaine any cogitation , or inordinate motion in our hearts , repugnant to his Law , or to commit any thing contrarie to his Commaundement . Thirdly , That this Precept obligeth all people to the obedience thereof in this life , for it is the first and greatest morall Precept , Math. 22.38 . And Christ our Sauiour came not to destroy , but to continue and ratifie the Morall law , Math. 5.17 . Secondly , Whereas the Iesuit saith , God doth not require of vs things impossible . I answer , That if he speake of actions and duties simply necessarie to saluation , God ( as looking on vs in Christ , and through the glasse of Euangelicall mercie ) requireth not of his children things vnpossible c . But if his meaning be either of vnregenerate persons , while they are in that state , or of things vertuous and holy , according to their highest perfection , then both Scriptures and Fathers are against him d . IESVIT . And in this sence S. Augustine , S. Bernard , and other Fathers are to be vnderstood , that say in the Precept , Diliges Deum tuum ex toto corde tuo , is contained the perfection of the life to come , and a perfection impossible to be attained to in this life , to wit , it is contained in the Precept , not as perfection commaunded to be practised in this life , but as a perfection to be desired and hoped for in the next : so that he that loues God sinceerely from the bottome of his heart , to the keeping of all his Commandements perfectly , without breach of friendship betweene him and God , hauing his desires and loues referred with hope vnto Eternitie ; without question , hee loueth God with all his heart , soule , and strength . ANSWER . First , If the Precept , Thou shalt loue the Lord thy God with all thine heart , &c. bind men no further than to an vnfained or sinceere loue of God , and the obseruing of his Commaundements without breach of friendship , then it bindeth them not to the shunning of veniall sinnes . But according to S. Augustine a , and S. Bernard b , it bindeth man to the auoiding of all sinne , both veniall and mortall . Secondly , These Fathers c teach expressely , that the Commaundement , Math. 22. 37. bindeth men in this life , as a meanes to humble them , and to prouoke them to sue for Gods mercie . And if the Aduersarie replie , That these Fathers say it is a Precept indicatiue , or significatiue , what is 〈◊〉 to be done , but not obligant d . I answer , First , it is the first and greatest Commandement of the Morall law , Math. 22.38 . but the Morall law , and all the Precepts thereof are perpetually obligant . Secondly , If it bind not , then no temporall paine can succeed the breach thereof e ; but iust persons which obserue other Commaundements , vndergoe temporall paine , Heb. 11. 36.37 . Thirdly , S. Augustine affirmeth f , That it is sinne in man to 〈◊〉 a lesse degree of Charitie than this law requireth : and that therefore iust persons haue need to pray perpetually , Forgiue vs our Trespasses . But if it were indicatiue , or directiue only , and not obligatorie , this were not true . IESVITS §. 3. The Fathers taught Workes of Supererogation , and prooued them by Scripture . BVt they that loue God so perfectly , as they loue not onely his Commandements , but also his Councells ; not onely shunne such sinnes as separate from God , but also such as binder the perpetuall actuall loue of God. These bee they that doe more than they are commanded , that is , doe workes of Supererogation . And if your Maiestie call to minde vpon how manifold graces this Merit is grounded , you will not , J hope , condemne the same of arrogance , but rather 〈◊〉 it , as being taught by holy Fathers , euen in expresse tearmes of Supererogation . Jn proofe whereof , J alleadge these few Testimonies . ANSVVER . THey which doe more than God hath commanded by his Law , as simply necessarle to saluation , to wit , they which giue all their goods to the poore , &c. exceed not heerein the highest and strictest measure of Charitie , and obedience in this life ; for the Euangelicall Law , commandeth vs to be perfect , as our heauenly Father is perfect , Math. 5.48 . by approaching as neere towards this Patterne as our humane frailtie will permit , and to loue , as Christ loued vs , Luk. 6.35 . Rom. 5.7 , 8. And there is a threefold kind of Obligation to God : First , of strict and expresse Law , common to all persons . Secondly , of particular Precept by extraordinarie Reuelation , Gen. 22. 2. Thirdly , of Gratitude , whereby ( according to Saint Bernard a ) we are indebted , and owe to the Almightie . Omne quod sumus , & omne quod possumus , Whatsoeuer we are , and whatsoeuer we are able to doe : Etsi cognouisses tu quam multa , & quam multis , debeas , videres , quam nihil sit quod facis ; If man did consider how much hee oweth , and to how many , and by how many Titles , he would perceiue , all that hee doth ( or can doe ) to be And when . Touching the distinction of Precepts , and Councels a , I answere , That if according to the Tenet of Fathers b , wee vnderstand by Councels , Free-will Offerings , or Spontaneous Actions , exceeding that which the ordinarie Bond of necessarie dutie obligeth men vnto , and which are acceptable vnto God , in respect of their end ; the Doctrine of Councels prooueth not workes of Supererogation , according to the Romish Tenet . For as I haue formerly declared , Supererogation implyeth these things : first , a perfect and exact performance of all commanded duties , without omission of any ; secondly , a free and voluntarie exceeding and transcending all obedience and seruice , enioyned by Diuine Precept . But supposing the perfection of the Diuine Law c , and presupposing all men to be sinners in part , the former is vnpossible . And if our Aduersaries will be so gracelesse , as to make any man in this life ( except the Holyest of Holyes , 1. Pet. 2.22 . ) free from sinne d , the Apostle enrolleth them in the blacke Booke of Damnable Lyers , 1. Ioh. 1. 10. and they may borrow a Ladder with Acesius e , the Nouatian Heretike , and so climbe alone vp to Heauen , or indeed rather fall with a breake-necke , downe to Hell , Matth. 9. 13. For who are more desperately sicke , Quàm qui mentem febribus perdiderunt , than they , which by the Feauer of Pride haue lost the vnderstanding of their owne sinfull Condition . IESVIT . Haymo , a learned Expositor of Scripture , liuing in the yeere 800 , thus writeth , Supererogat Stabularius , quando hoc agit Doctor ex voto , quod non accepit ex Praecepto , quod secit Paulus Apostolus , quando ANSWER . You cannot produce one Father , or antient Doctor , which maintaineth workes of Supererogation , to your purpose . Haimo and venerable Bede affirme , That some men doe that by Vow , or voluntarie choyse ( to wit , in some particular Actions ) which they are not obliged vnto by strict Precept ; and that at the day of Iudgement , they themselues ( not Soules in Purgatorie ) shall reape the benefit hereof ( to wit , an accessorie augmentation of Blisse : ) But from a partiall Supererogation , to a totall and generall , it followeth not . For if a man , which is obliged to worke eight houres euerie day , by the space of a moneth , and that according to a certaine perfection of workemanship , should for two or three daies worke tenne houres , and exceed the manner of workemanship enioyned him , and then againe faile other twentie whole dayes , both in time and manner ; it might be said of this man , That hee did exceed , or doe more worke for three dayes , than was commanded ; and yet comparing and conioyning the whole time , and workmanship , hee hath done lesse than was enioyned him . So likewise , a deuout person being commanded by the Morall Law to obserue all the Commandements , great and small , during his naturall life ; if he should in some Actions , or circumstances thereof , performe more than is strictly required ( vpon necessitie to Saluation , or by his generall Calling ) and yet be deficient in many duties enioyned ; this man might be said to supererogate in that , wherein he exceeded the Rule : but ( because in other passages of his manners , hee was a sinner , a Iam. 3.2 . ) it cannot be truly said , that he hath workes of Supererogation , to be layd vp in a common Treasurie , for the benefit of other people . IESVIT . S. Gregorie the Great , in the yeere 590. alluding to this tearme of Supererogating , more than is receiued , saith : Multi Virginitatis virtute pollent , vt videlicet plus impendant obsequio quam acceperunt praecepto . S. Fulgentius in the yeere 500. Quid est si quid supererogaueris , nisi si quid à me magis acceperis ? Nam & ipse qui supererogabat , in eo quod non acceperat praeceptum , sed dabat ex charitate Concilium , misericordiam se profitetur vtique consecutum . S. Paulinus in the yeere 400. Hic Samarites Christus red diturus est Beatae Virginitati de innumeris huius boni fructibus , vberes gratias , & immortales Coronas , quia hoc Concilium Praecepto adjiciens , de suo supererogauit . S. Augustine in the same Age , In illis ( Praeceptis ) Dominicis imperat vobis in hijs ( Concilijs ) si quid amplius supererogaueritis , in redeundo reddet vobis . And againe , Stabularius autem Apostolus est , duo Denarij duo Praecepta Charitatis , quam per Spiritum secum acceperant Apostoli , ad Euangelizandum caeteris : Quod supererogat autem illud est quod ait . De Virginibus autem Praeceptum 〈◊〉 non habeo , Concilium autem do . And in another Booke , Quae licita sunt , nec vllo Praecepto Domini prohibentur , sed sicut expedit potius tractanda sunt , non praescripto Legis , sed Concilio charitatis : Haec sunt quae amplius supererogantur , saucio qui curandus ad stabulum Samaritani miseratione perductus est . Optatus Mileuitanus , in the yeere 370. Sed qui saucium commen dauerat , se promiserat redditurum quicquid in curam amplius erogasset post impensos duos Denarios , non Praecepta sed Concilium erogat Paulus . Nec impedimentum est voluntati , nec nolentes impellit aut cogit . Qui dederit ( inquit ) Virginem suam bene facit , & qui non dederit melius facit . Haec sunt verba Concilij : nec sunt vlla Praecepta coniuncta . S. Hierome , Plus amat Christus Virgines , quia sponte tribuunt quod sibi non fuerat impetratum , maiorisque gratiae est offerre quod non debeas , quam reddere quod exigaris . S. Chrysostome ; Nequaquam Dominum incuses haud mandat impossibilia , multi rpsa superant mandata . S. Gregorie Nazianzen ; In legibus noftris alia parendi necessitatem imponunt , nec sine periculo praetermitti possunt , alia non necessitate constringunt , sed in arbitrio & voluntate posita sunt , ac proinde hanc rationem habent , vt qui ea custodierint praemijs & honore afficiantur , qui autem minus ea expleuerint , nihil periculi per timescant . S. Cyprian ; Non iubet virginitatem Dominus sed Hortatur , nec iugum necessitatis imponit quando maneat voluntatis arbitrium liberum . Origen , Ea quae supra debitum facimus , non facimus ex Praecepto , verbi causa , Virginitas non ex debito soluitur , sed supra debitum offertur . I will not bring more proofe of this Doctrine out of Scripture , which the Fathers I cited , prooued by the words of S. Paul , in expresse tearmes , affirming , That there are besides Precepts , workes of Supererogation , or Counsailes , De Virginibus Praeceptum Domini non habeo , sed Consilium do . Nor will I alledge more Testimonies of Fathers , which might be produced in great number , most plaine and pregnant . Onely I cannot omit one place of S. Ambrose , who deliuering this Doctrine , doth together answer a Protestants vulgar Obiection against it . Itaque qui Praeceptum impleuerint , possunt dicere serui inutiles sumus , quod debuimus facere fecimus . Hoc Virgo non dicit , non dicit qui bona sua vendidit , sed quasi repofita expectat praemia , sicut sanctus Apostolus ait : Ecce nos reliquimus omnia , & secuti sumus te , quid ergo erit nobis ? Sunt enim Spadones quise castrauerunt propter regnum coelorum , sed hoc non omnibus imperatur , sed ab omnibus flaguatur , Virgo prouocatur 〈◊〉 , non vinculis alligatur , sed nec vidua Praeceptum accipit , sed Consilium . What can be more cleerly spoken for works of Supererogation , or Councels ? ANSVVER . If you had examined the place of Gregorie a , you might haue perceiued , that he diuideth Diuine Precepts , into generall or common Precepts , and into personall and speciall : and the words which you alleadge ( paring off the rest , because they make against you ) wherein he saith , That they which are not iudged and raigne ( Math. 19.27 , 28. ) doe transcend the Precepts of the Law , by the perfection of their vertues , &c. are vnderstood by him of generall and common Precepts , which oblige all people , and not of speciall Commandements : but where a man is obliged by any Commandement , generall or speciall , there is no Supererogation . And that Saint Gregorie was farre from maintaining workes of Supererogation , appeareth by his perpetuall and constant Doctrine , concerning the defect and imperfection of mans righteousnesse b , and his renouncing all confidence in his owne worthinesse and deserts c . The rest of the Fathers , to wit , Fulgentius , Paulinus , St. Augustine , Optatus , St. Hierom , St. Chrysostome , Gregorie Nazianzen , St. Cyprian , Origen , and St. Ambrose , mention workes of Counsell , and one of them saith , It is possible to doe more than is commanded . But this Father speaketh not thus , in respect of all the Commandements of God , for then hee must free iust persons from all sinne ; but in respect of some particular Actions , to wit , whereas the Law of Charitie commandeth to distribute a portion of goods to the poore , a man may bestow halfe his goods ; neuerthelesse , he which performeth this , may be deficient another way , for he may fall short in the intension of his Charitie , and also in the measure of his Hope , Humilitie , and other vertues . The Iesuit concludeth the place of Saint Ambrose , Lib. de viduis , with an Exclamation , saying , What can bee more clearely spoken for Workes of Counsell and Supererogation ? But before his boasting , he should haue aduised better touching these Fathers meaning . First , Ambrose teacheth , that there is a difference betweene Precepts and Counsells . Secondly , That the obseruing of Counsells is not required of all , but of some . Thirdly , They which besides Precepts , obserue Counsells , are more profitable seruants , and shall receiue a greater reward . Now the Argument for Workes of Supererogation , from this Testimonie of St. Ambrose , must be as followeth . If they are more profitable seruants , and receiue a greater reward , which performe some vertuous and laudable Actions , not inioyned by common Precept , but by Councell ; then Workes of Supererogation must be granted . But they are more profitable seruants , and receiue a greater reward , which performe some vertuous Actions , not inioyned by common Precept , but by Councell , Ergo , Workes of Supererogation must be granted . I answere , denying the Consequence : for to the being and definition of Workes of Supererogation , more is required than the performing of some vertuous and rewardable Actions , inioyned by Councell , and not by common Precept , to wit , First , That the said vertuous and laudable Actions , bee neither inioyned by strict and morall Precept , nor yet by the Law of gratitude ; for when the Fathers oppose Precepts and Councels , they vnderstand Precepts strictly , and not the Law of Gratitude . Secondly , They which supererogate , must doe the same vniuersally , and transcend the common rule in euery Precept and vertuous Action , and not in some alone . Thirdly , They must so transcend , that they be guiltie of no Omission or Commission , either against the substance or perfection of any morall Commandement . IESVIT . Neither is there any arrogancie , as J said before , in this Doctrine : for neither the Fathers nor wee attribute more vnto man than Protestants doe ; but onely acknowledge one kinde of Diuine liberalitie towards man , which Protestants bee somewhat backward to beleeue : for Protestants will not denie , supposing that God exacteth much lesse than man is able ( by his grace ) to performe , but a man may offer vnto God some voluntarie seruices , beyond commanded duties . Catholickes also grant , that had God vsed the vttermost seueritie in charging vs with debts , as hee might hane done , we could neuer by any measure of grace that now is ordinarily affoorded vnto men , haue complied with vnrequired offices . The difference therefore betweene them and vs , is this : They thinke that God seuerely exacteth of man , that euer , and in all 〈◊〉 , hee worke according to the vttermost of his power ; yea , commands him things impossible for him to performe . Contrarywise , wee 〈◊〉 , that God ( to the end his Law may bee vnto men , A sweet yoke , A light loade , and his Commandements not difficile ) doth not exact of man all that man is able to doe with his grace , but much lesse , and so much lesse , as man is able through his remission , to offer him liberalities : What pride is it for man to acknowledge this sweet prouidence of this Creatour , to praise his mercifull indulgence , in not exacting so much as he might ? Especially beleeuing , that this diuine indulgence , not to exact of man , and consequently mans abilitie , to present vnto God more perfect and excellent seruice than he requires , is giuen him through the merits of Christ Iesus . ANSWER . First , You couple your selues with Fathers , like as the Pharises did themselues with Abraham ; Sed quid Simiae prodest , si videatur esse Leo , saith Gregorie Nazianzen , An Ape is but an Ape , although he will seeme a Lyon. Secondly , A man may offer vnto God a free-will offering , and yet herein he performeth no more than he is obliged vnto by the Law of gratitude . Thirdly , It is no part of our Creed , that God in the Euangelicall Couenant seuerely exacteth of man any thing , as necessarie to his saluation , which is impossible for him to performe by the assistance of diuine grace a , and yet wee say againe , That God by the rule of his Law commandeth a greater perfection of righteousnesse than man is able to performe in this life b , that all flesh may be humbled by the sight of infirmitie , and consider the gracious indulgence of God , in remitting sinne , and his free bountie , in conferring so great and so many vndeserued benefits . Fourthly , We praise God as much as any Romists can doe , for his mercifull indulgence , in remitting , and not exacting so but with all we beleeue that God hath not 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vs from being stil his debtors , and we stand perpetually obliged vnto him , touching the debt of Obedience , yea more after Grace receined than before , Rom. 6. 18. And although he imputeth not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 defects , when we obey him in the maine , yet this indulgence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 power to man to merit his owne saluation , much lesse to supererogate , or to communicate his vertuous actions by way of satisfaction , vnto others . IESVIT . §. 4. Workes with reference to the Treasure of the Church . THe other part of this Controuersie proposed by your Maiestie , about Workes referred vnto the Treasure of the Church , concernes good Workes , not as they are meritorious of reward , but as they are satisfactorie for sinne : for the workes of Saints , as they are Merits , be laied vp not in the Treasurie of the Church , to bee applied vnto others , but in the memorie of God , to receiue their deserued guerdon in due time . ANSWER . TO the constitution of Popes Pardons , three things are required by the Papals , and reiected by vs. First , Superfluous and redundant satisfactions of Saints a . Secondly , A vast Treasurie in the Church militant , to receiue and containe the same b . Thirdly , An eminent authoritie and power in the Popes c and Prelates of the Roman Church , to communicate and applie the same to the liuing and defunct d . Protestants denie that any member of this Doctrine is Catholicke and Orthodoxall ; or that the holy Apostles , or Primitiue Church maintained the same , by teaching , or practise . We affirme also , That the said Doctrine is nouell , and deuised by Roman Prelates for filthie lucre e . The Aduersarie notwithstanding , laboureth to vnderprop the tottering wall of Papall 〈◊〉 and Indulgences , First , by distinction of Merits and Satisfactions ; Secondly , by explication of his Romish Tenet , touching Satisfactions ; Thirdly , by deliuering the maine grounds of the Doctrine of Satisfactions , and Pardons . His first Proposition is , The merits of Saints are reserued and laid vp in the memorie of God , and not in the Treasurie of the Church a . And on the contrarie , the redundant satisfactions of Saints are laid vp in the Treasurie of the Church . But this assertion is voluntarie , deliuered onely , and not prooued . And if Saints haue superabundant Satisfactions , then they haue also superabundant Merits b , as appeareth in Christ , who is their samplar : and if their Satisfactions are communicable , why shall not their merits be communicated to other persons c ? and if this , why may not the Church applie and communicate the one as well as the other ? Poperie is a mysterie , Apoc. 17.5 . And the Canonists say of the Pope , Stat pro ratione voluntas d , his absolute will stands for a reason : Et potest aliquid de nihilo facere , he is able to make something of nothing : otherwise , there is the same reason for communication of Merits , and for Satisfactions ; for in Christ Iesus both were communicated alike , & Christ is the Samplar , or Archtype , according to which , the Doctrine of saintly Merit and Satisfafaction ( if there were in truth any such ) must be proportioned . IESVIT . The Doctrine of Satisfaction , is like the former of Merit , much spoken against , and by many , disliked in the highest degree ; who yet perchance doe not much vnderstand what they so earnestly impugne , as may appeare by this briefe declarion of our Doctrine in this point . ANSWER . We grant the paritie of both Doctrines , in regard of falshood : and as there is no Merit of Condignitie , but in Christ Iesus alone , so likewise of Satisfaction . But whereas you say , that many dislike the same without vnderstanding , what they impugne : this insolent censure is frequent with you ; yet we freely grant , that by mixing Theologie , and Sophistrie , you 〈◊〉 laboured to make your new Doctrine 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 a , and you are oftentimes so obscure and vncertaine in this and many 〈◊〉 points , that you vnderstand not your selues . And of our selues we may affirme without arrogancie , that for ought you are able to demonstrate to the contrarie , God almightie , both by Nature , Art , and Grace , hath affoorded vs no lesse sufficient meanes to vnderstand truth than your selues . IESVIT . First , we doe not thinke that any sinner can make satisfaction by workes vnto God , for the guilt of mortall and damnable sinne . The reason is , because workes of Satisfaction are such as gaine pardon , and obtaine it by some kind of justice from God. The workes of his children may merit in this sort , as being the workes of them that are instruments of the holy Ghost , dwelling and operating within them , and liuing members of Christ his mysticall body , receiuing influence of life , and operation from him , as from their head . Sinners are neither the children of God , nor the temples of the holy Ghost , nor liuing members of Christ : so their workes cannot be so gratious , as they may deserue any thing as due to them in any kind of justice from God , much lesse can they deserue so great a reward as remission of mortall sinne , and of the eternall punishment due thereunto , ANSWER . As you thinke not the one , touching sinners , so you cannot prooue the other , concerning iustified persons ; as appeareth by that which hath formerly beendeliuered in confutation of your errour . IESVIT . Secondly , we doe not teach that any Saint or Angell can make satisfaction vnto God for the mortall sinne of any man , no not all Saints and Angels , putting together all their good Workes and Satisfactions . The reason is , because an iniurie is so much the greater , by how much the person that offers it is base , and the person to whom it is offered is noble , as the light of reason and the estimation of mankind sheweth . But God ( whom man casts away and abandoneth by sinne , and consequently wrongs ) is of infinit dignitie , and man offending him , comparatiuely with him infinitly base : wherefore mortall sinne , which is an abandoning of God for some transitorie content , is iniurie done vnto God incomparably grieuous . On the other side , Satisfaction is the lesse esteemed , by how much the person satisfying is meane , and the person offended great . Men and Angells , what are they , being compared with God ? certainely nothing ; therefore certainely their Workes and Satisfactions are inestimably disproportionable to satisfie , for any the least mortall sinne , the guilt whereof is so great a debt , as is vnsatisfiable , but onely by the pretious bloud of the Sonne of God ; hee , being a person coequall and consubstantiall with his Father , to satisfie Gods anger , by humbling the infinite dignitie of his person vnto the most disgracefull death of the Crosse , offered satisfaction full and compleat , yea superabundant ; the person satisfying , in regard of his diuinitie , being infinitely more honourable than the person offending was contemptible by reason of his basenesse . Thirdly , the Roman Church teacheth , That those that haue beene made the children of God by Baptisme , if they sinne mortally afterward , when they repent , God forgiues them the guilt of sinne , and consequently the eternall punishment , by the sacrament of Penance , bountifully and graciously through the meere merits of Christ , without their satisfactions : onely they must by faith , by feare , by hope , by contrition , by purposes of amendment , prepare and make themselues capable of that gratious and grace-infusing pardon . ANSWER . The Sonne of God alone is the propitiation for our sinnes , 1. Iohn 2.2 . and the fault and guilt of sinne was purged by the same Oblation . By him , all that beleeue , are iustified or absolued , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from all , Act. 13. 39. Neither are there two distinct Sacrifices and Ransomes , to wit , the Blood of Christ , for the redemption of crimes , and eternall paine ; and the merits and supra-passions of Saints a , together with Christ his sufferings for smaller sinnes , and for the temporall paine of mortall . But the Lambe of God bare all our sinnes in his Bodie vpon the Tree , Iohn 1.29 . 1. Pet. 2.24 . and his Blood alone cleanseth from all sinne , 1. Iohn 1.9 . Smaller sinnes and offences , are a parcell of mans debt to God , and wee pray to God , in the Name , and for the Merits and satisfaction of his beloued Sonne , to forgiue vs our whole debt . Our Sauiour taught not his Church to pray to his Father , for a free remission of lesser sinnes b , for our owne satisfaction , together with Christs ; but binding vp all sinnes in one bundle , he teacheth vs to pray , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Forgiue vs our debts ( that is , all our debts , Psal. 103.3 . ) as we forgiue our debtours , Math. 6.12 . If therefore our Aduersaries teach no more concerning this than what is contained in this Section , to wit , that no Saint or Angell can make satisfaction to God for mortall sinne : This Doctrine is true ; but there is also a further truth , to wit , No Saint or Angell can make compensant satisfaction to God for the guilt of any sinne , great or small ; but all such satisfaction ( taking the word properly ) was performed by the Sonne of God , who trode the Wine-presse alone ; and of the people , there was none with him , Esa. 63. 3. Ioh. 1.29 . 1. Ioh. 2.2 . Secondly , It is a Veritie , That regenerate persons 〈◊〉 sinne after Baptisme , are renewed by the vertue of Repentance a , Luc. 22. 62. But it is erroneous , that there are two distinct kinds of Repentance , one before , and the other after Baptisme ; the one a Vertue onely , the other both a Sacrament and a Vertue . For where there is the same definition , there is also the same thing in kind . But Repentance before , and after Baptisme , hath the same definition , and integrall parts , to wit , Contrition for sinnes committed , Confession to God , and ( if need require ) Confession to men ( according to the qualitie of the fault , ) Amendment of Life , and humble Supplication by Prayer of Faith , for reconciliation with God , and for remission of sinnes , Matth. 3.6 . Luc. 3.10 . Act. 3. 19. & cap. 8.22 . & cap. 26.20 . Also the Grace , and promise of Remission , is made to Repentance , before and after Baptisme , Act. 3. 19. & 5.31 . & 8.22 . Apoc. 2. 5. 16. And if Repentance before Baptisme , is no Sacrament , What causeth it to be such after Baptisme ? For no visible Element , or signe is added , neyther is any promise of a different kind from the former , annexed . And although the Apostles , 1. Cor. 5.3 . & 2. Cor. 2 , 3. &c. & cap. 7.8 . and also the Primitiue Church b , vrged a stricter manner and degree of Humiliation vpon notorious Delinquents , after Baptisme , than before ; yet this Discipline changed not the kind or substance of Repentance , but encreased onely the quantitie and measure thereof . IESVIT . Fourthly , the Romane Church holds , That God by Penance forgiuing the eternall punishment , doth in lieu thereof manie times appoint a Taske of temporall paine , to be endured by the Penitent . This reserued penaltie , is greater or lesser , according to the multitude and grieuousnesse of the sinnes committed , and is that for which Penitents may and must satisfie . And why may not the Penall Workes , performed by the children of God , beautified by so manyafore-named excellent Graces , be sufficient to deserue of God the remission of this temporall Mulct , and cancell the Debt of enduring transitorie paine ? I could bring Testimonies of the most antient Fathers in great number , for the necessitie we haue of suffering these voluntarie afflictions for sinnes , and of the efficacitie thereof to expiate sinne , with the verie name of Satisfaction ; there being scarce anie antient Father , that hath not taught both the thing , and the word . ANSWER . When God pardons a sinner , he doth it not by way of Exchange , or Parcelling , but remitteth all punishment of Malediction , or pure Reuenge a : For that which is so forgiuen , as that after pardon it is not mentioned , or remembred , and which is cast behind Gods backe , and throwne into the bottome of the Sea , and which can no where be found , and is blotted out of the Debt-Booke of the Almightie , is not taken away by commutation of a greater punishment into a lesse , but by a free and full condonation of all vindictiue punishment . But the holy Scripture , and the Primitiue Fathers , teach such a remission of sinnes on Gods part , to the Penitent , Ezech. 18.22 . Esa. 38. 17. & ca. 43. 25. & 44. 22. Mich. 7.19 . Ier. 50.20 . Heb. 8. 12. & 10. 17. Col. 2. 14. Matth. 18.32 . S. Augustine b , If God hath couered sinnes , hee will not obserue , hee will not thinke vpon them , to punish them ; hee will not take knowledge , but rather pardon . Gregorie c the Great ; Ignoscendo impunita relinquit , By pardoning , he leaueth them vnpunished . Cassiodorus d ; Remittere est debitum relaxare , non causae alicuius interuentu sed pietatis intuitu , To remit , is to release the Debt ; not by entercourse of any cause ( on mans part ) but by aspect of Pietie . Neuerthelesse , after great and enormious offences committed by his people , God doth chastise them e with the Rod of Correction , Psal. 89. 33. 1. Cor. 11. 31 , 32. And this Correction , is a paine of Castigation , Lament . Ierem. 3.39 . but not a punishment of Malediction f , Galath . 3. 13. a worke of Gods Mercie , rather than of his Iustice. The difference betweene Pontificians and vs in this Doctrine , is , That we beleeue a remainder of Temporall affliction , after remission of the guilt of sinne in this life onely , and that for chastisement a , erudition , and probation . They maintaine a remainder of temporall punishment , after sinne remitted , not onely in this present life , but after the same , in Purgatorie . Further we beleeue , That the affliction or paine of Chastisement , inflicted vpon penitent sinners , may by prayer of Faith , exercise of Vertue , Humiliation , and Mortification , be eyther remooued , or else mitigated , and conuerted to the encrease of grace and glorie in those , which with patience and holinesse endure the same in this life . But wee denie , eyther that any paine followeth iust persons after their decease , or that in this life they can by Prayer , Mortification , or any good workes , merit release of any Temporall Mulct , or satisfie the Diuine Iustice for the least fault or guilt of any sinne , on their owne behalfe , much lesse for others . And whereas the Iesuit affirmeth , That he can produce Testimonies of the antient Fathers , in great number , both for our necessitie of suffering voluntarie afflictions , and also for the efficacitie thereof , to expiate sinne , and to satisfie : I answer , First , That the Fathers , and holy Scriptures , require workes of Humiliation and Mortification , not as meritorious , but onely as meanes and causes impetrant , or deprecant , to appease Gods wrath for sinne . Secondly , The Fathers vnderstand not the word Satisfaction strictly , and in rigor , for satisfaction of condignitie , as Romists doe b but improperly and largely , to wit , for satisfaction of deprecation , congruitie , or impetration . And according to their acceptation , and vse , the word Satisfaction comprehendeth Contrition and Confession , and not Sacramentall Satisfaction onely . Also they require Satisfaction , as a remedie against the guilt of Mortall sinne , and not onely as a Purgatiue of Veniall sinne , or as a remedie against Temporall paine onely . But to the end the Reader may euidently perceiue the Popish fraud , in peruerting the Sentences of the Fathers , concerning Satisfaction ; I will in this place distinctly compare their Doctrine with the present Romish Tenet . First , It is consessed , That many Fathers vse the word Satisfaction a , and require penitent Persons to performe the same to God and men . Secondly , Within the name of Satisfaction , they include and comprehend contrition to God , confession , and amendment of life b . Thirdly , they require satisfaction for the fault and eternall guilt of sinne c and not onely for remoouall of temporall punishment . Fourthly , the word Satisfaction is taken in two notions : First , strictly for a iust and equall compensation of the iniurie committed against God , which Schoolemen tearme , Satisfaction of condignitie d . Secondly , for an interpretatiue compensation ( as Durand e ) tearmeth it , grounded vpon Diuine fauour and acceptation , and not vpon the compleat dignity of the action . The Schoolemen tearme this latter , satisfaction of 〈◊〉 and Impetration ( because God in his fauourable indulgence 〈◊〉 more on mans part , as necessarie to remission of sinnes , and because he is intreated by the same to release the punishment deserued . ) The first kind of satisfaction was made by Christ alone a , both for fault and guilt of sinne . The latter ( according to the speaking of sundry Fathers ) is performed by penitent Persons b , by their contrition , 〈◊〉 , confession , and other penitentiall actions . Fiftly , repentance may be exercised priuately onely before God , or els openly and before men . The antient Church obserued a seuere discipline , and imposed vpon notorious and enormious sinners open penance c , causing them to make satisfaction to the Church , and to testifie their vnfeigned repentance to God by externall signes , and by actions of humiliation and mortification . Also in the dayes of the Fathers , sinners which had voluntarily confessed their offences to the Pastours of the Church , were by them inioyned , to a strict manner of humiliation , and exercise of workes of charitie and mortification d . And the fathers stiled these Penitentiall actions by the name of Satisfaction , partly in respect of men offended e , partly in the regard of Offenders themselues , who because they did that which was inioyned them by their spirituall guides , to appease the indignation of God , were said to make satisfaction . But the Fathers did not hereby exalt Poenitentiall deedes to a sufficiency or equalitie of satisfying Gods iustice ( for this effect is proper onely to the actions aud passions of the Sonne of God ) but they tearmed that , satisfaction , which they iudged meet or necessary for sinners to performe , that they might preuent Diuine indignation , and whereby they might repaire the spirituall detriment which they had incurred by falling into sinne . Sixtly and lastly , Marsilius ab Inguen f a famous Schoolman , obserueth 〈◊〉 , That Satisfaction sometimes importeth all the actions 〈◊〉 or imperate , which a sinner must performe on his part , that God may be pacified ; and thus it containeth Contrition , Confession , &c. Sometimes it noteth onely those Acts which follow Contrationand Confession , and are either voluntarily assumed , or imposed by a Confessour . The Fathers vsed the word Satisfaction in the first notion , and they knew no Sacramentall Satisfaction a , but onely of Discipline , or priuate humiliation . Now the Romists in their course of Doctrine , haue miserably 〈◊〉 all this . First , That which the Fathers speake of the fault and guilt of sinne , they wrest to the temporall paine of mortall sinne , remayning after the remission of the euerlasting guilt b . Secondly , That which the Fathers stiled Satisfaction improperly , and by way of deprecation c , they make Satisfaction of Condignitie , yea , in rigour of Iustice d ; and for veniall sinnes , more effectuall than Christs satisfaction e . Thirdly , That which in the ancient Church was a worke of discipline f , or Christian mortification , they make Sacramentall . Fourthly , Whereas the Fathers placed Satisfaction in all 〈◊〉 actions , inward , and outward g ; and especially in such actions as were commanded by God , as necessarie to obtaine remission of sinnes : The Romists restraine the same to externall actions , succeeding Contrition and Confession , and principally to electious , and voluntarie actions h . Fiftly , The Fathers gaue not absolution to 〈◊〉 , vntill such time as they had accomplished the penitentiall actions inioyned a . Romists set the Cart before the Horse , and absolue , before satisfaction is made ; which is , as one saith , To set Easter before Lent. IESVIT . But J suppose they are to your Maiestie well knowne , and therefore in the proposed difficultie , supposing the satisfaction for sinne to be possible , you mooue this doubt , Whether the penitents can so fully satisfie for themselues , as their satisfactions may superabound , and bee referred vnto the treasure of the Church ? to satisfie this doubt , three Propositions are to be prooued . ANSWER . It is well knowne to his gracious Maiestie , that you peruert the meaning of the Fathers , and from the word Satisfaction , vsed by them in one Notion , you argue to another , that is , from Satisfaction impetrant , which is an action , or fruit of the vertue of Repentance , you conclude your Romish Sacramentall Satisfaction of Condignitie . IESVIT . The first , That Good workes of Saints that are poenall and afflictiue , doe not onely merit heauen , but also satisfie for sinne , this is prooued ; giuing of Almes for the loue of Christ is meritorious , witnesse our Sauiour himselfe , who to the iust ( in reward of their Almes ) will giue , The Kingdome prepared from the beginning of the world . ANSVVER . First , You argue out of Saint Matthew 25. 34. from reward of Workes , to merit of Workes . But you must obserue , that there is a reward of meere bountie , as well as of desert , 〈◊〉 . 127.2 a . Ezech. 29.18 b . Gen. 30.18 . Also , 〈◊〉 reason and cause why the kingdome of Heauen is bestowed , is not meritorious ; but some causes are dispositiue , 〈◊〉 , or impetrant . IESVIT . And it is also satisfactorie for sinne , witnes Daniel , who gaue this councell vnto the Babylonian King : Redeeme thy sinnes with Almes-deeds , and thine iniquities with mercies vnto the poore . ANSWER . The place of Daniell 4.24 . ( according to the vulgar Translation a ) speaketh of redeeming sinnes in regard of the fault and eternall guilt , and not onely of temporall punishment . Also of redeeming sinnes in this life , and not of redeming them in Purgatorie . Besides if Nabuchadonosor were an vniust person b , Esa. 14.15 . then according to your owne position , he could not make satisfaction for sinne . Lastly , the punishment threatned and foretold in that Scripture , is such , as Bellarmine c himselfe confesseth , belongeth not to the Court of Penance , and Papall Indulgences . And if Popes Pardons , and Romish Satisfactions could deliuer sinners from frenzie , and losse of outward goods , and temporall dominion , the mad-men in Bedlam , and decayed merchants , and other afflicted persons throughout the Christian world , would become suitors to his Holinesse , to insert these , and other such like temporall calamities into the Patent of his Indulgences and Iubilees . Also the place of Daniell is vnderstood litterally of breaking of sinnes by almes-deeds : as if one preaching to an extortioner , should say , Breake off thy sinfull courses , by imitating Zacheus , &c. Now what merit is there in this , or what immediate satisfaction to God ? for this is rather satisfaction to man in regard of ciuill iniurie . Lastly , there is no ground either in Scripture , or in Tradition , for this Romish doctrine , to wit , the temporall paine of personall sinne remaining after this life , may be remooued or expiated by humane satisfactions : for whatsoeuer is spoken in holy Scripture , or by antient Fathers , concerning redeeming sinnes by Satisfaction , belongs to the fault , and eternall paine of sinne , as well as to the temporall punishment ; and the satisfaction must be performed by the delinquent person himselfe , in this present life . Also the redemption or satisfaction possible to be performed by man , is by way of deprecation onely , and not by iust compensation . And ( if there were a Purgatorie ) because the paines thereof would be proportioned and stinted by the diuine Will and Decree , it could not rest in the power of any creature to mittigate and remooue the same : but euerie soule descending into that place of darkenesse ( if any such lake were ) must continue in torment vntill it had paid the vttermost farthing . For if in this present world , which is a time of mercie , after satisfaction performed by penitent persons themselues , or by the redundant merits of Saints a , and after the said satisfactions are applied by Papall Indulgences , no temporall paine ceaseth infallibly , no not so much as the paine of one tooth , but the same continueth as before : It is altogether improbable to imagine ( vnlesse diuine Reuelation were extant to prooue the same , and which is not ) that it is otherwise , or in a contrarie manner , touching any paines after this life . And Papalls abuse the testimonies of Scripture , making them grounds of Popes Pardons , because the said Scriptures treat of worldly pressures and afflictions inflicted vpon iustified persons ; for example , triall , humiliation , preuention , &c. ( as appeareth in Dauid b , 2. Sam. 12. ) and not of the inuisible torments of Purgatorie . IESVIT . And S. Chrysostome , who saith , There is no sinne which giuing of Almes cannot cancell : and S. Cyprian , Eleemosynis atquè operibus iustis delictorum flamma sopitur . ANSWER . S. Chrysostome , and S. Cyprian , in the places obiected , speake of the effect of Almes to please God , being an acceptable sacrifice to him , by way of deprecation or impetration a , and not by way of condigne and equall satisfaction . And Delictorum flamma b in S. Cyprian , is not onely the temporall punishment of sinnes , but the guiltinesse of eternall punishment ( Iob. 31.12 . ) and the lust and concupiscence concomitant to foule sinnes , which by repentance , and the fruits thereof , is abated and mortified . IESVIT . Prayer is likewise meritorious with God. Our Sauiour exhorteth euery man to pray secretly in his Closet , promising , that Thy Father who seeth what is done in secret will reward thee . It is also satisfactorie for sinne , as S. Augustine saith : The dayly prayer of the faithfull doth satisfie for their quotidian , and light offences , without which none can lead this life . ANSWER . If beggers , or other suitors , by crauing Almes , or by making supplication , do not merit from men ( which are in most things their equals ) it is incredible , that man by Prayer is able to merit , according to iustice , with God. And the word Reward , Math. 6. prooueth not Merit , because there is reward of grace , and bountie , as well as of desert , Rom. 4.4 . S. Augustine c in the place obiected , speaketh of Satisfaction by way of deprecation : and hee also saith , That the Lords Prayer ioyned with repentance , wipeth out grieuous sinnes , which must necessarily be vnderstood by way of deprecation . Also he declareth himselfe in the next Chapter , saying , Multa sunt genera Eleemosinarum , quae cum facimus , adiuuamur vt dimittātur nobis peccata nostra . There are manie sorts of Almes , ( among which Prayer for others is one ) by bestowing whereof we are holpen , that our sinnes may be remitted . And he teacheth in another place d , in what manner Prayer and Almes-deeds are referred to remission of sinnes , saying , Eleemosynis & orationibus impetrantibus , Almes-deeds and Prayer impetrating , that is , obtaining by request . IESVIT . To fast is meritorious , when it proceeds from a pure heart , to which our Sauiour in the sixt of S. Matthew , promised recompence : and that it is penall and satisfactory for corporall penalties , the fact of the 〈◊〉 sheweth 〈◊〉 , so that the same workes of the iust ( as pious ) merit , and shall haue in heauen a plentifall reward ; as penall , satisfie and obtaine full remission of the temporall penalties remaining to be suffered for sinne . In confirmation whereof , memorable is the saying of S. Cyprian , of feruent penance and punition of bodie , Qui sic Deo satisfacerit , &c. Non solam Deiveniam merebitur sed coronam . ANSWER . First , euerie thing is not meritorious to which a recompence is promised , for there is recompence aboue merit , proceeding of meere bountie and grace . Secondly , the example of the Niniuites prooueth not , that Fasting is satisfactorie for corporall punishments ; but onely , that it being iomed with true repentance , is a meanes to impetrate of God ( when this standeth with his purpose ) preuention , release , or mitigation of temporall calamities . Besides , this action of the Niniuites appertaines not to sacramentall Satisfaction : And that Fasting is not condignly satisfactorie a , appeareth , because no fasting is able infallibly to preuent or remooue temporall plagues , 2. Sam. 12.22 . But if Fasting were satisfactorie in condignitie , then it were iniust with God to inflict or continue temporall plagues , after Satisfaction made by Fasting . S. Cyprian in the place obiected , speaketh of satisfaction for sinne it selfe b , and not for the temporall paine . And by Satisfaction , he vnderstandeth deprecant Satisfaction , not compensant c . But to argue from appeasing Gods anger , by way of deprecation , to condigne Satisfaction , is most rude and inconsequent . IESVIT . The second Proposition : Many Saints endured more penalties and afflictions in this life , than were necessarie for the recompensing of the temporall : paines due to their sinnes : The blessed Virgin neuer committed actuall sinne , witnesse Saint Ambrose , terming her , ab omni 〈◊〉 labe peccati . And Saint Augustine , saying , Plus gratiae ei collatum est ad vincendum ex omni parte peccatum : Yet she indured many afflictions , as her many iourneys , specially her banishment into Egypt , her standing at the foote of the Crosse , when the sword of sorrow pierced thorow her heart ; besides her many voluntarie fastings and prayings , and other penitentiall workes , which were daily practised in the course of her most holy life . Saint Iohn the Baptist , what a pure and immaeulate course of life held he from his infancie , in the wildernesse ? Neuer committed any great sinnes , yea , scarce so much as light sinnes , as the Fathers teach ; gathering their opinion of this his sanctitie from the Scripture . And yet extreamely penitentiall was he in his continuall fasting , praying , lying on the ground , induring cold , wind , and weather , his wearing continually a rough haire cloth , whereof S. Paulinus writes , Vestis erat curui setis compacta Cameli , Contra luxuriam molles duraret vt artus , Arceretque graues compuncto corpore somnos . What a mightie Masse of super-abounding Satisfactions , were gathered from the life of this Saint alone ? The Prophets of the Old Testament , What afflictions did they indure ? ( which Saint Paul gathers together in the eleuenth Chapter of his Epistle to the Hebrews ) being neuerthelesse , men of most holy life , innocent , and without any grieuous sinnes , that the world was vnworthie of them . As also the Apostles , whose labours were intollerable , specially such , as Saint Paul records , endured by himselfe ; who yet after Baptisme ( in which , his sinnes were fully and certainely-remitted ) neuer did grieuously offend God. The labours and torments of Martyrs were extreame , and yet any the least Martyrdome is sufficient to satisfie for any great multitude of offences , Quoad Reatum culpae & poenae , of whose merits , the Church ( in the Primitiue times ) did make most account ; to whom afterwards succeeded another kind of Martyrdome , Horrore quidem mitius , sed diuturnitate molestius , Of holy Confessours , specially of many most holy Eremites . These manifold afflictions endured by Saints ( farre aboue the measure of the temporall penaltie , which after the eternall , was graciously remitted , did remaine due to their offences ) did not perish , nor were forgotten , but were laid vp in the memorie of God. ANSVVER . In this Section , two things are affirmed by the Aduersarie : First , That many Saints , to wit , the B. Virgin , S. Iohn Baptist , the Prophets , the holy Apostles , the Martyrs , Confessors , and Eremites , endured many more penalties in this world , than were necessarie , for the expiating and recompensing the temporall paine due to their sinnes : And the reason or proofe hereof is , Some of these were free from Actuall sinne , Veniall , and Mortall ; others were guiltie of no mortall sinne . Secondly , The superabundant Passions of these Saints perished not , but was layd vp in the memorie of God. I answer : It is a manifest vntruth , that any of these Saints were free from all sinne : For S. Iohn speaking in the person of all the Elect , saith , 1. Ioh. 1. 8. If wee say wee haue no sinne , wee deceiue our selues , and there is no truth in vs : vers . 10. If wee say wee haue not sinned , wee make him a lyar , and his Word is not in vs a . Also the B. Virgin reioyced in God her Sauiour : and hee is Iesus , a Sauiour , to saue his people from their sinnes . Shee vsed the Lords Prayer , together with other Beleeuers , Act. 1.14 . But one Petition of this Prayer is , Forgiue vs our Trespasses , Matth. 6. 12. Lastly , the sacred Scripture teacheth not , that any of these Saints were free from all sinne , neyther is there any other sufficient Argument to confirme this Assertion . And S. Augustine a saith , It is against the Catholike Faith , that any besides Christ suffered Death , without the merit of Death . But if it were yeelded , that these Saints were free from all sinne ; and that they endured more Pressures and Calamities in the World , than themselues deserued ; and that their superabundant Passions did not perish , but were layd vp in the memorie of God : it followeth not , that their Passions were reserued , to rayse a Treasurie of Satisfactions , for redemption of other mens sinnes . But euen as God in this World appointed these Afflictions , to be matter and occasion of greater Sanctitie and Vertue in them , and proposed these Persons to be Lights and Examples to others , in their Actions and Sufferings : so likewise he layd vp these things in the Treasurie of his eternall Memorie , that he might crowne and dignifie them aboue other Saints , with a large augmentation of Glorie and Blisse , Matth. 19.28 . So we see vpon how weake and rotten ground is built this imaginarie Castle of Church-Treasure . IESVIT . The third Proposition , the Treasure of the Church consisteth principally of the superabundant Satisfaction of Christ , who did endure much more than was necessarie , for the Redemption of man ; wherewith are ioyned the Satisfaction of Saints . Wee ioyne the Satisfaction of Saints with the Satisfaction of Christs in the Churches Treasure , not because we beleeue the Bloud of Christ to be insufficient alone to satisfie for sinnes , Nisi velut arescentis & exhausti defectus aliunde suppleatur & sufficiatur ( as mistakingly , not to say calumniously , Caluin reporteth of vs. ) For Pope Clement the sixt ( whom Protestants accuse as the first Author of this Treasure ) affirmes euen in his constitution about this matter , That the Bloud of Christ is of an infinite price , and euerie drop thereof sufficient to cancell the sinnes of the whole World. ANSWER . First , If the Bloud of Christ is of infinite price , To what purpose doe you conioyne the bloud of a Martyrs , and the voluntarie Passions of Creatures , to the same ? For is any man so foolish , as to adde the Light of a Candle to the cleare Light of the Sunne ? If you answere , They are conioyned , not in equalitie , but by Subordination ; I demand , Where hath the Sonne of God appointed this ? And if you couple humane Satisfactions to Christs expiation of veniall sinne b , and the temporall paine of mortall ; you may vpon as good warrant doe it , for the attonement of the eternall punishment : because ( according to your former Tenet ) by mysticall Vnion , the Actions and Passions of the Members , are the Actions and Passions of the Head c ; and consequently , they may partake vertue of satisfying , with the Passions of Christ. Secondly , Although one drop of Christs Bloud , euen when he was Circumcised , and whipped , might haue beene sufficient for mans Redemption , if God had so ordayned ; yet presupposing the Diuine Decree , and Ordinance , to the contrarie , one drop of Christs Bloud is not sufficient to make Satisfaction for our sinnes ; because Sufficiencie in this kind , is to be measured by the Wisedome , Will , and Acceptation of the Ordayner ; which requireth as much as himselfe appointed , and decreed should be ; and neyther more , nor lesse a . It is remarkable , how these Romane Higlars , with one 〈◊〉 , both magnifie and debase the price of Christs Bloud . For one while they say , That one drop thereof is sufficient to satisfie for all the sinnes of the World b ; and then againe they inferre , That it is fit it should be eeked out with an addition of Saintly Satisfactions c , to rayse a Stocke , to redeeme Soules out of Purgatorie . Else why stint they not this Treasure vpon the maine Reuenue of Christs Passions onely ? Their detected meaning is ; Christs Bloud alone , yea , one drop thereof , is all-sufficient to saue Soules ; but the same is insufficient to impregnate his Holinesse his Coffers d : The Bloud of Christ hath abundant vertue in it , to cleanse sinnes ; but it must emendicate Vertue , to fill Purses , and to satisfie the Auarice of the Horse-leaches of Rome e . Therefore good cause had Caluin , and so haue wee , to vindicate the honour of our Sauiour , and to protest against your derogating from the merit of his Bloud : which impietie , although you endeauour to colour your Doctrine , yet the practise of your people ( by you tollerated ) madding vpon the merits of Saints , and contemning the merits of Christ , accounting the same drie and exhaust , is intollerable and execrable . IESVIT . The Reasons of this Coniunction , are these three : First , That Poenall workes of Saints , as they are satisfactorie , be not without fruit ; for being satisfactorie , and not hauing the effect of satisfaction , in their owne innocent and vndefiled persons , they will be without this fruit , and effect , except they be applyed vnto others that are poore and needie , in whom satisfaction is scant , and the debt of temporall , abounds . ANSWER . First , It cannot be prooued by Diuine Reuelation , that Saints haue super-aboundant Satisfactions : for whatsoeuer affliction and pressure they endured in this life , was necessarie or expedient to set foorth Gods glorie , to confirme and consummate their owne vertue a , to edifie the Church of God , and to make themselues the better capable of that extraordinarie glorie and blisse , which was prepared as a Crowne , for such as transcend others in vertue b Secondly , If they had superaboundant Satisfactions , that is , If they endured Afflictions and Tryalls , more than were necessarie to satisfie for the Temporarie paine of their personall sinnes ; these superabundant Passions should not want a sufficient fruit , and effect , 2. Cor. 4. 17. 2. Tim. 4. 8. And the want of the proper fruit of Satisfaction , ( beeing recompenced with a large encrease , and surplusage in another kinde ) can be no dishonour to God , or losse to them : For euen as it is in Prayer , although the most proper fruit and effect thereof , is to obtayne the thing requested , of God : and yet if God denie the particular request , 2. Cor. 12. a iust mans Prayer , considered as it is Prayer , wanteth not the fruit , if God otherwise bestow that which is equiualent to the thing requested a . So likewise if a man could super-abound in satisfying for his owne sinne , his Satisfaction were not fruitlesse , if God make requitall by any other kind of benefit , equall or transcending the proper fruit and effect thereof . IESVIT . The second , is the glorie of Christ , whose merits were so powerfull , as to purchase to the Church of God , such excellent and admirable Saints , so pure of life , so perfect in Penance , as their satisfactions might suffice to pay the debt of temporall paine due vnto others . ANSWER . If one should affirme , It is more for the glory of Christ to haue his merits so potent , as to purchase to himselfe a People , and Inheritance , which in this life , is perfectly innocent , and iust , needing no remission of sinnes , than to purchase a people , carrying alwayes about with them the remainders of sinne ; he should not honour Christ , but prooue himselfe a lyer , 1. Ioh. 1. 8 , 10. So likewise to affirme , That it is a greater honour to Christ , to haue his merits aduanced so farre , as that by the vertue thereof , men are made satisfiers of Diuine Iustice , together with Christ , carries a shew of honouring Christ , but it is in truth , a sacrilegious errour . And Papists may as well affirme , that it is for Christs greater glorie , to make men subordinate Iustifiers , Redeemers , or whatsoeuer else their vertiginous fancie shall suggest . IESVIT . The third reason is , To make men loue the Church and societie of Saints ; whereby they come to bee partakers of the aboundancie of her treasures , to pay their grieuous debts . This is that comfortable Article which the Apostles put downe in the Creed , to be knowne of euery one , The Communion of Saints : This is that , which made King Dauid exult , saying , I am partaker with all them that feare thee and keepe thy Commandements . And in this respect the Apostle exhorteth vs , Gratias agamus Deo Patri , qui dignos nos fecit in partem sortis Sanctorum in lumine . This is that which the same Apostle writes to the Corinthians , exhorting them to be liber all towards Titus and Luke ; For the present , let your abundance ( in temporall goods ) supply their want , that 〈◊〉 their abundance ( in pious workes ) may bee a suppliment vnto your want . This hope to supply in this kinde the spirituall needs of Christians , by the abundance of his sufferings , made Saint Paul so much reioyce in them ; I ioy ( saith hee ) in my sufferings for you , and I make full the things that want of the sufferings of Christ in my flesh , for his Bodie , which is the Church . And againe , Cupio impendi , & super impendi pro vobis : Out of which words , Origen gathers , that Saint Paul ( as a kinde of Victime or Sacrifice ) did expiate the sinnes of others , not satisfying for the iniurie against God , nor for the eternall punishment due , but for one outward and transitorie effect of sinne , to wit , the debt of temporall paine . In this sence also Saint Augustine interpreteth the former words of the Apostle , Of suffering in his bodie the things wanting of the sufferings of Christ : Patitur Christus in membris suis , id est , in nobis ipsis , ad Communem hanc quasi Rempublicam . Nam quisque pro modulo nostro exoluimus quod debemus . ANSWER . The true loue of the Church , and of the Saints , is grounded vpon veritie , and not vpon Romish Fables , 2. Epist. Iohn vers . 1. And Communion of Saints , in the Apostles Creed , in respect of the liuing , is Copartnership in Faith , in Veritie , in the bond of Loue , in pious and charitable Offices and Actions , and in the manifold graces of Christ : and towards the defunct , it is Communion of Loue , Imitation , Hope , and expectation of the same Glory a . But neither Scripture , nor Fathers teach , That the liuing Saints haue Communion with the Saints defunct , by partaking their superabundant Satisfactions , Eph. 4. 15 , &c. 1. Ioh. 1.3 . Rom. 12.4 . The saying of Dauid , Psal. 119.63 . I am partaker with all them that feare thee and keepe thy Commandements a , prooueth , That this holy man made righteous Persons his Friends and Associates , and that he shunned the fellowship of the wicked , Psal. 101.6 . But of Communion of Satisfactions , he speaketh not a word . Also what a miserable inference is this , Dauid was partaker of all them which feared God , and kept his Commandements : Ergo , He was Partaker of their Satisfactions , and those to God-ward . Is there no other bond , or Act of Fellowship but this onely ? Haue all they which feare God and keepe his Commandements , according to the state of this life , superabundant Satisfactions ? Yea , How appeareth it that Dauid had need of other mens Satisfactorie deedes ? For he was a man after Gods owne heart , full of Grace , and abounding in works of mortification , Psal. 6.6 . & 102.9 . & Psal. 35. 13 , yea of that ranke , to wit , a great Prophet b , which our Aduersary himselfe saith , Receiue not , but Communicate superabundant Satisfactions to others wanting them . S. Pauls text , Col. 1.12 . speaketh of Partnership of heauenly inheritance c , and not of Satisfactions . The next place , 2. Cor. 8. 14. is expounded by Pontificians themselues , of Almesdeedes in this life ; and the sence ( according to Cardinall Caietan d ) is , You Corinthians abound with temporall goods , the Saints of Hierusalem are in want : the matter will bee reduced to an equalitie , if your plentie supply their indigencie . But if with Hugo Carensis and Lyra , the latter part of the words should be expounded of Spiritualls , it belongeth to such spirituall gifts as are communicable from one member of the Church Militant in this life , to another , as instruction , exhortation , speciall prayer , &c. and not to Satisfactions to be made to God by one for another , much lesse of applying such satisfactions of the deceased to the liuing , or to others deceased . The places , Col. 1. 24. 2. Cor. 12. 15. are forced by Romists to speake to purpose which the Apostle intended not . S. Paul saith , Col. 1. 24. Ireioyce in my sufferings for you , and fill vp or accomplish , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those things which are behind or wanting , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , e of the afflictions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of Christ , in my flesh , 〈◊〉 his body , which is the Church . The first part of these words prooueth that S. Paul suffered for the Collossians : But because he might suffer for the confirmation of their faith , or as an example of patience a , or by way of persecution , because he preached the Gospell to them b , and other Churches , it cannot be concluded , that hee suffered to make satisfaction for their sinnes . Secondly , The next words conclude not Satisfaction : for Christs Afflictions and Passions are of two kinds ; Some Personall , and in his owne flesh ; Some , By Sympathie and compassion in his members c . The first are satisfactorie , the second are exemplarie , purgatiue , probatiue , or for the edifying of the Church d . S. Paul supplyed not , or perfected not the first , Esa. 63.3 . for then Christs sufferings vpon the Crosse , were imperfect : but both S. Paul , and all other iust persons which patiently beare affliction , and indure the Crosse , supply and accomplish that which is yet wanting in Christ , as he is considered in a mysticall vnion to his Church . Christ saith to Saul , Act. 9.4 . Saul , Saul , Why persecutest thou me : and v. 5. I am Iesus whom thou persecutest . S. Augustine e and S. Gregorie f say , That Christ and the Church are one mysticall Body . Therefore when the members suffer , the head suffers , and the afflictions of the members , are the afflictions of Christ , 2. Cor. 1. 5. 1. Cor. 12. 12. It is also remarkeable , that not onely the Fathers , but the maior part of Popish Doctors a , expound this Scripture in such sort , that it serueth not at all to maintaine Papall Indulgences . And Estius b a moderne Pontifician saith , That whereas 〈◊〉 of his part straine the Text of S. Paul , to prooue Satisfactions and Indulgences , himselfe is of mind , that the said Doctrine cannot effectually be prooued by this place . The other place , 2. Cor. 12. 15. ( I wil verie gladly spend and be spent for you : ) or as the Rhemists translate , ( I most gladly will bestow , and will my selfe moreouer be bestowed for your soules , ) affoordeth no argument for Satisfactions and Pardons . Caietan , Estius , Iustinian , and other Popish expositors themselues , deliuer the sence of this Text in manner following c . S. Paul manifesteth his paternall affection to the Corinthians , saying , I am readie not only as a Father , to bestow all that I haue vpon you ( so farre am I from seeking any thing of yours ) but also to spend my life for you . Now by what Art or Engine can Papists extort Pardons or Satisfactions out of this Text ? doth it follow , that if Saint Paul be readie to spend himselfe , life , and state , for the good of his flocke : therefore there is a rich stocke , and treasure of superabundant Passions and Satisfactions laid vp by S. Paul , to bee spent by the Corinthians at their need ? Surely our Aduersarie intended rather to deride the world , than to giue men satisfaction , when he presented vs with such inconsequent stuffe . But the Iesuit secondeth his former inference by a testimonie of Origen . I answer : Origen d in the place obiected , speaketh of purging sinne it selfe , by the passions of Martyres , and not of the temporall mulct , or paine of sinne onely . But the bloud of Martyres purgeth not sinne it selfe by way of condigne Satisfaction ( our Aduersaries being witnesses a ) but at the vttermost , by way of Deprecation ; now Deprecation and Satisfaction properly taken , are of diuers natures . The place of S. Augustine a is strained against his meaning , for this Father speaketh of all the members of Christ which suffer for their Masters cause : But in our Aduersaries Tenet , all that suffer for Christ haue not superabundant Satisfactions , but onely some . And this Father is so farre from maintaining workes of Supererogation , as that he saith , Pro modulo nostro exoluimus quod debemus , & pro posse virium nostrarum , quasi canonem passionum inferimus , &c. According to our small measure we pay that which we are obliged vnto , and according to our power we cast in , as it were , the stint of our passions : but they which pay a stint , and render that whereunto of right they are obliged , haue not superaboundant Passions , or workes of Supererogation . IESVIT . This was the practise of the Primitiue Church , which at the petition of constant confessours in prison , did release the penalties that sinners were inioined to performe , to satisfie non onely the discipline of the Church , but also the wrath of God ( after the remission of sinne ) still continuing vnto the infliction of temporall paine , as appeareth by the testimonie of S. Cyprian . And that this relaxation of temporall paine was done by applying the abundant satisfaction of holy Confessours , and designed Martyres , vnto the poenitents that receiued indulgence , at their intercessions , appeares by Tertullian : For hee falling from the Church into the errours of Montanus , whereof one was , That for Christians sinning after Baptisme , there was no remission of sinne , refutes the Catholique custome of remitting penalties vnto sinners for the merits of Martyres : speaking thus , Let it suffice the Martirs , that they haue cancelled and satisfied their owne sinnes . Jt is ingratitude or pride for one prodigally to cast abroad vpon others that , which as a great benefit was bestowed vpon him . And speaking vnto the Martir , saith , Jf thou bee a sinner , how can the oyle of thy lampe suffice both for thee and mee ? By which haereticall impugnation appeares , that the Catholicke Doctrine then was , that men might satisfie one for another , and that the abundant satisfactions of some , that suffered exceedingly as Martirs , were applied for the Redemption of some others more remisse and negligent , not from eternall , but onely temporall punishment . ANSWER . You are an vnfaithfull Relatour of the practise of the Primitiue Church , which was as followeth . After foule and enormous knowne offences , committed by Christians , and especially , after denying the Faith , or Sacrificing to Idols , offendours were put to a grieuous and long Penance a . It fell out sometimes , that there was iust reason , why the rigour of Penance should be mittigated , either in respect of the kinde of duresse imposed , or in regard of the length and continuance . Which fauour , the Bishops and Pastours of each Church ( not the Romane onely ) had authoritie by the Canons , to grant as they saw iust cause b . This mitigation and relaxation of Penance , was called by the name of Pardon , and Indulgence c , and in the same , there was no buying or selling , no reference to Purgatorie . Secondly , Whereas you pretend , that Popes Pardons were in vse in the Primitiue Church , many of your owne part , controll your impudencie , to wit , Durand d , Antonine e , Maior a , Roffensis b . Angelus c de Clauasio , Cassander d . And 〈◊〉 e denyes , That the Church hath any Treasurie 〈◊〉 of the merits of Christ , and of the Saints . The 〈◊〉 is maintained by Angelus de Clauasio f . Cardinall 〈◊〉 saith , That indulgences are granted onely for pennance imposed by the Church , and so according to this opinion , they release people , onely of saying a certaine number of 〈◊〉 , or from fasting certaine houres , or from bestowing a few pence on the poore g . And it was a common opinion in the dayes of Albertus h , and Henricus de 〈◊〉 i , that Popes Pardons were onely pious Fraudes . What indulgence is it then for 〈◊〉 Pontificians to Father this Popish Cosenage vpon the holy Apostles and Primitiue Church ? Thirdly , I haue perused the place of S. Cyprian k , obiected by the Aduersarie , and two other Epistles l of the like argument , wherein I finde that the Martyrs intreated the Church for mitigation of Paenance imposed vpon some offenders : but neither doe the Martyrs themselues affirme , That they had made Satisfaction for the temporall paine of sinne ; neither did S. Cyprian , grant any other indulgence , than from the paenance inioyned by the Canons of the Church , in manner before rehearsed . But if the Iesuit will obtaine his purpose , he must prooue out of Antiquitie , that the Church in those dayes maintained a common treasure of Satisfactions , & an application of the same , to people defunct , whose soules were frying in Purgatorie m , and that the Roman Pope was the onely or principall Key-bearer , and Barterer of this Treasurie . I reade a of certaine Popes , that they granted pardons of 〈◊〉 hundred dayes , and of foure thousand dayes , and of eleuen thousand yeares , to all people which should rehearse S. 〈◊〉 his prayer , and the 〈◊〉 Maria , and one other Prayer to the blessed Virgin. Our Aduersarie is reputed learned by his owne part , and perhaps he hath the gift of working wonders : I intreat him out of his owne vast reading , or else from Father 〈◊〉 his storehouse , to parallell this Romish liberall practise with some historie out of Antiquitie b . And if he please further to demonstrate that the antient Church had taxes c and 〈◊〉 for summes of money vpon particular crimes , to be solued to the Publicans of the Ecclesiasticall Roman Tribute , in lieu of Pardons , or for absolution , he shall by disclosing to the world in what old Wall or Vault such vncouth Iewels are to be found , highly aduance the reputation of his Roman pennance and pardons ; and for my part he shall haue leaue to squeese from his spirituall children what money he can , vnder that title : whereas in the meane time he and his fellowes by false pretence of Antiquitie , doe but cheate their simple Lay-Catholikes of their coyne , whereof no small summes are transported out of the Kingdome by such like glosses and trickes . Fourthly , for want of better testimonie , the Obiector would prooue the antient vse of Pardons , out of lapsed Tertullian : for if this man being fallen from the Church , opposed them , then they were in vse in that age . I answer , the Aduersary might haue learned of Pamelius d , That the Indulgences which Tertullian oposed , were the same whereof Cyprian speaketh , Epist. 10 , 11 , 12. to wit , relaxation of Canonicall censures , and paenance to Adulterers e , and other notorious sinnes , vpon the request of Martyrs being in prison , and yet aliue . Now it seemed to this Father to be vnlawfull , both that the Martyrs should be Intreatours , and that the Church should graunt Absolution a tosuch persons , or vse relaxation of censures , imposed by the discipline of those times . And it is to be obserued , that this Father speaketh of liuing Martyrs , and not of Martyrs defunct , and of releasing censures , and forgiuing faults in this world onely , and not in Purgatorie . But the Aduersarie is so farre from being able to prooue Popes pardons in Tertullians dayes , that he cannot prooue the same to haue had any being in the dayes of Peter Lombard , or Hugo Victor b . IESVIT . I shall not need particularly to refell the vulgar obiections against this Doctrine : which all proceed vpon mistaking , and impugne what we neuer dreamed of . They prooue that Christ onely dyed for the world , and redeemed Mankind , and not any Saint ; who doubts therof ? That we are sanctifyed and washed from the staine of sinne by the blood of the Lambe , not of any Saint ; We confesse it . They bring the testimonies of S. Leo , and of S. Augustine , That the Saints receiued Crownes of God , gaue not Crownes vnto others , but onely Christ ; we neuer did nor will deny it . That onely in Christ we dye to sinne , and are raysed againe soule and body vnto eternall life ; we neuer taught the contrarie : for the Satisfactions of Saints haue not vertue to redeeme the world , nor to satisfie for the guilt of sinne , nor to take men out of the power of darkenesse , nor to iustifie soules by infusion of grace , nor to purchase for men crownes of Glorie , nor to rayse men from life to death ; but only shew , they are auaileable vnto one transitory effect , which men might ( were they feruent ) obtaine by their owne industrie , ioyned with diuine grace , to wit , the Remission of temporall paine ; which vertue also comes from the merits of Christ , and his most pretious blood , in , and by the Satisfactions of Saints applyed to worke the aforesaid temporall releasement ; from which temporall seruitude , the children of God may through his gratious assistance by good workes redeeme themselues , or by Satisfactions of their fellow Citizens and Saints be redeemed : Though this temporarie Redemption compared with the Redemption of Christ , deserue not that Tytle . ANSWER . It is an errour to ascribe any effect to the operations of men , which is proper to the death of Christ : But to make Satisfaction to diuine Iustice for any punishment of sinne , eternall or temporall , is an effect proper to the death of Christ. For the holy Scripture teacheth expresly , that all spirituall , redemption is immediately wrought by the bloud of Christ , Heb. 1. 3. When he had by himselfe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , purged our sinnes , Col. 2. 15. triumphing ouer them in himselfe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And whereas our Aduersaries restraine these and the like places to the staine and eternall guilt of sinne , the Apostle , Col. 2. 14. affirmeth , That Christ blotted out ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the hand writing of decrees ( contayned in the law a ) that was against vs , and tooke it out of the way , nailing it to his Crosse ( and that by himselfe , Heb. 1.3 . Col. 2.15 . ) but the temporarie punishment of sinne , is contayned within the latitude of the Law , Leuit. 26.14 . Deut. 28.15 , &c. Therefore Christ Iesus our Sauiour , immediately and by himselfe , and not mediately by the passions of Saints , wiped out , and remooued out of the way the malediction of temporarie punishment , as well as the guilt of eternall . When Daniel himselfe , one of the most holy Prophets , prayed for the remission of his owne sinnes , and of the transgressions of his people , and made supplication to God for remission of temporall paines and plagues , he offereth not his owne merits , or Satisfaction , but saith , Dan. 9.7 . Oh Lord , righteousnesse belongeth vnto thee , but vnto vs confusion of face . v. 9. To the Lord our God belongeth mercy and forgiuenesse , though we haue rebelled against thee : and v. 18. O my God , encline thine eare and heare , open thine eyes and behold our desolations , &c. for we doe not present our supplications before thee for our owne righteousnesse , but for thy great mercies . Three things are remarkeable in this Scripture . First , Daniell was a sanctified person , and a Prophet , one of those which , according to our Aduersaries Tenet , communicates Satisfactions to fill vp the Churches Treasurie . Secondly , he prayeth to God , not onely for the remission of the eternall guilt of sinne , but also for the pardon and release of temporarie punishment . Thirdly , he presenteth not his owne Satisfactions , neither yet the superabundant Passions of any other of the Patriarchs or Prophets , but he resteth wholy vpon the free mercy of God , and the future satisfaction of the Messiah to come . Therefore I conclude , that they which conioyne the passions of Saints with the sufferings of Christ to make condigne Satisfaction for the temporarie punishment of sinne , are iniurious to the All-sufficient Passion of Christ , and attribute that vertue to the actions of men , which is proper to the Sacrifice of the Sonne of God. Now if the Aduersarie in his answer relye vpon the distinction of eternall and temporall paine , affirming that Christ alone , and by himselfe hath fully satisfied the iustice of God for the first , but not for the latter a : he must remember , That it is not sufficient in a matter of such consequence , to affirme b , but he must confirme , by diuine Testimonie , the veritie of his answer . And if the former Principles and the arguments deduced from them , when they are propounded in a due forme , conclude not his assertion , then his distinction is a begging of the question , and not a solution of the Obiection . Lastly , if the Iesuit will be so rigide , as to admit no argument on our part which may receiue any colourable answer , I must require him ( likewise ) to confirme his owne positions , at leastwise with probable reasons , and not pester his papers with Illations ridiculous to children . But among other things , I intreate him to deliuer so much as one probable Argument in due forme ( I will not require a demonstration ) proouing , that the Roman Bishop , or any Prelate vnder him , haue power ouer soules in Purgatorie c : for if his Monarchy be onely ouer the Church Militant d , and the Church Militant is onely vpon earth , by what authoriy doth the Roman Bishop intermeddle with soules in Purgatorie ? Also how doth his holynesse , or his Emissaries , the Iesuits and Fryars , know which soules are in Purgatorie gatorie , and how long they continue in the same , and the time , and season , when it is expedient to apply suffrages and indulgences to them . Dominicus Soto , and Thomas Zerula say , That soules continue not in Purgatorie , ten or twentie yeeres , and yet the Pope granteth Pardons for many thousands of yeeres a . Also , by what experience or testimonie doe Papists vnderstand the state of soules in Purgatorie , the qualitie of their paine b , their ingresse and egresse from that place of torment , or the meanes to apply remedie to them ? Now let them answere what they please touching the difference of the yeeres of Penance in this life , with the measure of Purgatorie paines c , or concerning any of the former assertions , and withall , let them be intreated to confirme their Tenet with any probable Argument , and wee shall thinke they are lesse partiall , when they admit no proofe as sufficient on our part , which can be euaded by any straine of wit. THE NINTH POINT . THE OPINION OF DEPOSING KINGS , AND giuing away of their Kingdomes by Papall power , whether directly or indirectly . IESVIT . THe Question proposed in the ninth place , being a Controuersie betweene two powers , both ( each in his kind ) Soueraigne and Supreame ; both instituted and appointed of God ; both necessarie for the preseruation of Religion , and gouernment of the Christian world ; both Sacred , Venerable , Honoured , and reuerenced of me , in the inmost affections of my soule : for me to vndertake the discussion thereof betweene them , were to put my selfe into imminent danger of incurring their offence , whose fauour J desire and esteeme aboue all worldly blessings . ANSVVER . IN your entrance into this ninth Question , you deliuer these Particulars : First , That the question is , concerning two Powers , in their seuerall kinds supreame . Secondly , Both these Powers , ( Regall , and Papall ) are vnfainedly honoured by you . Thirdly , You professe your owne vnwillingnesse to discusse this question , because of offence . To the first I answer , That Papall iurisdiction is not supreame in Spirituals , by Diuine institution ; whereas regall is by diuine , naturall , and ciuill , in things ciuill and temporall . Gregorie a the Great ( a Roman Pope ) saith as followeth : None of the Romane Bishops my predecessours assumed to himselfe the name of Vniuersall Bishop : and if any man else assume the same , I say , It is a swelling of arrogancie , a prowd , nouell , pompous , peruerse , temerarious , superstitious , prophane , and impious title , A name of Singularitie , a title of Errour , a word of Vanitie , and Blasphemie : and whosoeuer taketh vpon him , or desireth this arrogant title , by this exalting himselfe , he is a forerunner of Antichrist ; and if he be permitted to vsurpe the same , it will prooue the bane of the Faith of the vniuersall Church . Also if the Roman Monarchie were of Diuine institution , how could an Oecumenicall Councell b ( one of those foure which Pope Gregorie himselfe honoured as the foure Euangelists c ) appoint equall dignitie , iurisdiction , and priuiledges to the Episcopall See of Constantinople , and to the See of Rome ? Againe , other Bishops in auntient time , stile the Romane by the name of Brother , Colleague , fellow Priest , fellow Bishop d , &c. They resist him , and controll his Actions e . And that which is principally to be considered : It appeareth not by diuine Reuelation , that our Sauiour , or his Apostles , granted any Monarchie to the Romane Pope , or that he is the onely Successour of S. Peter , or that S. Peters authoritie and priuiledges are deuolued vpon the Romane Bishops onely . Yea it is not infallible , that S. Peter himselfe was a Monarch , Luc. 22.24 . for in the whole diuine Historie , no Monarchicall actions of his are reported : He is sent vpon a message by other Apostles f , Acts 8.14 : he giues the right hand of fellowship to S. Paul and Barnabas , Gal. 2. 9 : and many of the Fathers say , the rest of the Apostles were his Compeeres g . Secondly , Your protestation , that you honour Papall and regall dignitie , must be vnderstood Iesuitically , with mentall limitation , to wit , that you hononr the Pope as an earthly God , yea so farre , as that if he lead you to Hell , you are readie to follow him a . But you honor Kings as the Popes vassals b , or in a subordination to the Pope , and so farre onely as the Pope c will licence you . And if you speake plainely , and from your heart , concerning your loyaltie and dutifull respect towards the King , how commeth it to passe that Roman Priests and Iesuits haue had their singer in euerie treason intended against his Maiestie , yea formerly against Queene Elizabeth , and the state ? and wherefore doe you your selfe decline the Oath of Allegeance , and persecute some of your owne part , because they persuade and maintaine the lawfulnesse of this Oath ? Thirdly , If you be vnwilling ( for feare of afterclaps ) to dispute , or deliuer your iudgement concerning this question , this feare of danger becommeth not a Diuine of resolution . And S. Bernards rule is , Melius est vt scandalum oriatur , quam vt veritas relinquatur , It is better that scandall happen , than that Veritie be forsaken , which is most to be obserued in matter of Faith : such as this is made by your faction , and tending ( by the denying thereof ) to the ruine of soules , as yee pretend . IESVIT . But seeing that those of our Societie are odiously traduced , as maintainers of Doctrine extolling the Popes authoritie , to the preiudice of Princes , more than any other Diuines of the Roman Religion ; J sinceerely ( in the sight of Almightie God ) protest vnto your Maiestie , that I neuer knew any Iesuit , who was permitted , either by word or writing , to hold any singular opinion in this point , but such as are ordinarily held by other Diuines secular and religious . ANSWER . There be three opinions maintained respectiuely by Roman Diuines , concerning the present question . 1. The first is negatiue , to wit , the Pope ( by vertue of his office ) hath not any power or authoritie to depose Princes , or to dispose of their crownes or liues , for any cause , crime , end , or good , whatsoeuer a . 2. The second is affirmatiue b , That the Romane Pope hath a direct power to depose and vnstate them : and that Romish Catholiques are obliged to assist the Pope in the execution of his sentence of decrowning Princes , and translating their crownes . 3. The third is pendulous , with shew of Limitation , and Mitigation , to wit , The Pope hath an indirect c Power , limitted and circumscribed by many Cautions , and Prouisoes , in deposing Princes , &c. The first Tenet is Orthodoxall , grounded vpon holy Scripture , and the Testimonie of the Primitiue Fathers d , and the consent of many famous Doctors in all Ages , whose mouthes the malice and tyrannie of Popes was neuer able to stop ; but they freely and successiuely , to this Age , haue propugned this Diuine Veritie . The second Opinion is falsely fathered vpon Pope Zacharie the first e , but indeed no elder than Pope Gregorie the seuenth , a Brand of Hell ; and it was ripened by many of his Successors , and fomented by sundrie Parasites and Assassines of Rome , and is by many Modernes defended f . The third Opinion , maintained by Bellarmine , may seeme ( for manner of speaking ) to be more moderate than the former , but in weight and consequence , it is equally false , and pernitious ; for it hath the same effects , yeelding Authoritie to Popes , to depose Princes , when the same appeareth to themselues reasonable , and for the benefit of the Roman Cause g ; it armeth subiects to Rebellion , and enemies to mischiefe ; and it prouideth , that Regall Maiestie shall depend vpon Papall discretion and deuotion a . But the Iesuit , our Aduersarie , washeth his hands ( like Pilate , Matth. 27. 24. ) pretending , That he and his fellowes ( good men ) are cleare from shedding Royall Bloud , or treading Scepters in the myre ; hee neuer knew any Iesuit , who was permitted either by word or writing , to hold any singular Opinion in this Point . approoue and receiue the Oath of Allegeance , and wee shall be more readie to credit Protestations , concerning their fidelitie to his Royall Maiestie , and the State. IESVIT . For my owne particular , as I reuerence the Pope as Christ his Vicar on earth , yet I doe vtterly disclaime from enlarging his power ouer the temporalties of Princes , by any singular opinions of mine , or more than definitions of Councells , and consent of Diuines , doth force me to hold . a , and Popish Diuines , are not farre to seeke , which haue exalted the Popes Temporall Soueraigntie as farre ouer Princes , as Heauen is aboue the Earth b . And therefore saying , That you hold no singular Opinions , more than Definitions , and consent of Diuines , you leaue a libertie to your selfe , to close in your Opinion , with Pope Hildebrand c , Pope Boniface d the eight , and with Baronius e , and Bosius f , Aluares Pelagius g , Augustinus ab Anchona h , Panormitan i , yea , and with the Deuill himselfe . IESVIT . In Points where there is libertie of Opinion , I shall still encline to that part , which doth most fauour the quiet , tranquilitie , honour , and temporall independencie of my Prince . Wherefore I humbly craue of your most gracious Maiestie , to be content with this my answer , and reuerent silence , springing as well from respect vnto your sacred Person , and Authoritie , as also from vowed obedience vnto the Generall of our Order , who hath particularly forbidden vs all to treat of this odious Argument , not to giue your Maiestie any cause of iust offence , as appeareth by what I here insert out of his owne Letters . Praecipitur in virtute Sanctae Obedientiae , sub poena Excommunicationis & inhabilitatis , ad quaeuis officia , suspensionis à Diuinis , & alijs Praepositi Generalis arbitrio reseruatis , ne quis nostrae Societatis publicé , aut priuatim , praelegendo , seu consulendo , multo etiam minus libros conscribendo , affirmare praesumat , licitum esse cuiquam personae , quocunque praetextu Tyrannidis , Reges aut Principes occidere , seu mortem eis machinari . Prouinciales autem qui aliquid eorum resciuerint , nec emandarint , aut non praeuenerint incommoda quae ex contraria opinione sequi possunt , efficiendo vt hoc Decretum Sancte obseruetur , non modo praedictas poenas incurrere , sed etiam Officio priuari voluit . Pub. Claudius Epist. Dat. 1614. 1. Augusti . In virtute Obedientiae commendatur Prouincialibus , ne in sua Prouincia quidquam quacunque occasione aut lingua euulgari patiantur à nostris , in quo de potestate summi Pontificis supra Reges Principesque , aut de Tyrannicidio agatur , &c. Ex Epist. P. Claudij , Dat. 1614. 2. August . ANSWER . There is ( touching the maine ) no libertie of Opinion in this case . Your Great Master must be aut Caesar , aut nullus , eyther all or nothing a . And that which you adde concerning the Generall of your Order , is a meere Illusion : For may not , yea , must not , the Generall of your Order , if the Lord Pope require it , vntie this fast knot of Iesuiticall fidelitie , to the temporall state a ? and what safetie can Princes inioy , by relying vpon those seruants which stand Centinell at an houres warning , to follow their greater Master ? And what if the next moneth after , the Generall of your Order will send to you and your fellowes , the like Mandatorie Letters to the contrarie ? To say the truth , your answere hath made the whole matter more suspitious . For what need you and your brood be thus curbed by a voluntatrie and prouisionall Mandate , touching Recicide , vnlesse you were otherwise proni ad rem , bent to mischiefe : Et luxato hoc freno , and this Paper bridle being , broken to broach and inculcate it ? If this your Masters hand shall cast Crosse in stead of Pile , what shall we expect from such Gamesters , Quibus ludus sunt capita & diademata Regum ? IESVIT . This onely I hope J may with your Maiesties good liking affirme , That our Catholicke Doctrine in this Point , is nothing so preiuditiall to Princes , as are the Opinions of most Caluinists and Lutherans , expressed in their Writings , whereof we haue in this age but ouer-euident and lamentable examples , to the world , and your Maiestie not vnknowne . And had the Authours of the Gunpowder Treason , ( which from my soule I abhorre ) kept themselues within the bounds of Catholicke Doctrine , they had neuer vndergone that most odious and abominable enterprise . ANSWER . By a draught of Sea water one may iudge of the brackishnesse of the whole . His gratious Maiestie hath tasted alreadie of some fruits of Popish loyaltie ; and the Gunpowder Treason , animalised by Iesuits , but now disauowed ( for it succeeded not ) is a Watchword for prudent men not to confide in them , whom the leuen of Superstition hath sowred . But is the wit of a Iesuit growne so barren ? Haue you no other euasion but by recrimination , and that impertinent ? For as concerning your Flim-flam of Caluinists and Lutherans : I answere , His Maiestie , and the State of England hath felt no such disturbance , but haue obserued by long experience , that it cannot enter into any true Protestants heart , vpon any occasion whatsoeuer , to lift vp their heads against the Lords Annointed ; and if any vnsound or equiuocall member appeare among them , diuerse from the true bodie , let them receiue censure according to their demerits . IESVIT . As for the other Question which your Maiestie proposeth particularly to my selfe , viz. What I thinke Subiects ought to doe , in the case of Papall deposition of their Prince ? I can giue no better Councell vnto others than what J am resolued to take my selfe . First , to pray for peace and tranquilitie , and true concord betweene both parties . Secondly , to exhort all , to doe all other good offices tending thereunto , and rather to suffer with patience , than any way concurre to the preiudice of the Prince , or disturbance of the Commonwealth . Thirdly , J doe protest before Almightie God , that I would rather offer my selfe to die than any way to bee accessarie to your Maiesties death . All which things ( most sincerely vttered by mee ) I humbly beg your Maiestie would vouchsafe to receiue , as issuing from the conceits and hearts of all my Profession , whose institutes , particularly commandeth respect and obedience to all in authoritie , as in the beginning of this Discourse I made plaine vnto your Maiestie , vnto whom , wee especially who are your borne subiects * doe beare so vnfained affection , that we should thinke our selues happie , if your Maiestie would vouchsafe but to make tryall thereof ; not doubting but your Excellent Iudgement would soone discouer vs , to be not onely as loyall as any other of your Subiects , but more willing to imploy our wits , pennes , and labours , euen with hazard of our liues , in performing your Maiesties Commandements , than many who inioying the fauour of the time , make faire shewes of their owne affections and fidelitie , and vncharitably traduce vs as capitall enemies to your Maiestes Person , State , and Dignitie . ANSWER . It is needlesse to make many words , for if your heart and pen accord , testifie the same by taking the Oath of Allegiance , and by renouncing the pestilent opinion of Equiuocation . therwise your Insinuations and Blandishments , are but Maskes and Tectures of latent perfidiousnesse : and they which are acquainted with Romish guile , must still suspect that you play the Foxe . Astutam vapido gestans sub pectore vulpem , Ore aliud retinens , aliud sub pectore Condens . Now concerning this precedent passage , let it bee obserued , how the Iesuit hath not answered , but declined his Maiesties Question . And we must hold him to stand mute , as one not daring to put himselfe to his Countrey , lest he be found guiltie . For the question is , What ought the subiect to doe , in case a Pope depose the King ? The Iesuits answere is , I pray for peace , I exhort others , I would rather die , &c. Hansome complements , but no securitie . If his Holinesse send another wind , you which haue vowed strict obedience to the Pope , must turne your sailes , your Votes and Prayers must bound another way , you must exhort others to execute the Popes pleasure , and if they and you perish in the Popes quarrell , you die Martirs , and goe to heauen in a string . The IESVITS Conclusion . HAuing performed your Maiesties will and pleasure , in seeking to giue satisfaction about the Nine principall points that withhold your Royall assent from ioyning vnto the Roman Church ; my poore indeauours prostrate at your Maiesties feet to receiue their doome , humbly beseech this fauor , That your charitie , and desire of the vnitie of the Church , may ioyne together with your excellent Wisdome and Learning , to pronounce the sentence . Although I be confident , that examining Religion by the meere rigour of only Scripture , the Catholicke Doctrines would get the victorie , more cleare and expresse Testimonies standing on our side , than any that Protestants can bring for themselues , as by the former Discourse may appeare ; although also I be much more confident in the Tradition & perfect practise of the Church , interpreting Scripture , which by so full consent deliuers the Roman Doctrines , that partialitie it selfe , duely pondering , can hardly in heart , and in wardly iudge against them : yet my chiefest hope is , in those charitable thoughts and desires of Peace and Vnitie in the whole Christian world , which the holy Ghost hath inspired into your Religious brest . ANSVVER . You deceiue your selfe , touching his Maiestie : for not onely these Nine points , but many other , detaine his royal assent from ioyning with the Romane Faith. Secondly , Your ostentation of proouing these Articles , by the meere rigout of sole Scripture , is , Vanitas Vanitatum , A vanitie beyond vanitie : for the learned of your owne part acknowledge , that many of your Romish Articles , are neither expresly nor inuoluedly contained in holy Scripture a . Neither againe can your Faith subsist , if it be tried by Genuine and Orthodoxall Tradition b : for your selfe in this Treatise , wherein you performe as much in substance as your cause will beare , haue made no demonstration of any one Article , by the Testimonie of perpetuall Tradition : and it seemeth to me , that you are conscious hereof , because in your Conclusion you fall vpon a new Disputation , and seeke to inferre a necessitie of reducing all Controuersies , to the meere and absolute determination of the Romane Church and Pope , who will not faile to be fast friends to themselues c . IESVIT . For suppose , that praeconceit ( instilled into tender minds ) against them , thinke , comparing Catholickes with Protestants , that Scriptures stand equally on both sides , ( yea sifting the matter by Scripture onely that Protestants may seeme to haue the vpper hand ) yet Charitie will mooue this Question , Whether the Testimonies and Arguments they bring from Scripture , are so vndeniably cleare , and so vnauoidably strong , that no answere or euasion may bee found , but the Romane Church must bee refused , notwithstanding so much discord and dissention , so much inconstancie and incertainetie about Religion , which ( as reason prooueth ) must , and ( as experience sheweth ) doth , thereupon ensue . ANSWER . First , Protestants doe not onely bring Arguments and Testimonies of Scripture against the Roman faith , but also the testimonie of Antiquitie , and all other grounds of veritie . Secondly , their arguments from Scripture , are such as cannot be auoided , but onely by Sophistrie ; a and in this manner , the very arguments of Christ for the resurrection , Matth. 22. 32. and the testimonies which Councells and Fathers vse 〈◊〉 Arrians , Pelagians , and sundry other Heretikes , may receiue appearing and seeming solutions . Thirdly , if the Scripture it selfe , and the doctrine of the Primitiue Church , with other grounds of learning , cannot ( as our Aduersarie obiecteth ) de facto , or presupposing the malice of some persons , 〈◊〉 all discord , and inconstancie of Religion ; much lesse can the determination of the Roman Church effect this . For if men will not regard Moses , and the Prophets , &c. If an Angell come from heauen , or if one rise from the dead , they may still cauill and refuse to beleeue . But for the externall repressing of petulant Spirits , a free and lawfull Councell b were to be desired , and a disposition of heart in Christian Princes , and in other worthy members of the Church , to submit themselues to a Tryall by the holy Scripture , and the doctrine of the Primitiue Church , and vpon the same to conclude a common Peace in Christianitie , and to represse by Discipline , and Authoritie , factious and turbulent Incendiaries , either of the Romish or Protestant part . IESVIT . For if you cast away the Roman Church and her authoritie , no Church is left in the World that can with reason , or dares for shame , challenge to be infallible in her definitions : and if such a Church be wanting , What meanes is left , either to keepe the learned certainly in peace , or to giue vnto the ignorant assurance , what is the Doctrine of saluation the Apostles first preached ? ANSWER . You doe well to name Daring and 〈◊〉 : for if the Papall faction had not passed all shame , they had not to their vsurpations of iurisdiction , added the forgerie and vaunt of absolute intallibilitie ; a priuiledge , which ( I make no doubt ) no Pope ( without or with his Papall Councells ) euer in his inward conscience thought himselfe to haue . But as for Ecclesiasticke decisions and determinations , we say , that although the absolute authoritie of the Roman Church be refused , and although no other Church in the world can truely challenge absolute infallibilitie of iudgement , but conditionall onely , or restrictiue , so farre as it propoundeth and confirmeth doctrine out of the Sacred Scriptures ; yet the learned may be preserued in peace , and the ignorant in assurance of veritie . First , The Holy Ghost hath already determined all questions of faith ( necessary for the Church to vnderstand ) by his owne immediate decisiue voice , deliuered in Sacred Scripture , expresly or deriuatiuely a . Secondly , if any other question arise touching History , matter of Fact , naturall or morall Veritie , Ceremonies , and externall Policie , &c. the same may bee sufficiently decided by Christian prudence working vpon the principles of Reason , humane Historie , rules of Art , and by the examples of former times , and principally by the generall rules of holy Scripture : and many questions are raysed by the curiositie and subtletie of men , wherein if the Church be ignorant b , and vnresolued , there ensueth no preiudice in respect of faith . Thirdly , if contentious persons lust to continue such , the determination of the Roman Church , or Councell , cannot quell or stifle contention , but onely as an humane Iudge , and by the same authoritie with other Churches . It is also remarkeable , that the definitions of the Roman Church it selfe , are vncertaine , ambiguous , mutable , and such , as Defacto , leaue matter of strife among those persons which submit themselues to the resolution thereof . The Dominicans and Iesuits contend egerly at this day , concerning the sence and Exposition ofthe of the Trent Councell a , in the question of Grace and Free-will . Suares and Vasques , two prime Iesuits , are diuided about the sence of that Councell , in the matter of Merit and Satisfaction b : the like differences are found among many moderne Schoolemen , touching the manner of worshipping Images , and concerning the presence of Christs Body in the Eucharist , whether the same be there by adduction or production , wherein Bellarmine holdeth the first , and Suares the latter opinion . And if our Aduersarie eleuate these dissentions , pretending them to be small ; surely they are as waightie as the differences amongst Protestants . And lastly , whatsoeuer Romists pretend to the contrarie , the transcendent Authority of Popes , is no sufficient or Soueraigne means to preserue vnitie , either of faith or charitie in the Christian world : for when the Papacie was most predominant , the Christian world was distracted with contentions about Religion ; to wit , between the Romans , Graecians , and other Churches ; and it was imbroyled with bloudy wars betweene Popes and other Princes and Emperours c , and the Roman See it selfe was rant into Factions , by occasion of Antipopes . Neither was the transcendent authority of the Roman Church any effectuall meanes to promote common vnitie , but the Ambition and Oppression thereof , was a perpetuall Seminarie , and incentiue of mischiefe and discord : therefore the meanes for his most excellent Maiestie to cause vnitie in the Christian world , is not the aduancing of Papall Supremacie , which is a firebrand of contention ; but the maintaining of the Supreame authoritie of the Scripture , and the procuring ( if it might be ) of a free and lawfull Councell , wherein the word of Christ may haue Preheminence , and wherein the Pope may be a Subiect , as well as other Pastours . IESVIT . A Church fallible in her teaching , is by the learned to be trusted no further than they doe see her Doctrine consonant vnto Scripture , and so they may neglect her Iudgement , when they seeme to haue euidences of Scripture against her ; and if this libertie of Contradiction be granted , What hope of vnitie remaines , when a priuate man may wrangle eternally with the whole Church , and neuer be conuinced apparently of teaching against the Scriptures , whereof we haue too many examples . ANSWER . A Church fallible in Iudgement , is to be trusted , when it confirmeth her doctrine by the word of God , which is an infallible witnesse . And although a Church be subiect to possibilitie of Errour , and although the doctrine thereof wanting Diuine proofe , is not to be receiued of the learned as matter of Faith a , yet no libertie of contesting the lawfull authoritie of the same when it ( confirmeth her sayings by Gods word ) is hereby permitted to contentious Spirits : and it is more probable , That Pastors of the Church , assembled in Gods feare and not factiously for their owne ends , shall iudge aright , than Popes , which referre all things to their owne worldly ends . Also it is one thing to contradict a Church , defining and speaking of it selfe , and another , when it deliuereth the doctrine of Christ. Now whensoeuer the preaching of the Church is according to the rule of holy Scripture , the voice thereof is the voice of Christ , and all people , learned and vnlearned , are bound to heare and obey the same . IESVIT . If wetake out of the world a Church infallible , whence shall ignorant men learne which is the Doctrine of saluation the Apostles deliuered ? It is as euident as the Sunne shining at noone day , and the euidence of the thing hath forced some Protestants to acknowledge , That the Controuersies of Religion in our time , are growne in number so many , and in nature so intricate , that few haue time and leasure , fewer strength of vnderstanding to examine them : so that nothing remaines for men desirous of satisfaction in things of such consequence , but diligently to search out , which amongst all the societies of men in the world , is the Church of the liuing God , the Pillar and ground of Truth , that so they may imbrace her Communion , follow her Directions , rest in her Iudgement . ANSWER . If the rule be infallible , and the Preaching of Pastours according to that rule ; ignorant persons , by the assistance of Grace , may learne the doctrine of saluation from their teaching , without the least thought or reference more to the Romane Church , than to any other Church : for although Saint Augustine and Saint Cyprian were subiect to errour , yet the vnlearned people of Hippo and Carthage receiued right Faith by their Ministerie , with assurance , that the same descended from the Apostles . And it is as euident as the Sunne shining , that the Word of Christ is the sole authenticall ground of Faith a , and the onely infallible rule to decide Controuersies ; and the Pastours of other Churches , if they vse the meanes , and haue sufficient knowledge , and the assistance of ordinarie Grace , may bee as infallible in their Doctrine as Romane Prelates . And although vnlearned people depend vpon their Pastours like sicke men vpon their Physitions , yet where they inioy the free vse of the holy Scripture , as in antient times all people did : and if they be carefull of their owne saluation , and desire to know the truth , God blesseth his owne ordinance , and ordinarily assisteth them by his grace , in such sort , as that they shall not be seduced to damnation . Math. 24.24 . And if they be distracted in smaller points by the dissentions of Teachers , their Errour in this case is excuseable a . But howsoeuer , the Roman Church can be no greater stay to them than other Churches , but onely by leading them to a blind obedience b , like as Pagans are led in another kind . Dr. Fields testimonie concerning the necessitie of learning , which is the true Church , the ground and Pillar of Truth , &c. serueth not to prooue , That the definition of any moderne Church is absolutely and vniuersally the rule of Faith , and supreame Iudge of all Controuersies , or free from all Errour : for this learned Diuine speaketh of the Catholike Church in generall , as it containes the holy Apostles , and those which succeeded them in all ages , in the teaching of the doctrine which they deliuered to the world . And concerning the present Church , he ascribeth no more vnto it , but to be a manuduction and guider to sauing veritie , confirmed and grounded vpon the holy Scripture : neither maketh he the authoritie and definition thereof absolute , but dependant vpon the word of God. IESVIT . Jf there be no Church besides the Roman in the world , that can with any colour pretend infallibilitie of Iudgement ; Jf the most part of men cannot by their examining of Controuersie be resolued in faith , and therefore must perish eternally except they find a Church that is an infallible Mistresse of truth , in whose iudgement they may securely rest ; certainely those that haue bowells of charitie , will accept of any probable answer vnto Protestants Obiections and accusations , rather than discredit the authoritie of so necessarie a Church , which being discredited , no Church remaines in the world of credit sufficient to sustaine the waight of Christian , that is infallible beleefe . ANSWER . Vnlearned people must relye vpon the Ministerie of some moderne Church , not as a ground and rule of their faith , but as an helper of their faith : and although the Ministerie of the Church , whereupon they depend , is not absolutely infallible , or free from Errour , yet their saluation is not by this meanes impeached , neither doe they perish eternally . For it is not necessarie , That a Church subiect to errour ( as Hippo , Carthage , Lions , &c. in the dayes of S. Augustine , S. Cyprian , S. Ireneus ) shall at all times actually erre , or grieuously erre at any time : and when it deliuereth the doctrine of holy Scripture , it is herein free from errour ; and Christian people , by comparing the doctrine thereof with the Scripture a : may certainely know that it erreth not , Act. 17. 11. And touching the Roman Church , Vpon what grounds are Christian people able to know by assurance of faith , That the doctrine thereof is more infallible than the doctrine of other Churches ? But if Rome is Babylon , described Reuelat. ca. 14. 8. & 17 , 5. & 18. 2. as weightie motiues induce some men to thinke b ) then it is most safe for people to renounce the Communion of this Church , as it now beleeueth , and to liue in the fellowship of that Church which groundeth her faith on holy Scripture , and not vpon the traditions of men c , Apoc. 18.4 . IESVIT . What amiserie will it be if it fall out ( as it is most likely it will fall out ) That at the day of Iudgement the most part of English Protestants be found to haue beleeued points of Doctrine necessarie to saluation , not out of their owne certaine skill in Scripture , as they should by the principles of their Religion , but vpon the credit of the Church that teachech them , which doth acknowledge her selfe to be no sufficient stay of assured beleefe : for without question , men cannot be saued who although they beleeued the truth , yet beleeued it vpon a deceiueable ground , and consequently by humane and fallible persuasion , and not ( as need is ) by a diuine most certaine beleefe grouuded vpon aninfallible foundation , which cannot be had without an infallible Church . ANSWER . What a miserie will it be , if it fall out ( as it is certaine it will ) That at the day of Iudgement , the greatest part of English Romists be found , to haue renounced the expresse and manifest word of Christ , and the sincere faith of the Primitiue Church , and in stead thereof , to haue imbraced lying vanities , and the deceiueable Traditions a of the man of finne , the sonne of perdition , who exalteth himselfe aboue all that is called God , or that is worshipped , 2. Thes. 2 , 3 , 4. For out of all doubt , men cannot be saued which haue forsaken the fountaine of liuing Waters , and hewed them out Cisternes , euen broken Cisternes that can hold no Waters , Ier. 2. 13. And if any man worship the beast , and his Image , and receiue his marke in his forehead , or in his hand , the same shall drinke of the wine of the wrath of God , &c. and hee shall be tormented with fire and brimstone , Apoc. 14. 9 , 10. And on the contrarie , they which heare the voyce of Christ speaking by the holy Scriptures b , and build their faith vpon the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles , Iesus Christ himselfe being the head corner stone , Eph. 2. 20. Ioh. 10. 27 : all they which keepe the commuandements of God , and the faith of Iesus , Apoc. 14. 12. refusing to worship Angells , Col. 2. 18. or dead Images , 1. Ioh. 5. 20 ; which call vpon God in the name of Iesus onely ; which receiue the holy Eucharist in both kinds , according to our Sauiours Precept , and the constant practise of the Primitiue Church ; which beleeue free remission of sinnes , and iustification by a liuely faith , for the sole merits of Christ ; which honour the King as Gods Supreame Vicegerent , which praise God with vnderstanding , and inuocate the blessed Trinitie in a knowne Language , and maintaine obedience to all Morall and Euangelicall Commandements , and submit their priuate iudgement to the authoritie of the Apostolicke and Catholicke Church . All these , I say , build their soules vpon the Rocke , and not vpon the sands ; the gates of hell cannot preuaile against them , and maugre all the limmes of Antichrist , they shall neuer perish , neither shall any man plucke them out of their Sauiours hand . IESVIT . How dreadfull then must the danger bee of liuing out of the lap of the Roman Church , that is , of a Church of infallible authoritie . This Church hauing a most glorious succession of Bishops from the Apostles , deserues aboue all other , the protection of your Maiestie , ( that by a long line of religious Catholicke Ancestours , succeeding in the right of two Illustrious Kingdomes ) and being so beneficiall vnto mankinde , and so efficatious to maintaine vnitie , cannot giue ouer hope of your fauour , whom singular preseruation in the wombe of your glorious Mother , against the barbarous attempts of Hereticall diuision , that would haue brought you to an immature end , shewes to bee , by Gods infinite wisedome preordained , for some singular good of mankinde , specially by your meanes , to quench warres and dissentions , and to bestow the blessings of Peace and vnion on this Land. Your title to the Crowne of England , springs from the peacefull coniunction of the two renowned Roses , which before were mortall enemies , and fought so manie cruell fields , that if wee consider the great effusion of blood wherein each of them were bathed , wee shall hardly discerne the one from the other by the diuersitie of colour . Your Maiesties person is the roote of a more happie Vnion of two most glorious Kingdomes , by your Sacred Person combined in assured Peace , which in the Histories of former times , are by no other markes more famously knowne , than by their mutuall warres . Nothing remaines to bee added for the full consummation of this Ilands happinesse , and your Maiesties immortall glorie , but the quenching of discord about Religion , by bringing them backe againe to the Roote and Matrice of the Catholicke Church , to the principall See , from which Sacerdocall and Sacred Vnitie springs , whereby your Maiestie shall extend the blessings of Peace from this Iland , to the rest of Europe , from the bodie vnto the soule , and Crowne your temporall Peace and felicitie , with eternall . For both which , not onely I , but all of my Profession , yea all Catholickes , will offer vnto Almightie God our daily Prayers . ANSWER . Sir Declamator , you vsurpe Radamanthus his office ouer his head , and being a delinquent , make your selfe a Iudge . Wee vnderstand your vttermost strength , in propugning the absolute Soueraignitie of the Roman Church . The essence of your Creede , in this and other points , consisteth in supposall and conceit . For our selues , wee are assured , by that which cannot deceiue vs ( The vndoubted Word of the eternall God ) that our Faith and Religion is according to Veritie ; and wee shall bee iudged at the latter Day , not by the conceit of our Enemies , but by the Word and Gospell of Christ , Rom. 2. 16. Now the lappe of your Romane Church , since the dayes of Hildebrand and his faction , is inlarged to a vast sise a , and wee are departed from the filthinesse , which is the skirts of that lap , but not from any branch of the Catholicke Faith. Disprooue vs if you bee able , by Diuine authoritie , and then make ostentation at your pleasure . But in the meane time , iudge charitably of vs , who are more readie to entertaine Truth , than you to persuade vs. As for glorious fuccession , about which your triumph , if you want the life and soule thereof , to wit , Apostolicall Doctrine : and if ( according to the relation of your bosome friends ) the same , in the verie externall face thereof , hath beene miserably blasted a , pardon vs , if we make not our finall and absolute dependence vpon it . And to proceede to the last part of your Declamation , wherein you sollicite his Maiestie to aduance your Superstition , putting him in remembrance of his preseruation in his Mothers wombe , and of the vniting of the two renowned Roses : You must vnderstand , that his Maiesties royall Person was preserued in his Mothers wombe ( and at the Powder Treason ) by the God of Truth , and hee flourisheth as a Cedar of Libanus , with all honour , happinesse , and safetie , and with enioying the vnfained loue of all his Loyall Subiects , by the Faith , Profession , and Protection of that Veritie , which is taught of God , and which will make him blessed at his latter end . But if hee should ( which is impossible ) bee persuaded to giue eare to such Betuefeus , as many of your Crue are , the White Rose you speake of , by your malice , might againe turne Red : for wheresoeuer the soales of your feet take fast footing , your manner is to die all things in blood , either by Ciuill Warre , or by Fire and Faggot . But I wonder vpon what surmise Romists can build their vaine hope , of surprising his Maiestie by plausible Blandishments and Insinuations b . These Inchantments are fit for lapsing Ladies , and other mutable Camelions . But our Lord the King c , is as an Angell of God , discerning Good and Euill . The Aduersarie himselfe hath felt the force of the Wisedome of this Solomon , and one may sooner with a twined thread plucke vp a tall Cedar by the roote , or with a Fishers line , hale the greatest rocke from the bottome of the Sea , than transplant this great and religious Constantine a , out of the Paradise b of Sacred Scripture , into the darke Thicket of humane Traditions c , and night-sprung weedes . Nec dicere aliquid , nec facere contra Christum potest , cuius & spes , & fides , & virtus , & gloria omnis , in Christo est ( Cyprian . lib. d. Lapsis ) It is impossible , that ( our most gracious King ) should speake , or doe any thing for Antichrist , against Christ , whose Hope , and Vertue , and Honour , is all in Christ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A TABLE OF THE PRINCIPALL MATTERS CONTAINED in this Booke . A ACcidents of Bread and Wine without substance . Fol. 430 , 439 Acts of the Apost . chap. 2. v. 42. 507 Adoration and Veneration . 208 S. Ambrose receiuing the Sacrament in one kind . 503 Angells reioycing at a sinners repentance . 515 Angells whether adored ? 327. 525 527 Antecedent will of God. 78 Apostolicall Church . 64 , 98 Assurance of faith . 165 S. Augustine . 21 , 68 , 122 , 132 , 200 , 219 , 273 , 296 , 323 , 443 Authoritie of the Church . 10 , 133 , 300 B Baptisme . 175 , 177 Beginning of errour , not alwayes assigneable out of historie . 131 A Body in many places . 180 , 182 , 183 The Brasen Serpent . 209 Bread called Christs body . 397. a figure , 401. This is my body . 398 , 416. Christs body no fancie , 410 , 448. not in many places at once , 450. Truely receiued in the Sacrament by faith . 184 C Caietan and others of Transubstantiation . 414 , 182 A Cammell through the eye of a needle . 411. Canonising of Saints . 297 The Canopie in the Greeke Church 378 Chastitie of votaries : 83 Certainetie of faith , not from the Rom. Ch. onely or principally . 5 Catholike Church . 194 Church taken in diuers notions . 49 It consisteth principally of iust persons . 51. 53. Obseruations concerning the acceptation of the name Church . 51. the authoritie thereof in things adiaphorous . 133 , 300. How the ground and pillar of truth . 3.53 . The true Church perpetuall . 58. It may erre in deliuerie of Tradition . 88. it may be in few . 59 , 67 , 76 , 104 A corrupt Church may teach some veritie , and preserue the text of Scripture . 59 , 117 The present Church not equall to the Apostolicall . 118 Councells and Praecepts . 527.531 Coloss. cha . 1. v. 24. 559 Communion of Saints . 557 Communion in one kind . 459.470 Concomitance . 460 The Councell of Constance . 474.501 The Councell of Elliberis . 251 No generall Councell for the first 300 yeares . 119 Councells of the late Rom. Ch. neither generall nor lawfull , 159. Papall Vsurpation and Tyrannie in them . 153 A lawfull generall Councell desired by Protestants . 157. Acts of Councels not preserued faithfully . 128 Corruptions in the Hierarch . Rom. Ch. 55.57.97 Conuersion of bread into Christ Bodie . 399.400.421 The new Creed of Rome . 125 Curiositie to be auoided . 582 D Daniel , chap. 2. vers . 35. 4 Daniel , chap. 4. vers . 24. Redeeme thy sinnes . 546 Discord among Teachers . 71.73 Discord of Romists . 108.583.585 E Epiphanius of Images . 252 Errours in the Church . 135. fundamentall and preterfundamentall . 147.197 Esay , chap. 2. vers . 1. 4 Esay , chap. 63. 16. 320 The Eucharist receiued by the hand , 491. sent to priuate houses in both kinds , 504. no reall Sacrifice . 464 Exposition of Scripture by Fathers . 45 F Faciall vision . 35 Diuine Faith not grounded vpon Eccles . Historie . 128. Historie not alwayes assigneable for change of Faith. 131 Fasting not satisfactorie to God for sinne . 549 Fathers authoritie , 68.87.129 . their consent . 121 Doctour Field . 73.140.196.586 A Figure in the words , This is my bodie , 396.397 G Galath . chap. 3. 〈◊〉 . maketh not for Images . 281 Gelasius against Transubst . 436. and against Communion in one kinde . 499 Glasse of the Trinitie . 308 Generall Councels . 152 , 156 Good Workes strengthen Faith. 519 The Greeke Church . 115 H Halfe Communion no Sacrament . 484 An Hereticke defined . 195 Hierarchiall Church . 55.57 Honorius Angustudonensis , of the iniquitie of Romists . 112 Humane Historie no rule of Faith. 128 , 131 I Idololatrie . 269 Indulgences and Popes Pardons a late deuise , 562. granted for many thousand yeeres . 564 Images and their Worship . 206.212 Images of the Trinitie . 265 Images a snare to the simple . 267 Influence of Christ into Workes , maketh them not meritorious . 515.516 Inuocation of Saints . 288 S. Iohn chap. 20. vers . 23. Whose sinnes you remit , &c. 191 Iustifying Faith. 162 K The Kingdome of Christ deuided with the Virgin Marie . 362 Kings may bee deposed by Popes and Bishops , is the Doctrine of many Pontificians . 575 L Latria or diuine Worship . 241 Liturgie in a strange tongue . 365 Liuing Saints , & Prayers to them . 333 M Manner of Presence in the Eucharist . 391.406 Math. 16.18 . Vpon this Rocke , &c. 3 Math. 22.37 . Loue the Lord with all thy heart . 523 Math. 26. Drinke ye all of this . 488.492 Math. 28.20 . I will be with you alwayes , &c. 94.99 Merit of Workes . 172.511 Merits of Saints deceased . 240 Mediator supreame and subordinate . 336 Miracles . 85.102 Mother Church . 126 Mother of mercie . 361 N Nicene second Councell . 247 O Omnipotencie . 181.446 Oblations to Saints . 348 Opposition to the Rom. Ch. 136 Ordination and Vocation of Pastors . 98 P Penance no Sacrament . stricter in the Primitiue Church . 192. 539. 543 Penitentiarie taxe . 113 Popes no Lords of Purgatorie . 567 Popish Faith nouell . 129 Polidor Virgil of Images . 249 Prayer to Saints in set formes , &c. 352 Prayers in a knowne tongue , 366.373 . on beades , 388. not meritorious . 548 Priuate Prayer in a knowne tongue . 383 Primacie of Peter . 157.570 Promise maketh not Workes meritorious . 518 Punishment of chastisement . 540 Purging Authors . 125 Q The Queene of Heauen . 363 R Reading Scripture . 35.271.272.277.279 Reall presence . 178.395 Reason when to be beleeued . 438 Receiuing Scripture from the Church . 118 Religious honouring of Saints . 322 Repetitions of Creeds and Auees . 784 Reseruation of the Eucharist , 432. in both kinds . 505 Resolution of Faith. 13 , 15 , 20 , 25 , 31 , 38 , 47 Romane Church , 1 , 2 , 103 , 145. a particular Church , 109. not vniuersall , 111. not Catholicke , 201. a stepmother , 126. equall to other Churches . 109.145 Romists want Apost . Traditions . 125 586 Romists causers of discord . 109 Rule of Faith. 〈◊〉 S Sacramentall vnion . 405 Saints not omniscient , 304. no Prophets , 312. in what manner like Angels , 317. no Patrons . 344 Sanctitie of the Church , 81 , 101 , 102. and want heereof in the Rom. Ch. 5 , 57 Satisfaction , 534 , 541 , 544 , 555 , 575 Separation from the Rom. Ch. 106 Serapions Historie , about one kind . 503 Schisme . 107 Silence of Historie , no proofe of Faith vnchanged , 116 , 131 , 143 , 144 , 255 Spirituall presence . 396 Spirituall eating and drinking . 184 Scripture how proued Diuine . 24 , 30 : the Mouth and Hand of God. 91. Sufficiencie thereof , 37 , 43 , 147. preserued incorrupt in all ages , 23 , 117 , 124. wherein obscure , 35 , 45. the translation thereof , 29. the exposition and sense , 45 , 121 , 123. more fundamentall than Tradition vnwritten , 49 , 90. Papists depresse Scripture . 92 Succession of Pastors , 65. of Romists , 115 Successor of Peter . 160 Supererogation . 522 , 528 Supremacie Papall hath no ground in Scripture . 570 T Tertullian of the Scripture . 9. of Indulgences . 2. Timoth. 3. 15. &c. 39 Theoderit of Transubstantiation . 436 Titles of Canonicall Bookes . 19 Tradition . 45 , 91 , 93 , 150 , 151 , 580 Transubstantiation , 390. not grounded on Scripture , 182 , 447. the same defined , 419. Caietan , Scotus , &c. touching it . 182 , 414 Transelementation . 421 Transmutation . 420 The Treasure of the Church . 552 V Vasques about Adoration . 232 Vertues of iust persons . 170 The B. Virgin no dispencer of Grace , 357 , 360. Halfe Christs Kingdome . 361 , 362 Visibilitie of the Church . 7 , 50 , 60 , 96 Vniuersalitie . 74 , 101 W The Waldenses and Leonists , 105 , 130 , 139 Wicked persons no true Members of the Catholike Church . 53 , 200 The wicked eat not Christs flesh . 407 Wine as necessarie as Bread in the Eucharist . 471 Worship of Images . 209 , 228 , 241 FINIS . Escapes in Printing . FOl. 3. D. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . fol. 31. E. for immediately , read mediately . fol. 50. D. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . fol. 49. C. for Pastres , read Pastors . fol 50. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. D. after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , insert 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . fol 62 A. for Damascen , read 〈◊〉 . fol. 62. B. for canta , read cauta . fol. 63. E. for innisible , read inuisible . fol. 70. for desensoris , read Aug. c. Petil. d. 〈◊〉 . fol. 106 B. for redargurere , read redarguere . fol. 109 for vnde , read Otho Frising b. inde . fol. 117. C : for Agustine , read Augustine . fol. 127. Theoderit . A. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . fol. 132 E. to lawfulnesse , adde whereof . fol. 138. Gregorie . F. for commissi , read commisi . fol. 150. Tho. Wald. F. for centia , read sentio . fol. 281. Vasq F. for contemplat , read contemplati . fol. 291. B. for first , read fift vniuersall Councell . fol. 300. A. for is expressely , read is not expressely . fol. 327. B. Alchasar , for ille , read illi . fol. 360. E. Stel. Cor. Mar. for animas , read animam . fol. 524. August . B. for praefect , read de perfectione . Ibid. Arausican . Concil . C. for gratiae , read gratia . Ibid. Bernard . d. for Notal . read Natal . Dom. fol. 527. August . C. for inuenire , read inuenies . fol. 557. F. for owards , read towards . fol. 559. Theoderit . D. for solutis , read salutis . fol. 560. A. for Guilliandus , read Guilliaudus . fol. 563. for Scoto , read Soto , m. fol. 564. A. Enchir. Sarisb . for vndecima , read vndecem . AN ANSVVERE TO Mr FISHERS Relation of a Third Conference betweene a certaine B. ( as he stiles him ) and himselfe . The Conference was very priuate , till Mr FISHER spread certaine Papers of it , which in many respects deserued an Answere . Which is here giuen by R. B. Chapleine to the B. that was imployed in the Conference . LONDON , Printed by ADAM ISLIP . 1624. TO THE READER . THis which followes , though it needeth Patronage , as great as may be had ; yet it is such , as may not presume to aske it : therefore it thrusts it selfe to the End of these Labours , that it may seeme to haue the same Patron . I would haue put nothing before it , were it not necessarie you should know the Cause why the following Discourse was written ; why it stayed so long , before it looked vpon the Light ; and why it is not able yet to goe alone , but is led abroad by this former Worke. The Cause why it was written , was this . A certaine B. ( in the Iesuit's stile ) was called and required to a a Conference by Them that might command him . The Iesuit with whom hee had to deale , was Mr Fisher. Hee began with great Protestations of seeking the Truth onely , and for it selfe . I would the B. could haue found it so . After the Conference ended ( a great part of which time he spent , in reading a passage out of a Booke which himselfe had printed ) the B. not suspecting any such thing , hee spread abroad Papers of the Conference , which were full of partialicie to his Cause , and more full of Calumnie against the B. Hereupon the B. deliuered me the Papers that were spread , and a Note what was mis-spread in them , to the vttermost of his Memorie , and other helpes . And I not departing from that , haue here entirely deliuered it to the vse of the Church . There was a Cause also why it stayed so long , before it could endure to be pressed , and you must know that too . It was not my idlenesse , nor my vnwillingnesse , to right both the B. and his Cause against the Paper that was scattered : For I haue most Honorable Witnesses , that this Thing ( such as it is ) was finished long since : for the Papers came to my hand after Michaelmasse 1622. and J finished this Relation to them that Tearme . But the cause was partly mine owne backwardnesse to deale with these men : For they pretend onely for Truth and Vnitie , but will 〈◊〉 neither , vnlesse they and their Faction may preuaile in all . Whereas it is a thing impossible , so many deuout and learned men , in diuers Ages and Parts of the Church , should still pray , and sometimes call for a Reformation , if the Church had not warped at all , or if no b Reformation were necessarie . And partly because there were about that time , three Conferences with Mr. Fisher , Two , at which the worthie Authour of this fore-going Discourse was present . This was the Third , and therefore could not well and conueniently come into the world , till the two former ( vpon which it somewhat depended ) had shewed themselues . And the Cause why it cannot yet goe alone , but is led into publicke by this former Worke , is , because before those Nine Articles there goeth a Preface , which together with some of the Articles themselues are the mayne and substance of all that passed in the Two former Conferences ; and so they are fittest to take this Third by the hand , and lead it forth . J haue thus farre acquainted you with the Occasion of the ensuing discourse . J haue beene a faithfull Relator of all passages , and the B , protests hee hath beene faithfull in relating to me . But J cannot but 〈◊〉 ( and hee hath c hard Bowells that grieues not ) to see Christendome bleeding in dissention : Nay , which is farre worse , triumphing in her owne blood , and most angry with them that study her Peace . Jn the meane time there are Sua , their owne things , which S. Paul tells vs , All men seeke , and not the things that are Iesus Christs . And Religion , so much pretended and called vpon ; and the Church , the Church , so much honoured in name ; are but the stalking horse , other Fowle are shot at Complaint is but a seeming ease of weaker spirits : it can helpe nothing ; And since it cannot , vse these Papers for a little support : It may be these may giue some stay till God giue stronger . So I leaue you to be indifferent between the B. and M. Fisher : and for my selfe , I shall haue reward enough , if you pray for Peace and Truth in the Church , and so for me . Yours in Christ , whom I labour to serue , R. B. A * BRIEFE RELATION OF WHAT PASSED in a third priuate CONFERENCE , betweene a certaine B. and me , BEFORE &c. ANSVVERED BY R. B. Chaplaine to the B. I hope you will pardon the B. if iust occasion hath spunne my Answer for him to † length . F. The Occasion of this Conference , was . B. THE Occasion of this third Conference you should know sufficiently ; you were an Actor in it , as well as the rest . Whether you haue related the two former truly , appeares by Dr Whites Relation , or Exposition of them . The B. was present at none , but this third , of which he is readie by me to giue the Church an account . But of this third , whether that were the cause which you alledge , he cannot tell : You say , F. ( It was ) obserued , That in the second Conference , all the speech was about particular matters ; little , or none , about a continuall , infallible , visible Church , which was the chiefe and onely Point ( in which the person doubting ) required satisfaction : as hauing formerly settled their mind , That it was not for them or any other vnlearned persons to take vpon them to iudge of particulars , without depending vpon the Iudgement of the true Church . B. The opinion of that person in this , was neuer opened to the B. And it is very fit the people should looke to the Iudgement of the Church , before they be too busie with particulars . But yet neither a Scripture , nor any good Authoritie , denyes them some moderate vse of their owne vnderstanding and iudgement , especially in things familiar and euident , which euen ordinarie Capacities may as easily vnderstand , as reade : And therefore some particulars a Christian may iudge , without depending . F. ( That person ) therefore hauing heard it granted in the first Conference , That there must be a continuall visible Companie euer since Christ , teaching vnchanged Doctrine in all fundamentall Points , that is , Points necessarie to Saluation ; desired to heare this confirmed , and proofe brought , which was that continuall , infallible , visible Church , in which one may , and out of which one cannot attaine Saluation . And therefore hauing appointed a time of meeting betweene a B. and me , and thereupon hauing sent for the B. and me , before the B. came ( the doubting persons ) came first to the roome where I was , and debated before me the aforesaid Question ; and not doubting of the first part , to wit , That there must be a continuall visible Church , as they had heard graunted by Dr White and L. K. &c. B. What Dr White and L. K. graunted , neyther the B. nor I heard . But I thinke , both graunted a continuall and a visible Church ; neyther of them an infallible , at least in your sense . And your selfe , in this Relation , speake distractedly : For in these few Lines from the beginning hither , twice you adde infallible betweene continuall and visible , and twice you leaue it out . But this concerneth Dr W. and he hath answered it . F. The Question was , Which was that Church ? ( One ) would needs defend , That not onely the Romane , but also the Greeke Church was right . B. When that Honourable Personage answered , I was not by to heare . But I presume hee was so farre from graunting , that onely the Romane Church was right , as that he did not graunt it right : and that hee tooke on him no other defence of the poore Greeke Church , than was according to Truth . F. I told him , That the Greeke Church had plainely changed and taught false , in a Point of Doctrine concerning the Holy Ghost ; and that I had heard say , that euen his Maiestie should say , That the Greeke Church hauing erred against the Holy Ghost , had lost the Holy Ghost . B. You are very bold with his Maiestie , to relate him vpon hearesay . My intelligence serues me not , to tell you what his Maiestie said : but if hee said it not , you haue beene too credulous to beleeue , and too suddaine to report it . Princes deserue , and were wont to haue more respect than so . If his Maiestie did say it , there is truth in the speech ; the error is yours onely , by mistaking what is meant by loosing the Holy Ghost . For a particular Church may be said to loose the Holy Ghost two wayes , or in two degrees : The one , when it looses such speciall assistance of that blessed Spirit , as preserues it from all dangerous errors , and finnes , and the temporall punishment which is due vnto them : And in this sense , the Greeke Church lost the Holy Ghost ; for they erred against him , they sinned against God : and for this , or other sinnes , they were deliuered into another Babylonish Captiuitie vnder the Turke ; in which they yet are , and from which God in his mercie deliuer them . The other is , when it looses not onely this assistance , but all assistance ad hoc ; to this , that they may remaine any longer a true Church . And so Corinth , and Ephesus , and diuers others , haue lost the Holy Ghost . But in this sense , the whole Greeke Church lost not the Holy Ghost ; for they continue a true Church in substance , to and at this day , though erroneous in the point which you mention . F. ( The said person ) not knowing what to answer , called in the B. who sitting downe first , excused himselfe , as one vnprouided , and not much studied in Controuersies , and desiring , that in case he should faile , yet the Protestant Cause might not be thought ill of . B. The B. indeed excused himselfe , and he had great reason so to doe . But his Reason being grounded vpon his Modestie for the most part , he is willing I should let you insult at your pleasure . This onely by the way : It may be fit others should know , the B. had no information , where the other Conferences brake off ; no instruction , what should be the ground of this third Conference ; nor the full time of foure and twentie houres , to bethinke himselfe : whereas you make the sifting of these and the like Questions to the very Branne , your dayly worke , and came throughly furnished to the businesse . Saint Augustine a said once , Scio me inualidum esse , I know I am weake ; and yet he made good his Cause . And the B. preferring the Cause before his Credit , was modest and reasonable : For there is no reason , the weight of that whole Cause should rest vpon any one particular ; and great reason , that the personall defects of any man should presse him , but not the Cause . F. It hauing a hundred better Schollers to maintaine it , than he . To which I said , There were a thousand better Schollers than I , to maintaine the Catholike Cause . B. The B. in this had neuer so poore a conceit of the Protestants Cause , as to thinke they had but a hundred better than he , to maintaine it . That which hath a hundred , may haue as many more , as it pleases God to giue , and more than you . And the B. shall euer be glad , that the Church of England ( which at this time , if his memorie reflect not amisse , he named ) may haue farre more able defendants than himselfe : he shall neuer enuie them , but reioyce for her . And hee makes no question , but that if hee had named a thousand , you would haue multiplyed yours into ten thousand , for the Catholike Cause , as you call it . And this confidence of yours hath euer beene fuller of noyse , than proofe . But you admonish againe . F. Then the Question about the Greeke Church being proposed , I said as before , that it had erred . B. Then I thinke the Question about the Greeke Church was proposed . But after you had with confidence enough not spared to say , That what the B. would not acknowledge in this cause , you would wring and extort from him ; then indeed you said as before , that it had erred : And this no man denyed . But euerie Error denyes not Christ , the Foundation ; or makes Christ denie , it , or thrust it from the Foundation . F. The B. said , That the Error was not in Point fundamentall . B. The B. was not so peremptorie . His speech was , That diuers learned men , and some of your owne , were of opinion , That ( as the Greekes expressed themselues ) it was a Question not simply Fundamentall . The B. knowes and acknowledges that Error , of denying the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Sonne , to be a grieuous Error in Diuinitie . And sure it would haue grated the Foundation , if they had so denyed the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Sonne , as that they had made an inequalitie betweene the Persons . But since their forme of speech is , a That the Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father by the Sonne , and is the Spirit of the Sonne , without making any difference in the consubstantialitie of the Persons ; the B. dares not denie them to be a true Church for this , though he confesses them an erroneous Church in this particular . Now that diuers learned men were of opinion , That à Filio , & per Filium , in the sense of the Greeke Church , was but a Question , in modo loquendi , in manner of speech b , and therefore not fundamentall , is euident . c The Master and his Schollers agree vpon it . The Greekes ( saith hee ) confesse the holy Ghost to be the Spirit of the Sonne , with the Apostle , Galat. 4. and the Spirit of Truth , S. Ioh. 16. And since , Non est aliud , It is not another thing to say , The Holy Ghost is the Spirit of the Father and the Sonne , then that he is or proceeds from the Father and the Sonne ; in this they seeme to agree with vs in eandem Fidei Sententiam , vpon the same Sentence of Faith , though they differ in words . Now in this cause , where the words differ , but the sentence of Faith is the same , a 〈◊〉 eadem , euen altogether the same , Can the Point be fundamentall ? You may make them no Church ( as b Bellarmine doth ) and so denie them saluation , which cannot be had out of the true Church ; but the B. dares not . It ought to be no easie thing , to condemne a man of Heresie , in foundation of Faith ; much lesse , a Church ; least of all , so ample and large a Church as the Greeke , especially so , as to make them no Church . Heauen Gates were not so easily shut against multitudes , when S. Peter wore the Keyes at his owne Girdle : And it is good counsaile which Alphonsus à Castro c , one of your owne , giues ; Let them consider , that pronounce easily of Heresie , how easie it is for themselues to erre . Or if you will pronounce , consider what it is that seperates from the Church simply , and not in part onely . I must needs professe d , that I wish heartily , as well as others , that those distressed men , whose Crosse is heauie alreadie , had beene more plainely and moderately dealt withall , though they thinke a diuerse thing from vs , than they haue beene by the Church of Rome . But hereupon you say you were forced . F. Whereupon I was forced to repeat what I had formerly brought against Dr. White , concerning Points Fundamentall . B. Hereupon it is true , that you read a large discourse out of a Booke printed , which you said was yours . The particulars ( all of them at the least ) the B. tells me , he doth not now remember , and is sure he did not then approoue . But if they be such as were formerly brought against 〈◊〉 White , they are by him formerly answered . The first thing you did , was the righting of S. Augustine † : Which Sentence the B. doth not at all remember was so much as named in the third Conference , much lesse was it stood vpon , and then righted by you . Another place of S. Augustine indeed was ( which you omit ) but the place of it comes after , about Tradition , to which I remit it . But you tell vs of a great proofe made out of this place * . These words containe two Propositions : One , That all Points defined by the Church , are Fundamentall ; The other , That this is prooued out of this place of S. Augustine . 1. For the first , That all Points defined by the Church , are Fundamentall . It was not the least meanes by which Rome grew to her Greatnesse , to blast euerie Opposer shee had , with the name of Heretike , or Schismatike ; for this serued to shriuell the credit of the persons : and the persons once brought into contempt , and ignominie , all the good they desired in the Church , fell to dust , for want of creditable persons to backe and support it . To make this proceeding good in these later yeeres , this course ( it seemes ) was taken . The Schoole , that must maintaine ( and so they doe ) That all Points defined by the Church , are thereby a Fundamentall , b necessarie to be beleeued , c of the substance of the Faith , and that , though it be determined quite d Extra Scripturam . And then e leaue the wise and actiue heads to take order , that there be strength enough readie to determine what is fittest for them . But since these men distinguish not , nor you , betweene the Church in generall , and a Generall Councell , which is but her Representation , for determinations of the Faith ; the B. though he be very slow in sifting or opposing what is concluded by lawfull , generall , and consenting Authoritie ; though hee giue as much as can be giuen to the definitions of Councels , truly generall : nay , suppose hee should graunt ( which hee doth not ) That Generall Councels cannot erre , yet this cannot downe with him , That all Points euen so defined , are Fundamentall . For Deductions are not prime and Natiue Principles , nor are Superstructures , Foundations . That which is a Foundation for all , cannot be one , and another , in different Christians ; for then it could be no constant Rule for any , nor could the soules of men rest vpon a shaking Foundation . No : If it be a true Foundation , it must be common to all , and firme vnder all ; in which sense , the Articles of Christian Faith are Fundamentall . And f Irenaeus layes this for a ground , That the whole Church ( howsoeuer dispersed in place ) speakes this with one mouth . Hee which among the Guides of the Church is best able to speake , vtters no more than this ; and lesse than this , the most simple doth not vtter . Therefore the Creed ( of which hee speakes ) is a common , is a constant Foundation : and an Explicite Faith must be of this , in them which haue the vse of Reason ; for both Guides and simple people , all the Church , vtter this . Now many things are defined by the Church , which are but Deductions out of this : which , suppose them deduced right , mooue farre from the Foundation ; without which Deductions , explicitely beleeued , many millions of Christians goe to Heauen , and cannot therefore be Fundamentall in the Faith. True Deductions from the Article , may require necessarie beleefe in them which are able , and doe goe along with them , from the Principle to the Conclusion : but I doe not see either that the Learned doe make them necessarie to all , or any reason why they should : Therefore they cannot be Fundamentall . Besides , that which is Fundamentall in the Faith of Christ , is a Rocke immooueable , and can neuer bee varied : Neuer a . Therefore , if it be Fundamentall after the Church hath defined it , it was Fundamentall before the definition ; else it is mooueable , and then no Christian hath where to rest . And if it be immooueable , as b indeed it is , no Decree of a Councell , be it neuer so generall , can alter immooueable Verities , no more than it can change immooueable Natures . Therefore , if the Church in a Councell define any thing , the thing defined is not Fundamentall , because the Church hath defined it ; nor can be made so by the definition of the Church , if it be not so in it selfe . For if the Church had this power , shee might make a new Article of the Faith , c which the Learned among your selues denie : For the Articles of the Faith cannot encrease in substance , but onely in explication d . Nor is this hard to be prooued out of your owne Schoole ; for e Scotus professeth it in this verie particular of the Greeke Church : If there be ( saith he ) a true reall difference betweene the Greekes and the Latines about the Point of the Procession of the Holy Ghost , then either they or we be vere Haeretici , truly and indeed Heretikes . And he speakes this of the old Greekes , long before any decision of the Church in this Controuersie : For his instance , is in S. Basil , and Greg. Nazianz. on the one side , and S. Ierome , Augustine , and Ambrose , on the other . And who dares call any of these Heretikes ? is his challenge . I denie not , but that Scotus addes there , That howsoeuer this was before , yet ex quo , from the time that the Catholike Church declared it , it is to be held as of the substance of Faith. But this cannot stand with his former Principle , if hee intend by it , That whatsoeuer the Church defines , shall be ipso facto , and for that determinations sake Fundamentall . For if before the determination ( supposing the difference reall ) some of those Worthies were truly Heretikes ( as hee confesses ) then somewhat made them so ; and that could not be the Decree of the Church , which then was not : Therefore it must be somewhat really false , that made them so ; and fundamentally false , if it had made them Heretikes against the Foundation . But Scotus was wiser , than to intend this . It may be hee saw the streame too strong for him to swim against , therefore hee went on with the Doctrine of the time , That the Churches Sentence is of the substance of Faith , but meant not to betray the Truth ; for hee goes no further than Ecclesia declarauit , since the Church hath declared it , which is the word that is vsed by diuers a . Now the b Master teaches , and the c Schollers too , That euerie thing which belongs to the exposition or declaration of another , intus est , is not another contrarie thing , but is contayned within the bowels and nature of that which is interpreted : from which , if the declaration depart , it is faultie and erronious , because in stead of declaring , it giues another and a contrarie d sense . Therefore , when the Church declares any thing in a Councell , either that which she declares , was Intus , or Extra , in the nature and veritie of the thing , or out of it . If it were Extra , without the nature of the thing declared ; then the declaration of the thing is false , and so , farre from being fundamentall in the Faith e . If it were Intus , within the compasse and nature of the thing , though not expert and apparant to euerie Eye ; then the declaration is true , but not otherwise fundamentall , than the thing is which is declared : For Intus cannot be larger or deeper than that in which it is ; if it were , it could not be Intus . Therefore nothing is simply fundamentall , because the Church declares it , but because it is so in the nature of the thing which the Church declares . And it is a slight and poore euasion that is commonly vsed , That the declaration of the Church makes it fundamentall , quoad nos , in respect of vs ; for it doth not that neither : for no respect to vs , can varie the Foundation . The Churches declaration can bind vs to peace , and externall obedience , where there is not expresse letter of Scripture and sense agreed on ; but it cannot make any thing fundamentall to vs , that is not so in the nature of it . For if the Church can so adde , that it can by a Declaration make a thing to be fundamentall in the Faith , that was not , then it can take a thing from the foundation , and make it by declaring , not to be fundamentall ; which all men graunt , no power of the Church can doe : For the power of adding any thing contrarie , and of detracting any thing necessarie , are alike f forbidden . Now nothing is more apparant than this to the eye of all men , That the Church of Rome hath determined , or declared , or defined ( call it what you will ) very many things , that are not in their owne nature fundamentall , and therefore neither are , not can be made so , by her adiudging them . 2. For the second , That it is prooued by this place of S. Augustine , That all Points defined by the Church , are fundamentall . You might haue giuen me that place cited in the Margin , and eased my paines to seeke it ; but it may be there was somewhat in concealing it : For you doe so extraordinarily right this place , that you were loth ( I thinke ) any 〈◊〉 should see how you wrong it . The place of S. Augustine is this , against the Pelagians , about Remission of Originall sinne in Infants : a This is a thing founded ; An erring Disputor is to be borne with in other Questions not diligently digested , not yet made firme by 〈◊〉 Authoritie of the Church , their Error is to be borne with : but it ought not to goe so farre , that it should labour to shake the Foundation it selfe of the Church . This is the place : but it can neuer follow out of this place ( I thinke ) That euerie thing defined by the Church , is Fundamentall . For first , he speakes of a Foundation of Doctrine in Scripture , not a Church definition . This appeares : for few Lines before he tells vs , b There was a Question mooued to S. Cyprian , Whether Baptisme was concluded to the eight day , as well as Circumcision ? And no doubt was made then of the c beginning of Sinne , and that d out of this thing about which no Question was mooued , that Question that was made , was answered . And e againe , That S. Cyprian tooke that which he gaue in answere , from the Foundation of the Church , to confirme a Stone that was shaking . Now S. Cyprian , in all the Answer that he giues , hath not one word of any definition of the Church : therefore Ea Res , That thing by which he answered , was a Foundation of prime and settled Scripture Doctrine , not any definition of the Church : Therefore , that which he tooke from the Foundation of the Church , to fasten the Stone that shooke , was not a definition of the Church , but the Foundation of the Church it selfe , the Scripture , vpon which it builded : as appeareth in the f Mileuitan Councell ; where , the Rule by which Pelagius was condemned , is the Rule of g Scripture , Rom. 5.12 . Therefore S. Augustine goes on in the same sense , That the Disputor is not to be borne any longer , that shall h endeuour to shake the Foundation it selfe , vpon which the whole Church is grounded . Secondly , If S. Augustine did meane by Founded and Foundation , the definition of the Church , because of these words , This thing is founded , This is made firme by full authoritie of the Church , and the words following these , To shake the foundation of the Church ; yet it can neuer follow out of any , or all these Circumstances ( and these are all That all Points defined by the Church , are Fundamentall in the Faith. For first , no man denyes , but the Church is a i Foundation ; That things defined by it , are founded vpon it : And yet hence it cannot follow , That the thing that is so founded , is Fundamentall in the Faith ; for things may be a founded vpon humane Authoritie , and be verie certaine , yet not Fundamentall in the Faith : Nor yet can it follow , This thing is founded , therefore euerie thing determined by the Church , is founded . Againe , that which followes , That those things are not to be opposed which are made firme by full Authoritie of the Church , cannot conclude they are therefore fundamentall in the Faith : For full Church Authoritie , is but Church Authoritie ; and Church Authoritie , when it is at full Sea ( the time that included the Apostles , being past , and not comprehended in it ) is not simply Diuine b : therefore the Sentence of it not fundamentall in the Faith. And yet no erring Disputor may be endured to shake the Foundation which the Church in Councell layes : But plaine Scripture , with euident sense , or a full demonstratiue argument , must haue roome , where a wrangling and erring Disputor may not be allowed it . And there 's neither of these but may conuince the definition of the Councell , if it be ill founded . And the Articles of the Faith may easily prooue it is not fundamentall , if in deed and veritie it be not so . And the B. hath read some bodie , that sayes ( Is it not you ? ) That things are fundamentall in the Faith two wayes : One , in their Matter , such as are all things as be so in themselues ; the other , in the Manner , such as are all things that the Church hath defined , and determined to be of Faith : And that so , some things that are de modo , of the manner of being , are of Faith. But in plaine truth , this is no more , than if you should say , Some things are fundamentall in the Faith , and some are not . For wrangle while you will , you shall neuer be able to prooue , That any thing which is but de modo , a consideration of the manner of being onely , can possibly be fundamentall in the Faith. And since you make such a Foundation of this place , I will a little view the Mortar with which it is laid by you ; it is a venture but I shall find it c vntempered . Your assertion is , All Points defined by the Church , are fundamentall : your proofe , this place , Because that is not to be shaken , which is setled d by full authoritie of the Church . Then it seemes your meaning is , that this Point there spoken of , The remission of 〈◊〉 sinne in Baptisme of Infants , was defined , when S. Augustine wrote this , by a full Sentence of a Generall Councell . First , If you say it was , e Bellarmine will tell you it is false ; and that the Pelagian Heresie was neuer condemned in an Oecumenicall Councell , but only in Nationalls . But Bellarmine is deceiued : for while they stood out impudently against Nationall Councels , some of them defended Nestorius ; which gaue occasion to the first f Ephesine Councell to excommunicate and depose them . And yet this will not serue your turne for this place : For S. Augustine was then dead , and therefore could not meane the Sentence of that Councell in this place . Secondly , And if you say it was not then defined in an Oecumenicall Synod , plena Authoritas Ecclesiae , the full Authoritie of the Church , there mentioned , doth not stand properly for the Decree of an Oecumenicall Councell , but for some Nationall ; as this was condemned in a a Nationall Councell : and then the full Authoritie of the Church here , is no more than the full Authoritie of this Church of b Africke . And I hope that Authoritie doth not make all Points defined by it , to be Fundamentall : You will say , Yes , if that Councell be confirmed by the Pope . And I must euer wonder why S. Augustine should say , The full Authoritie of the Church , and not bestow one word vpon the Pope , by whose Authoritie onely that Councell , as all other , haue their fulnesse of Authoritie , in your iudgement . An inexpiable omission , if this Doctrine concerning the Pope were true . F. Secondly , J required to know what Points the B. would account Fundamentall . Hee said , All the Points of the Creed were such . B. Against this , I hope you except not . For since the c Fathers make the Creed the Rule of Faith , d since the agreeing sense of Scripture with those Articles , are the two Regular Precepts by which a Diuine is gouerned , about the Faith ; since your owne e Councell of Trent decrees , That it is that Principle of Faith , in which all that professe Christ doe necessarily agree , Et Fundamentum firmum & vnicum , not the firme alone , but the onely Foundation ; since it is Excommunication f ipso iure , for any man to contradict the Articles contained in that Creed ; since the whole body of the Faith is so contained in the Creed , as that the g substance of it was beleeued euen before the comming of Christ , though not so expressely , as since in the number of the Articles ; since Bellarmine h confesses , That all things simply necessarie for all mens saluation , are in the Creed and the Decalogue : What reason can you haue to except ? And yet for all this , euerie thing Fundamentall is not of a like neerenesse to the Foundation , nor of equall Primenesse in the Faith. And the B. graunting the Creed to be Fundamentall , doth not denie , but that there are i Quaedam prima Credibilia , Certaine prime Principles of Faith , in the bosome whereof all other Articles lay wrapped and folded vp : One of which , since Christ , is that of S. Iohn k , Euery Spirit that confesseth Iesus Christ come in the flesh , is of God : And one , both before the comming of Christ , and since , is that of S. Paul a , He that comes to God , must beleeue that God is , and that he is a rewarder of them that seeke him . F. I asked , How then it happened , as Mr Rogers saith , that the English Church is not yet resolued , what is the right sense of the Article of Christ's descending into Hell. B. The English Church neuer made doubt ( that I know ) what was the sense of that Article . The words are so plaine , they beare their meaning before them . Shee was content to put that Article b among those , to which she requires subscription , not as doubting of the sense , but to preuent the Cauills of some , who had beene too busie in crucifying that Article , and in making it all one with the Article of the Crosse , or but an Exposition of it . And sure the B. thinkes , and so doe I , That the Church of England is better resolued of the right sense of this Article , than the Church of Rome ; especially if she must be tryed by her Writers , as you trie the Church of England by Mr Rogers . For you cannot agree , whether this Article be a meere Tradition , or whether it hath any place of Scripture to warrant it . c Scotus and d Stapleton allow it no footing in Scripture ; but e Bellarmine is resolute , that this Article is euerie where in Scripture ; and f Thomas grants as much for the whole Creed . The Church of England neuer doubted it , and S. Augustine g prooues it . And yet againe you are different for the sense : For you agree not , whether the Soule of Christ , in triduo mortis , in the time of his death , did goe downe into Hell really , and was present there ; or virtually , and by effects onely : For h Thomas holds the first , and i Durand holds the latter . Then you agree not , whether the Soule of Christ did descend really , and in essence , into the lowest Pit of Hell , and place of the Damned , as k Bellarmine once held probable , and prooued it ; or really only into that place or Region of Hell , which you call Limbum Patrum , and then but virtually from thence into the Lower Hell : to which l Bellarmine reduces himselfe , and giues his reason , because it is the m common opinion of the Schoole . Now the Church of England takes the words as they are in the Creed , and beleeues them , without further dispute , and in that sense which the antient Primitiue Fathers of the Church agreed in . And yet if any in the Church of England should not be throughly resolued in the sense of this Article , Is it not as lawfull for them to say , ( I conceiue thus , or thus , of it ; yet if any other way of his Descent be found truer than this , I denie it not , but as yet I know no other ) as it was for a Durand to say it , and yet not impeach the Foundation of the Faith ? F. The B. said , That Mr Rogers was but a priuate man. But ( said I ) if Mr Rogers ( writing as he did by publike Authoritie ) be accounted onely a priuate man , &c. B. The B. said truth , when he said Mr Rogers was a priuate man. And I take it , you will not allow euerie speech of euerie man , though allowed by Authoritie to be printed , to be the Doctrine of the Church of Rome . This hath beene oft complained of on both sides , The imposing particular mens Assertions vpon the Church : yet I see , you meane not to leaue it . And surely , as Controuersies are now handled ( by some of your partie ) at this day , I may not say it is the sense of the Article in hand , but I haue long thought it a kind of descent into Hell , to be conuersant in them . I would the Authors would take heed in time , and not seeke to blind the people , or cast a mist before euident Truth , least it cause a finall descent to that place of Torment . But since you hold this course , Stapleton was of greater note with you , than Rogers is with vs ; and as he , so his Relection : And is it the Doctrine of the Church of Rome which he affirmes , b The Scripture is silent that Christ descended into Hell , and that there is a Catholike and an Apostolike Church ? If it be , then what will become of the Pope's Supremacie ouer the whole Church ? Shall hee haue his power ouer the Catholike Church giuen him expressely in Scripture , in c the Keyes to enter , and in d Pasce , to feed when he is in ; and when he hath fed , to e confirme ; and in all these , not to erre and faile in his ministration : And is the Catholike Church , in and ouer which he is to doe all these great things , quite left out ? Belike , the Holy Ghost was carefull to giue him his power ; Yes , in any case ; but left the assigning of his great Cure , the Catholike Church , to Tradition : And it were well for him , if hee could so prescribe for what he now claymes . But what if after all this , Mr Rogers there sayes no such thing ? as in truth he doth not . His words are : f All Christians acknowledge he descended ; but in the interpretation of the Article , there is not that consent that were to be wished . What is this to the Church of England , more than others ? And againe , g Till wee know the natiue and vndoubted sense of this Article , is Mr Rogers ( Wee ) the Church of England ? or rather , his and some others Iudgement of the Church of England ? F. But if Mr Rogers be onely a priuate man ; In what Booke may wee find the Protestants publike Doctrine ? The B. answered , That to the Booke of Articles they were all sworne . B. What , was the B. so ignorant , to say , The Articles of the Church of England were the publike Doctrine of all the Protestants ? or , That all Protestants were sworne to the Articles of England , as this speech seemes to implie ? Sure he was not . Was not the immediate speech before , of the Church of England ? And how comes the subiect of the speech to be varyed in the next Lines ? Nor yet speake I this , as if other Protestants did not agree with the Church of England in the chiefest Doctrines against which they ioyntly take exceptions against the Romane Church , as appeares by their seuerall Confessions . Nor did the B. say , That the Booke of Articles onely was the Continent of the Church of Englands publike Doctrine : Shee is not so narrow , nor hath shee purpose to exclude any thing which shee acknowledges hers ; nor doth shee wittingly permit any crossing of her publike declarations : Yet shee is not such a Shrew to her Children , as to denie her Blessing , or denounce an Anathema against them , if some peaceably dissent in some particulars , remoter from the Foundation , as your owne Schoolemen differ . And if the Church of Rome , since shee grew to her greatnesse , had not beene so fierce in this course , Christendome ( I persuade my selfe ) had beene in happier peace at this day . F. And that the Scriptures onely , not any vnwritten Tradition , was the Foundation of their Faith. B. The Church of England grounded her Positiue Articles vpon Scripture ; and her Negatiue Refute , where the thing affirmed by you , is not affirmed in Scripture , nor directly to be concluded out of it . And since you are pleased before to passe from the Church of England to all Protestants , you may know for your comfort , that all Protestants agree most strongly in this , That the Scripture is sufficient to saluation , and containes in it all things necessarie to it . The Fathers a are plaine ; the a Schoolemen not strangers in it . And haue not wee reason then to account it as it is , The Foundation of our Faith ? And b Stapleton himselfe , though an angrie Opposite , confesses , That the Scripture is in some sort the Foundation of Faith , that is in the nature of Testimonie , and in the matter or thing to be beleeued . And if the Scripture be the Foundation to which wee are to goe for Witnesse , if there be doubt about the Faith , and in which we are to find the thing that is to be beleeued , as necessarie in the Faith ; we neuer did nor neuer will refute any Tradition that is Vniuersall and Apostolike , for the better exposition of the Scripture ; nor any definition of the Church , in which she goes to the Scripture for what shee teaches , and thrusts nothing as fundamentall in the Faith vpon the world , but in what the Scripture is Materia Credendorum , the substance of that which is to be beleeued , whether immediately and expressely in words , or more remotely , till a cleare and full deduction draw it out . F. I asked , How he knew Scripture to be Scripture ; and in particular , Genesis , Exodus , &c. These are beleeued to be Scripture , yet not prooued out of any place of Scripture . The B. said , That the Bookes of Scripture are Principles to be supposed , and needed not to be prooued . B. I did neuer loue too curious a search into that which might put a man into a Wheele , and circle him so long betweene proouing Scripture by Tradition , and Tradition by Scripture , till the Deuill find a meanes to dispute him into Infidelitie , and make him beleeue neither . I hope this is no part of your meaning : yet I doubt , this Question , How doe you know Scripture to be Scripture ? hath done more harme , than you will be euer able to helpe by Tradition . But I must follow that way which you draw me . And because it is so much insisted vpon by you , and is it selfe a matter of such consequence , I will sift it a little further . Many men labouring to settle this great Principle in Diuinitie , haue vsed diuers meanes to prooue it . All haue not gone the same way , nor all the right way . You cannot be right , that resolue Faith of the Scriptures , being the Word of God , into onely Tradition ; for onely and no other proofe , are equall . To prooue the Scripture therefore ( so called by way of Excellence ) to be the Word of God ; first , some flye to the Testimonie and Witnesse of the Church , and her Tradition , which constantly beleeues , and vnanimously deliuers it : secondly , some to the Light and the Testimonie which the Scripture giues to it selfe , with other internall proofes which are obserued in it , and to be found in no other Writing whatsoeuer : thirdly , some to the Testimonie of the Holy Ghost , which cleares vp the Light that is in Scripture , and seales this Faith to the soules of men , that it is Gods Word : fourthly , All that haue not imbrutished themselues , and sunke below their Species and order of Nature , giue euen Naturall Reason leaue to come in , and make some proofe , and giue some approbation , vpon the weighing and the consideration of other Arguments . 1. For the first : The Tradition of the Church taken and considered alone , it is so farre from being the onely , that it cannot be a sufficient proofe to beleeue , by Diuine Faith , That Scripture is the Word of God : for that which is a full and sufficient proofe , is able of it selfe to settle the soule of man , concerning it . Now the Tradition of the Church is not able to doe this : for it may be further asked , Why he should beleeue the Churches Tradition ? And if it be answered , Because the Church is infallibly gouerned by the Holy Ghost , it may yet be demanded , How that may appeare ? And if this be demanded , either you must say , you haue it by speciall Reuelation , which is the priuate Spirit , you obiect to other men ; or else you must attempt to prooue it by Scripture , as all of you doe . And that very offer is sufficient acknowledgement , that the Scripture is a higher proofe than the Churches Tradition ; which in your owne grounds , is or may be questionable , till you come thither . Againe , if the Voice of the Church ( saying , The Bookes of Scripture , commonly receiued , are the Word of God ) be the formall Obiect of Faith , vpon which alone , and absolutely and lastly , I may resolue my selfe ; then euerie man not onely may , but ought , to resolue his Faith into the Voice or Tradition of the Church : for euerie man is bound to rest vpon the proper and formall Obiect of the Faith. But nothing can be more euident than this , That a man ought not to resolue his Faith of this Principle into the Testimonie of the Church : therefore neither is that Testimonie , or Tradition , the formall Obiect of Faith. The a Learned of your owne part grant this : Although in the Article of the Creed ( I beleeue the Catholike Church ) peraduenture all this be contained ( I beleeue those things which the Church teacheth ) yet this is not necessarily vnderstood , That I beleeue the Church , teaching as an infallible Witnesse . And if they did not confesse this , it were no hard thing to prooue . It seemes to me verie necessarie , that we be able to prooue the Bookes of Scripture to be the Word of God , by some Authoritie that is absolutely Diuine : for if they be warranted vnto vs by any Authoritie lesse than Diuine , then all things contayned in them ( which haue no greater assurance than the Scripture , in which they are read ) are not Obiects of Diuine Beleefe . And that once granted , will enforce vs to yeeld , That all the Articles of Christian Beleefe haue no greater assurance , than Humane or Morall Faith or Credulitie can affoord . An Authoritie then simply Diuine , must make good Scripture's Infallibilitie . This Authoritie cannot be any Testimonie orVoice of the present Church : for our a Worthies prooue , That all the Churches Constitutions are of the nature of humane Law : b And some among you , not vnworthie for their Learning , prooue it at large , That all the Churches Testimonie , or Voice , or Sentence , ( call it what you will ) is but suo modo , or aliquo modo , not simply , but in a manner Diuine . Now that which is Diuine but in a manner , be it the Churches manner , is suo modo non Diuina , in a sort not Diuine . But this great Principle of Faith ( the ground and proofe of whatsoeuer else is of Faith ) cannot stand firme vpon a proofe that is , and is not , in a manner , and not in a manner , Diuine ; as it must , if wee haue no other Anchor than the externall Tradition of the Church . 2. For the second : That Scripture should be fully and sufficiently knowne , as by Diuine and infallible Testimonie , Lumine proprio , by the resplendencie of that Light which it hath in it selfe onely , and by the witnesse that it can so giue it selfe ; I could neuer yet see cause to allow . c For as there is no place in Scripture that tells vs , such Bookes , containing such and such particulars , are the Canon and the infallible Will and Word of God ; so if there were any such place , that were no sufficient proofe : for a man might iustly aske another Booke , to beare witnesse of that ; and againe of that , another ; and where euer it were written in Scripture , that must be a part of the whole . And no created thing can alone giue witnesse to it selfe , and make it euident ; nor one part testifie for another , and satisfie , where Reason will but offer to contest . Besides , if it were so cleare by 〈◊〉 and in giuen Light , What should hinder , but that all which heare it , and doe but vnderstand the Tearmes , should presently assent vnto it , as men vse to doe to Principles euident in themselues ? which dayly experience teacheth vs , they doe not . And this , though I cannot approoue , yet me thinkes you may , and vpon probable grounds at least . For I hope no Romanist will denie , but that there is as much Light in Scripture , to manifest and make ostension of it selfe to be infallibly the written Word of God , as there is in any Tradition of the Church , that it is Diuine , and infallibly the vnwritten Word of God. And the Scriptures saying from the mouths of the Prophets , a Thus saith the Lord , and from the mouths of the b Apostles , That the Holy Ghost spake by them , are at least as able and as fit to beare witnesse to their owne Veritie , as the Church is to beare witnesse to her owne Traditions , by bare saying they come from the Apostles : And your selues would neuer goe to the Scripture , to prooue that there are Traditions , c as you doe , if you did not thinke the Scripture as easie to be discouered by inbred Light in it selfe , as Traditions by their Light. And if this be so , then it is as probable at the least ( which some of ours affirme ) That Scripture may be knowne to be the Word of God by the Light and Lustre which it hath in it selfe , as it is ( which d you affirme ) That a Tradition may be knowne to be such , by the Light which it hath in it selfe . If this Argument were in ieast , this were an excellent Proposition to make sport withall . 3. For the third : Either some thinke , that there is no sufficient warrant for this , vnlesse they fetch it from the Testimonie of the Holy Ghost , and so looke in vaine after speciall Reuelations , and make themselues by thisvery conceit obnoxious , and easie to be led by all the whisperings of a seducing priuate Spirit ; or else you would faine haue them thinke so : For your side , both vpon this and other occasions , doe often challenge , that wee resolue all our Faith into the Dictats of a priuate Spirit ; from which wee shall euer prooue our selues as free , if not freer than you . To the Question in hand then : Suppose it agreed vpon , that there must be e a Diuine Faith , Cui subesse non potest falsum , vnder which can rest no possible error , That the Bookes of Scripture are the written Word of God : If they which goe to the Testimonie of the Holy Ghost for proofe of this , doe meane by Faith , Obiectum Fidei , The Obiect of Faith , that is to be beleeued ; then no question they are out of the ordinarie way : for God neuer sent vs , by any word or warrant of his , to looke for any such speciall and priuate Testimonie , to prooue which that Booke is that wee must beleeue . But if by Faith , they meane the Habite or Act of Diuine infused Faith , by which vertue they doe beleeue the Credible Obiect , and thing to be beleeued ; then their speech is true , and confessed by all Diuines of all sorts . For Faith is the f gift of God , of God alone , and an infased Habite , in respect whereof , the Soule is meerely recipient : And therefore the sole Infuser , the Holy Ghost , must not be excluded from that worke , which none can doe but he . For the Holy Ghost , as hee first dictated the Scripture to the Apostles a , so did he not leaue the Church in generall , nor the true members of it in particular , without grace to beleeue what himselfe had reuealed , and made credible . So that Faith , as it is taken for the vertue of Faith , whether it be of this or any other Article , b though it receiue a kind of preparation , or occasion of beginning , from the Testimonie of the Church , as it proposes and induceth to the Faith , yet it ends in God , reuealing within , and teaching within , that which the Church preached without . For till the Spirit of God mooue the heart of man , he cannot beleeue , be the Obiect neuer so eredible . The speech is true then , but c quite out of the state of this Question , which enquires onely after a sufficient meanes to make this Obiect credible , and fit to be beleeued , against all impeachment of follic and temeritie in beleefe , whether men doe actually beleeue it , or not . For which , no man may expect inward priuate reuelation , without the externall meanes of the Church , vnlesse perhaps the d case of necessitie be excepted , when a man liues in such a Time , and Place , as excludes him from all ordinarie meanes , in which , I dare not offer to shut vp God from the soules of men , nor to tye him to those ordinarie wayes , and meanes , to which yet in great wisedome and prouidence hee hath tyed and bound all mankind . Priuate Reuelation then hath nothing ordinarily to doe , to make the Obiect credible in this , That Scripture is the Word of God , or in any other Article . For the Question is of such outward and euident meanes , as other men may take notice of , as well as our selues . By which , if there arise any doubting , or infirmitie in the Faith , others may strengthen vs , or we affoord meanes to support them : whereas the e Testimonie of the Spirit , and all priuate Reuelation , is within , nor felt nor seene of any , but him that hath it ; so that hence can be drawne no proofe to others . Miracles are not sufficient alone to prooue it , 〈◊〉 both they and the Reuelation too , agree with the Rule of Scripture , which is now an vnalterable Rule by f Man , or Angell . 4. The last , which giues Reason leaue to come in , and prooue what it can , may not iustly be denyed by any reasonable man. For though Reason , without Grace , cannot see the way to Heauen , nor beleeue this Booke , in which God hath written the way ; yet Grace is neuer placed but in a reasonable creature , and prooues by the verie seat which it hath taken vp , that the end it hath , is to be spirituall eye-water , to make Reason see what by a Nature onely it cannot , but neuer to blemish Reason in that which it can comprehend . Now the vse of Reason is verie generall ; and man , doe what he can , is still apt to search and seeke for a Reason why he will beleeue , though after he once beleeues , his Faith growes stronger than either his Reason or his Knowledge : and great reason for this , because it goes higher than eyther of the other can in this life . In this particular , the Bookes called the Scripture , are commonly and constantly reputed to be the Word of God , and so infallible Veritie to the least Point of them . Doth any man doubt this ? The World cannot keepe him from going to weigh it at the Ballance of Reason , whether it be the Word of God , or not . To the same Weights , he brings the Tradition of the Church , the inward motiues in Scripture it selfe , all Testimonies within , which seeme to beare witnesse to it ; and in all this , there 's no harme : the danger is , when a man will vse no other Scale but Reason ; for the Word of God , and the Booke containing it , refuse not to be weighed by b Reason : But the Scale is not large enough to containe , nor the Weights to measure out the true vertue and 〈◊〉 force of either . Reason then can giue no supernaturall ground , into which a man may resolue his Faith , That Scripture is the Word of God infallibly ; yet Reason can goe so high , as it can prooue that Christian Religion , which rests vpon the Authoritie of this Booke , stands vpon surer grounds of Nature , Reason , common Equitie , and Iustice , than any thing in the World , which any Infidell , or meere Naturallist , hath done , doth , or can adhere vnto , against it , in that which he makes , accounts , or assumes , as Religion to himselfe . The antient Fathers relyed vpon the Scriptures , no Christians more ; and hauing to doe with Philosophers ( men verie well seene in all the subtleties which naturall Reason could teach , or learne ) they were often put to it , and did as often make it good , That they had sufficient warrant to relye as much as they did vpon Scripture . In all which Disputes , because they were to deale with Infidels , they did labour to make good the Authoritie of the Booke of God by such arguments , as vnbeleeuers themselues could not but thinke reasonable , if they 〈◊〉 them with indifferencie . c And it is not altogether impossible to prooue it , euen by Reason , a Truth infallible , or else to make them denie some apparant Principle of their owne . For example : It is an apparant Principle , and with them , That God , or the absolute prime Agent , cannot be forced out of any possession : for if hee could be forced by another greater , he were neither Prince , nor Absolute , nor a God , in their owne Theologie . Now they must graunt , That that God , and Christ , which the Scripture teaches , and wee beleeue , is the onely true God , and no other with him , and so denie the Deitie which they worshipped , or else denie their owne Principle about the Deitie , That God cannot be commanded , and forced out of possession : b For their Gods , Saturne , and Serapis , and Iupiter himselfe , haue beene adiured by the name of the true and onely God , and haue beene forced out of the bodies they possessed , and confessed themselues to be foule and seducing Deuils . And their confession was to be supposed true , in point of Reason : for they that were adored as Gods , would neuer belie themselues into Deuils , to their owne reproach , especially in the presence of them that worshipped them , were they not forced . This , many of the vnbeleeuers saw ; therefore they could not ( in verie force of Reason ) but they must either denie their God , or denie their Principle in Nature . Their long Custome would not forsake their God , and their Reason could not forget their Principle . If Reason therefore might iudge among them , they could not worship any thing that was vnder command . And if it be reasonable to doe and beleeue this , then why not reasonable also to beleeue that the Scripture is his Word , giuen to teach himselfe and Christ , since there they find Christ c doing that , and d giuing power to doe it after , which themselues saw executed vpon their Deuill_Gods ? Besides , whereas all other written Lawes haue scarce had the honour to be duly obserued , or constantly allowed worthie approbation in the particular places where they haue beene established for Lawes ; this Law of Christ , and this Canon of Scripture , the container of it , is or hath beene receiued in almost e all Nations vnder Heauen : And wheresoeuer it hath beene receiued , it hath beene both approoued for vnchangeable Good , and beleeued for infallible Veritie . This persuasion could not haue beene wrought in men of all sorts , but by working vpon their Reason , vnlesse wee shall thinke all the World vnreasonable , that receiued it . And certainely , God did not giue this admirable facultie of Reasoning to the Soule of man , for any cause more prime than this , to discouer , or at least to iudge and allow of the way to himselfe , when and howsoeuer it should be discouered . One great thing that troubled Rationall men , was that which stumbled the Manichee ( an Heresie it was , but more than halfe Pagan ) namely , That somewhat must be beleeued , before much could be knowne . Wise men vse not to beleeue , but what they know : And the Manichee a scorned the Orthodox Christian , as light of beleefe , promising to lead no Disciple after him , but vpon euident knowledge . This stumbles many ; but yet the Principle , That somewhat must be beleeued , before much can be knowne , stands firme in Reason still : For if in all Sciences there be some Principles which cannot be prooued ; if Reason be able to see this , and confesse it , if almost all Artists haue granted it , Who can iustly denie that to Diuinitie , A Science of the highest Obiect , God himselfe ; which he easily and reasonably grants to inferior Sciences , which are more within his 〈◊〉 And as all Sciences suppose some Principles , without proouing ; so haue they almost all , some Text , some Authoritie , vpon which they relye in some measure : and it is Reason they should . For though these make not their Texts infallible , as Diuinitie doth ; yet full consent , and prudent examination , and long continuance , haue woon reputation to them , and settled reputation vpon them , verie deseruedly . For were these Texts more void of Truth than they are , yet it were fit to vphold their credit , that Nouices and young beginners in a Science , which are not yet able to worke strongly vpon Reason , nor Reason vpon them , may haue Authoritie to beleeue , till they can learne to conclude from Principles , and so to know . Is this also reasonable in other Sciences , and shall it not be so in Theologie , to haue a Text , a Scripture , a Rule , which Nouices may be taught first to beleeue , that so they may after come to the knowledge of those things , which out of this rich Principle and b Treasure are deduceable ? I yet see not , how right Reason can denie these grounds ; and if it cannot , then a meere naturall man may be thus farre conuinced , That the Text of God is a verie credible Text. Well , these are the foure , by most of which , men offer to prooue the Scripture to be the Word of God , as by a Diuine and infallible warrant ; and it seemes no one of these doth it . The Tradition of the present Church is too weake , because that is not absolutely Diuine : The Light which is in Scripture it selfe , is not bright enough , it cannot beare sufficient witnesse to it selfe . The Testimonie of the Holy Ghost , that is most infallible , but ordinarily it is not so much as considerable in this Question , which is not , how , or by what meanes we beleeue , but how the Scripture may be proposed as a credible Obiect , 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 . And for Reason , no man expects , that that should 〈◊〉 it ; it doth seruice enough , if it enable vs to disprooue that which misguided men conceiue against it . If none of these then be an absolute and sufficient meanes to prooue it , eyther wee must find out another , or see what can be more wrought out of these . For the Tradition of the Church then , certaine it is , we must distinguish the Church , before wee can iudge right of the validitie of the Tradition . For if the speech be of the Prime Christian Church , the Apostles , Disciples , and such as had immediate Reuelation from Heauen ; no question , but the Voice and Tradition of this Church is Diuine , not aliquo modo , in a sort , but simply ; and the Word of God from them , is of like validitie , written or deliuered . And against this Tradition ( of which kind this , That the Bookes of Scripture are the Word of God , is the most generall and vniforme ) the Church of England neuer excepted . And then here 's the Voyce of God , of which no Christian may doubt , to confirme his Word . For the Apostles had their Authoritie from Christ , and they prooued that they had it by apparant Miracles , which were beyond exception . And when S. Augustine a said , I would not beleeue the Gospell , vnlesse the Authoritie of the Catholike Church mooued me ( whichplace you vrged at the Conference , though you are now content to slide by it ) some of your ownewill not endure , should be vnderstood , saue b of the Church in the time of the Apostles onely ; and c some , of the Church in generall , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but sure to include Christ and his Apostles , the 〈◊〉 is there . But this will not serue your turne . The Tradition of the present Church must be as infallible as that of the Primitiue . But the contrarie to this is prooued before , because this Voyce of the present Church is not simply Diuine . To what end then serues any Tradition of the present Church ? To what ? Why to a very good end . For 〈◊〉 it serues by a full consent to worke vpon the minds of vnbeleeuers ; to mooue them to reade and to confider , the Scripture ( which they heare by so many wise , learned , and 〈◊〉 men ) as of no meaner esteeme than the 〈◊〉 of God. It 〈◊〉 among Nouices , Weakelings , and Doubters in the Faith , to instruct and confirme them , till they may acquaint themselues with , and vnderstand the Scripture , which the Church deliuers as the Word of God. And thus againe some of your owne vnderstand the fore cited place of S. Augustine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Gospell , &c. d For he speakes it eyther of 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 in the Faith , or else of such as were in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . You ( as the B. tells me ) at the Conference ( though you 〈◊〉 it here ) would needs haue it , that S. Augustine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Faithfull , which I cannot yet thinke : For hee speakes to the 〈◊〉 , and they had a great part of the 〈◊〉 in them . And the words immediately before those , are , If thou shouldst find one , Qui Euangelio nondum credit , which did not yet beleeue the Gospell , what wouldst thou doe to make him beleeue ? a Ego vero non , Truly I would not , &c. So to these two ends it serues , and there need be no question betweene vs. But then euerie thing that is the first Inducer to beleeue , is not by and by either the principall Motiue , or the chiefe and last Obiect of Beleefe , vpon which a man may rest his Faith. The first knowledge that helpes to open a mans vnderstanding , and prepares him to be able to demonstrate a truth , and make it euident , is his Grammar : but when he hath made a Demonstration , he resolues the knowledge of his Conclusion , not into his Grammar Rules , but into the immediate Principles out of which it is deduced . So in this particular , a man is probably led by the Authoritie of the present Church , as by the first informing , inducing , persuading meanes , to beleeue the Scripture to be the Wordof God : but when hee hath studied , considered , and compared this Word with it selfe , and with other Writings , with the helpe of ordinarie Grace , and a mind morally induced , and reasonably persuaded by the voyce of the Church ; the Scripture then giues greater and higher reasons of credibilitie to it selfe , than Tradition alone could giue . And then he that beleeues , resolues his last and full assent , That Scripture is Diuine Authoritie , into internall Arguments , found in the Letter of it selfe , though found by the helpe and direction of Tradition without , and Grace within . And the Resolution that is rightly grounded , may not endure to pitch and rest it selfe vpon the helpes , but vpon that Diuine Light , which the Scripture no question hath in it selfe , but is not kindled , till these helpes come : Thy Word is a Light b ; so Dauid . A Light ? therefore it is as much , manifestatiuum sui as alterius , a manifestation to it selfe , as to other things which it shewes : but still , not till the Candle be lighted ; not till there hath beene a preparing instruction , what Light it is . Children call the Sunne and Moone , Candles ; Gods Candles : They see the Light as well as men , but cannot distinguish betweene them , till some Tradition , and Education , hath informed their Reason . And c animalis homo , the naturall man sees some Light of Morall counsaile and instruction in Scripture , as well as Beleeuers ; but he takes all that glorious Lustre for Candle-Light , and cannot distinguish betweene the Suune , and twelue to the pound , till Tradition of the Church , and Gods Grace put to it , haue cleared his vnderstanding . So Tradition of the present Church , is the first motiue to Beleefe : but the Beleefe it selfe , That the Scripture is the Word of God , rests d vpon the Scripture , when a man finds it to answere and exceed all that which the Church gaue in Testimonie . And as in the voyce of the Primitiue and Apostolicall Church there was a simply Diuine Authoritie , deliuering the Scripture as Gods Word ; so , after Tradition of the present Church hath taught and informed the Soule , the voice of God is plainely heard in Scripture it selfe . And then here 's double Authoritie , and both Diuine , that confirmes Scripture to be the Word of God , Tradition of the Apostles deliuering it , and the internall worth and argument in the Scripture , obuious to a soule prepared by the present Churches Tradition , and Gods grace . The Difficulties which are pretended against this , are not many , and they will easily vanish . 1. First , you pretend wee goe to priuate Reuelations for Light , to know Scripture : No , wee doe not ; you see it is excluded out of the very state of the Question : and wee goe to the Tradition of the present Church , and by it as well as you . Here wee differ ; wee vse this as the first Motiue , not as the last Resolution of our Faith ; wee resolue onely into b prime Tradition Apostolicall , and Scripture it selfe . 2. Secondly , you pretend wee doe not , nor cannot know the prime Apostolicall Tradition , but by the Tradition of the present Church ; and that therefore if the Tradition of the present Church be not Gods vnwritten Word , and Diuine , we cannot yet know Scripture to be Scripture , by a Diuine Authoritie . First , suppose I could not know the prime Tradition to be Diuine , but by the present , yet it doth not follow , that then I cannot know Scripture to be Scripture by a Diuine Authoritie , because Diuine Tradition is not the sole and onely meanes to prooue it . For suppose I had not , nor could haue full assurance of Apostolicall Tradition Diuine , yet the morall persuasion , reason , and force of the present Church is ground enough to mooue any reasonable man , that it is fit hee should reade the Scripture , and esteeme very reuerently and highly of it . And this once done , the Scripture hath then In , and Home Arguments enough to put a soule , that hath but ordinarie Grace , out of doubt , That Scripture is the Word of God , infallible and Diuine . Secondly , Next , the present Tradition , though not absolutely Diuine , yet by the helpe of Diuine Arguments , internall to the Scripture , is able to prooue the very prime Tradition : for so long as the present agrees both with the prime Tradition , and with the Scripture it selfe , deliuered by it ( as in this it is found and agreed vpon , that it doth , and Hell it selfe is not able to belch out a good Argument against it ) it is a sufficient testimonie of the Scriptures Authoritie ; not by or of it selfe , because not simply Diuine , but by the prime Tradition and Scripture vpon which it grounds , while it deliuers . And both these are absolutely Diuine . 3. Thirdly , you pretend , that wee make the Scripture absolutely and fully to be knowne Lumine suo , by the Light and Testimonie which it hath in , and giues to it selfe . Against this , you giue reason and proofe from our selues . Your reason is , If there be sufficient Light in Scripture to shew it selfe , then euerie man that can and doth but reade it , may know it presently to be the Diuine Word of God ; which we see by dayly experience , men neither doe nor can . First , it is not absolutely , nor vniuersally true , There is sufficient Light ; therefore euerie man may see it . Blind men are men , and cannot see it ; and a sensuall men , in the Apostles iudgement , are such : Nor may wee denie and put out this Light , as insufficient , because blind Eyes cannot , and peruerse Eyes will not see it , no more than we may denie meat to be sufficient for nourishment , though men that are heart-sicke , cannot eate it . Next , wee doe not say , That there is such a full Light in Scripture , as that euerie man vpon the first sight must yeeld to it ; such Light as is found in prime Principles , Euerie whole is greater than a part of the same , and this , The same thing cannot be , and not be , at the same time , and in the same respect . These carrie a naturall Light with them , and euident : for they are no sooner vnderstood , than fully knowne , to the conuincing of mans vnderstanding , and so they are the beginning of knowledge ; which , where it is perfect , dwells in full Light : but such a full Light wee doe neyther say is , nor require to be in Scripture ; and if any particular man doe , let him answere for himselfe . The Question is , onely of such a Light in Scripture , as is of force to breed Faith , that it is the Word of God ; not to make a perfect Knowledge . Now Faith , of whatsoeuer it is , this or other Principle , it is an Euidence b , as well as a Knowledge , and a c firmer and surer Euidence than any Knowledge can haue , because it rests vpon Diuine Authoritie , which cannot deceiue ; whereas Knowledge , or at least he that thinkes he knowes , is not euer certaine , in deductions from Principles . I say firmer Euidence , but not so cleare : For it is of d things not seene , in regard of the Obiect ; and in regard of the Subiect that sees , it is in e aenigmate , in a Glasse , or darke speaking . Now God doth not require a full demonstratiue Knowledge in vs , that the Scripture is his Word , and therefore in his prouidence kindled in it no Light for that ; but he requires our Faith of it , and such a certaine Demonstration , as may fit that . And for that , he hath left sufficient Light in Scripture to Reason and Grace meeting , where the soule is morally prepared by the Tradition of the Church ; vnlesse you be of Bellarmine's opinion a , That to beleeue there are any Diuine Scriptures , is not omninò , necessarie to saluation . The Authoritie which you pretend , is out of b Hooker : Of things necessarie , the verie chiefest is to know , what Bookes wee are bound to esteeme holy ; which Point is confessed impossible for the Scripture it selfe to teach . Of this , c Brierly ( the Store-house for all Priests that will be idle , and yet seeme well read ) tells vs , That d Hooker giues a verie sensible Demonstration : It is not the Word of God , which doth or possibly can assure vs , that we doe well to thinke it is his Word : for if any one Booke of Scripture did giue testimonie to all , yet still that Scripture which giueth credit to the rest , would require another to giue credit vnto it . Nor could wee euer come to any pause , to rest our assurance this way : so that vnlesse , beside Scripture , there were something that might assure , &c. And e this he acknowledgeth ( saith Brierly ) is the Authoritie of Gods Church . Certainely , Hooker giues a true and a sensible Demonstration ; but Brierly wants fidelitie and integritie , in citing him : For in the first place , Hookers speech is , Scripture it selfe cannot teach this ; nor can the Truth say , that Scripture it selfe can . It must needs ordinarily haue Tradition , to prepare the mind of a man to receiue it . And in the next , where hee speakes so sensibly , That Scripture cannot beare witnesse to it selfe , nor one part of it to another ; that is grounded vpon Nature , which admits no created thing to be witnesse to it selfe ; and is acknowledged by our Sauiour , f If I beare witnesse to my selfe , my witnesse is not true , i. not of force to be reasonably accepted for Truth . But then it is more than manifest , that Hooker deliuers his Demonstration of Scripture alone . For if Scripture hath another proofe to vsher it , and lead it in , then no question it can both prooue and approoue it selfe . His words are , So that vnlesse , besides Scripture , there be &c. Besides Scripture ; therefore he excludes not Scripture , but calls for another proofe to lead it in , namely , Tradition , which no man that hath braines about him , denyes . In the two other places , Brierly falsifies shamefully : for folding vp all that Hooker sayes , in these words , This ( other meanes to assure vs , besides Scripture ) is the Authoritie of Gods Church , he wrinkles that worthie Author desperately , and shrinkes vp his meaning . In the former place abused by Brierly , no man can set a better state of the question betweene Scripture and Tradition , than Hooker doth : a His words are these , The Scripture is the ground of our Beleefe ; The Authoritie of man ( that is the name he giues to Tradition ) is the Key which opens the doore of entrance into the knowledge of the Scripture . I aske now , when a man is 〈◊〉 , and hath viewed a house , and by viewing , likes it , and vpon liking , resolues vnchangeably to dwell there ; doth he set vp his resolution vpon the Key that let him in ? No sure ; but vpon the goodnesse and commodiousnesse which he sees in the house . And this is all the difference ( that I know ) betweene vs in this Point : In which , doe you grant ( as yee ought to doe ) that wee resolue our Faith into Scripture , as the Ground , and wee will neuer denie , that Tradition is the Key that lets vs in . In the latter place , Hooker is as plaine , as constant to himselfe , and Truth : b His words are , The first outward motiue , leading men so to esteeme of the Scripture , is the Authoritie of Gods Church , &c. But afterwards , the more we bestow our labour in reading or learning the Mysteries thereof , the more we find , that the thing it selfe doth answer our receiued opinion concerning it : so that the former inducement preuailing somewhat with vs before , doth now much more preuaile , when the verie thing hath ministred further reason . Here then againe , in his iudgement , is Tradition the first inducement ; but the farther Reason and Ground , is the Scripture : and resolution of Faith euer settles vpon the farthest Reason it can , not vpon the first inducement . So that the state of this Question is firme and plaine enough , to him that will not shut his eyes . The last thing I shall trouble you with , is , That this method and manner of proouing Scripture to be the Word of God , is the same which the antient Church euer held , namely , Tradition , or Ecclesiasticall Authoritie first , and then , internall Arguments from the Scripture it selfe . The first Church of Christ , the Apostles themselues , had their warrant from c Christ ; their Tradition was euerie way Diuine , both in the thing they deliuered , and in the manner of their witnessing it . But in after-times of the Church , men prooue Scripture to be the Word of God by internall Arguments , as the chiefe thing vpon which they resolue , though Tradition be the first that mooues them to it . This way the Church went in S. Augustine's a time : He was no enemie to Church-Tradition ; yet when he would prooue , that the Author of the Scripture ( and so of the whole knowledge of Diuinitie , as it is supernaturall ) is Deus in Christo , God in Christ , he takes this as the all-sufficient way , and giues foure proofes , all internall to the Scripture : first , The Miracles ; secondly , That there is nothing carnall in the Doctrine ; thirdly , That there hath beene such performance of it ; fourthly , That by such a Doctrine of Humilitie , the whole World almost hath beene conuerted . And whereas ad muniendam fidem , for the defending of the Faith , and keeping it entire , there are two things requisite , Scripture , and Church-Tradition ; b Vincent . Lirinensis places Authoritie of Scriptures first , and then Tradition . And since it is apparant , that Tradition is first in order of Time , it must necessarily follow , that Scripture is first , in order of Nature ; that is the chiefe , vpon which Faith rests and resolues it selfe : And your owne Schoole confesses , this was the way euer . The woman of c Samaria is a knowne resemblance , but allowed by your selues : For d quotidie , dayly with them that are without , Christ enters by the Woman , that is , the Church , and they beleeue by that fame which she giues , &c. But when they come to heare Christ himselfe , they beleeue his words , before the words of the woman . For when they haue once found Christ , e they doe more beleeue his words in Scripture , than they doe the Church which testifies of him , because then propterillam , for the Scripture they beleeue the Church : and if the Church should speake contrarie to the Scripture , they would not beleeue it . Thus the Schoole taught then , and thus the Glosse commented then . And when men haue tyred themselues , hither they must come . The Key that lets men in to the Scriptures , euen to this knowledge of them , that they are the Word of God , is Tradition of the Church : but when they are in , f they heare Christ himselfe immediately speaking in Scripture to the Faithfull : g And his Sheepe doe not onely heare , but know his voyce . To conclude then , wee haue a double Diuine Testimonie , altogether infallible , to confirme vnto vs , that Scripture is the Word of God : The first , is the Tradition of the Church of the Apostles themselues , who deliuered immediately to the World , the Word of Christ : the other , the Scripture it selfe ; but after it hath receiued this Testimonie . And into these , wee doe and may safely resolue our Faith. h As for the Tradition of after ages , in and about whom Miracles and Diuine power were not so euident , we beleeue them , because they doe not preach other things than those former ( the Apostles ) left in scriptis certissimis , in most certaine Scripture . And it appeares by men in the middle ages , that these Writings were vitiated in nothing , by the concordant consent in them of all succeedors , to our owne time . And now , by this time , it will be no hard thing to reconcile the Fathers , which seeme to speake differently in no few places , both one from another , and the same from themselues , touching Scripture , and Tradition ; and that as well in this Point , to prooue Scripture to be the Word of God , as for concordant exposition of Scripture in all things else . When therefore the Fathers say , a Wee haue the Scripture by Tradition , or the like , either they meane the Tradition of the Apostles themselues deliuering it ; and there , when it is knowne , we may resolue our Faith : or if they speake of the present Church , then they meane , that the Tradition of it is that by which wee first receiue the Scripture , as by an according meanes to the prime Tradition : But because it is not simply Diuine , wee resolue not our Faith into it , nor settle our Faith vpon it , till it resolue it selfe into the prime Tradition of the Apostles , or the Scripture , or both , and there we rest with it . And you cannot shew an ordinarie consent of Fathers : nay , Can you , or any of your Quarter , shew me any one Father of the Church , Greeke or Latine , that euer said , Wee are to resolue our Faith , that Scripture is the Word of God , into the Tradition of the present Church ? And againe , when they say wee are to relye vpon Scripture b onely , they are neuer to be vnderstood with exclusion of Tradition , in what causes soeuer it may be had , c Not but that the Scripture is abundantly sufficient to it selfe for all things , but because it is deepe , and may be drawne into different senses . I haue said thus much vpon this great occasion , because this Argument is so much pressed , without due respect to Scripture , I will not say , to the weakening our beleefe of it . Now out of this , I will weigh the B. his Answer , and your Exception taken against it . F. The B. said , That the Bookes of Scripture are Principles to be supposed , and needed not to be prooued . B. Why , but did the B. say , That this Principle ( The Bookes of Scripture are the Word of God ) is to be supposed , as needing no proofe at all to a naturall man ? or to a man newly entring vpon the Faith ? yea , or perhaps to a doubter , or weakeling in the Faith ? Can you thinke the B. so weake ? It seemes you doe . But sure hee knowes , that there is a great deale of difference betweene Ethnicks that denie and deride the Scripture , and men that are borne in the Church : The first haue a farther way about , to this Principle ; the other , in their very Christian education sucke in this Principle , and are taught so soone as they are apt to learne it , That the Bookes commonly called the Bible , or Scripture , are the Word of God a . The B. dealt with you as with a Christian , though in Error while you call Catholike . The words before spoken by the B. were , That the Scripture onely , not any vnwritten Tradition , was the Foundation of Faith. The Question betweene vs and you is , Whether the Scripture doe containe all such necessarie things of Faith ? Now in this Question , as in all Nature and Art , the Subiect , the Scripture is and must be supposed ; the Quaere betweene the Romane Catholikes and the Church of England being onely of the Predicate , the thing vttered of it , namely , Whether it containe all Fundamentalls of Faith , all necessaries for Saluation , within it ? Now since the Question proposed , in verie forme of Art prooues not , but supposes the subiect , I thinke the B. gaue a satisfying answere , That to you and him , and in this Question , Scripture was a supposed Principle , and needed no proofe . And I must tell you , that in this Question of the Scriptures perfect continent , it is against all Art , yea and Equitie too , in reasoning , to call for a proofe of that here , which must goe vnauoidably supposed in this Question . And if any man will 〈◊〉 familiar with Impietie , to question it , it must be tryed in a preceding Question and Dispute by it selfe . Yet here not you onely , but b Bellarmine , and others , run quite out of the way , to snatch at aduantage . F. Against this , I read what I had formerly written in my Replie against Mr Iohn White : wherein I plainely shewed , that this answere was not good , and that no other answere could be made , but by admitting some Word of God vnwritten , to assure vs of this Point . B. Indeed here you read out of a Booke ( which you called your owne ) a large discourse vpon this Argument : but some bodie told me the B. vntyed the Knot of the Argument , and set you to your Booke againe . Besides , you doe a great deale of wrong to Mr Hooker c and the B. that because they call it a supposed or presumed Principle among Christians , you should fall by and by into such a Metaphysicall discourse as the B. tells me you did , to prooue , That that which is praecognitum , foreknowne in Science , must be of such Light , that it must be knowne of and by it selfe alone ; and that the Scripture cannot be so knowne to be the Word of God. Well , I will not now enter into that discourse more than I haue , how farre the Beame , which is verie glorious ( especially in some parts of Scripture ) giues Light to prooue it selfe . You see neither Hooker , nor the B. nor the Church of England ( for ought I know ) leaue the Scripture alone , to manifest it selfe by the Light which it hath in it selfe , but when the present Church hath prepared and led the way , like a preparing Morning-Light to Sunne-shine ; and then indeed wee settle not , but in that Light. Nor will I make needlesse enquirie , how farre , or in what manner a praecognitum , or supposed Principle in any Science , may be prooued in a higher , to which that is subordinate ; or accepted in a Prime : nor how it may in Diuinitie , where prae as well as post cognita ; things fore as after-knowne , are matters and vnder the manner of Faith , and not of Science strictly : nor whether a praecognitum , a presupposed Principle in Faith , which rests vpon Diuine Authoritie , must needs haue as much and equall Light to Naturall Reason , which prime Principles haue in Nature , while thy rest vpon Reason : Nor whether it may iustly be denyed to haue sufficient Light , be cause not equall . Your owne a Schoole grants , That in vs , which are the subiects both of Faith and Knowledge , and in regard of the Euidence giuen in vnto vs , there is lesse Light , lesse Euidence in the Principles of Faith , than in the Principles of Knowledge , vpon which there can be no doubt . But I thinke the Schoole will neuer grant , that the Principles of Faith ( euen this in question ) haue not sufficient euidence . And you ought not to doe as you did , without any distinction , or any limitation , denie a Praecognitum , or prime Principle in the Faith , because it answers not in all things to the prime Principles in Science , in their Light and Euidence ; a thing in it selfe directly against Reason . Well , though I doe none of this , yet I must follow you a little ; for I would faine make it appeare as plainely as such a difficultie can , what wrong you doe Truth and your selfe in this case . When the Protestants therefore answere to this Argument ( which , as I haue shewed , can properly haue no place in the Question betweene vs about Tradition ) b they which grant this as a Praecognitum , and thing fore-knowne , as the B. did , were neither ignorant nor forgetfull , That things presupposed , as alreadie knowne in a Science , are of two sorts ; Either they are plaine and fully manifest intheir owne Light , or they are prooued and granted alreadie , some former knowledge hauing made them euident . This Principle then , The Scriptures are the Oracles of God , wee cannot say is cleare and fully manifest to all men simply , and in selfe-Light . For as is formerly said , if it were so euident , then all that heare it , reade it , and doe but vnderstand 〈◊〉 tearmes , could not but presently assent vnto it , as they doe to Principles euident in themselues , which hourely experience tells vs is not so : Yet wee say , after Tradition hath beene our Introduction , the Soule that hath but ordinarie Grace added to Reason , may discerne Light sufficient to resolue our Faith , that the Sunne is there . This Principle then being not absolutely and simply euident in it selfe , is presumed to be taught vs otherwise ; and if otherwise , then it must be taught in and by some superior Science , to which Theologie is subordinate . Now men may be apt to thinke out of reuerence , That Diuinitie can haue no Science aboue it ; but your owne Schoole teacheth me that it hath . a The sacred Doctrine of Diuinitie in this sort is a Science , because it proceeds out of Principles that are knowne by the Light of a superior Knowledge , which is the Knowledge of God and the blessed in Heauen . In this superior Science , this Principle , The Scriptures are the Oracles of God , is more than euident in full Light. This superior Science deliuers this Principle in full reuealed Light to the Prophets and Apostles : b The infallible Light of this Principle made their Authoritie Diuine ; by the same Diuine Authoritie they wrote , and deliuered the Scripture to the Church . Therefore from them immediately the Church receiued the Scripture , and that vncorrupt : And since no sufficient reason hath or can be giuen , that in any substantiall thing it hath beene corrupted , it remaines firme to vs at this day , prooued in the most supreame Science ; and therefore now to be supposed ( at least by all Christians ) That the Scripture is the Word of God. And therefore the B. his answere is good euen in strictnesse , That this Principle is to be supposed . Besides , the Iewes neuer had nor can haue any other proofe , that the Old Testament is the Word of God , than wee haue of the New : For theirs was deliuered by Moses , and the Prophets ; and ours was deliuered by the Apostles , which were Prophets too . The Iewes did beleeue their Scripture by a Diuine Authoritie ; for so the Iewes argue themselues : c We know that God spaeke with Moses ; d And that therefore they could no more erre in following Moses , than they could in following God himselfe . Now , how did the Iewes know that God spake to Moses ? How ? Why apparently , the same way that is before set downe : first , by Tradition . So S. Chrysostome : e We know : Why , by whose witnesse , doe you know ? By the Testimonie of oùr Ancestors . But he speakes not of their immediate Ancestors , but their Prime , which were Prophets , and whose Testimonie was Diuine ; into which ( namely , their Writings ) the Iewes did resolue their Faith. And euen that Scripture of the Old Testament was a a Light , and a shining Light too : and therefore could not but be sufficient , when Tradition had gone before . And therefore , though the Iewes entred this way to their beleefe of the Scripture , yet they doe not say , b Audiuimus , Wee haue heard that God spake to Moses , but , Wee know it . So they resolued their Faith higher , and into a more inward Principle , than an Eare to their immediate Ancestors , and their Tradition . F. And that no other answere could be made , but by admitting some Word of God vnwritten , to assure vs of this Point . B. I thinke I haue shewed , that the B. his answere is good , and that so no other answere need be made . If there were need , I make no question but another answere might be made , to assure vs of this Point , though wee did not admit of any Word of God vnwritten . I say , to assure vs ; and you expresse no more . If you had said , to assure vs by Diuine Faith , your Argument had beene the stronger . But if you speake of assurance onely in the generall , I must then tell you ( and it is the great aduantage which the Church of Christ hath against Infidels ) a man may be assured , nay infallibly assured by Ecclesiasticall and humane proofe . Men that neuer saw Rome , may be sure , and infallibly beleeue , that such a Citie there is , by Historicall and acquired Faith. And if consent of humane storie can assure me this , Why should not consent of Church-storie assure me the other , That Christ and his Apostles deliuered this Bodie of Scripture as the Oracles of God ? For Iewes , enemies to Christ , they beare witnesse to the Old Testament ; and Christians , through almost all Nations c , giue in euidence to both Old and New. And no Pagan , or other enemies of Christianitie , can giue such a worthie and consenting Testimonie for any Authoritie vpon which they relye , or almost for any Principle which they haue , as the Scripture hath gayned to it selfe . And as is the Testimonie which it receiues , aboue d all Writings of all Nations ; so here is assurance in a great measure , without any Diuine Authoritie , in a word written or vnwritten . A great assurance , and it is infallible too ; onely then we must distinguish infallibilitie . For first , a thing may be presented as an infallible Obiect of Beleefe , when it is true , and remaines so : For Truth , 〈◊〉 tale , as it is Truth , cannot deceiue . Secondly , a thing is said to be infallible , when it is not onely true , and remainesso actually , but when it is of such invariable constancie , and vpon such ground , as that no degree of falsehood at any time , in any respect , can fall vpon it . Certaine it is , that by humane Authoritie , Consent , and Proofe , a man may be assured infallibly , that the Scripture is the Word of God , by an acquired habite of Faith , Cui non 〈◊〉 falsum , vnder which nor error nor falsehood is : But he cannot be assured infallibly by Diuine Faith , a Cui subesse non potest falsum , into which no falsehood can come , but by a Diuine Testimonie . This Testimonie is absolute in the Scripture it selfe , deliuered by the Apostles for the Word of God. That which makes way for this , as b an Introduction and outward motiue , is the Tradition of the present Church ; but that neither simply Diuine , nor sufficient alone , into which we may resolue our Faith. And now to come close to the particular . The time was , before this miserable rent in the Church of Christ ( which I thinke no true Christian can looke vpon , but with a bleeding heart ) that you and we were all of one beleefe : That beleefe was tainted , in tract and corruption of time , very deepely . A diuision was made ; yet so , that both parts held the Creed , and other common Principles of Beleefe : of these , this was one of the greatest , c That the Scripture is the Word of God ; for our beleefe of all things contained in it , depends vpon it . Since this diuision , there hath beene nothing done by vs to discredit this Principle : nay , we haue giuen it all honor , and ascribed vnto it more sufficiencie , euen to the containing of all things necessarie to saluation , with d satis superque , enough , and more than enough ; which your selues haue not done , doe not . And for begetting and settling a beleefe of this Principle , wee goe the same way with you , and a better besides . The same way with you : because wee allow the Tradition of the present Church to be the first inducing motiue to embrace this Principle ; onely wee cannot goe so farre in this way as you , to make the present Tradition alwayes an infallible Word of God : for this is to goe so farre in , till you be out of the way . For Tradition is but a Lane in the Church ; it hath an end not onely to receiue vs in , but another after to let vs out into more open and richer ground . And a better way than you : Because after we are mooued , and prepared , and induced by Tradition , wee resolue our Faith into that written Word , and God deliuering it , in which wee find the Tradition which led vs thither . And so wee are sure by Diuine Authoritie that wee are in the way , because at the end wee find the way prooued . And doe what can be done , you can neuer settle the Faith of man about this great Principle , till you rise to greater assurance than the present Church alone can giue . And therefore once againe to that knowne place of S. Augustine a . The words of the Father are Nisi commoueret , Vnlesse the Authoritie of the Church mooued me : but not alone , but with other motiues ; else it were not commouere , to mooue together . And the other motiues are Resoluers , though this be Leader . Now since wee goe the same way with you , so farre as you goe right , and a better way than you , where you goe wrong ; wee need not admit any other Word of God , than wee doe . And this ought to remaine as a presupposed Principle among all Christians , and not so much as come into this Question , about the sufficiencie of Scripture betweene you and vs. F. From this ( the Person doubting ) called vs , and desiring to heare , Whether the B. would graunt the Romane Church to be the Right Church ? The B. graunted , that it was . B. One occasion which mooued Tertullian to write his Booke de Praescrip . aduersus Haereticos , was , That he b saw little or no profit come by Disputations . Sure the ground was the same then , and now . It was not to denie , that Disputation is an opening of the Vnderstanding , a sifting out of Truth ; it was not to affirme , that any such Disquisition is in and of it selfe vnprofitable : If it had , S. Stephen c would not haue disputed with the Cyrenians , nor S. Paul with the d Grecians first , and then with the Iewes e , and all Commers . No sure : it was some abuse in the Disputants , that frustrated the good of the Disputation . And one abuse in the Disputants , is a Resolution to hold their owne , though it be by vnworthie meanes , and disparagement f of Truth . The B. finds it here . For as it is true , that this Question was asked ; so it is altogether false , that it was asked in this forme , or so answered . There is a great deale of difference ( especially as Romanists handle the Question of the Church ) betweene The Church , and A Church ; and there is some , betweene a True Church , and a Right Church : which is the word you vse , but no man else that I know ; I am sure , not the B. The Church may import in our Language , The onely true Church ; and perhaps ( as some of you seeme to make it ) the Root and the Ground of the Catholike . This the B. neuer did , neuer meanes to graunt . A Church can imply no more , than that it is a member of the whole . This the B. neuer did , nor euer will denie , if it fall not absolutely away from Christ. That it is a True Church , he graunted also ; but not a Right ( as you impose vpon him : ) For Ens and Verum , Being and True , are conuertible one with another ; and euerie thing which hath a Being , is truly that Being which it is , in truth of substance . But this word Right is not so vsed , but is referred more properly to perfection in Conditions : And in this sense , euerie thing that hath a true and reall being , is not by and by right in the Conditions of it . A man that is most dishonest , and vnworthie the name , a verie Theefe ( if you will ) is a True man , in the veritie of his essence , as he is a Creature endued with Reason ; for this , none can steale from him , nor hee from himselfe , but Death : but hee is not therefore a right or an vpright man. And a Church that is exceeding corrupt , both in Manners and Doctrine , and so a dishonour to the name , is yet a True Church in the veritie of essence , as a Church is a companie of men , which professe the Faith of Christ , and are baptised into his Name : but yet it is not therefore a Right Church , eyther in Doctrine , or Manners . It may be , by this word Right , you meant cunningly to slip it in , that the B. should graunt it Orthodoxe . This hee neuer graunted you : For Orthodoxe Christians are keepers of integritie , and followers of right things ( so Saint Augustine a ) of which , the Church of Rome is neyther . In this sence then no Right , that is , Orthodoxe Church at Rome . And yet no newes , that the B. graunted the Romane Church to be a True Church : For so much , verie learned Protestants b haue acknowledged , before him ; and the Truth cannot denie it . For that Church which receiues the Scripture as a Rule of Faith , though but as a partiall and imperfect Rule ; and both the Sacraments , as instrumentall Causes and Seales of Grace , though they adde more , and misuse these ; yet cannot but be a True Church in essence . How it is in Manners and Doctrine , I would you would looke to it with a single eye : c For if Pietie and a peaceable minde be not ioyned to a good vnderstanding , nothing can be knowne in these great things . F. Further he confessed , That Protestants had made a Rent and Diuision from it . B. The B. ( I know from himselfe ) could here be heartily a angrie , but that he hath resolued , in handling matters of Religion , to leaue all gall out of his Inke , and makes me straine it out of mine . There is a miserable Rent in the Church , and I make no question but the best men doe most bemoane it b : Nor is hee a Christian , that would not haue vnitie , might hee haue it with Truth . But the B. neuer said ; nor thought , that the Protestants made this Rent . The cause of the Schisme , is yours ; for you thrust vs from you , because wee called for Truth , and redresse of Abuses : For a Schisme must needs be theirs , whose the cause of it is . The Woe runs full out of the mouth of c Christ , euer against him that giues the offence ; not against him that takes it , euer . But you haue giuen the B. iust cause , neuer to treat with you , or your like , but before a Iudge , or a Iurie . F. Moreouer , hee said , hee would ingenuously acknowledge , That the Corruption of Manners in the Romish Church , was not a sufficient cause to iustifie their departing from it . B. I would the B. could say , you did as ingenuously repeat , as hee did confesse . Hee neuer said , That Corruption of Manners was not a sufficient cause to iustifie their departure . How could he say this , since he did not graunt that they did depart ? There is difference betweene departure , and causelesse thrusting from you ; for out of the Church , is not in your power to thrust vs : Thinke on that . And so much the B. said expressely then . That which the B. did ingenuously confesse , was this , That Corruption in Manners onely , is no sufficient cause to make a seperation in the Church : Nor is it . It is a truth agreed on by the Fathers , and receiued by Diuines of all sorts , saue by the Cathari , to whom came the Donatist , and the Anabaptist ; against which , d Caluin disputes it strongly . And Saint Augustine e is plaine : There are bad Fish in the Net of the Lord , from which there must be euer a seperation in heart , and in manners ; but a corporall seperation must be expected at the Sea shore , that is , the end of the World. And the best Fish that are , must not teare and breake the Net , because the bad are with them . And this is as ingenuously confessed for you , as by the B. For if Corruption in Manners were a iust cause of actuall seperation of one Church from another , in that Catholike Bodie of Christ , the Church of Rome hath giuen as great cause as any , since ( as f Stapleton graunts ) there is scarce any sinne that can be thought by man ( Heresie onely excepted ) with which that Sea hath not beene foulely stayned , especially from eight hundred yeeres after Christ. And he need not except Heresie , into which a Biel grants it possible the Bishops of that Sea may fall . And b Stella and Almain grants it freely , that some of them did fall , and so ceased to be Heads of the Church ; and left Christ ( God be thanked ) at that time of his Vicars Defection , to looke to his Cure himselfe . F. But ( saith he ) beside Corruption of Manners , there were also Errors in Doctrine . B. This the B. spake indeed : And can you prooue that he spake not true in this ? But the B. added ( though here againe you are pleased to omit ) That some of her Errors were dangerous to saluation . For it is not euerie light Error , in disputable Doctrine , and Points of curious Speculation , that can be a iust cause of seperation , in that admirable Bodie of Christ , which is his c Church ; for which he gaue his Naturall Bodie to be rent and torne vpon the Crosse , that this Mysticall Bodie of his might be One. And S. Augustine d inferres vpon it , That he is no way partaker of Diuine Charitie , that is an enemie to this Vnitie . Now what Errors in Doctrine may giue iust cause of seperation in this Bodie , were it neuer so easie to determine ( as I thinke it is most difficult ) I would not venture to set it downe , least in these times of Discord I might be thought to open a Doore for Schisme ; which I will neuer doe , vnlesse it be to let it out . But that there are Errors in Doctrine , and some of them such as endanger saluation , in the Church of Rome , is euident to them that will not shut their eyes : The proofe whereof , runs through the particular Points that are betweene vs ; and so it is too long for this discourse , which is growne too bigge alreadie . F. Which when the generall Church would not reforme , it was lawfull for particular Churches to reforme themselues . I asked Quo Iudice , Did this appeare to be so ? B. Is it then such a strange thing , that a particular Church may reforme it selfe , if the generall will not ? I had thought , and doe so still , That in point of Reformation of either Manners or Doctrine , it is lawfull for the Church since Christ , to doe as the Church before Christ did , and might doe . The Church before Christ , consisted of Iewes and Proselytes : this Church came to haue a seperation , vpon a most vngodly Policie of c 〈◊〉 , so that it neuer pieced together againe . To a Common Councell , to reforme all , they would not come . Was it not lawfull for Iudah to reforme her selfe , when Israel would not ioyne ? Sure it was , or else the Prophet deceiues me , that sayes exactly , a Though Israel transgresse , yet letnot Iudah sinne . And S. Hierome b expresses it in this verie patticular sinne of Heresie and Error in Religion . Nor can you say , that Israel , from the time of the seperation , was not a Church , for there were true Prophets in it , c Elias , and d Elizaeus , and others , and e thousands that had not bowed knees to Baal . And there was saluation for these ; which cannot be , where there is no Church . And God threatens to f cast them away , to wander among the Nations , and be no Congregation , no Church : therefore he had not yet cast them away into Non Ecclesiam , into no Church . And they are expressely called the people of the Lord in g Iehu's time , and so continued long after . Nor can you plead , that Iudah is your part , and the Ten Tribes ours ( as some of you doe : ) for if that be true , you must graunt , that the Multitude and greater number is ours : And where then is Multitude , your numerous Note of the Church ? But you cannot plead it : For certainely , if any Calues be set vp , they are in Dan and Bethel , they are not ours . Besides , to reforme what is amisse in Doctrine or Manners , is as lawfull for a particular Church , as it is to publish and promulgate any thing that is Catholike in either . And your Question , Quo iudice ? lyes alike against both . And yet I thinke it may be prooued , that the Church of Rome , and that as a particular Church , did promulgate an Orthodoxe Truth , which was not then Catholikely admitted in the Church ; namely , The Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Sonne . If shee erred in this Fact , confesse her Error ; if shee erred not , Why may not another Church doe as shee did ? A learned Schooleman of yours saith she may : h The Church of Rome needed not to call the Grecians to agree vpon this Truth , since the Authoritie of publishing it was in the Church of Rome , especially since it is lawfull for euerie particular Church to promulgate that which is Catholike . Nor can you say he meanes Catholike , as fore-determined by the Church in generall ; for so this Point , when Rome added Filioque to the Creed of a Generall Councell , was nor . And how the Grecians were vsed in the after Councell ( such as it was ) of Florence , is not to trouble this Dispute ; but Catholike stands there for that which is so in the 〈◊〉 of it , and fundamentally . Nor can you iustly say , That the Church of Rome did , or might doe this , by the Popes Authoritie 〈◊〉 the Church . For suppose he haue that , and that his Sentence be infallible ( I say suppose both , but I giue neither ) yet neither his Authoritie nor his 〈◊〉 can belong vnto him , as the particular Bishop of that See , but as the a 〈◊〉 Head of the whole Church . And you are all so lodged in this , that b Bellarmine professes he can neither tell the yeere when , nor the Pope vnder whom this Addition was made . A particular Church then , if you iudge it by the Schoole of Rome , or the Practise of Rome , may publish any thing that is Catholike , where the whole Church is silent ; and may therefore reforme any thing that is not Catholike , where the whole Church is negligent , or will not . But you are as iealous of the honour of Rome , as c Capellus is , who is angrie with Baronius about certaine Canons in the second Mileuitan Councell , and saith , That he considered not of what consequence it was , to graunt to particular Churches the power of making Canons of Faith , without consulting the Romane See , which ( as hee saith , and you with him ) was neuer lawfull , nor euer done . But suppose this were so , the B. his speech was not , Not consulting , but in case of neglecting , or refusing . Besides , you must be put in remembrance too , that the B. spake at that time ( and so must all that will speake of that Exigent ) of the Generall Church , as it was for the most part forced vnder the Gouernment of the Romane See : and this you vnderstand well enough ; for in your verie next words you call it the Romane Church . Now I make no doubt , but that as the vniuersall Catholike Church would haue reformed her selfe , had shee beene freed of the 〈◊〉 yoake ; so while shee was vnder that yoake , the Church of Rome was , if 〈◊〉 the onely , yet the chiefe hinderance of Reformation . And then in this sense it is more than cleare , That if the Romane Church will neither reforme , nor suffer Reformation , it is lawfull for any particular Church to reforme it selfe , so long as it doth it peaceably , and keepes it selfe to the Foundation . F. Which Question I asked , as not thinking it equitie , that Protestants in their owne Cause should be Accusers , Witnesses , and Judges of the Romane Church . B. You doe well to tell the reason now , why you asked this Question ; the B. sayes you did not 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Conference : if you had , you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 receiued your Answere . It is most true : No man in common 〈◊〉 ought to be suffered to be Accuser , Witnesse , and 〈◊〉 in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But is there not 〈◊〉 little 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 too , that any man that is accused , should be the Accused , and yet Witnesse and Iudge in his owne Cause 〈◊〉 If the first may hold , no man shall be Innocent ; and if the last , none will be Nocent . And what doe we here with ( in their owne Cause , against the Roman Church ? ) Why , is it not your owne too against the Protestant Church ? And if it be a cause common to both , as certaine it is , then neither part alone may be Iudge : If neither alone may iudge , then either they must be iudged by a Third , which stands indifferent to both ; and that is the Scripture . Or if there be a iealousie or doubt of the sense of Scripture , they must either both repaire to the Exposition of the Primitiue Church , and submit to that , or both call and submit to a Generall Councell , which fhall be lawfully called , and fairely and freely held , to iudge the difference according to Scripture ; which must be their Rule , as well as priuate mens . F. I also asked , Who ought to iudge in this case ? The B. said , a Generall Councell . B. And surely , What greater or surer Iudgement you can haue , where sense of Scripture is doubted , than a Generall Councell , I doe not see ? Nor doe you doubt : for you adde , F. I told him , That a Generall Councell , to wit , of Trent , had alreadie iudged , not the Romane Church , but the Protestants , to hold Errors . That ( saith the B. ) was not a lawfull Councell . B. It is true , that you replyed for the Councell of Trent . And the B. his answere was , not onely , That that Councell was not Legall , in the necessarie conditions to be obserued in a Generall Councell , but that it was no Generall Councell , which againe you are content to omit . Consider it well . First , Is that Councell Legall , the Abettors whereof maintaine publikely , That it is lawfull for them to conclude any Controuersie , and make it be de Fide , and so in your iudgement Fundamentall ; though it haue not , I doe not say now the written Word of God for warrant , either in expresse Letter , or necessarie sense and deduction ( as all vnerring Councels haue had , and as all must haue , that will not erre ) but not so much as a probable Testimonie from it ; nay , quite Extra , without the Scripture ? Nay more , Is that Councell Legall , where the Pope , the chiefe person to be reformed , shall sit President in it , and be chiefe Iudge in his owne Cause , against all Law , Diuine , Naturall , and Humane ? In a place not free , but in or too neere his owne Dominion ? To which all were not called , that had deliberatiue or 〈◊〉 voyce ? In which , none had Suffrage , but such as were sworne to the Pope , and the Church of Rome , and professed Enemies to all that called for Reformation , or a free Councell ? And the Pope himselfe , to shew his Charitie , had declared and pronounced the Appellants , Heretikes , before they were condemned by the Councell . I hope , an Assembly of Enemies are no lawfull Councell : And I thinke , the Decrees of such a One , are omni iure nulla , and carrie their nullitie with them through all Law. And againe , Is that Councell Generall , that hath none of the Easterne Churches consent , nor presence there ? Are all the Greekes so become non Ecclesia , no Church , that they haue no interest in Generall Councels ? It numbers indeed among the Subscribers , sixe Greekes ; they might be so by Nation , or by Title purposely giuen them : but dare you say they were actually Bishops of , and sent from the Greeke Church to the Councell ? Or is it to be accounted a Generall Councell , that in many Sessions had scarce ten Archbishops , or fortie , or fiftie Bishops present ? And for the West of Christendome , neerer home , it reckons one English , S. Asaph : but Cardinall Poole was there too . English indeed he was by birth , but not sent to that Councell by the King and Church of England , but as one of the Popes Legats : for at the beginning of the Councell , he was not Bishop in the Church of England ; and after he was Archbishop of Canterburie , hee neuer went ouer to the Councell . And can you prooue , that S. Asaph went thither by Authoritie ? There were but few of other Nations , and it may be , some of them reckoned with no more truth than the Greekes . In all the Sessions vnder Paul the third , but two Frenchmen , and sometimes none ; as in the Sixt vnder Iulius the third , when Henry the second , of France , protested against that Councell . And in the end it is well knowne , how all the French , which were then a good partie , held off , till the Cardinall of Lorraine was got to Rome . As for the Spaniards , they laboured for many things vpon good grounds , and were most vnworthily ouer-borne . F. So ( said I ) would Arrians say of the Councell of Nice . The B. would not admit the case to be like : B. So indeed you said . And not you alone : It is the common Obiection made against all that admit not euerie later Councell , as that Councell of Nice , famous through all the Christian World. In the meane time , nor you nor they consider , that the case is not alike , as the B. told you . If the case be alike in all , Why doe not you admit that which was held at Ariminum ; and the second , of Ephesus , as well as Nice ? If you say ( as yours doe , ) It was because the Pope approoued them not ; I will put off the inualiditie of this Answere to a sitter time : in the meane space , suppose it true , and strong , this ground is gained , That the case is not alike for consent to all Councels . And if you looke to haue this graunted , That the Pope must confirme , or the Councell's not lawfull ; we haue farre more reason to looke that this be not denyed , That the Scripture must not be departed from in Letter or necessarie Sense , or , the Councell's not lawfull . And the consent and confirmation of Scripture is of farre greater Authoritie to make the Councell Authenticall , and the decisions of it de Fide , than any confirmation of the Popes . The Councell of Nice had the first , you say : We are sure it had the second . The Councell of Trent we are able to prooue had not the second , and so wee haue no reason to respect the first . And to what end doe your learned men maintaine , That a Councell may make a Conclusion de Fide , though it be simply a Extrà , out of all bound of Scripture ; but out of a iealousie at least , that this of Trent , and some others , haue in their determinations left both Letter and Sense of Scripture ? Shew this of Nice , and the B. will graunt so much of the case to be like . But what will you say , if b Constantine required , That things brought into question , should be answered and solued by Testimonie out of Scripture ? And the Bishops of the Nicene Councell neuer refused that Rule . And what will you say , if they professe they depart not from it , but are readie by manie Testimonies of Diuine Scripture to demonstrate their Faith ? Is the case then alike betwixt it and Trent ? But you say , the B. pretended somewhat else for his not admitting the case to be like . F. Pretending , that the Pope made Bishops of purpose , for his side . But this the Bishop prooued not . B. No : nor had he reason to take on him to prooue what he said not . He knowes it will be expected he should prooue what hee saith ; and it is hard to prooue the purpose of the Popes heart . For if it be prooued , that hee made Bishops at that time ; that some of them were titular onely , and had no liuelyhood to subsist , but out of his Purse ( and so must hang at the strings of it ; ) that some of these , thus made , were sent to the Councell , and sure not without their Errand : yet if the Pope will say , he neither made nor sent them to ouer-rule the Holy Ghost at that meeting , or of purpose for his side ( as no question but it will be said ) Who can prooue it , that is not a Surueyor of the Heart ? But though the Popes heart cannot be seene , yet if these and the like presumptions be true , it is a great signe that Trent was too corrupt and factious a meeting for the Holy Ghost to be at . And sure the case in this , not alike at Nice . That which 〈◊〉 B. said , was , That Trent could be no indifferent Councell to the Church , the Pope hauing made himselfe a strong partie in it . And this the B. prooued , though you be here not onely content to omit , but plainely to denie the proofe . For did not the B. prooue it thus ? and you answered not ; That there were more Italian Bishops there , than of all Christendome besides : more ? yea , more than double . And this he prooued out of the Councell it selfe , which you had in your hand in Decimo Sexto , but had no great heart to looke it . For where the number of Prelates are expressed that had Suffrage and Vote in that Councell , the Italians are set downe to be 187 , and all the rest make but 83. So there were more Italian Bishops by 104 , than of all the rest of Christendome . Sure the Pope did not meane to be ouer-reached in this Councell : And whatsoeuer became of his infallibilitie otherwise , he might this way be sure to be infallible in whatsoeuer hee would haue determined . So the B. prooued this sufficiently . For if it were not to be sure of a side , giue any satisfying reason , Why such a potent partie of Italians , more than double to the whole Christian World , should be there ? Shew me the like for Nice , and I will giue it , that the case is alike betweene these two Councels . But you haue not yet done with the B. You adde : F. In fine , the B. wished , That a lawfull Generall Councell were called , to end Controuersies . ( The persons present ) said , That the King was enclined thereunto , and that therefore wee Catholikes might doe well to concurre . B. And what say you to the Bishops wish ? You pretend great loue to the Truth , would you not haue it found ? Can you , or any Christian , be offended , that there should be a good end of Controuersies ? Can you thinke of a better end , than by a Generall Councell ? And if you haue a most gracious King enclined vnto it ( as you say it was offered ) how can you 〈◊〉 your selues , if you doe not consent ? Yes , it seemes you can : for you say againe , F. I asked the B. Whether he thought a Generall Councell might 〈◊〉 ? He said , It might . B. I presume , you doe not looke the B. or I for him , should enter into a proofe of this Controuersie , Whether a Generall Councell may erre in determination , or not ? Your selfe brought no proofe , that it cannot ; and till that be brought , the Bishop his speech is good , that it can : And yet he hopes to be found no infringer of any power giuen by Christ to his Church . But it seemes by that which followes , you did by this Question ( Can a Generall Councell erre ? ) but seeke to win ground for your other , which followes : F. If a Generall Councell may erre , What neerer are wee then ( said I ) to vnitie , after a Councell determined ? Yes ( said he ) although it may erre , yet we should be bound to hold with it , till another come to reuerse it . B. Whether a Generall Councell may erre , or not , is a Question of great consequence in the Church of Christ. To say it cannot erre , leaues the Church not onely without remedie against an Error , but also without sense that it may need a remedie , and so without care to seeke it ; which is the miserie of the Church of Rome at this day . To say it can erre , seemes to expose the members of the Church to an vncertaintie and wauering in the Faith , makes vnquiet spirits not onely disrespect former Councels of the Church , but also slight and contemne whatsoeuer it may now determine ; into which Error , some opposers of the Church of Rome haue fallen . And vpon this is grounded your Question , Wherein are wee neerer to vnitie , if a Councell may erre ? In relating the B. his Answer to this , you are not so candide , as you confesse him ingenuous before . For his words did not sound as yours seeme to doe , That wee should hold with the Councell , erre or not erre , till another came to reuerse it : As if grounds of Faith might varie at the Racket , and be cast of each side , as a cunning hand might lay them . You forget againe , omit at least , ( and with what mind , you best know ) the B. his Caution : For he said , The determination of a Generall Councell erring , was to stand in force , and haue externall obedience at the least yeelded to it , till euidence of Scripture , or a demonstration to the contrary , made the Error appeare , and vntill thereupon another Councell , of equall Authoritie , did reuerse it . Thus then the B. But indeed he might haue returned vpon you againe : If a Generall Councell , not confirmed by the Pope , may erre , ( which you affirme ) To what end then a Generall Councell ? And you may answere , Yes : for although a Generall Councell may erre , yet the Pope , as Head of the Church , cannot . An excellent meanes of vnitie , to haue all in the Church as the Pope will haue it , what euer Scripture say , or the Church thinke . And then I pray , to what end a Generall Councell ? Will his Holinesse be so holy , as to confirme a Generall Councell , if it determine against him ? I , for my part , am willing a little to consider hereupon the point of Generall Councels , How they may , or may not erre ; and a little to looke into the Romane and Protestant opinion concerning them ; which is more agreeable to the Power and Rule which Christ hath left in his Church , and which is most preseruatiue of Peace established , or ablest to reduce vnitie into the Church of Christ , when that poore Ship hath her Ribs dashed in 〈◊〉 by the Waues of Contention . And this Consideration I will venture to the World , but onely in the Nature of a 〈◊〉 , and with submission to my Mother , the Church of England , and the Mother of vs all , the Vniuersall Catholike Church of Christ. 1. First then I consider , Whether all the Power that an Oecumenicall Councell hath to determine , and all the Assistance it hath , not to erre in that determination ; it hath it not all from the Catholike vniuersall Bodie of the Church , or Clergie in the Church , if you will , whose Representatiue it is ? It seemes it hath . For the gouernment of the Church being not Monarchicall , but as Christ is Head , this Principle is 〈◊〉 in nature , Euerie Bodie collectiue , that represents , receiues Power and Priuiledges from that Bodie which is represented ; else a Representation might haue force , without the thing it represents ; which cannot be : So , no Power in the Councell , no Assistance , but what is in and to the Church . But yet then it may be questioned , Whether the Representing Bodie hath all the power , strength , and priuiledge , which the Represented hath ? And suppose it hath all the Legall power , yet it hath not all the Naturall , eyther of strength or wisedome , that the whole hath . Now because tho Representatiue hath power from the whole , and the maine 〈◊〉 can meet no other way ; therefore the Acts , 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 of the Representatiue , be it Ecclesiasticall or Ciuile , are binding in their strength . But they are not so certaine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 , as that Wisedome which resides in the 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 in Assemblies meerely Ciuile , or Ecclesiasticall , all 〈◊〉 men cannot be in the Bodie that represents . And it is possible so many able and sufficient men ( for some particular businesse ) may be out , as that they which are in , may misse , or mis-apply that . Reason and Ground , vpon which the determination is principally to rest . Here , for want of a cleare view of this Ground , the Representatiue Bodie erres ; whereas the Represented , by vertue of these Members , may hold the Principle vnuiolated . 2. Secondly , I consider , That since it is thus in Nature , and in Ciuile Bodies , if it be not so in Ecclesiasticall too , some reason must be giuen why , a For that Bodie also consists of men : Those men neyther all equall in their perfections of Knowledge and Iudgement , whether acquired by Industrie , or rooted in nature , or infused by God : Not all equall , nor any one of them perfect and absolute , or freed from passion and humane infirmities : Nor doth their meeting together , make them infallible in all things , though the Act which is hammered out by many together , must in reason be perfecter than that which is but the Child of one mans sufficiencie . If then a Generall Councell haue no ground of not erring from the men , or the meeting , either it must not be at all , or be by some assistance and power vpon them , when they are so met together : And this , if it be lesse than the assistance of the Holy Ghost , it cannot make them secure against Error . 3. Thirdly , I consider , That the assistance of the Holy Ghost is without Error , that 's no question ; and as little there is , that a Councell hath it . But the doubt that troubles , is , Whether all assistance of the Holy Ghost be affoorded in such a high manner , as to cause all the Definitions of a Councell , in matters fundamentall in the Faith , and in remote Deductions from it , to be alike infallible ? The Romanists , to prooue there is b infallible assistance , produce some places of Scripture ; but no one of them inferres , much lesse enforces an infallibilitie . The places which Stapleton there rests vpon , are these : c I will send you the Spirit of Truth , which will lead you into all Truth : And , d This Spirit shall abide with you for euer : And , e Behold , I am with you vnto the end of the World. To these , others adde , f The founding of the Church vpon the Rocke , against which the Gates of Hell shall not preuaile : And , Christs prayer for S. Peter , g That his Faith faile not . 1. For the first , which is , Leading into all Truth , and that for euer : h All , is not alwayes vniuersally taken in Scripture ; nor is it here simply for All Truth : for then a Generall Councell could no more erre in matter of Fact , than in matter of Faith ; in which yet your i selues graunt it may erre . But into All a Truth , is a limited All ; into All Truth absolutely necessarie to saluation : And this , when they suffer themselues to be led by the blessed Spirit , by the Word of God. And all Truth which Christ had before ( at least fundamentally ) deliuered vnto them , b Hee shall receiue of mine , and shew it vnto you : And againe , c Hee shall teach you all things , and bring all things to your remembrance , which I haue told you . And for this necessarie Truth too , the Apostles receiued this promise not for themselues , and a Councell , but for themselues , and the d whole Catholike Church ; of which , a Councell , be it neuer so generall , is a verie little part : Yea , and this verie Assistance is not so absolute , nor in that manner to the whole Church , as it was to the Apostles ; neyther doth Christ in that place speake directly of a Councell , but of his Apostles Preaching , and Doctrine . 2. As for Christs being with them vnto the end of the World , the Fathers are so various , that in the sense of the antient Church , wee may vnderstand him present in e Maiestie , in f Power , in Aid g and Assistance , against the difficulties they should find , for preaching Christ ; which is the natiue sense , as I take it . And this promise was made , to support their weakenesse . As for his presence , in teaching by the Holy Ghost , h few mention it ; and no one of them which doth , speakes of any infallible Assistance , further than the succeeding Church keepes to the Word of the Apostles , as the Apostles kept to the guidance of the Spirit . Besides , the i Fathers referre their speech to the Church vniuersall , not to anie Councell , or Representatiue Bodie . And k Maldonate addes , That this his presence by teaching , is or may be a Collection from the place , but is not the intention of Christ. 3. For the Rocke vpon which the Church is founded , which is the next place , wee dare not lay any other Foundation than l Christ : Christ layd his m Apostles ; no question , but vpon himselfe . With these , S. Peter was layd , no man questions : And in prime place of Order , ( would his clayming Successors be content with that ) as appeares , and diuerse Fathers witnesse , by his particular designement , Tu es Petrus . But yet the Rocke euen there spoken of , is not S. Peters person , eyther onely or properly , but the Faith which hee professed . And to this , beside the Euidence which is in Text and Truth , the a Fathers come in with very full consent . And this , That the Gates of Hell shall not preuaile against it , is not spoken of the not 〈◊〉 of the Church principally , but of the not b falling away of it from the Foundation . Now a Church may erre , and daungerously too , and yet not fall from the Foundation , especially if that of c Bellarmine be true , That there are many things , euen de Fide , of the Faith , which yet are not necessarie to saluation . Besides , euen here againe the promise of this stable edification , is to the whole Church , not to a Councell ; at the least , no further than a Councell builds as a Church is built , that is , vpon Christ. 4. The last place , is Christs Prayer for S. Peters Faith. The 〈◊〉 sense of which place is , That Christ prayed and obtained for S. Peter perseuerance in the grace of God , against the strong temptation which was to winnow him aboue the rest . But to conclude an infallibilitie from hence in the Pope , or in his Chaire , or in the Romane See , or in a Generall Councell , though the Pope be President , I find no antient Fathers that dare aduenture it . And d Bellarmine himselfe , besides some Popes , in their owne Cause ( and that in Epistles counterfeit , or falsely alledged ) hath not a Father to name for this sense of the place , till he come downeto Chrysologus , Theophylact , and S. Bernard : of which , Chrysologus his speech is but a flash of Rhetorike ; and the other two are men of Yesterday , compared with Antiquitie , and liued when ( it was Gods great grace , and our wonder ) the corruption of the time had not made them corrupter than they are . And Thomas is resolute , that what is meant here beyond S. Peters person , is e referred to the whole Church . And the Glasse vpon the Canon Law is more peremptorie than he , euen to the denyall , that it is f meant of the Pope . And if this place warrant not the Popes Faith , Where is the infallibilitie of the Councell that depends vpon it ? And for all the places together , weigh them with indifferencie , and either they speake of the Church ( including the Apostles ) as all of them doe ; and then all graunt the voyce of the Church is Gods voyce , Diuine and Infallible : or else they are generall , vnlimitted , and applyable to priuate Assemblies , as well as Generall Councels ; which none graunt to be infallible , but some mad Enthusiasts : or else they are limitted , not simply into All Truth , but , All necessarie to Saluation ; in which I shall easily graunt a Generall Councell cannot erre , if it suffer it selfe to be led by this 〈◊〉 of Truth in the Scripture , and take not vpon it to lead both the Scripture and the Spirit . For suppose these places , or any other , did promise Assistance euen to Infallibilitie , yet they graunted it not to euerie Generall Councell , but to the Catholike Bodie of the Church it selfe . And if it be in the whole Church principally , then is it in a Generall Councell but by Consequent , as the Councell represents the whole . And that which belongs to a thing by consequent , doth not otherwise , nor longer , belong vnto it , than it consents and cleaues to that vpon which it is a Consequent . And therefore a Generall Councell hath not this Assistance , but as it keepes to the whole Church and Spouse of Christ , whose it is to heare his Word , and determine by it . And therefore , if a Generall Councell will goe out of the Churches Way , it may easily goe without the Churches Truth . 4. Fourthly I consider , That All agree , That the Church in generall can neuer erre from the Faith necessarie to saluation : No Persecution , no Temptation , and no a Gates of Hell , whatsoeuer is meant by them , can euer so preuaile against it . For all the members of the Militant Church cannot erre , either in the whole Faith , or in any Article of it ; it is impossible . For if all might so erre , there could be no vnion betweene them as members , and Christ the Head : And no vnion betweene Head and members , no Bodie , and so no Church ; which cannot be . But there is not the like consent , That b Generall Councels cannot erre . And it seemes strange to me , that the Fathers hauing to doe with so many Heretikes , and so many of them opposing Church . Authoritie in their condemnation , this Proposition , euen in tearmes ( A Generall Councell cannot erre ) should be found in none of them , that I can yet see . Suppose it were true , That no Generall Councell had erred in any matter of moment to this day , which will not be found true ; yet this would not haue followed , that it is therefore infallible , and cannot erre . I haue not time to descend into particulars ; therefore to the Generall still . S. Augustine c puts a difference betweene the Rules of Scripture , and the definitions of men . This difference is , Praeponitur Scriptura , That the Scripture hath the Prerogatiue : That Prerogatiue is , That whatsoeuer is found written in Scripture , may neither be doubted , nor disputed , whether it be true , or right : But the Letters of Bishops may not onely be disputed , but corrected by Bishops that are more learned and wise than they , or by Nationall Councels ; and Nationall Councels , by 〈◊〉 , or Generall : And euen a Plenarie Councels themselues may be amended , the former by the latter . It seemes it was no newes with S. Augustine , that a Generall Councell might erre , and therefore inferior to the Scripture , which may neither be doubted , nor disputed , where it affirmes . And if it be so with the definition of a Councell too ( as b Stapleton would haue it ) That that may neither be doubted , nor disputed , Where is then the Scriptures Prerogatiue ? I know there is much shifting about this place , but it cannot be wrastled off . Stapleton c sayes first , That S. Augustine speakes of the Rules of Manners , and Discipline : And this is Bellarmines last shift . Both are out , and Bellarmine in a Contradiction . Bellarmine in a Contradiction : For first hee tells vs , Generall Councels cannot erre in d Precepts of Manners ; and then , to turne off S. Augustine in this place , he tells vs , That if S. Augustine doth not speake of matter of Fact , but of Right , and of vniuersall Questions of Right , then he is to be vnderstood of e Precepts of Manners , not of Points of Faith. Where he hath first runne himselfe vpon a Contradiction ; and then wee haue gayned this ground vpon him , That either his Answere is nothing , or else against his owne state of the Question . A Generall Councell can erre in Precepts of Manners ; and both are out : For the whole dispute of S. Augustine , is against the Error of Cyprian , followed by the 〈◊〉 , That true Baptisme could not be giuen by Heretikes , and such as were out of the Church . And the proofe which Stapleton and Bellarmine draw out of the subsequent words , ( f When by any experiment of things , that which was shut , is opened ) is too weake : For experiment there is not of Fact ; nor are the words conclusum est , as if it were of a Rule of Discipline concluded , as Stapleton cites them ; but a further experiment or proofe of the Question in hand , and pertaining to Faith , which was then shut vp , and as S. Augustine after speakes , g wrapped vp in cloudie darkenesse . Next , Stapleton h will haue it , That if S. Augustine doe speake of a Cause of Faith , then his meaning is , that latter Generall Councels can mend , that is , explicate more perfectly that Faith which lay hid in the Seed of antient Doctrine . He makes instance , That about the Diuinitie of Christ , the Councell of Ephesus explicated the first of Nice ; Chalcedon , both of them ; Constance , Chalcedon : And then concludes , a In all which things , none of ( these ) Councels taught that which was erroneous . An excellent Conclusion : These Councels , and These , in this thing , taught no Error , and were onely explained : Therefore no Councell can erre in any matter of Faith ; or therefore S. Augustine speakes not of an emendation of Error , but of an explanation of Sense : whereas euerie Eye sees neither of these can follow . Now that S. Augustine meant plainely , That euen a Plenarie Councell might erre , and that b often , ( for that is his word ) and that in matter of Faith , and might and ought so to be amended in a latter Councell , I thinke will thus appeare . First , his word is Emendari , amend , which properly supposes for Error and faultinesse , not explanation : And S. Augustine needed not goe to a word of such a c forced sense , nor sure would , especially in a Disputation against Aduersaries . Next , S. Augustines Dispute is against S. Cyprian , and the Councell held at Carthage , about Baptisme by Heretikes ; in which point , that Nationall Councell erred ( as all now agree . ) And S. Augustines deduction goes on : Scripture cannot be other than right ; that is the prerogatiue of it : but Bishops may , and be d Reprehended for it , if peraduenture they erre from the Truth ; and that either by more learned Bishops , or by Prouinciall Councels . Here Reprehension , and that for deuiation from the Truth , is ( I hope ) Emendation properly , and not Explanation onely . Then Prouinciall Councels , they must f yeeld to Generall ; and to yeeld , is not in case of Explanation onely . Then it followes , that euen Plenarie Councels themselues may be amended , the former by the latter ; still retayning that which went before , If peraduenture they erred , or made deuiation from the Truth . And if this be not so , I would faine know , why in one and the same tenure of words , in one and the same continuing Argument , and deduction of S. Augustine , Reprehendi should be in proper sense , and à veritate deuiatum in proper sense , and Cedere in proper sense ; and onely Emendari should not be proper , but stand for an Explanation ? If you say the reason is , because the former words are applyed to men , and Nationall Councels , both which may erre , but this last to Generall Councels , which cannot erre ; this is most miserable begging of the Principle , and thing in question . Againe , S. Augustine concludes there , That the Generall Councell preceding , may be amended by Generall Councels that follow , g When that is knowne , which lay hid before . Not as Stapleton would haue it , lay hid as in the Seed of antient Doctrine onely , and so needed nothing but explanation ; but hid in some darkenesse , or ambiguitie , which led the former into error , and mistaking , as appeares : For S. Augustine would haue this amendment made , without sacrilegious Pride , ( doubtlesse of insulting vpon the former Councell , that was to be amended ) and without swelling Arrogancie ( sure against the weakenesse in the former Councell ) and without contention of Enuie ( which vses to accompanie mans frailetie , where his or his friends error is to be amended by the latter Councell ) and in holy Humilitie , in Catholike Peace , in Christian Charitie , ( no question , that a Schisme be not made to teare the Church , as here the Donatists did , while one Councell goes to reforme the Lapse of another , if any be . ) Now to what end should this learned Father be so zealous in this worke , this highest worke that I know in the Church ( Reuiewing and surueying Generall Councels ) to keepe off Pride , and Arrogancie , and Enuie , and to keepe all in Humilitie , Peace , and Charitie ; if after all this noyse , he thought latter Councels might doe nothing but amend , that is , explaine the former ? That shift which Bellarmine addes to these two of Stapleton , is poorest of all , namely , That S. Augustine speakes of vnlawfull Councels ; and it is no question but they may be amended , as the second Ephesine was at Calcedon : for this Answere giues vp the case . For it graunts , That a Councell may erre , and be amended in Doctrine of Faith ; and in case it be not amended , condemned and reiected by the Church , as this of Ephesus and diuerse others were . And as for that meere Tricke , of the Popes Instruction , Approbation , or Confirmation , to preserue it from Error , or ratifie it , that it hath not erred ; the most antient Church knew it not . Hee had his Suffrage , as other great Patriarkes had ; and his Vote was highly esteemed , not onely for his place , but for worth too , as Popes were then : But that the whole Councell depended vpon him , and his confirmation , was then vnknowne , and I verily thinke , at this day not beleeued by your selues . 5. Fiftly , it must be considered , If a Generall Councell may erre , Who shall iudge it ? S. Augustine is at a priora à posterioribus , Nothing sure , that is lesse than a Generall Councell . Why , but this yet layes all open to vncertainties , and makes way for a Whirlewind of a priuate spirit , to ruffle the Church . No , neither of these . First , all is not open to Vncertainties : For Generall Councels , lawfully called and ordered , and lawfully proceeding , are a great and an awfull Representation , and cannot erre in matters of Faith , if they keepe themselues to Gods Rule , and attempt not to make a new of their owne ; and are with all submission to be obserued by euerie Christian , where Scripture or euident Demonstration come not against it . Nor doth it make way for the Whirlewind of a priuate spirit : For priuate spirits are too giddie to rest vpon Scripture , and too headie and shallow to be acquainted with demonstratiue Arguments . And it were happie for the Church , if shee might neuer be troubled with priuate spirits , till they brought such Arguments . I know this is hotely obiected against a Hooker : The b Author calls him a c wise Protestant , yet turnes thus vpon him : If a Councell must yeeld to a demonstratiue proofe , Who shall iudge whether the Argument that is brought , be a Demonstration , or not ? For euerie man that will kicke against the Church , will say the Scripture he vrges is euident , and his Reason a Demonstration . And what is this , but to leaue all to the wildnesse of a priuate spirit ? Can any ingenuous man reade this passage in Hooker , and dreame of a priuate spirit ? For to the Question , Who shall iudge ? Hooker answers , as if it had beene then made , d An Argument necessarie and demonstratiue , is such ( saith hee ) as being proposed to any man , and vnderstood , the mind cannot chuse but inwardly assent vnto it . So , it is not enough to thinke or say it is demonstratiue . The light then of a Demonstratiue Argument , is the euidence which it selfe hath in it selfe to all that vnderstand it . Well , but because all vnderstand it not , If a Quarrell be made , who shall decide it ? No question , but a Generall Councell , not a priuate spirit : first , in the intent of the Author ; for Hooker in all that discourse makes the Sentence of the Councell e binding : and therefore that is made Iudge , not a priuat spirit . And then for the Iudge of the Argument , it is as plaine : For if it be euident to any man , then to so many learned men as are in a Councell doubtlesse : And if they cannot but assent , it is hard to thinke them so impious , that they will define against it . And if that which is euident to any man , is not euident to such a graue Assembly , it is no Demonstration , and the producers of it ought to rest , and not to trouble the Church . Nor is this Hookers alone , nor is it newly thought on by vs : It is a ground in Nature , which Grace doth euer set right , neuer vndermine . And S. Augustine f hath it twice in one Chapter , That S. Cyprian and that Councell at Carthage would haue presently yeelded to any one that would g demonstrate Truth . Nay , it is a Rule with h him , Consent of Nations , Authoritie confirmed by Miracles and Antiquitie , S. Peters Chaire , and Succession from it , Motiues to keepe him in the Catholike Church , must not hold him against Demonstration of Truth ; i which if it be so clearely monstrated , that it cannot come into doubt , it is to be preferred before all those things , by which a man is held in the Catholike Church . Therefore an euident Scripture , or Demonstration of Truth , must take place euerie where ; but where these cannot be had , there must be submission to Authoritie . And doth not Bellarmine himselfe graunt this ? For speaking of Councels , he deliuers this Proposition , That Inferiors may not iudge whether their Superiors ( and that in a Councell ) doe proceed lawfully , or not . But then hauing bethought himselfe , that Inferiors at all times , and in all causes , are not so to be cast off , hee addes this Exception , a Vnlesse it manifestly appeare , that an intollerable Error be committed . So then , if such an Error be , and be manifest , Inferiors may doe their dutie , and a Councell must yeeld ; vnlesse you will accuse Bellarmine too of leaning to a priuate spirit ; for neither doth hee expresse who shall iudge whether the Error be intollerable . This will not downe with you , but the Definition of a Generall Councell is and must be infallible . Your fellowes tell vs ( and you can affirme no more ) That the voyce of the Church determining in Councell , is not b Humane , but Diuine : That is well ; Diuine , then sure infallible . Yea , but the Proposition stickes in the throat of them that would vtter it . It is not Diuine simply , but in a c manner Diuine . Why but then sure not infallible , because it may speake loudest in that manner in which it is not Diuine . Nay more : The Church ( forsooth ) is an infallible Foundation of Faith , d in a higher kind than the Scripture : For the Scripture is but a Foundation in testimonie , and matter to be beleeued ; but the Church as the efficient cause of Faith , and in some sort the verie formall . Is not this Blasphemie ? Doth not this knocke against all euidence of Truth , and his owne grounds , that sayes it ? Against all euidence of Truth : For in all ages , all men that once admitted the Scripture to be the Word of God ( as all Christians doe ) doe with the same breath graunt it most vndoubted and infallible . But all men haue not so iudged of the Churches Definitions , though they haue in greatest obedience submitted to them . And against his owne grounds , that sayes it : For the Scripture is absolutely and euerie way Diuine ; the Churches Definition is but suo modo , in a sort or manner Diuine . But that which is but in a sort , can neuer be a Foundation in a higher degree , than that which is absolute , and euerie way such : Therefore neyther can the Definition of the Church be so infallible as the Scripture ; much lesse in altiori genere , in a higher kind than the Scripture . But because , when all other things faile , you flye to this , That the Churches Definition in a Generall Councell , is by Inspiration , and so Diuine and infallible ; my hast shall not carrie me from a little Consideration of that too . 6. Sixtly then , If the Definition of a Generall Councell be infallible , then the infallibilitie of it is either in the Conclusion , and in the Meanes that prooue it ; or in the Conclusion , not the Meanes ; or in the Meanes , not the Conclusion . But it is infallible in none of these . Not in the first , The Conclusion , and the Meanes : For there are diuers deliberations in Generall Councels , where the Conclusion is Catholike , but the Meanes by which they prooue it , not firme ; therefore not infallible . Not in the second , The Conclusion , and not the Meanes : For the Conclusion must follow the nature of the premisses , or Principles out of which it is deduced ; therefore if they be sometimes vncertaine , as is prooued before , the Conclusion cannot be infallible . Not in the third , The Meanes , and not the Conclusion : For that cannot but be true and necessarie , if the Meanes be so . And this I am sure you will neuer graunt ; because if you should , you must denie the infallibilitie which you seeke to establish . To this ( for I confesse the Argument is old , but can neuer be worne out , nor shifted off ) your great Maister a Stapleton ( who is miserably hampered in it , and indeed so are yee all ) answers , That the infallibilitie of a Councell is in the second course ; that is , It is infallible in the Conclusion , though it be vncertaine and fallible in the Meanes and proofe of it . How comes this to passe ? It is a thing altogether vnknowne in Nature , and Art too , That fallible Principles can either father or mother , beget or bring forth an infallible Conclusion . Well , that is graunted in Nature , and in all Argumentation , that causes knowledge . But wee shall haue Reasons for it : b First , because the Church is discursiue , and vses the weights and moments of Reason in the Meanes ; but is Propheticall , and depends vpon immediate Reuelation from the Spirit of God , in deliuering the Conclusion . It is but the making of this appeare , and all Controuersie is at an end . Well , I will not discourse here , to what end there is any vse of Meanes , if the Conclusion be Propheticall , which yet is iustly vrged ; for no good cause can be assigned of it . If it be Propheticall in the Conclusion ( I speake still of the present Church ; for that which included the Apostles , which had the Spirit of Prophesie , and immediate Reuelation , was euer propheticke in the Definition ) Then since it deliuers the Conclusion not according to Nature and Art , that is , out of Principles which can beare it , there must be some supernaturall Authoritie which must deliuer this Truth : That ( say I ) must be the Scripture : For if you flye to immediate Reuelation now , the Enthusiasme must be yours . But the Scriptures which are brought , in the verie Exposition of all the Primitiue Church , neyther say it , nor inforce it : Therefore Scripture warrants not your Prophesie in the Conclusion . I know no other thing can warrant it . If you thinke the Tradition of the Church can , make the World beholding to you . Produce any Father of the Church , that sayes , this is an vniuersall Tradition of the Church , That her Definitions in a Generall Councell are Propheticall , and by immediate Reuelation . Produce any one Father , that sayes it of his owne authoritie , That he thinkes so : Nay , make it appeare , that euer any Prophet , in that which he deliuered from God as infallible Truth , was euer discursiue at all in the Meanes : Nay , make it but probable in the ordinarie course of Prophesie ( and I hope you goe no higher , nor will I offer , at Gods absolute Power ) That that which is discursiue in the Meanes , can be Propheticke in the Conclusion , and you shall be my great Apollo for euer . In the meane time , I haue learned this from a yours , That all Prophesie is by Vision , Inspiration , &c. and that no Vision admits discourse : That all Prophesie is an Illumination , not alwayes present , but when the Word of the b Lord came to them , and that was not by discourse . And yet you c say againe , That this Propheticke infallibilitie of the Church is not gotten without studie and Industrie . You should doe well to tell vs too , why God would put his Church to studie for the Spirit of Prophesie , which neuer anie particular Prophet was put vnto . d And whosoeuer shall studie for it , shall doe itin vaine , since Prophesie is e a Gift , and can neuer be an acquired Habite . And there is somewhat in it , that Bellarmine , in all his Dispute for the Authoritie of Generall Councels , dares not come at this Rocke . f He preferres the Conclusion , and the Canon , before the Acts and the deliberations of Councels , and so doe wee : but I doe not remember , that euer he speakes out , That the Conclusion is deliuered by Prophesie , or Reuelation . Sure he sounded the Shore , and found danger here . He did sound it : For a little before he speakes plainely ( Would his bad cause let him be constant ? ) g Councels doe deduce their Conclusions . What ? from Inspiration ? No : But out of the Word of God , and that per ratiocinationem , by Argumentation : Neyther haue they , nor doe they write any immediate Reuelations . The second Reason why hee will haue it propheticke in the Conclusion , is , h Because that which is determined by the Church , is matter of Faith , not of Knowledge : And that therefore the Church proposing it to be beleeued , though it vse Meanes , yet it stands not vpon Art , or Meanes , or Argument , but the Reuelation of the Holy Ghost : Else when we embrace the Conclusion proposed , it should not be an Assent of Faith , but a Habit of Knowledge . This for the first part ( That the Church vses the Meanes , but followes them not ) is all one in substance with the former Reason . And for the latter part , That then our admitting the Decree ofa Councell , would be no Assent of Faith , but a Habit of Knowledge ; What great inconuenience is there , if it be graunted ? For I thinke it is vndoubted Truth , That one and the same Conclusion may be Faith to the Beleeuer , that cannot prooue , and Knowledge to the Learned , that can . And S. Augustine a , I am sure in regard of one and the same thing , euen this the verie Wisedome of the Church , in her Doctrine , ascribes Vnderstanding to one sort of men , and Beleefe to another weaker sort . And b Thomas goes with him . And for further satisfaction , if not of you , of others , this may be considered too : Man lost by sinne the Integritie of his Nature , and cannot haue Light enough to see the way to Heauen , but by Grace . This Grace was first merited , after giuen by Christ. This Grace is first kindled in Faith ; by which , if wee agree not to some supernaturall Principles , which no Reason can demonstrate simply , wee can neuer see our way . But this Light , when it hath made Reason submit it selfe , cleares the Eye of Reason , it neuer puts it out . In which sense it may be is that of c Optatus , That the verie Catholike Church it selfe is reasonable , as well as diffused euerie where . By which Reason enlightned ( which is stronger than Reason ) the Church in all Ages hath beene able either to conuert , or conuince , or d stop the mouthes at least of Philosophers , and the great men of Reason , in the verie point of Faith , where it is at highest . To the present occasion then . The first , immediate , Fundamentall Points of Faith , without which there is no saluation ; they , as they cannot be prooued by Reason , so neither need they be determined by any Councell , nor euer were they attempted , they are so plaine set downe in the Scripture . If about the sense and true meaning of these , or necessarie deduction out of these prime Articles of Faith , Generall Councels determine any thing , as they haue done in Nice , and the rest ; there is no inconueuience , that one and the same Canon of the Councell should be beleeued , as it reflects vpon the Articles and Grounds indemonstrable ; e and yet knowne to the Learned , by the Meanes and Proofe by which that deduction is vouched and made good . And againe , the Conclusion of a Councell ; suppose that in Nice , about the Consubstantialitie of Christ with the Father , in it selfe considered , is or may be indemonstrable by Reason ; There I beleeue and assent in Faith ; but the same Conclusion f , if you giue me the ground of Scripture , and the Creed , ( and somewhat must be supposed in all , whether Faith , or Knowledge ) is demonstrable by naturall Reason against any Arrian in the World. And if it be demonstrable , I may know it , and haue a habit of it . And what inconuenience in this ? For the weaker sort of Christians , which cannot deduce when they haue the Principle graunted , they are to rest vpon the Definition onely , and their assent is meere Faith : yea , and the Learned too , where there is not a Demonstration euident to them , assent by Faith onely , and not by Knowledge . And what inconuenience in this ? Nay , the necessitie of Nature is such , that these Principles once giuen , the vnderstanding of man cannot rest , but it must be thus . And the a Apostle would neuer haue required a man to be able to giue a reason and an account of the Hope that is in him , if he might not be able to know his account ; or haue lawfull interest to giue it , when he knew it , without preiudicing his Faith by his Knowledge . And suppose exact Knowledge and meere Beleefe cannot stand together in the same person , in regard of the same thing , by the same meanes , yet that doth not make void this Truth . For where is that exact Knowledge , or in whom , that must not meerely , in points of Faith , beleeue the Article or Ground vpon which they rest ? But when that is once beleeued , it can demonstrate many things from it . And Definitions of Councels are not Principia Fidei , Principles of Faith , but Deductions from them . 7. And now because you aske , Wherein wee are neerer to Vnitie by a Councell , if a Councell may erre ? Besides the Answer giuen , I promised to consider which Opinion was most agreeable with the Church , which most able to preserue or reduce Christian Peace ; the Romane , That a Councell cannot erre ; orthe Protestants , That it can . And this I propose , not as a Rule , but leaue the Christian World to consider of it , as I doe . 1. First then I consider , Whether in those places of Scripture before mentioned , or other , there be promised and performed to the present Church an absolute infallibilitie ? or whether such an infallibilitie will notserue the turne , as b Stapleton , after much wriggling , is forced to acknowledge ? One not euerieway exact : because it is enough , if the Church doe diligently insist vpon that which was once receiued : and there is not need of so great certaintie , to open and explicate that which lyes hid in the Seed of Faith sowne , and deduce from it , as to seeke out and teach that which was altogether vnknowne . And if this be so , then sure the Church of the Apostles required guidance by a greater degree of infallibilitie , than the present Church ; which if it follow the Scripture , is infallible enough , though it hath not the same degree of certaintie which the Apostles had , and the Scripture hath . Nor can I tell what to make of Bellarmine , that in a whole Chapter disputes 〈◊〉 Prerogatiues , in certaintie of Truth a , that the Scripture hath aboue a Councell ; and at last concludes , That they may be said to be equally certaine in infallible Truth . 2. The next thing I consider , is : Suppose this not Exact , but congruous infallibilitie in the Church ; Is it not residing according to power and right of Authoritie in the whole Church , and in a Generall Councell , onely by power b deputed , with Mandate to determine ? The places of Scripture , with Expositions of the Fathers vpon them , make me apt to beleeue this . S. Peter ( saith S. Augustine c ) did not receiue the Keyes of the Church , but in the person of the Church . Now suppose the Key of Doctrine be to let in Truth , and shut out Error ; and suppose the Key rightly vsed , infallible in this : yet this infallibilitie is primely in the Church ; in whose person , not strictly in his owne , S. Peter receiued the Keyes . Here Stapleton layes crosse my way againe . He would thrust me out of this Consideration . d He graunts , that S. Peter receiued these Keyes indeed , and in the person of the Church ; but that was because he was Primate of the Church : 〈◊〉 therefore the Church receiued the Keyes finally , but S. Peter formally : that is ( if I mistake him not ) S. Peter for himselfe and his Successors , receiued the Keyes in his owne Right ; but to this end , to benefit the Church , of which he was made Pastor . But I am in a Consideration , and I would haue this considered , where it is euer read , That to receiue a thing in the person of another , is onely meant finally to receiue it , that is , to his good , and not in his right . I should thinke , he that receiues any thing in the person of another , receiues it indeed to his good , and to his vse , but in his right too : And that the primarie and formall right is not in the receiuer , but in him whose person hee sustaines , while he receiues it . This stumbling-blocke then is nothing ; and in my Consideration it stands still , That the Church in generall receiued the Keyes , and all Power signified by them , and by the assistance of Gods Spirit may be able to vse them , and perhaps to open and shut in some things infallibly , when the Pope and a Generall Councell too ( forgetting both her and her Rule , the Scripture ) are to seeke how to turne these Keyes in their Wards . 3. The third thing I consider , is : Suppose in the whole Catholike Church Militant , an absolute infallibilitie in the prime Foundations of Faith , absolutely necessarie to saluation ; and that this power of not erring so , is not communicable to a Generall Councell , which represents it , but that the Councell is subiect to error : This supposition doth not onely preserue that which you desire in the Church , an Infallibilitie ; but it meets with all inconueniences , which vsually haue done , and doe perplexe the Church . And here is still a remedie for all things : For if priuate respects , if a Bandies in a Faction , if power and fauour of some parties , if weakenesse of them which haue the managing , if any mixture of State-Councels , if any departure from the Rule of the Word of God , if any thing else sway and wrinch the Councell ; b the whole Church , vpon euidence found in expresse Scripture , or demonstration of this miscarriage , hath power to represent her selfe in another Bodie , or Councell , and to take order for what was amisse , eyther practised or concluded . So here is a meanes , without infringing any lawfull Authoritie of the Church , to preserue or reduce Vnitie , and yet graunt , as the B. did , and as the c Church of England doth , That a Generall Councell may erre . And this course the Church tooke , did call and represent her selfe in a new Councell , and define against the Hereticall Conclusions of the former : as in the case at Ariminum , and the second of Ephesus , is euident . 4. The next thing I consider , is : Suppose a Generall Councell infallible in all things which are of Faith : If it prooue not so , but that an Error in the Faith be concluded ; the same erring Opinion that makes it thinke it selfe infallible , makes the Error of it seeme irreuocable . And when Truth ( which lay hid ) shall be brought to light , the Church ( who was lulled asleepe by the Opinion of Infallibilitie , is left open to all manner of Distractions , as it appeares at this day . And that a Councell may erre ( besides all other instances , which are not few ) appeares by that Error of the Councell of d Constance . And one instance is enough to ouerthrow a Generall , be it a Councell . e Christ instituted the Sacrament of his Bodie and Bloud in both kinds . To breake Christs Institution , is a damnable Error , and so confessed by f Stapleton . The Councell is bold , and defines peremptorily , That to communicate in both kinds , is not necessarie , with a Non obstante to the Institution of Christ. Consider with me , Is this an Error , or not ? g Bellarmine , and Stapleton , and you too , say it is not ; because to receiue vnder both kinds , is not by Diuine Right . No ? no sure . For it was not Christs h Precept , but his Example . Why , but I had thought , Christs Institution of a Sacrament had beene more than his Example onely , and as binding for the Necessaries of a Sacrament , the Matter and Forme , as a Precept : Therefore speake out , and denie it to be Christs Institution , or else graunt with Stapleton , It is a damnable Error to goe against it . If you can prooue , that Christs Institution is not as binding to vs as a Precept ( which you shall neuer be able ) take the Precept with it , a Drinke yee All of this : which though you shift as you can , yet you can neuer make it other than it is , A Binding Precept . But Bellarmine hath yet one better Deuice than this , to saue the Councell . Hee saith it is a meere Calumnie , and that the Councell hath no such thing ; That the Non obstante hath no reference to Receiuing vnder both kinds , but to the time of Receiuing it , after Supper ; in which the Councell saith , the Custome of the Church is to be obserued Non obstante , notwithstanding Christs Example . How foule Bellarmine is in this , must appeare by the words of the Councell , which are these : b Though Christ instituted this venerable Sacrament , and gaue it his Disciples after Supper , vnder both kinds of Bread and Wine , yet Non obstante , notwithstanding this , it ought not to be consecrated after Supper ; nor receiued , but fasting . And likewise , that though in the Primitiue Church this Sacrament was receiued by the faithfull vnder both kinds ; yet this Custome , that it should be receiued by Lay-men onely vnder the kind of Bread , is to be held for a Law , which may not be refused . And to say this is an vnlawfull Custome of Receiuing vnder one kind , is erroneous ; and they which persist in saying so , are to be punished and driuen out as Heretikes . Now , where is here any slander of the Councell ? The words are plaine , and the Non obstante must necessarily ( for ought I can yet see ) be referred to both Clauses in the words following , because both Clauses went before it , and hath as much force against Receiuing vnder both kinds , as against Receiuing after Supper . Yea , and the after-words of the Councell couple both together , in this reference : for it followes , Et similiter , And so likewise , that though in the Primitiue Church , &c. And a man , by the Definition of this Councell , may be an Heretike , for standing to Christs Institution , in the very matter of the Sacrament : And the Churches Law for One kind may not be refused , but Christs Institution vnder Both kinds may . And yet this Councell did not erre : No ; take heed of it . But your Opinion is yet more vnreasonable than this : For consider any Bodie Collectiue , be it more or lesse vniuersall , whensoeuer it assembles it selfe , Did it euer giue more power to the Representing Bodie of it , than binding power vpon all particulars , and it selfe too ? And did it euer giue this power any otherwise , than with this Reseruation in Nature , That it would call againe , and reforme , yea , and if need were , abrogate any Law , or Ordinance , vpon iust cause made euident to it . And this Power , no Bodie Collectiue , Ecclesiasticall , or Ciuill , can put out of it selfe , or giue away to a Parliament , or Councell , or call it what you will , that represents it : And in my Consideration , it holds strongest in the Church . For a Councell hath power to order , settle , and define Differences arisen concerning the Faith. This Power the Councell hath not by any immediate Institution from Christ , but it was prudently taken vp in the Church , from the a Apostles Example . So that to hold Councels to this end , is apparant Apostolicall Tradition written : but the Power which Councels so held , haue , is from the whole Catholike Church , whose members they are ; and the Churches Power , from God. And b this Power the Church cannot further giue away to a Generall Councell , than that the Decrees of it shall bind all particulars , and it selfe ; but not bind the Church from calling againe , and in the after calls vpon iust cause to order , yea , and if need be , to abrogate former Acts ; I say , vpon iust cause . For if the Councell be lawfully called , and proceed orderly , and conclude according to the Rule , the Scripture ; the whole Church cannot but approoue the Councell , and then the Definitions of it can neuer be questioned after . And the Power of the Church hath no wrong in this , so long as no Power but her owne may meddle , or offer to infringe any Definition of hers , made in her representatiue Bodie , a lawfull Generall Councell . And certaine it is , no Power but her owne may doe this . Nor doth this open any gappe to priuate spirits . For all Decisions in such a Councell , are binding : And because the whole Church can meet no other way , the Councell shall remaine the Supreame , Externall , Liuing , Temporarie , Ecclesiasticall Iudge of all Controuersies . Onely the whole Church , and shee alone , hath power , when Scripture or Demonstration is found , and peaceably tendered to her , to represent her selfe againe in a new Councell , and in it to order what was amisse . Nay , your Opinion is yet more vnreasonable . For you doe not onely make the Definition of a Generall Councell , but the Sentence of the Pope , infallible ; nay , more infallible than it . For any Generall Councell may erre with you , if the Pope confirme it not . So belike , this Infallibilitie rests not in the Representatiue Bodie , the Councell , nor in the whole Bodie , the Church ; but in your Head of the Church , the Pope of Rome . Now the B. may aske you , To what end such a trouble , for a Generall Councell ? Or wherein are wee neerer to Vnitie , if the Pope confirme it not ? You answere ( though not in the Conference , yet elsewhere ) That the Pope erres not , especially 〈◊〉 Sentence in a Generall Councell . And why especially ? Doth the deliberation of a Councell helpe any thing to the Conclusion ? Surely no : for you hold the Conclusion Propheticall , the meanes fallible ; and fallible Deliberations cannot aduance to a Propheticke Conclusion . And iust as the Councell is in Stapletons iudgement , for the Definition and the Proofes ; so is the Pope in the iudgement of a Melch Canus , and them which followed him , Propheticall in the Conclusion . The Councell then is called but onely in effect , to heare the Pope giue his Sentence in more State. Else what meanes this of b Stapleton : The Pope , by a Councell ioyned vnto him , acquires no new Power , or Authoritie , or certaintie in iudging , no more than a Head is the wiser , by ioyning the offices of the rest of the members to it , than it is without them ? Or this of c Bellarmine : That all the firmenesse and infallibilitie of a Generall Councell is onely from the Pope , not partly from the Pope , and partly from the Councell ? So belike the Presence is necessarie , not the Assistance : Which Opinion is the most groundlesse , and worthlesse , that euer offered to take possession of the Christian Church . And I am persuaded many learned men among your selues , scorne it at the very heart . You professe after , That you hold nothing against your Conscience . I must euer wonder much , how that can be true , since you hold this of the Popes Infallibilitie , especially by being Propheticall in the Conclusion . If this be true , Why doe you not lay all your strength together , all of your whole Societie , and make this one Proposition euident ? All Controuersies about matter of Faith are ended , and without anie great trouble to the Christian World , if you can make this good . Till then , this shame will follow you infallibly , and eternally , That you should make the Pope , a meere man , Principium Fidei , a Principle of Faith ; and make the mouth of Christs Vicar , sole Iudge both of his Word , be it neuer so manifest , and of his Church , be shee neuer so learned , and carefull of his Truth . The Conference growes to an end , and I must meet it againe , ere wee part : For you say , F. After this , we all rising ( the doubting Person ) asked the B. Whether shee might be saued in the Romane Faith ? Hee answered , Shee might . B. What ? Not one Answere perfectly related ? The Bishops Answere to this was generall , for the ignorant , that could not discerne the Errors of that Church ; so they held the Foundation , and conformed themselues to a Religious life . But why doe you not speake out , what the B. added in this particular ? That it must needs goe harder with the doubting partie , euen in point of Saluation ; because the said partie had beene brought to vnderstand verie much in these controuerted Causes of Religion . And a man that comes to know much , had need carefully bethinke himselfe , that hee oppose not knowne Truth , against the Church that made him a Christian. For Saluation may be in the Church of Rome , and yet they not find it , that make sure of it . F. I bad ( the Person doubting ) marke that . B. This Answer I am sure troubles not you . But it seemes you would faine haue it lay a Load of Enuie vpon the B. that you professe you bad the doubting partie so carefully Marke that . Well , you bad the said person Marke that . For what ? For some great matter ? or for some new ? Not for some new , sure . For the Protestants haue euer beene readie for Truth , and in Charitie , to graunt as much as might be : And therefore from the beginning , a many learned men graunted this . So that you need not haue put such a serious Marke that , vpon the speech of the B. as if none before him had , or none but hee would speake it . And if your Marke that , were not for some new matter , was it for some great ? Yes sure , it was . For what greater than Saluation ? But then I pray Marke this too , That Might be saued , graunts but a Possibilitie , no sure or safe way to Saluation . The Possibilitie I thinke cannot be denyed the Ignorants especially , because they hold the Foundation , and suruey not the Building : And the Foundation can deceiue no man that rests vpon it . But a secure way they cannot goe , that hold with such corruptions , when they know them . Now whether it be wisedome in such a point as Saluation is , to forsake a Church , in the which the ground of Saluation is firme , to follow a Church in which it is possible one may be saued , but verie probable one may doe worse , if he looke not well to the Foundation ; iudge yee : I am sure S. Augustine b thought it was not , and iudged it a great sinne , in point of Saluation , for a man to preferre incerta certis , incertainties and naked possibilitiesbefore an euident and certaine course . And you your selues , in the point of condignitie of Merit , write it and preach it boysterously to the people ; but are content to die , renouncing the condignitie of all your owne Merits , and trust to Christs . If you will not venture to die as you liue , liue and beleeue in time , as you meane to die . And one thing more , because you bid Marke this , let me remember to tell , for the benefit of others . Vpon this verie Point ( That wee acknowledge an honest ignorant Papist may be saued ) you , and your like , worke vpon the aduantage of our Charitie , and your owne want of it , to abuse the weake . For thus ( I am told ) you worke vpon them : You see the Protestants ( at least manie of them ) confesse there may be Saluation in our Church ; wee absolutely denie there is Saluation in theirs : therefore it is safer to come to ours , than to stay in theirs ; to be where almost all graunt saluation , than where the greater part of the World denie it . This Argument is verie preuayling with men that cannot weigh it ; and with women especially , that are put in feare by violent ( though causelesse ) denying Heauen vnto them . But it is stronger in the cunning , than the true force of it . For all Arguments are verie moouing , that lay their ground vpon the Aduersaries Confession ; especially , if it be confessed and auouched to be true . But if you would speake truly , and say , Manie Protestants indeed confesse , there is Saluation possible to be attained in the Romane Church , but yet the Errors of that Church are so manie ( and some , such as weaken the Foundation ) that it is verie hard to goe that way to Heauen , especially to them that haue had the Truth manifested ; the heart of this Argument were broken . Besides , the force of this Argument lyes vpon two things , one expressed , the other vpon the By. First , That which is expressed , is , Wee and our Aduersaries consent , That there is saluation to some in the Romane Church . What ? would you haue vs as malicious ( at least as rash ) as your selues are to vs , and denie you so much as possibilitie of saluation ? If wee should , wee might make you in some things straine for a Proofe . But wee haue not so learned Christ , as eyther to returne euill for euill in this headie course , or to denie Saluation to some ignorant silly Soules , whose humble , peaceable obedience , makes them safe among any part of men , that professe the Foundation , Christ. And therefore seeke not to helpe our cause , by denying this comfort to silly Christians , as you most fiercely doe , where you can come to worke vpon them . And this was an old Tricke of the Donatists : For in the Point of Baptisme ( Whether that Church , or in the part of Donatus ) they 〈◊〉 all to be baptised among them : Why ? because both parts 〈◊〉 , that 〈◊〉 was true 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 ; which that peeuish Sect most vniustly denyed the sound part , as S. Augustine a deliuers it . I would aske now , Had not they Orthodoxe Baptisme among them , because the Donatists denyed it iniuriously ? Or should the Orthodoxe , against Truth , haue denyed Baptisme among the Donatists , to crie 〈◊〉 with them ? Or that their Argument might not be the stronger , because both parts graunted ? But marke this ; how farre you runne from all common Principles of Christian Peace , as well as Christian Truth , while you denie Saluation most vniustly to vs , from which you are further off your selues . Besides , if this were or could be made a concluding Argument , I pray why doe not you beleeue with vs in the Point of the Eucharist ? For all sides agree in the Faith of the Church of England , That in the most blessed Sacrament , the worthie Receiuer is by his b Faith made spiritually partaker of the true and Reall Bodie and Bloud of Christ , truly and really , and of all the benefits of his Passion . Your 〈◊〉 adde a manner of this his presence , Transubstantiation , which manie denie ; and the Lutherans a manner of this presence , Consubstantiation , which more denie . If this Argument be good , then euen for this consent , it is safer communicating with the Church of England , than with the Romane or Lutheran , because all agree in this Truth , not in any other Opinion . And therefore , if you will force the Argument , to make that the safest way of Saluation , which differing parts agree on ; Why doe you not yeeld to the force of the same Argument , in the 〈◊〉 of the Sacrament , one of the most immediate meanes of Saluation , where not onely the most , but all agree ? Secondly , The other vpon the By , which helpesthis Argument , is your continuall poore Out-crie against vs , That wee cannot be saued , because wee are 〈◊〉 of the Church . Sure if I thoughtI were out , I would get in as fast as I could . But what doe you meane by Out of the Church ? Sure , out of the Romane Church . Why , but the Romane Church and the Church of England are but two distinct members of that Catholike Church , which is spread ouer the face of the Earth . Therefore Rome is not the House where the Church dwells , but Rome it selfe , as well as other particular Churches , dwells in this great Vniuersall House ; vnlesse you will shut vp the Church in Rome , as the Donatists did in Africke . I come a little lower . Rome , and other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are in this a 〈◊〉 , to whom ( 〈◊〉 Christ ) the care of the Household is committed by God the Father , and the Catholike Church , the Mother , of 〈◊〉 Christians . Rome , as an elder Sister , had a great 〈◊〉 committed vnto her in and from the prime times of the Church , and to her Bishop in her : but at this time ( to 〈◊〉 passe manie 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 formerly beene in the House ) England , and some other Sisters of hers , are fallen out in the House . What then ? Will the Father and the Mother , God and the Church , 〈◊〉 one Child out , because another is angrie with it ? Or when did Christ giue that Power to the Elder Sister , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and her 〈◊〉 , the Bishop there , should thrust out what Child 〈◊〉 pleased ? Especially when shee her selfe is 〈◊〉 accused to haue giuen the offence , that is taken in the House ? Or will not both Father and Mother be sharper to her for this vniust and vnnaturall vsage of her younger Sisters , but their 〈◊〉 Children ? Nay , is it not the next way to make them 〈◊〉 her out of doores , that is so 〈◊〉 to the rest ? It is well for all Christian men , and Churches , that the Father and Mother of them are 〈◊〉 so 〈◊〉 , as some would haue them . And Saluation need not be feared of any 〈◊〉 Child , 〈◊〉 outing from the Church ; because this Elder 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are discouered in the House , and 〈◊〉 growne 〈◊〉 for it to them that complayned . But as Children crie when they are awaked , so doe you , and 〈◊〉 with all that come 〈◊〉 you . And b 〈◊〉 confesses , That yee were in 〈◊〉 dead sleepe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 much 〈◊〉 , when the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you . Now if you can prooue , that Rome is 〈◊〉 the Catholike Church it selfe ( as you commonly call it ) speake out and 〈◊〉 it . In the meane time you may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too , if you will ; and it seemes you doe : for here you forget 〈◊〉 what the B. said to you . 〈◊〉 . The doubting Person ( said the B. to me ) may be better saued in it , than you . B. 〈◊〉 ( that is , easier ) than you ; than 〈◊〉 man , that knowes so much of Truth , and opposes against it , as you and your 〈◊〉 doe . How farre you know Truth , other men may iudge by your proofes , and causes of Knowledge ; but how 〈◊〉 you oppose it when it is knowne , that is within , and no man can know , but God and your selues . Howsoeuer , where the Foundation is but held , there for a ordinarie men , it is not the 〈◊〉 of vnderstanding , but the simplicitie of beleeuing , that makes them safe . For Saint Augustiue speakes there of men in the Church ; and no man can be simply said to be out of the visible Church , that is baptized , and holds the Foundation . And as it is the simplicitie of beleeuing , that makes them safe , yea safest ; so is it sometimes a quicknesse of vnderstanding ; that louing it selfe and some by respects too well , makes men take vp an vnsafe way about the Faith. So that there is no question , but manie were saued in corrupted times of the Church , when their b Leaders , vnlesse they repented before death , were lost . And Saint Augustines c Rule will be true , That in all Corruptions of the Church , there will euer be a difference betweene an Heretike and a plaine well-meaning man , that is mis-led , and beleeues an Heretike . I pray you Marke this , and so by Gods grace will I. For our Reckoning will bee heauier , if wee mis-lead on eytherside , than theirs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vs. But I see I must looke to my selfe , for you are secure : For , F. Dr White ( said I ) hath secured me , that none of our Errors be damnable , so long as wee hold them not against our Conscience . And I hold none against my Conscience . B. It seemes then you haue two Securities , Dr Whites Assertion , and your Conscience . What Assurance Dr White 〈◊〉 you , I cannot tell of my selfe ; nor as things stand , may I rest vpon your Relation : It may be you vse him no better than you doe the Bishop . And sure it is so : For I haue since spoken with Dr White , and hee auowes this , and no other Answere . Hee was asked in the conferense betweene you , Whether Popish Errors were Fundamentall ? To 〈◊〉 hee gaue 〈◊〉 , by distinction of the persons which held and professed the Errors : namely , That the Errors were Fundamentall , reductiue , by a Reducement , if they which embraced them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adhere to them , hauing sufficient 〈◊〉 to be better enformed : nay further , that they were materially , and in the verie kind and nature of them , Leauen , Drosse , Hay , and Stubble . Yet hee thought withall , that such as were mis-led by Education , or long Custome , or over-valuing the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 Church , and did in 〈◊〉 of heart embrace them , might by their generall 〈◊〉 , and Faith in the Merit of Christ , attended with Charitie 〈◊〉 other Vertues , find mercie at Gods hands . But that hee should say Signanter , and expressely , That none eyther of yours , or your fellowes 〈◊〉 , were damnable , so long as you hold them not against Conscience ; that hee vtterly disauowes . You deliuered nothing , to 〈◊〉 such a Confession from him . And for your selfe , hee could obserue but small loue of Truth , few signes of Grace in you ( as hee tells mee : ) Yet hee will not presume to iudge you , or your Saluation ; it is the Word of Christ that must iudge you , as the latter Day . For your Conscience , you are the happier in your Error , that you hold nothing against it ; especially , if you speake not against it , while you say so . But this no man can know , but your Conscience : For no man knowes the thoughts of a man , but the spirit of a man that is within him ; to which I leaue you . But yet you leaue not : For you tell me , F. The ( doubting partie ) asked , Whether shee might be saued in the Protestants Faith ? Vpon 〈◊〉 Soule ( said the B. ) you may . Vpon my Soule ( said I ) there is but one sauing Faith , and that is the Romane . B. So ( it seemes ) the B. was confident for the Faith professed in the Church of England ; else hee would not haue taken the Saluation of another vpon his Soule . And sure hee had reason of his Confidence . For to beleeue the Scripture , and the Creeds ; to beleeue these in the sense of the antient Primitiue Church ; to receiue the foure great Generall Councels , so much magnified by Antiquitie ; to beleeue all Points of Doctrine , generally receiued as Fundamentall , in the Church of Christ ; is a Faith , in which to liue and die , cannot but giue Saluation . And therefore the B. went vpon a sure ground , in the aduenture of his Soule vpon that Faith. Besides , in all the Points of Doctrine that are controuerted betweene vs. I would faine see anie one Point , maintained by the Church of England , that can bee prooued to depart from the Foundation . You haue manie dangerous Errors about it , in that which you call the Romane Faith. But there I leaue you , to looke to your owne Soule , and theirs whom you seduce . Yet this is true too , That there is but one sauing Faith. But then euerie thing which you call De Fide , Of the Faith , because some Councell or other hath defined it , is not such a breach from that one sauing Faith , as that hee which expressely beleeues it not , nay , as that hee which beleeues the contrarie , is excluded from Saluation . And a Bellarmine is forced to graunt this , There are manie things , de Fide , which are not absolutely necessarie to Saluation . b Therefore there is a Latitude in Faith , especially in reference to Saluation . To set a Bound to this , and strictly to define it , Iust thus farre you must beleeue in euerie particular , or incurre Damnation , is no worke for my Penne. These two things I am sure of : One , That your peremptorie establishing of so manie things , that are remote Deductions from the Foundation , hath with other Errors , lost the Peace and Vnitie of the Church ; for which you will one day answere . And the other , That you are gone further from the Foundation of this one sauing Faith , than can euer bee prooued wee haue done . But to conclude , you tell vs , F. Vpon this and the precedent Conferences , the Ladie rested in iudgement fully satisfied ( as shee told a confident friend ) of the Truth of the Romane Churches Faith. Yet vpon frailetie , and feare to offend the King , shee yeelded to goe to Church : For which , shee was after verie sorrie , as some of her friends can testifie . B. This is all personall . And how that Honourable Ladie is settled in Conscience , how in Iudgement , I know not . This ( I thinke ) is made cleare enough , That that which you said in this and the precedent Conferences , could settle neyther , vnlesse in some that were settled , or setting before . As little doe I know , what shee told anie Friend of the Romane Cause : No more , whether it were frailetie , or feare , that made her yeeld to goe to Church ; nor how sorrie shee was for it ; nor who can testifie that sorrow . This I am sure of ; If shee repent , and God forgiue her other sinnes , shee will farre more easily bee able to answere for her comming to Church , than shee will for the leauing of the Church of England , and following the Superstitions and Errors which the Romane Church hath added in point of Faith , and worship of God. I pray God giue her Mercie , and all of you a Light of his Truth , and a Loue to it first ; that you may no longer be made Instruments of the Popes boundlesse Ambition , and this most vnchristian braine-sicke Deuice , That in all Controuersies of the Faith hee is infallible , and that by way of Inspiration and Prophesie , in the Conclusion which hee giues . To due consideration of this , and Gods Mercie in Christ , I leaue you . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A15082-e370 Optat. lib. 3. c. Parmen . Aug. c. Cresc . lib. 3. ca. 51. Isid. d. sum . bon . lib. 3. ca. 53. Aug. Epist. 48. ad Vincent . Idem , Ep. 52. ad Macedon . Idem , Ep. 61. ad Dulcit . Euseb. Hist. Eccles . li. 10. ca. 9. Et d. vit . Const. li. i. ca. 37. Ministrorum Dei coegit Concilium , lib. 2. c. 43. lib. 3. ca. 6 , 10 , 12 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 23. Interdum 〈◊〉 quae ad Ecclesiarum Dei commodū spectabant prescribendo . & ib. ca. 63. & lib. 4. c. 14. c. 18. Festos dies instituit , ca. 22 , 23 , 27. Episcoporū Decreta cōfirmauit . Theoderit . Hist. Eccles . li. 1. cap. 7. August . d. Ciu. Dei , li. 5. c. 25. Tertul. ad Scap. ca. 2. Cyril , c. Iulian. Praef. ad Theodos . Angel. Politian . li. d. Polit. Disciplina . Iacob ' primus , M. Britanniae Rex , omni laude maior , eminet adeo , vt cum Salomone sapiaetissimo diuinitus judicato , certare poste videatur , de humanarū & diuinarū rerum scientia . Exod. 25.4 . Notes for div A15082-e1940 2. Reg. 14.17 . Sicut Angelus Dei sic est Dominus meus Rex . a Aug. c. Iulian. Pelag l. 1. c. 5. Ap. Bign . in Biblioth . to . 4. Funiculus triplex difficilè rumpitur Ecclesiast . ca. 4. 12. Rom. 13. 1. Rom. 13. 5. Colloquiū de secretis Iesuitarum . Decretum 101. Cong . Sanctae general . & Con. 12. eiusdem & in monitis generalibus , §. 18. Decret . 57. & Can. In regulis communibus Reg , 41. In regulis concionatorum . In Constitutionibus . In Instructionibus . Cor Regis in manu Domini , 〈◊〉 . ca. 〈◊〉 . v. 1. 〈◊〉 reporteth Petrus Matthew , Historiographer of France . a Cyril . Chat. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Ireneus , li. 3. ca. 15. Suasorius & verisimilis est , exquirens 〈◊〉 Error , sine fuco autem , est 〈◊〉 . Pers. Sat. 2. a Zabarel . d. Schism . Quidam summi Pontifices qui magis ad modum 〈◊〉 Princepum quam Apostolorum Ecclesiam rexerunt , &c. Math. Paris . Chron. pa. 507. Dicit Rex ( Henricus 3 ) nec volo nec audeo , Domino Papae in aliquibus contradicere . b Hilar. c. Aurent . c Aug. d. ver . Relig. cap. 45. d Polyb. Hist. li. 4. pa. 300. a Bosius . d. sig . Eccles. lib. 16. cap. 10. Scriptura non refertur inter huiusmodi Principia . b Papir . Mascon . d. Episc. vrbis . li , 5. in Bonifac. 8. Prestitit plenam omnium debitorum remissionem , eis , qui limina Apostolorum inuisissent . Quo anno ingens concursus , &c. Ioh. villaneus se testem facit , auri & diuitiarum , quas Pontifex , populusque Rom. illo anno congescêre . c 〈◊〉 vita Francifci Assis. cap. 6. Caeca obedientia vt quis sit sicut corpus sine anima quod requiescit vbi quis posuerit sine motu . d Math. Pans Chron. in Henrico 1. pa. 56. Scdis 〈◊〉 quae nulli deesse consueuit dummodo albi aliquid vel rubei intercedat . a Euseb. vita . Constantin . lib. 2. cap. 6. Socrat. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 3. 〈◊〉 . Hist. lib. 1. cap. 15. & lib. 6. cap. 25. Chrysoft . sup . 1. cap. Ep. ad Galath . Hanc ob causam deridiculo facti sumus , & Gentibus & Iudaeis , dum Ecclesia in mille partes scinditur . b Reade heereafter in 〈◊〉 Booke , pa. 151. Zabaril . d. Scys . pa. 542. Olim Imperator congregabat Concilium . c Read. pa. 8. & pag. 37. a Iren. 〈◊〉 . 3. ca. 5. Quis autem medicus volens curare aegrotum , faciet secundum 〈◊〉 aegrotantis & non secundum quod aptum est medicinae . b Aug. c. Donat . post . Collat. ca. 15. Quasi Episcoporum Concilia Scripturis Canonicis fuerint aliquando comparata . c Drieds . d. Dog. Eccles. li. 2. pa. 58. Generale Concilium , Papae , Cardinalium Episcoporum in Scripturis Propheticis intelligendis & exponendis non est nunc tantae Authoritatis ; quantae fuerat olim Apostolorum Collegium . d Read. pag. 154. & 155. Cusanus , Occham , Panormitan , Almain , forus , Cassander . a Greg. Val. in 3. p. Tho. Disp. 1. q. 1. punct . 7. §. 41. Siue Pontifex in definicndo , studium adhibeat , 〈◊〉 non adhibeat , modo Controuersiam definiat , certè 〈◊〉 definiet . Azor. Instit. Mor. to . 2. lib. 5. cap. 5. q. 3. Si absque Concilio vllo & diligentia rem 〈◊〉 , an t 〈◊〉 definiat , Spiritum fanctum sibi assistentem peculiariter habet ne labatur & erret , &c. 〈◊〉 ; d. sig . Eccles. lib. 16. cap. 10. Scriptura non refertur inter eiusmodi principia , quamuis illa sancta & sacra dicatur . Ibid. Siue fidem spectes , sine qua impossibile est placere Deo , siue Charitatem 〈◊〉 prima est virtus , Non ad libros , sed ad Ecclesiam membraque eius est confugiendum . Ibid. Ipsa Ecclesia propter Arctissimam cum Deo conjunctionem , non veritati inuititur , sed veritas inuititur Ecclesiae . Stapleton , Relect. Contr. 5. q. z. ar . 1. ad . 3. Ecclesia vt corpus & singula membra significat , aedificatur super Apostolos & Prophetas , id est super Doctrinam & praedicationem eorum : Non autem Ecclesia , vt capita & magistros significat . Illorum enim Fundamentum quatenus talium , est Spiritus Christi illis promissus , non autem praedicatio quam faciunt , aut Doctrina quam tradunt , pag. 506. 〈◊〉 . Metamorph. lib. 1. Notes for div A15082-e5000 a Occham Dial. part . 1. li. 5. ca. 23. Omnis Ecclesia extra quam potest esse salus potest contrà fide m errare , extrà Ecclesiā autèm Romanam potest esse salus , quēadmodum post ascensionem Christi fuit salus antequam Romana Ecclesia inchoaretur . b AEneas Siluius Epist. 288. Ante Concilium Nicenum quisque sibi viuebat , & paruus respectus habebatur ad Ecclesiam Romanam . c Maior 4. d. 24. q. 3. Indi & Christiani in alijs locis seperati si reliqua ad fidem necessaria crederent , nescij quod Romanus pontifex , fit caput Ecclesiae durum est dicere quod sint in statu damnationis . d Alchasar Commentar . in Apoc. ca. 20 ver . 1 , 2 , 3. Annot. 3. Sect. 9. p. 881. Antequam nuptiae cum Romana Ecclesia per receptam publicae Christianae fidei consuetudinem celebrarentur , &c. minus frequens cum Roma Communio satis fuit . Francisc. Picus . Mitandul . Theorem . 8. Quod si quis fortè obijciat non videri sibi sanctos illos priscos pontificem veneratos 〈◊〉 fuisse vt primas illi in vniuersa Ecclesia palàm publiceque concesserint , sed nequè ad eum pro ambiguis controuerfisquè fidei rebus , sciscitatum semper miserint , imò & in faciem restiterint atque in scribendis Epistolis non secus cos ac alium quemquam Episcoporum honorare visi sunt respondendum censeo priscae illius Ecclesiae , simplicitatem fuisse in causa &c. Et addi forraffè poterit temporaria illa bona quae nune Ecclesiastici homines possident occasionem dedisse &c. Illud etiam subdendum quod occupata 〈◊〉 in rebus Ecclesis , non erat otium de Summi Pontificis primatu curiosè perquirere disputareque , &c. e August . d. Doctr. Christ. li. 2. c. 9. In ijs quae aperte in Scriptura posita sunt , inueniuntur illa omnia , quae continent fidem moresque viuen di , &c. Idem d. 〈◊〉 . Mer. & Remiss . li. 2. c. 36. Dried . d. Eccles. Dogm . li. 2. c. 3. fol. 60. Gerson . d. vit . Spirit . Lect. 2. Coral . 7. & de Seas . Script . propos . 9. Bellarm. d. verb. Dei li. 4. c. 11. a Franscisc . Picus , Theorem 13. iuxtà 〈◊〉 quorundam & juris interpretum aliquornm dogmata , fieri posset vt Rom. Ecclesia quae particularis Ecclesia est contrà 〈◊〉 distincta , in side aberraret . b Haimo & Lyra super Math. 16. Glesia Gratian. Causa 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 1. cap. Omnibus consid . Super hanc petra id est , Christum . 〈◊〉 . sup . Ephes. 2. 〈◊〉 . 20. Super hane petram , id est , super me aedificabo Ecclesiam meam . c August . d. verb. Dom. Serm. 13. Idem sup . Ioh. 〈◊〉 . 124. Orig. sup 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Ambr. Epist. 38. 〈◊〉 in Luc. li. 6. ca 9 〈◊〉 . Galath . ca. 1. & sup . Math. Hom. 55. & 83. 〈◊〉 . d. Trin. li. 2. & 6. Gregor . li. 3. Epist. 33. 〈◊〉 in Ioh. c. 21. The 〈◊〉 22. q. 174. ar . 6. Stella in Luc. 9. Concil . Basil. pa. 145. 〈◊〉 Contr. Schol. 3. d Aug. sup . Psal. 60. vt 〈◊〉 Ecclesia super petram , qui factus est petra , 〈◊〉 andi 〈◊〉 , petra 〈◊〉 erat Christus , in illo ergo aedificati 〈◊〉 . e Occham Dial. li. 1. c. 4. part . 1. Dried . d. Dog Eccles. li. 2. 〈◊〉 . 58 Generale Concilium Pape , Cardinalium , Episcoporum , Doctorum , in Scripturis propheticis 〈◊〉 , non est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 authoritatis quantae fucrit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Collegium . a Aug. sup . Epist. Ioh. tr . 3. Chrys. sup . Ro. Hom. 30. Greg. Mor. l. 18. c. 14. 〈◊〉 . Offic. l. 1. c. 23. Vincent . Lir. c. Haer. c. 41. b Dried . d. Eccles . Dog. li. 2. ca. 3. pa. 58. Glossa Interlin . sup . Math. 16. v. 18. Turrecrem . Sum. d. Eccles. li. 2. ca. 91. Alphons . Castro . d. punit . Haer. li. 1. c. 5 c Lorca . 22ae . Disp. 37. n. 15. Bellarm . d. verb. Dei li. 4. c. 9. Nihil est de fide nisi quod Deus per Apostolos aut Prophetas reuelauit . d Panormit . in 5. Decret . d. Sent. Excom . ca. 28. Iuditium Dei , veritati quae nec fallit nec fallitur semper 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliquandò sequitur 〈◊〉 quae saepèfallit & 〈◊〉 . e Mych . Medin . d. Rect. in Deum fid . li. 5. c. 11. f 〈◊〉 . d. Pontif . li. 4. 〈◊〉 . Carbo . 〈◊〉 . Theol. li. 4. c. 18 & li. 5. c. 8. Ex 〈◊〉 Coneilijs 〈◊〉 illa sunt ni fuerint approbatione 〈◊〉 munita , nullum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnia hujus generis 〈◊〉 in omnibus errare possunt . g Greg. li. 6. 〈◊〉 . 37. 〈◊〉 multisint Apostoli pro ipso tamen principatu sola Apostolorum principis sedes , in authoritate conualult , quae in tribus locis 〈◊〉 est . Ipse enim sublimauit sedem in qua etiam quiescere & presentem vitam finire 〈◊〉 est . Ipse 〈◊〉 sedem in qua Euangelistam 〈◊〉 misit , ipse firmauit sedem in qua septem annis 〈◊〉 discessurus sedit . Cum ergò vnius atquèvna sit sedes cui ex authoritate diuina tres nunc Episcopi praesidét 〈◊〉 de vobis boni audio , hoc mihi imputo . h Occham Dial. p. 1. li. 2. c. 4. Sancti stante charitate possunt veritatem &c. Error qui 〈◊〉 non habet , non obuiat sanctitati . i Aug. Psalm . 45. Erit in 〈◊〉 dicbus 〈◊〉 mons Domini , sed 〈◊〉 mons super alios montes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Quià & Apostoli montes , portantes hunc montem . a Francisco Picus Orat. ad . Leo 10. Cerrè exiquus Dei cultus nulla bene viuendi ratio atque institutio , nullus pudor , nulla modestia , justitia vel in odium vel in gratiam declinauit , pietas in superstitioné penè procubuit palamquè in 〈◊〉 hominú ordmibus 〈◊〉 , &c. Sacras aedes & templa Lenonibus & Catamytis commissa quam nesarijs lupis optimi pastoris ouilia demandata &c. b 1. Tim 4 , 1 , 2. 2. Thess. 2 , 2. c Greg. Vat. 3. pa. 187. Errorum Schysmatum , persecutionum fluctibus ita agitari potest vt imperitis sit 〈◊〉 difficilis 〈◊〉 exteriorem pompam habeat . Praefat. O G ad orat . Francise . Pic. Mirandul . Cum infiniti abusus Schysmata quoque & Haereses per totum nunc Christianum orbem inualescant . Laurent . Iustinian . d. Compunct . 575. Declinauerunt prorsus omnes Ecclesiae status : qui spiritualia sunt corporis Christi membra : ex quibus nonnulli alienati sunt ab vtero matris suae , & loquuntur falsa : aliqui verò abierunt retrorsum , carnis defideria sectantes , seipsos amantes , & temporalia lucra quaerentes , honorum cupidiscelesti adulteri & miseri . Ista namque vigent , nedum in inferioribus , verum etiàm in mediocribus , & sublimioribus membris adeo vt confusa videantur vniuersa vt à planta pedis vsque ad verticem capitis , in hoc corpore spiritualis , non appare at sanitas &c. Petrus Leidens . Epist. ad Clement . 7. antè opera Dionis . Carthus . Quid in Ecclesia non est 〈◊〉 , quid non corruptum , quid non inuersum ? quid inter Ecclesiasticos integrum hodiè 〈◊〉 &c. d 〈◊〉 . d. Eccles . li. 3 c. 2. Ecclesia est caetus hominum ita visibilis & palpabilis , vt est 〈◊〉 populi Romani , 〈◊〉 Galliae , 〈◊〉 Respub . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 c. Brent . li. 3. pag. 155. a 〈◊〉 Def. li. d. Offic. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pa. 815. In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 vniuersam immeritò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 multos esse pios viros non minore quam quisquam ipsorum praese serat , reformanda Ecclesiae studio & 〈◊〉 & superstitionum odio 〈◊〉 . Non ad Scripturas prouocandum nec in eis constituendum , certamen in quibus nulla aut parum certa 〈◊〉 , Tertul. in praescript . ca. 19 b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d. 〈◊〉 in Epist. Dedic . 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 in se , & 〈◊〉 , vt 〈◊〉 quoddam est , sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 solum , visibilem 〈◊〉 negamus : Et quod hic 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 , id in suis partibus personis , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 visibile affirmamus esse . Nec posse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 : sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est , sic esse in se , ac inter suos & Antiochi , & aliorum temporibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Acts 1 , 13. &c. 12 , 12. &c. 〈◊〉 . Pollidor . d. Inuent . 〈◊〉 li. 5. c. 6. b Occham Dial. li. 5. ca. 34. Fides Cath , Christi poterit remanere in Catholicis dispersis & latitantibus in terris ab infidelibus occupatis &c. Turrian . 22. Disp. 2. Dub. 4. Conditio aliquandò non est immediata propositio per Ecclesiam sed vel per Concionatorem vel parentes , qui docent filios . c Acost . d. Proc. Ind. Sal. lib. 2. ca. 9. Ecclesiasticae historiae narrant tempore Constantini magni , totam Iberiam prouinciam quae est Armeniae proxima Christianae mulieris captiuae opera & signis ad Christum esse conuersam . d Libauius c. Gretser . Triumph . c. 13. pa. 103. mansit aliqua lux verbi Dei vt Euangelij lectiones , Symbola , Oratio Dominica & Baptismi substantialia &c. Gomar . Spec. ver . Eccles. pa. 201. Compertum est etiam nunquam in Papatu tam densas 〈◊〉 tenebras , quin aliqua fuerit publica in templis Euangelij lectio , & promissionum Euangelij pro concione quamuis adjunctis erroribus repetitio & 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 mirandum complures Dei spiritu adjunante ad 〈◊〉 fidem praeteritis quasi surda aure expositionum vestrarum corruptelis Euangelij voce conuersos . e Hieron . Sup. Nah. cap. 3. In aduentu ergo Christi & Sermonis Dei & Doctrinae 〈◊〉 & consummationis Niniue speciocissimae quondam meritricis : eleuabitur & properabit 〈◊〉 , qui sub magistris ante fuerat consopitus , & ibit and montes Scripturarum : ibique inueniet Montes Moysen , & Iesum filium Naue Montes Prophetas , Montes Noui Testamenti Apostolos & Euangelistas , & cum ad tales Montes confugerit & in hujusmodi montium fuerir lectione versatus si non inuenerit qui eum doceat , messis enim multa operarij autem pauci tunc & illius studium comprobabitur 〈◊〉 confugerit ad Montes & Magistrorum defidia coarguetur . Espenc . Com. in Epist. Tit. c. 2. pa. 259. Nonne videtur tum Propheta , tum interpres nostri 〈◊〉 , & Pastorum filentium ne 〈◊〉 ignauiam & populi ante cum eis consopiti , quasi è graui somno excitati studium & ad Sctipturas tum audiendas tum legendas 〈◊〉 alacritatem praedicere & quasi digito indicare . a Euseb. vit . Constant . lib. 2. c. 71. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Socrat. Hist. Eccles. lib. 1. c. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b 〈◊〉 Dial. p. 3 tr . 1. lib. 3. ca. 6. 〈◊〉 . Cyzicen . in Acta . Concil . Nicen . pa. 2. c Exquifitis legis diuinae testimonijs . Dist. 15. c. 1. 〈◊〉 . d Quandò haec dicit Haereticus nos à Sancta Scriptura 〈◊〉 proferamus 〈◊〉 enim 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 inimicorum Regis 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Orgelit . in Cantic . 〈◊〉 hac Sancta Scriptura omnis armatura 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . d. Diu. Nom. c. 〈◊〉 . Nos 〈◊〉 Scriptura , quasi norma & luce adhibita , constanter ad 〈◊〉 nostra , pro 〈◊〉 parte 〈◊〉 . a Chrys. Gen. 〈◊〉 . 37. Christus praecepit dioens scrutemini Scripturas , vt nòn tantùm 〈◊〉 lectioni vacemus sed indagatis profundis , verum sensum 〈◊〉 percipere valeamus , &c. b Francisc. Pic. Theo. 18. Persuasissimum nobis esse debet 〈◊〉 modò eos qui Doctiores , sed & 〈◊〉 sunt clarius & exquisitius caeteris , veritatem agnoscere & agnitam 〈◊〉 &c. Quis enim ambigat , 〈◊〉 hominem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 committere , quem probatae perspectaeque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quam qui bonitatis expers aut indigus , doctrina 〈◊〉 pollet . Et D. Ambros. de paradiso 〈◊〉 : neminem debere se alteri credere , nisi 〈◊〉 virtutem probauerit . c Tert. cont . 〈◊〉 . cap. 22. 〈◊〉 Hermogenes scriptum esse , si non est scriptum timeat 〈◊〉 illud , adijcientibus aut detrahentibus destinatum . a 〈◊〉 Cum ex Scripturis 〈◊〉 in accusationem 〈◊〉 ipsarum Scripturarum quafi non rectè se habeant , nequè fint ex authoritate &c. Iren. li. 3. ca. 2. b Tertul. d. Praescript . c. 17. Ista Haetefis non recipit quasdam Scripturas : Et si quas recipit adiectionibus & detractionibus ad 〈◊〉 instituti sui 〈◊〉 , & fi recipit non recipit integras & si aliqua tenùs integras praestat , nihilomin ' diuersas expositiones commentata conuertit . c Tertul. d. Praescr . c. 7. & C. Marc. li. 5. c. 19. Chrys. prol . sup . 1. Corinth . Hieron . sup . Esa. c. 19. & 〈◊〉 . sup . Daniel . d Cum autem ad eam iterum Traditionem , quae est ab Apostolis quae per successiones presbiterorum in Ecclesus custoditur , prouocamus eos , aduersantur Traditioni . e Euenit itaque nequè Scripturis iam nequè Traditioni eos consentire . f Greg. val . 〈◊〉 . 3. Disp. 1. p. 1. pa. 36. Reuelatio diuina & propositio infallibilis Ecclesiae , non minus obscura nobis est quam quilibet alius Articulus fidei credendus . g Caluin Institut . li. 4. c. 1. num . 10. Whitak . Duplic . li. 1. c. 9. Christi Ecclesiam summa veneratione prosequimur , & authoritatem Ecclesie libenter amplectimur : & 〈◊〉 Christianum nunquam esse arbitrabor , qui testimonium & iuditium Ecclesiae nihili fecerit . h 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Fid. 2d Gratian . 〈◊〉 . Hist. Eccles. l. 1. c. 7. Socrat . Hist. Eccles. l. 1. c. 6. Greg. lib. 1. Ep. 24. 〈◊〉 Walden . to . 1. li. 2. c. 20. De quatuor conciliis magnis quod Gregorius ea videtur comparare 〈◊〉 , non autem comparar sed similitudinem quandam insinuat 〈◊〉 in Enangelio Christus , 〈◊〉 perfectificut 〈◊〉 vester coelest . Matth. 5. i 〈◊〉 . d. Bapt. l. 1. c. 7. &c. 18. & l. 2. c. 8. D. Andr. C. Apolog. Bellarm. c. 14. Date nobis 〈◊〉 legitimè congregata & procedentia in corum sententiam imus statim . Occham . Dialog . part . 3. l. 3. c. 13. a 〈◊〉 . Epist. ad Micon . Chemnic . Examin . Concil . Trid. part . 1. pag. 78. Caluin . Commentar . Act. 8. ver . 31. Praefat. to BB. Iewells workes last edit . D. Andr. BB. Winch. c. Apolog . Belarm . c. 14. pa. 333. 〈◊〉 Respon . ad Perion . pa. 20. 〈◊〉 . d. Colloq . Ratisbon . pa. 182. Herbrand . Disp. 41. n. 16. Meisuer . Excub . pa. 43. b Serran . Apparat. ad Fid. Cath. Summa quidem Dei eiusquè Scripturae authoritas est : verum sua quoquè Ecclesiae iurisdictio , constat sua authoritas . c D. Bilson . Gouern. of the Church , ca. 13. pa. 280. Meisner . Excub . Papist . pa. 175. Si omnes ab Apostolis per omnia secula patres primarium quoddam & maximè controuersum Scripturae dictum in quo articulus aliquis fidei Christianae fundatur 〈◊〉 modo adeoquè pleno & vnanimi conseusu exposuerint , tùm sanè ab ista conformi patrum expositione , non est recedendum , meritoquè suspectus esse debet omnis ille sensus , qui tanto patrum consensui directo opponitur . b 〈◊〉 . d. 〈◊〉 . Cred. c. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sapienti quis 〈◊〉 sed id nunc 〈◊〉 vt sapientes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 d. Sacr. Doct. & Deo. l. 1. tr . 2. c. 1. d. fid . form . Disp. 3. Sect. 12. n. 13. 〈◊〉 potest ex humana authoritate generari quandam fidem humanam , praeuiam ad fidem infusam , non tanquam fundamentum vel rationem formalem eius , sed tanquá conditionem , & applicationem obiecti . p. 135. c Joseph . Antiq. Iud. l. 18. c. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Euseb. Eccles. Hist. l. 3. c. 21. Cum trium Euangelistarum Scripta ad sanctos iam , & ad ipsum quoque Iohanne 〈◊〉 probasse quidem 〈◊〉 , & veritatis illis dedisse testimonium . b Anton. Perez . Pentateuch . Fid. vol. 3. Dub. 10. c. 9. Comparatione buius ( Scripturae ) testimonium Ecclesiae dici quodammodo potest testimonium bominum vtpote quod in rigore sermonis non obtineat 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 ad rationem verbi Dei. pag 55. col . 2. c 〈◊〉 . l. 12. c. 3. d e f 〈◊〉 . 22. q. 1. Disput. 2. Dub. 3. Fides acquisita semper resoluitur in bumanum . Canus . loc . l. 2. c. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per fidem acquisitam ita quin formidemus eum possevel 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Picus Mirandul . Theorem . 3. sub esse potest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 , Deo 〈◊〉 , sed . a b c d e f g a 1. 〈◊〉 . Prol. ar . 2. Ibid. Giner . pa. 9. 〈◊〉 . ab Incarnat . Lect. 3. p. 20. Polla . sup . Scot. q. 2. discurs . 2. p. 14. b c d e f g h a Si 〈◊〉 vnde cognoscat propositionem Ecclesiae esse infallibilem , dicat se , &c. credere fide infallibili , tùm ob reuelationem Scripturae testimonium perhibentis Ecclesiae , &c. b Dried . d. Eccles . Dcgm. l. 4. part . 3. c. 4. De Ecclesia 〈◊〉 nùnc est intelligendo eam vt praecisam & abstractam seu nudam , &c. diceret Aug. Ego huius Ecclesiae homines non agnoscerem esse Ecclesiam Christi , nisi doceret me 〈◊〉 Euangelistarum authoritas . fol. 239. c 〈◊〉 . Tripl . c. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vt Ecclesiae credamus , nòn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 authoritate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in genere causae 〈◊〉 ) huius fidei nostrae causa : sed partìm ex Scripturis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , partìm ex ipso fidei Symbolo &c. d Si quid dicitur absque Scriptura , auditorum cogitatio 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 annuens , nunc 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , interdùm vt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 vbi è Scriptura diuinae vocis prodijt testimonium , & loquentis sermonem , & . August . sup . Psalm . 67. Dormire intèr medios cleros est in 〈◊〉 Testamenti authoritate 〈◊〉 , vt quandò aliquid ex hijs . Oreg . Arimin . 1. d. z. q. 1. Ar. 4. Merè credendū est , quod contenta in sacra Scriptura sucrunt à Christo reuclata . Per nullam enim viam hoc scimus , nisi quia hoc credit Ecclesia , & sic audiuimus à patribus nostris , & sic in praedicta Scriptura 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Chrysoft . sup . Rom. Hom. 1. Quod autèm in Epistola quae ad Hebraeos est hunc Epistolaré adiungendi nominis modum non seruauit singulari factum est prudendentia . Quandoquidem enim Hebraei non erant amico erga paulum animo , ne statim à principio nomen illius audientes , toti Epistolae aditum praecluderent , sapientèr illi visum est suppresso authoris nomine illorum allicere auditum . b Aug. Epist. 3. quasi amicus familiaris sine fuco ad cor loquitur doctorū & indoctorum . Serranus , Appar . ad fid . Catholic . pa. 51. Ea vis est Scripturae à Deo inspiratae , vt Dei majestas in ca eluceat . Etpa . 55. Lux sua se vi , ipsam prodit . c Aug. c. Faust. li. 28. c. 4. 〈◊〉 . Apolog . Aug. Ep. 11. Ireneus lib. 3. prol . Prosola vera & viuifica fide quam ab Apostolis Ecclesiae accepit & distribuit filijs suis. Etenim Dominus 〈◊〉 dedit Apostolis suis potestatem Euangelij per quos veritatem hoc est filij doctrinam 〈◊〉 , &c. 228. d Greg. Val. Analis . fid . li. 5 c. 8. Read before pag. 28. e 〈◊〉 . d. Lazaro . hom . 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 com . Theol. li. 1. tr . 7. ca. 2. n. 3. itaque qui de hoc Canone 〈◊〉 , excludendus à Theologia , quià aberrat ab ostio , ficut ij qui in scientijs negant principia . a 〈◊〉 . d. Vetbo Dei l. 1. c. 2. Cum sacra Scriptura regula credendi certissima 〈◊〉 fit . Lib. 4. c. 11. Dico illa omnia scripta esse ab Apostolis quae sunt omnibus necessaria & quae ipsi palam omnibus vulgo praedicanetunt . Idem . Clarissima testimonia Scripturae anteponenda sunt omnibus conciliorum 〈◊〉 . b Gregor . Valenc . tom . 3. q. 1. disp . 1. punct . 7. pa. 194. Aug. li. d. pastor . c. 13. & Ep. 48. & Epist. 166. & d. vnit . Ecclesiae c. 3. & 4 & 16. 〈◊〉 . Imperf . Math. 〈◊〉 . 49. Qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae sit vera Ecclesia , vnde cognoscat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per Scripturas . Iren. li. 3. c. 11. 〈◊〉 . sum . li. 3. tr . 3. ca. 3. Si queritur quare credis hoc vel illud , non est 〈◊〉 vnica responsio , scilicet , quia ita docet prima veritas . Fides enim soli primae veritati nititur , nec 〈◊〉 medium ad probandum aliquem articulum . 〈◊〉 . d. vnit . Eccles. c. 16. Remotis ergo omnibus talibus , Ecclesiam suam demonstrent si possunt , non in sermonibus & rumoribus Afrorum , non in Concilijs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non in literis 〈◊〉 disputatorum , non in signis & prodigijs fallacibus , quia 〈◊〉 contrà ista verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 redditi 〈◊〉 , sed in praescripto legis , in Prophetarum praedictis , in Psalmorum cantibus , in ipsius pastoris vocibus , in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 , hoc est in omnibus Canonicis 〈◊〉 librorum 〈◊〉 . Ibid. 〈◊〉 vtrum ipsi : Ecclesiam reneant , non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cationicis libris ostendant , quià nec nos proptereà dicimus nobis credere oportere quòd in Ecclesia Christi sumus , quià ipsam quam tenemus commendauit Mileuitanus Optatus , vel Mediolanensis 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nostrae communionis Episcopi , aut quià 〈◊〉 Collegarum concilijs , ipsa praedicata est , aut quià per totum 〈◊〉 in locis sanctis quae frequentat nostra communio tanta mirabilia vel exauditionum vel sanitatum fiunt . a Si inuenires aliquem qui Euangelio nondum credit quid 〈◊〉 dicenti tibi non credo : ego vero non crederem nisi me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commoueret 〈◊〉 . b 〈◊〉 . c. Crescon . l. 2. c. 21. Ecclesiastici Iudices sicut homines 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . c &c. Et per concilia licere emendari , &c. a Aug. c. Ep. Manich . c. 4. Multa sunt alia , quae in eius graemio me justissime teneant . Tenet consensio populorum , atque gentium 〈◊〉 authoritas , miraculis inchoata , charitate aucta vetustate firmata , &c. apud vos vero nihil est horum , &c. sola personat veritatis pollicitatio . Quae quidem si tàm manifesta monstratur vt in dubium venire non possit preponenda est 〈◊〉 illis rebus quibus in Catholica teneor . b Scot. 3. d. 23. q. 1. Certum est quod in nobis est fides 〈◊〉 credebilium acquifita : quod patet per Aug. c. fundament . Manich , qui dicit , quod non crederet Euang. nisi crederet Ecclesiae Catholicae approbanti & authorizanti libros illos , &c. Gabr. 3. d. 23. q. 2. ar . 2. c. 1. c Canus loc . l. 2. c. 8. Negotium Augustino erat cum Manichaeis , qui absque controuersia , suo 〈◊〉 Euangelio credi volebant & Manich. fidem adstruere . Rogat 〈◊〉 August . ecquid 〈◊〉 sint si in hominem incidant qui non Euangelio quidem credat , quoue genere persuasionis sint eum in 〈◊〉 sententiam adducturi , certe se affirmat non aliter potuisse adduci vt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quam Ecclesiae authoritate victum . Non itaque docet fundatam efse Euangelij fidem in Ecclesiae authoritate , verum simpliciter 〈◊〉 efse certam viam qua Infideles siue Nouitij , in fide ad Sacros Libros 〈◊〉 , nisi Catholicae Ecclesiae vnum eundemque consensum . pa. 35. Al. Hal. 3. q. 78. memb . 2. Ratio & fides quae est ex ratione , se 〈◊〉 ad fidem gratuitam , ficut preambula dispositio ad formam . Disponit enim animam ad receptionem luminis , quo assentit primae veritati propter se , sed per modum naturae non gratiae , & dicitur ipsum in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seta 〈◊〉 & tunc ratio 〈◊〉 humana , quando ei non innititur fides introducta . d 〈◊〉 . dial . p. 1. l. 1. c. 4. Intelligitur solum . d. Ecclesia quae 〈◊〉 tempore 〈◊〉 . Gabr. lect . 〈◊〉 . can . missae D. 〈◊〉 . in sent . l. 1. q. 1. ar . 3. fol. 50. & quest . vesper vtrum Petri Ecclesia fol. 278. & 294. Can. 〈◊〉 . Colon. p. 69. Dried . d. 〈◊〉 . Eccl. l. 4. c. 4. fol. 239. Th. Wald. to 1. l. 2. c. 21. Durand . 3. d. 24.4.1 . 〈◊〉 . d. 〈◊〉 . vit . lect . 2. Coral . 7. Et hic apperitur 〈◊〉 intelligendi 〈◊〉 Aug. Euangelio non 〈◊〉 nisi me authoritas Ecclesiae compulisset . 〈◊〉 enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro congregatione fidelium , 〈◊〉 qui Christum audierunt , 〈◊〉 & ejus testes fuerunt . a Turrian . 22. disp . 2. dub . 4. Non solū inter Gentiles , sed etiam inter Christianos , antequā quis adhibeat fidem humanā , testimonio Ecclesiae , fidem adhibit Concionatori , vel parocho , &c. b Occbam . dial . part . 3. tr . 1. l. 3. c. 23. 〈◊〉 possibilis & sufficiens , quamuis non sit infallibilis . c August . d. vtilit . cred . c. 3. Voluit nescio quos corruptores 〈◊〉 librorum &c. Aug. d. 〈◊〉 . cred . c. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cóuinci potest 〈◊〉 Scripturas esse falsatas , &c. d Aug. Epist. 48. Noque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 integritas atque notitia literarum vnius quamlibet illustris Episcopi custodiri quema 〈◊〉 Scriptura Canonica 〈◊〉 linguarum 〈◊〉 & ordine & successione celebranonis Ecclesiastica custoditur , &c. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. 3.10 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Scot. prol . 1. Sent. artic . 4. & ib. Damian Giner . pa. 9. Secunda via &c. Ioh. ab Incarnatione 1. Sen. pro. q. 2. Lect. 3. pag. 20. de secundo &c. Bellar. d. ver . Dei li. 1. ca. 2. Read his words before pag. 27. b Aug. Ep. 〈◊〉 . tr . 2. Quicquid illarum Scripturarum est sonat Christū , sed si aures inueniat . Et apperuit eis sensum vt intelligerint Scripturas , &c. Ibid. tr . 3. Interior Magister est qui docet , &c. pa. 741. &c. ep . Manich. c. 14. & ep . 107. & sup . Psal. 126. & d. praedest . Sanct. c. 8. & epist. 121. in fine . c Canus loc . li. 2. ca. 8. 〈◊〉 22. q. 1. art . 1. concl . 4. pa. 12. Quantum ad formalem rationem credendi pendet nostra fides immediate a spirito Sancto illuminante mentes nostras . 〈◊〉 . Tena . Com. Heb. 11. diff . 1. sect . 5. n. 26. In genere causae efficientis reducitur assensus nostrae fidei in nostrum intellectum , vt instrumentum vitale : In 〈◊〉 verò internum , & habituale fidei vt in causam propriam & proximam , eleuantem intellectum nostrum ad 〈◊〉 assensum . 〈◊〉 d. ver . relig . li. 1. ca. 14. pag. 55. Gillius d. sacra Doctr. & essent . Dei & li. 〈◊〉 . tract . 2. ca. 2. n. 4. 〈◊〉 . Tripl . ca. 16. Ipsa diuini Spiritus in corde persuasio principalis causa & 〈◊〉 resolutio fidei 〈◊〉 est . 〈◊〉 . sup . 1. Corinth . ho. 7. Fideles per Spiritum experientiam affecuti , in absconditis virturem 〈◊〉 . Aquin. 22. q. 6. at . 1. Capreol . 3. d. 24. q. vnic . pa. 177. Arragon . 22. q. 1. ar . 1. conclus . 6. ( dicit ) fideles credere res seu misteria fidei , quià Deus illa reuelauit . Quod autém Deus illa 〈◊〉 , immediatè credere , quià interins 〈◊〉 per specialem 〈◊〉 , iuxtà illud : Qui credit in filium Dei habet restimonium Dei in se. Rich. 〈◊〉 . 2. dict . 23. q. 2. 〈◊〉 . 1. Fides non est ex auditu solo , sed principalitèr per 〈◊〉 interiorem . a Aquinas 3. d. 25. q. 2. 〈◊〉 . 3. d. 25. q. 3. Gabr. 3. d. 25. q. vnit . Notab . 2. Occham Dial. part . 2. tract . 1. c. 10. Bannes , Lorca , Turrian Malder . 22. q. 2. art . 5. Mych . Medina d. recta in Deum fid . li. 4. c. 4. & ca. 10. b Ioh. d. Colon. Ex Scoto . Cognoscere confuse , est cognoscere secundum quod exprimitur per nomen , vel in suo vniuersali tantùm . Cognoscere distinctè , est cognoscete secundum quod exprimitur per definitionem , vel per propria sua principia . c Ruffin . Eccles. Hist. 1. li. c. 9. &c. 10. Christum esse Deum Dej summi filium qui salutem hanc contulerit , docet , eumquè quem authorem suae sciret esse incollumitatis & vitae inuocandum docet &c. Adest captiua edocet Deum Christum supplicandi ritum venerandiquè modum &c. 〈◊〉 . li. 3. c. 4. a Card. Camerac . Vesper . recōmend . s. Script . Audite quaeso qualitèr super sacrae Scripturae fundamentum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 domus addificatur & insh uitur omnis Ecclesiae caetus , omnis status , omnis gradus , omnis sexus . b Gregor . 〈◊〉 . li. 30. ca. 12. Iumenta escam accipiunt dum sacrae Scripturae pabulo , mentes dudum brutae satiuntur . August . sup . Psal. 8. Ex ore infantium & lactantium perfecisti laudem , vt a fide Scripturarum inciperent , qui cupiunt ad tuae Magnificentiae notitiam peruenire . c 〈◊〉 . 3. d. 25. q. 3. Cognitio potest scire aliquid in vniuersali , & ita 〈◊〉 quòd non sciat in particulari & ità scire vno modo , & ignorare alio modo . 〈◊〉 potest esse aliquid duplicitur 〈◊〉 se , vel in alio . Alexander Hall 3. q. 82. m. 4. ar . 〈◊〉 & 2. a 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . tom . 3. sup . Thom. dip . 1. punct . 7. pag. 320. 〈◊〉 cognitio illa sacris expressa literis quam Deus 〈◊〉 Scriptoribus indidit , quamque per illos voluit caeteris scripto patefieri , velut sonorú quoddam verbum Dei est , quo is , videlicet , conceptum aeternae mentis suae , notitiamque verissimam , hominibus eloquitur atque manifestat . b Chrys. sup . 1. Cor. hom . 7. Fideles per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 assecuti , in absconditis vittutem intuentur . Arrag . 2. 2. q. 1. at . 1. c. 6. Fideles credunt res seu misteria fidei , quià Deus illa reuelauit . Quod autèm Deus illa reuelauerit , immediate credunt , quià interius mouentur per specialem instinctú , iuxta illud : Qui credit in filium Dei habet testimonium Dei in se , 2. Ioh. 5.10 . c Maclin . in 1. part . Tho. q. 1. ar . 9. Sacra Scriptura omnibus hominibus communitèr proponitur . Aquin. 1. q. 1. artic . 9. Salmeron . tom . 1. prolog . 1. pag. 3. Merito igitur vnica nobis Scriptura commendata est , ad quam ab Ecclesia Catholica atquè Orthodoxa intellecta tanquam ad lapidem Lydium probandi sunt Spiritus doctrinaequè vniuersae , non secus atquè conclusiones per sua principia & actiones per proprium finem dignoscuntur . d Li. 3. d. 23. Alex. Hall 3. q. 82. m. 4. art . 1. Ad id de mensura &c. e Greg. Nyssen vita Mosis . Mons arduus & assensu difficilis , Theologia est , cujus vix multitudo ad radices ascendere potest . Aug. d. Trin. li. 14. ca. 1. f Euseb. Hist. li. 6. c. 2. A patre attenta cura & cogitatione laboratum erat vt sacras literas vna combiberet . Fransc. Picus Theorem 23. g Bannes 22. q. 1. ar . 1. dub . 4. Quemad assentimur primis principijs naturalibus ante notitiam explicitam terminorum , assensu quodam confuso , posteà verò habita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 assentimur 〈◊〉 : Ita antequàm infundatur nobis fides assentimur confusè articulis fidei per sidem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cis qui res sidei nobis proponunt credendas , posteà verò infundente Deo 〈◊〉 jam 〈◊〉 articulis distinctè & immediatè per ipsam sidem quae illos nobis ostendir . a Gillius , d. sacra Doctr. & d. Deo li. 1. Tract . 2. c. 2. Instrumentum quoddam applicans verum motiuum authoritatis Diuinae . b Way to the Church , pa. 24. h Lactantius d. vero cultu li. 6. cap. 21. Num igitur Deus & mentis & vocis & mentis 〈◊〉 disertè loqui non potest &c. Orig. Hom. 2. in Ierem. Cedren . in Ptolomeo Philadelpho . Rex pulchritudinem sacrae Scripturae videns &c. c Ib. pag. 25. a Serran . Apar . fid . pag. 55. Lux sua se vi ipsam prodit , & in oculis perspicacibus est efficax , lucernam qui praefert lucem quidem profert , at ipse non lucet , Lucis proprium est lucere , homunis lucem proferre , Ita Scripture lux per se lucet , hominum ministerio hominibus efficax &c. Et pa. 51. Ea certè vis est Scripturae à Deo inspiratae vt Dei Maiestas in ea eluceat . b Grecè cap. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Peres . Ajala d. Trad. part . 2. pag. 11. d Canus loc . li. 2. ca. 8. e Fra. Petig . 3. d. 23. pag. 17. Fides praestat assensum reuelationi , vt 〈◊〉 , non per aliam reuelationem sed per seipsam . f Greg. li. 4. Epist . 40. Scripturam sacram Epistolam quandam esse dicimus omnipotentis Dei ad creaturam suam . 〈◊〉 . 2. Thes. hom . 3. Aug. in Psal. 90. De illa ciuitate vnde peregrinamur literae nobis venerunt , ipsae sunt Scripturae . g Aug. d. Trin. li. 6. c. 10. Alex. Hall. 3. q. 30. m. 2. ar . 3. § 2. Aquinas 1. q. 45. ar . 7. 〈◊〉 d. Ecclesia pa. 220. Fides in suo exordio adhuc languida , multis eget adminiculis donec astipuletur & submittat se Scripturis . At vbi ad maturitaté suam fuerit progressa , amplius haud perindè opus habet illis externis presidijs sed tum veritaté ex ipsamet Scriptura liquidius aspicit , internis quae in ea latent argumentis , omni humano modo sublimiorib ' ducta atque permota , atq , sic fides illa 〈◊〉 confirmata suo proprio nititur sundaméto nec fulcitur ampli ' solis externis adminiculis . a Chrys. in symb . Hom. 1. 〈◊〉 . d. Trinit . c. 1. ca. 9. ar . 9. Aug. d. Temp. Ser. 119. Chrysolog . Serm. 61. In symb . Leo. Serm. 11. d. passione Dom. Alex. Hal. 3. q. 82. m. 5. ar . 2. Creatorem caeli & terrae : à capite Scripturae accipit illud , &c. Qui conceptus est de spiritu sancto : sumitur iste articulus de Math. 1. Inuenta est habens in vtero , &c. Cassian . d. Incarnat . li. 6. c. 3. Quicquid per diuersum diuinorum voluminū corpus , immensa 〈◊〉 copia , totum in symboli colligitur breuitate perfecta . Paschas . d. spirit sancto prefat . b Tertul. praescript . c. 13. Regula est autem fidei , vt iam quid credamus profiteamur . Illa scilicet , qua creditur , vnum omninò deum effe , nec alium preter mundi crearorem , qui vniuersa de nihilo produxerit per verbum suum , primò omnium emissum . Id verbum filium eius appellatum , in nomine Dei varie visum Patriarchis , in Prophetis semper auditum , postremò delatum ex spiritu Dei Patris , & virtute in Virginem Mariam , carnem factum in vtero eius , & ex ea natum hominem , & esse Iesum Christum , exindè predicasse nouam legem , & nouam promissionem regni caelorum , virtutes fecisse , fixum cruci , tertia die refurexisse : in caelos ereptum sedere , ad dexteram Patris , misisse vicariam vim spiritus Sancti , qui credentes agat , venturum cum claritate , ad sumendos sanctos , in vitae aeternae & promissorum caelestium fructum , & ad prophanos iudicandos igni aeterno , facta vtriusque partis resuscitatione , cum carnis resurrectione . 〈◊〉 regula à Christo instituta , &c. Iren. lib. 1. c. 3. August . Enchyr. cap. 56. c Tertul. d. vel . 〈◊〉 . c. 1. Regula quidem fidei , vna omninò est , sola immobilis & irreformabilis , credendi seilicet in vnum Deum omnipotentem mundi creatorem , & filium eius Iesum Christum , natum ex Virgine Maria , crucifixum sub Pontio Pilato , terto die resuscitatum , à mortuis receptum in caelis , sedentem nunc ad dexteram Patris , 〈◊〉 iudicare viuos & mortuos , per carnis etiam Refurrectionem . d Ibid. cap. 6. Nobis curiositate opus non est post Iesum Christum : nec inquifitione post Euangelium , cum credimus nihil desideramus 〈◊〉 credere . Hoc enim prius credimus , non esse quod vltra credere debeamus . e August . d. doctrina Christ. lib. 2. cap. 9. In eis quae 〈◊〉 in Scriptura posita sunt , Inueniuntur illa omnia , quae continent fidem moresque viuendi , spem scz . atque charitatem . f Bellarm. d. 〈◊〉 Dei li. 4. c. 11. Scripta sunt ab Apostolis ea omnia quae absolute necessaria sunt ad salutem omnium 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . d. Ecclesia dogm . lib. 2. cap. 3. pag. 60. Gerson . d. sensu sacr . Scrip. propos . 9. a Consulat regulam fidei , quam de Scripturarum planioribus locis , & Ecclèsiae authoritate percepit . b Ecclesia Christi quae 〈◊〉 bene & in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ecclesias possidens , spirit ' veritate 〈◊〉 est , & habet vibes legis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 & Apostolorū : Non est egessia de finibus suis , id est de Scripturis 〈◊〉 , &c. c Ecclesia licet habet dominationem Dei in terris , illa tamen non excedit limitationem Scripturae . Cusanus Concord . Cathol . li. 2. ca. 6. In loco congregationis 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 ponebantur , Sacra Euan gelia &c. Secundum testimonium 〈◊〉 decreuit Synodus . a IESVIT , To which question I answere , That the last and finall resolution thoreof , is not 〈◊〉 Scripture , but into the perpetuall Tradition of the Church 〈◊〉 the Apostles . b August . d. vtitat . credendi c. 6. Planè ita modificata , vt nemo inde haurire non possit , quod sibi satis est , si modo ad 〈◊〉 , deuotè ac 〈◊〉 , vt vera religio docet , accedat . 〈◊〉 . in Psalm . 118. serm . 8. Docet Deus & mentes illuminat singulorum & claritatem cognitionis infundit , si tu aperias ostia cordis tui , & 〈◊〉 gratiae recipias claritatem , & quando dubitas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as &c. 〈◊〉 . Orth. 〈◊〉 . li. 4. ca. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a August . Psal. 108. 〈◊〉 jubet , non in superficie pertransire . Chrys. in Gen. hom . 37. August . Epist. 120. Ama Ecclesiasticas legere literas , & non multa inuenies quae requiras ex me , sed legendo & ruminando , si etiam purè dominum largitorem bonorum omniū depreceris , omnia quae cognitione digna sunt , aut certè plurima , ipso magisinspirante , quam hominum aliquo 〈◊〉 perdisces . Chrysost. Gen. Hom. 35. Magna diligentia Scripturarum lectioni vacemus ita enim scientiam assequemur . Iustinian Com. 2. Tim. 3.15 . Christus apud Iohannem ad Scripturarū lectionem prouocat Iudeos , Ioh. 5.39 . b Parcus , Com. Gen. 4. Non negamus Scripturā nihil habere obscuritatis &c. Whitak . d. Ecclesia pa. 220. Sunt quaedam Scripturae , loca de quibus nihil certò statui potest . Beza d. Not. Ecclesiae pa. 137. Philip Morn . d. Ecclesia c. 4. Zanch. d. Script . q. 11. Chemnic . Exam. pa. 57. Fulk . c. Rhem. Pref. fol. 2. Lubbert . d. Script . li. 4. ca. 2. Chimid . d. Script . li. 4. c. 4. D. Field of the Church , lib. 4. ca. 15. c Orig. c. Celium . li. 7. 〈◊〉 viri scrutando Scripturam , intellectum eius inuenire poterunt , licet reuera sit multis locis obscura . Ib. Ita diuina prouidentia &c. non solum eruditis Graecis , sed etiàm reliquis condescendit ad idioticum captum auditurae multitudinis , vt consuetis verbis apud eos vtendo , imperitos ad auscultandum alliceret , presertìm cum eis facile foret post primam illam introductionem , studiose scrutari sensus reconditiores in sacris 〈◊〉 , & peruestigare . Cuiuis enim est perspicuum , qui modo has legat , quod qui eas diligentèr examinant , multo retrusiora inueniant , quam quae docentur prima specie . d Greg. ad Leandr . praefat . Iob c. 4. Quasi quidam est fluuius planus & altus , in quo agnus ambulet & Elephas 〈◊〉 . Idem in ca. 4. Cant. Bernard . Serm. paru . 64. e Ireneus li. 2. ca. 46. Sunt autem haec quae ante 〈◊〉 nostros occurrunt , & quae cunque apertè & sine ambiguo , ipsis dictionibus posita sunt in Scriptutis . Et ca. 47. a Aug. sup . Ioh. 〈◊〉 . 50. Quaedam in Scripturis tam manifesta sunt vt potius auditoré quam 〈◊〉 desiderent . b Et Id. sup . psal . 88. Et si quaedam sunt testa misterijs , quaedam tamen sic manifesta , vt ex ipsis facilime aperiantur 〈◊〉 . c In eis quae apertè in Scriptura posita sunt , 〈◊〉 illa omnia quae continent sidem moresque viuendi : spem scilicet atque charitatem . Et d. vtilit . 〈◊〉 . c. 6. 〈◊〉 est mihi crede in Scripturis illis altum & diuinum est : 〈◊〉 omninò veritas & reficiendis instaurādisque animis accomodatissima disciplina : & planè 〈◊〉 modificata , vt nemo inde haurire non possit quod sibi satis est , 〈◊〉 modo ad hauriendum deuotè ac pie vt vera religio docet accedat . August . d. vnit . Ecclesiae c. 4. Nec in aliqua Scripturarū obscuritate falluntur , sed notissimis & appertissimis earū testimonijs contra dicunt . Et c. 5.6.27 . Hoc etiam praedico atque propono vt quaeque aperta & manifesta deligamus : quae si in sanctis Scripturis non inuenerentur , nullo modo esset vnde apperirentur clausa & illustrarentur obscura . d Chrys. Hom. 3. Thes. ep . 2. In diuinis Scripturis quaecunque necessaria sunt manifesta sunt . e 〈◊〉 . sup . Esay . c. 19. & in Psal. 86. f Fulg. Serm. d. confess . g Hug. Vict. Miscel. 2. l. 1. Tit. 56. h Theod. in Gen. apud struch . p. 87. i Lact. l. 6. c. 21. k Theopb . Antioch . ad Autolich . l. 2. p. 918. l Clem. Alex. Orat. Adhort . ad Gentes . Cyril . 〈◊〉 . Iul. l. 7. p. 160. Vt omnibus 〈◊〉 nota paruis & magnis vtiliter familiari sermone commendata sunt ita vt nullius captum transcendant . m Th. Aq. part . 1. q. 1. ar . 9. c. n Vasq. in Thom. part . 1. disp . 18. c. 4. n. 11. o Gonzales in 1. p. Thom. at . 9. pag. 61. p d. cons. 〈◊〉 . l. 1. c. 35. q Aug. sup . 〈◊〉 tr . 49. sanctus Euangelista testatur dominum Christum , & dixisse , & fecisse quae scripta non sunt : Electa sunt autem quae scriberentur , quae saluti 〈◊〉 sufficere viderentur . r Cyril . Alex. l. 12. Ioh. c. vltimo . Non omnia quae fecit Dominus conscripta sunt , sed quae scribentes tam ad mores quam ad Dogmata 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sufficere , vt recta fide , & operibus , & virtute 〈◊〉 , ad regnum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Basil. praefat in Psa. vberimū quoddam est & commune promptuarium . Chrys. Gen. hom . 3. Non solum thesauro , &c. sed fonti quoque largis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Greg. in Cant. c. 5. 〈◊〉 plenissima , &c. sine minoratione ad plenum de 〈◊〉 imuenitur . b Vincent . Lir. 〈◊〉 Haeres . c. 2. Cum 〈◊〉 perfectus Scripturarū Canon , 〈◊〉 ad omnia satis superque sufficiat , &c. b Perez . p. 24. 〈◊〉 autem comparetur vel 〈◊〉 Scriptura 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae fides docet , tanquam necessaria 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 plane redūdans est atque 〈◊〉 in genere regule , quoniā multa imo pleraque sunt in 〈◊〉 , quorū cognitio necessaria non est , &c. c Aug. d. gen . ad lit l. 12. c. 33. Ab 〈◊〉 diuinarū Scripturarū 〈◊〉 solis de hac re 〈◊〉 habenda est , recedere non debemus . Theophilact . Act. 1. Non aliquid 〈◊〉 rerum pretermiserunt , &c. d Concil . Eph. 1. apud Binium p. 692. Amb. Ser. 57. Qui vult ad Christi peruenire 〈◊〉 non ingreditur ad illud 〈◊〉 per 〈◊〉 Scripturae secretum . Cyril . c. Iulian l. 7. p. 161. Ad sanctas conuertimur Scripturas , in quib ' veritatis 〈◊〉 fulget , & exacta dogmatum cognitio coaceruata est , & omne genus bonorū documentorū , quibus quis statim plenus virtute , & bonorum operū gloria conspicuus euadat . e Damasc. Orthod . fid . l 4. c. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. f Aug. sup . ep . Ioh. tr . 3. Est mater Ecclesia & vbera ejus duo testamenta Scripturarū diuinarum , hinc 〈◊〉 lac omniū Sacramentorū temporaliter pro eterna salute nostra . &c. Don. d. Bapt. l. 3. c. 15. g Aug. sup . Psal. 22. Fratres sum ' , quare 〈◊〉 non intestatus mortu ' est Pater , fecit testamentū & sic mortu ' est , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haereditate mortuorū , quamdiu 〈◊〉 proferatur in publicū , & cum testamentū 〈◊〉 fuerit , 〈◊〉 omnes vt tabulae repetiantur , & 〈◊〉 , index attentè audit , aduocati silent , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vt legantur verba mortui , &c. Ille sine sensu jacet in monumento , & valent verba ipsius : sedet Christ ' in 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Aperi 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 sumus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 noster , non 〈◊〉 testameto nos dimisit pater . a 〈◊〉 . Hist. l. 1. c. 7. Trip. Hist. l. 〈◊〉 . c. 5 b 〈◊〉 . l. 3. c. 1. Non per alios dispositionem salutis nostrae 〈◊〉 , quam per cos per quos Euangeliú per venit ad nos . Quod quidem 〈◊〉 praeconia 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 vero per Dei 〈◊〉 , in Scripturis nobis tradiderunt , sundamentum & columnam fidei nostrae suturam . Orig. praef . in Ioh. p. 161. Quae praedicauit & dixit ( Paulus ) haec 〈◊〉 scripsit . Niceph. Hist. Eccl. l. 2. c. 34. Quae presens oratione sua dilucide docuerat ( Paulus ) 〈◊〉 per compendium absens in memoriam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dedit , &c. a Iren. li. 4. c. 63. Apostolorum Doctrina &c. quae peruenit 〈◊〉 ad nos , custodita sine fictione , Scripturarum tractatione plenissima , nequè additamentum neque 〈◊〉 recipiens & lectio sine falsatione & secundum Scripturas expositio legitima & diligens &c. 〈◊〉 . 2. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 9. Prome ( inquit ) Scripturas habes , siquid addiscere cupis , hinc poteris . a Eder . Oicon . Bib. lib. 4. pag. 482. Hanc epistolā omnium quae scripsit Paulus esse postremam , & ab eo iam ex hoc mundo tr̄asituro , Roma ex vinculis ad Timotheum fuisse transmissam , constans omnium ferè Sanctorum est hoc loco patrum 〈◊〉 . Videtur emm tunc eam 〈◊〉 cum esset proxim ' fini : Ego enim inquit , iam delibor & tempus resolutionis meae instat . Et iterum , In priore mea defēsione nullus mihi adstitit . Chrys. in 2. Timoth. Hom. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Ambros. Theodorit . Theophilact . Anselm . in Comment . a 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Def. pag. 341. b Vincent . Lirin . Cum sit perfectus Scripturae Canon , fibique ad omnia satis superque sufficiat , &c. c Cyril . Alex. Sufficit Diuina Scriptura ad faciendum eos qui in illa educati sunt sapientes & probatissimos & sufficientissimā habentes intelligentiam , &c. d Anselm . Quae literae possunt te 〈◊〉 , id est sufficienter doctū reddere ad aeternam salutem consequendam . e Gerson . Scriprura nobis tradita est tanquam regula sufficiens & infallibilis , pro regimine totius Ecclesiasistici corporis , & membrorum , vsque in finem seculi . f Scot. homini 〈◊〉 est sufficienter tradita in 〈◊〉 sacra . g Espens . Easque posse hominem ad salutem erudire & sufficienter doctum reddere . h Bonauent . Breuiloq . cap. 1. i Occham . 〈◊〉 . Part. 1. 〈◊〉 . 2. cap. 10. k 〈◊〉 . Wald. Doctr. Fid. Lib. 2. cap. 20. l Aquin. 3. d. 25. art . 1. m Aquin. Com. Ioh. 21. Lect. 6. Si quis Euangelizauerit , &c. Gal. 1. 8. 〈◊〉 ratio est , quia sola Canonica Scriptura est Regula Fidei . Edit . Paris . An. 1520. per Ioh. d. Porta . n 〈◊〉 , Loc. 16. 29. Illi 〈◊〉 Mosen qui docuit moralia agenda : & Propheras qui docuerunt mystica & eredenda & 〈◊〉 sufficiunt ad salutem , ideo sequitur 〈◊〉 illos . o Durand . 3. dist 26. q. 2. n. 7. , in 〈◊〉 sacra diffuse contineatur , &c. a Alex. Hal. 3. q. 12. m. 2. ar . 3. q 2. Fides quantum ad id quod creditur , est cadem numero in omnibus sanctis qui sunt membra Ecclesiae , &c. Isiodor d. Summ. Bon. Lib. 1. cap. 18. vtrisque maner communis & paruulis & perfectis . Qui effectus pluribus debetur perperam ascribitur vni . b 〈◊〉 . Com. Omnis Scriptura &c. id est , tota Canonica Scriptura , &c. Chrysost. 2. Tim. Hom. 9 Si quid vel discere vel ignorare op ' fit ex illis ad discemus , si arguere falsitatem inde hauriemus : si corrigi , si castigari ad exhortationem & solatium si quid desit & oporteat addipisci , ex 〈◊〉 discemus . c Oecumen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Iren. lib. 2. c. 46. Vniuersae Scripturae Propheticae & Euangelicae , in aperto & sine ambiguitate , & similitèr ab omnibus audiri possunt . b Hieron . super Esa. cap. 19. Mos est Scripturarū obscuris manifesta subnectere . c Cyril . c. Iulian. lib. 7. p. 60. Vt omnibus essent nota paruis & magnis , vtilitèr familiari sermone commendata sunt vt nullius captum transcendant . d Aug. ad Volus. Ep. 3. & d. verb. Ap. Serm. 13. & d. vtil . Cred. c. 6. & sup . Psal. 88. Eder . 〈◊〉 . Bibl. lib. 1. p. 52. Media inter 〈◊〉 duo veluti extrema sententia D. est August . Epist. ad Volus. Vbi literas sacras non quidem vsquè adeò difficiles esse , quin ex ijs studio & diligentia tantum quisquè possit assequi quantum ci ad salutem , vtile sit atquè necessarium . e Greg. Praefat. Iob. ad Leandr . ca. 4. Habet in publico vndè paruulos nutriat , &c. a Chrys. d. verb. Eia . Hom. 2. Scripturae non sunt meralla quae indigent operarijs , sed thesaurū praebent paratum 〈◊〉 qui quaerunt opes in 〈◊〉 reconditas . Satis est enim introspexisse vt omni expleti fructu 〈◊〉 . Satis est 〈◊〉 aperuisse vt illicò videas gemmarum splendorem . 〈◊〉 . d. Sum. Bon. li. 1. 〈◊〉 . 18. Simplices inueniunt modicos intellectus ad quos ipsi humiles refugiunt . 〈◊〉 . Explic . Euang. Lectionis sacrae 〈◊〉 imbecillis bacculū meruosis arma ministrat , &c. Acost . d. Christ. Reuel . lib. 2. cap. 2. Ita prouidit dulcis pater vt multa sint in sacris literis aperta , historica , 〈◊〉 , &c. Atquè hoc est in diuina Scriptura omninò mirabile , neminē esse tàm rudem & imperitum quin si humilitèr legat multa illic vtilia veraquè intelligat . b Cassandr . Def. lib. d. Offic. Bon. viri , pa. 820. Intelligentia Scripturae quae ex Traditione percipitur , non est ab ipsa . Scriptura seperanda , cum in 〈◊〉 continentur vel tanquam definitio in definito vel tanquam 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 . Cum 〈◊〉 huic seu Traditioni Cathol . seu 〈◊〉 , non scripta authoritas in 〈◊〉 dijudicatione 〈◊〉 , nihil ipsi Scripturae subtrahitur , cum nihil aliud sit quam mens & intelligentia Scripturae antiquitus nobis tradita quae vt scripta non sit in eis tamen quae sctipta sunt continetur . c 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Com. sup . Genes . 〈◊〉 . C. Luther , at . 18. Abul . Defens . part . 2. ca. 18. pa. 39. 〈◊〉 22. q. 1. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , pag. 38. 〈◊〉 . 4. d. 5. q. 1. 〈◊〉 . 1. d 〈◊〉 . Lir. c. Haer. cap. 39. Quae tamen antiquorum patrum sententia non in omnibus diuinae 〈◊〉 , sed solùm certè praecipuè , in fidei regula magno nobis studio & 〈◊〉 est & 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 ca. 41. Vt ad vnam Ecclesiastici sensus regulam Scripturae caelestis intelligentia 〈◊〉 , in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praecipuè quaestionibus quibus totius Catholici Dogmatis 〈◊〉 nitantur . e Ioh. Picus . Mirand . Apol. q. 1. Ego hoe dico & firmitèr assero , non valere istam consequentiam , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est contrà Aug. 〈◊〉 . Greg. 〈◊〉 , Ergo est haeretica . Quamuis 〈◊〉 sanctorum Doctorum Scriptura extrà Canonem Bibliae 〈◊〉 , fit habenda & legenda & non tamèn sunt 〈◊〉 dicta , ità firmae authoritatis & immobilitatis , vt eis contradicere non liceat . f Greg. Val. tom . 4. pag. 1073. g Orig. sup . Math. tract . 1. In vnoquoquè perfecto habente congregationem eorum qui complent 〈◊〉 , verborum , factorum , & sensuum , est quae à Deo aedificatur Ecclesia . Quod si super vnum illum Petrum tantum existimas aedificatam totam Ecclefiam , quid dicturus es de Iohanne filio 〈◊〉 , & Apostolorum vnoquoquè . Vide Genebrard . Collectam in Orig. h Tertul. d. pudicit . cap. 21. Si quia dixerit Petro dominus , super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam , & 〈◊〉 praesumis , adte deriuasse 〈◊〉 & aligandi potestatem , id est ad 〈◊〉 Ecclesiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qualis es 〈◊〉 atquè commutans manifestam domini 〈◊〉 , &c. Read 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. 186. Censuring and condemning this Exposition . a in Gen. l. 3. c. 2. q. 5. 〈◊〉 . in 1. p. Tho. disput . 8. p-49 . 〈◊〉 . an . 34. n. 213. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 11. c. 6. 〈◊〉 . c. Cajetan . Gillius com . Theol. d. 〈◊〉 . & d. Deo. l. 1. tr . 7. c. 11. 〈◊〉 . loc . l. 5. c. 3. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Quest. in 1. sent . q. 5. a Aug. Ipsa verba Euangelica secum portant expositiones suas . Idem . d. doct . Christ. l. 2. c. 6. Nihil ferè de illis obscuritatibus eruitur , quod non 〈◊〉 dictum alibi reperitur . b Chrys. Sacra Scriptura seipsam 〈◊〉 . Basil. l. 2. d. Bapt. Eorum quae ab ipso dicta sunt ex his quae in alio loco dicta sunt veritatem ac salutare discamus . Greg. sup . Ezech. Hom. 7. Diuina eloquia , cum legente 〈◊〉 nam 〈◊〉 illa quisque 〈◊〉 intelligit , 〈◊〉 in eis alti ' 〈◊〉 . Acost . d. Christ. Reuel . l. 3. c. 21. Nihil mihi videtur sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vt 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 ; diligens , attenta , frequens 〈◊〉 tum meditatio & collatio Scripturarū , omniū 〈◊〉 regula , ad intelligendū semper est visa , nam ex alijs Scripturis aliae optimè intelliguntur : tum phrasis ipsa , tum 〈◊〉 familiaris 〈◊〉 vt assuetis jam 〈◊〉 intelligcntia pateat . Itaque obscurā aperta , dubiā certa interpretātur . c 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Tom. 1. p. 898. l. 1. ad 〈◊〉 . d Gerson . d. fig. Ruin. Eccl. sig . 8. Fabulae sunt & non sanae Doctrinae , &c. Idem . d. spir . vit . anim . l. 2. Has vero Traditiones hominum quis cunctas dinumeret in Canonibus summorū pontificum in constitutionibus Synodalibus prouinciarum aut Diocesium , in Religionum regulis . 〈◊〉 . Bacon . l. 3. sent . . e Aug. Quod autem nos admonet vt ad fontem recurramus , id est ad Apostolicā Traditionē & inde 〈◊〉 in nostra tempora dirigamꝰ , optimū est & sine dubitatione faciendū . Traditū est ergo nobis sicut ipse comemorat Apostolꝰ , quod sit vnus Christus & vnꝰ Deus & vna spes , & vna fides , & vna Ecclesia & Baptisma vnū . a 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Tom. 1. an . 53. n. 11. Greg. Val. To. 3. p. 347. Posseu . 〈◊〉 . 1. 2. c. 25. 〈◊〉 . loc . 3. b Anton. Perez . Pentateuch . Fid. vol. 3. disp . 15. c. 12. Respondeo vere ac jure authoritatem Scripturae , praelatā omninò efse authoritati Ecclesiae , tanquam verbum Dei , omni alio verbo creato , etiam irrefragabili , quia longe majus est Deum per seipsum loqui , quam 〈◊〉 Ecclesiae infallibiter loquenti , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dirigere ne aberret . p. 101. col . 2. 〈◊〉 praef . prol . sup . 1. sent . Scientia sacrae Scripturae habet prae caeteris dignitatem eminentiae , quasi 〈◊〉 . Sicut enim principium dignius est alijs propositionibus in scientia , vnde & dignitas 〈◊〉 : sic recte 〈◊〉 scientia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est , & inter ipsas 〈◊〉 principatum . a Aristot. Metaph . li. 2. cap. 2. Aquin . p. 3. q. 56. ad . 3. Sempèr id quod est 〈◊〉 , est exemplat 〈◊〉 quod est minus 〈◊〉 , secundum eius modum . b Card. 〈◊〉 . In Vesper . Recom . Script . In cuius montis vertice , Christus suum habitaculum praedisponens ibi Ecclesiae suae fundamentum posuit & in altissimo veritatis 〈◊〉 , sacrae scripturae veritate , fundauit ipsam . c Aug. d. vnit . Eccles. ca. 16. Haec sunt causae nostrae 〈◊〉 , hec sundamenta , haec firmamenta . Legimus in Actibus Apostolorum dictum de quibusdā credentibus quod quotidiè scrutarentur Scripturas , an haec ita se haberent . Quas itaquè Scripturas nisi Canonicas legis & Prophetarum ? Huc accesserunt 〈◊〉 Apostolicae 〈◊〉 , Actus Apostolorū , Apocal Iohannis , scrutamini haec omnia & eruite aliquid manifestum quo demonstretis Ecclesiam . d Card. Camerac . Sacra Scriptura Christi testimonijs in 〈◊〉 fundata spiritualitèr intelligi potest , illa firma petra supra quam aedificata est Ecclesia . Idem . In quolibet aedificio rationabilitèr ordinato , primò praecedit fundatio , secundò procedit aedificatio , 〈◊〉 succedit consummatio , hoc igitur modo 〈◊〉 omnium 〈◊〉 , super Scripturae sacrae petram 〈◊〉 suam aedificauit . Idem . Christus Dei virtus & Dei sapientia Ecclesiae suae domum quam interna mente concepit , super sacrae Scripturae fundamentum temporali aedificatione compleuit . Chrys. Math. Hom. 46. Hierusalem hic semper Ecclefiam intellige , quae dicitur ciuitas pacis cujus sundamenta posita sunt super montes Scripturarum . e Aug. d. Ciuit. Dei , lib. 19. ca. 18. Credit Scripturis Sanctis veteribus & nouis , quas Canonicas appellamus , vnde fides ipsa concepta est , qua 〈◊〉 viuit . f Vinc. Lir. c. Haer. ca. 1. Duplici modo munire fidem , primo scilicet Diuinae legis authoritate deindè Catholicae Ecclesiae Traditione . Ib. c. 41. g Basselis . Praef. prol . sup . 1. sent . Scriptura est veritas aliarum exemplaris , &c. h Athan. d. Synod . 〈◊〉 . Et Seleuc . pa. 673. Hieron . sup . Galath . ca. 1. i Aug. Triumph . d. Pot. Ecclef . q. 100. ar . 1. Primum locum authoritatis tenet Scriptura veteris & noui Testamenti . Andrad . Def. li. 2. pa. 171. Neminem inficiare diuinorum 〈◊〉 cognitionem ex 〈◊〉 literis 〈◊〉 petendam 〈◊〉 , illasquè imprimis consulendas , cum res 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 questionemquè vocatur &c. Anton. Perez . Pentateuch . Fid. vol. 3. Dub. 18. ca. 14. Vndè comparatione hujus ( Scripturae ) testimonium Ecclesiae , dici quodammodò potest testimonium hominum 〈◊〉 quod in rigore Sermonis non obtinet proprietates & 〈◊〉 ad rationem verbi Dei , & proindè respectu etiàm illius intelligi potest id quod a beato Iohanne scriptum est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hominum accipitis , testimonium Deimajus est . 〈◊〉 c. 15. Testimonium Scripturae in seipso 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 est quam testimonium 〈◊〉 quià illud ab intrinseco est verbum Dei , hoc vero ab 〈◊〉 . Caiet . d. Author . Pap. & Concil . p. 2. ca. 4. & Apolog. c. 〈◊〉 . ca. 23. ad . 5. a Suar. d. Fid. disp . 5. sect . 6. Ecclesiae nomen varias habet significationes . Card. Monilian . Theol. Instit. Compend . c. 34. Ne laboremus in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est de singulis 〈◊〉 significatis . 〈◊〉 . Sum. d. Ecclel . lib. 1. cap. 2. 〈◊〉 . Quest. Vesp. Recom . Scrip. cap. 3. d. 2. Gabriel . Can. Miss . lect . 21. & lect . 75. Occham . Dialog . p. 1. li. 1. c. 4. b Bellarm. d. Eccles. lib. 3. ca. 2. Ecclesia est caetus 〈◊〉 fidei Christianae 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 Sacramentorum communione colligatum , sub regimine 〈◊〉 pastorum , ac praecipuè 〈◊〉 Christi in 〈◊〉 Vicarij Romani 〈◊〉 . Tres sunt partes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : professio verae fidei : Sacramentorum communio & subiectio ad 〈◊〉 Pastorem Rom. Pontificem . c Greg. 〈◊〉 . Analys . fid . li. 6. ca. 1. Martin . Eisengren . li. d. Eccles. Cath. ca. 1. d Aug. 〈◊〉 . c. 56. Quae tota hic accipienda est , non solú ex parte qua 〈◊〉 terris , &c. Verum etiam ex illa quae in coelis , &c. Templú Dej hoc est totius summae illius Trinitatis sancta est Ecclesia , 〈◊〉 , vniuersa in Coelo & in terra Id. sup . Psalm . 56. Nec 〈◊〉 quae 〈◊〉 est in hominibus qui presentem vitam agunt , sed ad eam 〈◊〉 , etiam his qui fuerunt antè 〈◊〉 , & futuri sunt post nos vsquè ad 〈◊〉 Seculi . Id. sup . Psal. 90. conc . 2. Orig. in 〈◊〉 . Hom. 2. Greg. Mor. li. 28. c. 6. & in Psal. 5. Paenit . 〈◊〉 . Resol . li. 4. c. 14. n. 10. e Aug. d. Ciuit. Dei li. 18. cap. 49. & sup . 〈◊〉 . tr . 6. & d. Vnit . Eccles. c. 13. 〈◊〉 . Ep. 51. & Ep. 52. Hieron . c. Lucifer . 〈◊〉 . d. Fid. ad Petr. ca. 43. 〈◊〉 . Naz. c. Iulian. Orat. 1. 1. 〈◊〉 . d. Sacer. li. 3. Greg. in 〈◊〉 Hom. 11. Chrysolog . Serm. 47. Franc. Pic. Mirand . Theor. 13. a cyprian . Epist. 69. Illi sunt Ecclefia , plebs Sacerdoti adunita & pastori suo grex adhaerens . b camer . Quest. Vesp. Recom . script . p. 278. Gabriel . sup . Can. Miss . lect . 75. c Franc. Picus , Theor. 4. In Symbolo edito Nicece , &c. . d Tertul. d. praescript . c. 3. Tu vt homo 〈◊〉 vnumquenquè nosti , putas quod vides , Vides autem quousquè oculos habes . Sed oculi 〈◊〉 alti . Homo in faciem Deus in praecordia contemplatur . Et ideo cognoscit Dominus qui sunt eius , &c. Cusan . Concord . Cath. li. 1. ca. 4. Nullum est iudicium certum , de membris Ecclefiae , nisi in modò renatis infantibus . e 〈◊〉 . 2. d. 44. q. 3. nu . 9. Ecclesia licet habet in terris dominationé Dei illa tamen non excedit limitationé Scripturae . f Chrys. imperfin Math. 49. Nec ipfis 〈◊〉 ( Ecclesijs ) oredendum est , nisi ea dicant vel faciant quae conuenientia sunt Scripturis . g Id. in 2. Tim. Hom. 2. Plus aliquid dicam , ne paulò quidem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fi quid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fi quid humamam , sed Apostolo Christum in fe loquentem circumferenti . a Hilar. in Matth. Canon . 8. Ecclesiae inter quas verbum Der non Ora. 1. c. Arrian . Bonum est , vel potius necessarium , optare gratiam discerquos abijcere , vt 〈◊〉 cognoscat , secudum Ioannis Praeceptum ( 1. 〈◊〉 . 4. 1. ) quos abijcere , 〈◊〉 vt amicos , & qui ciusdem naturae 〈◊〉 , recipere 〈◊〉 . a August . d. 〈◊〉 . Christ. Lib. 3. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . de corpore Domini vero atque 〈◊〉 , &c. a August . Praef. in Psal. 47. Secundam Sabbathi non debemus intelligere nisi Ecclesiam Christi , sed Ecclesiā Christi in sanctis , Ecclesiam Christi in hijs qui scripti 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 , Ecclesiam Christi in hijs qui tentationibus mundi non cedunt . Ipsi enim digni sunt nomine firmamenti . Ergo Ecclesia Christi in hijs qui firmi sunt , de quibus dicit Apostolus , debemus autem nos firmi infirmitatem infirmortum suftinere , Rom. 15. appellata est firmamentum . Tho. 〈◊〉 . 10. 1. h. 2. ar . 2. c. 11. Vocabula summx laudis & excellentiae tituli quamuis indistinctè per Scriptturas de tota 〈◊〉 Ecclesia tamen de sola gloriofa parte eius debent intelligi . Aug. c. Don. li. 5. ca. 27. Quod in Cant. Cantic . Ecclesia sic describitur , Hortus conclusus , 〈◊〉 mea sponsa , sons 〈◊〉 , puteus aquae vinae , Paradisus cum cum fructu pomorum , hoc intelligere non audeo , nisi in iustis & sanctis . Bernard . sup . Cantic . Ser. 68. Et quid sponsa , 〈◊〉 congregatio 〈◊〉 ? quid ipsa , 〈◊〉 generatio 〈◊〉 Dominum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sponfi ? a Aug. 〈◊〉 . Psal. 61. 〈◊〉 d. Doctr. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 3. c. 37. Est enim ipse ( Diabolus ) caput impiorum , qui sunt erus quodammodo corpus , ituri cum illo in supplieium aeterni ignis : Sicut Christus caput est Ecclesiae , quae est corpus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum illo in regno & gloria sempiterna . August . Ioh. tr . 11. Quomodo in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non obfuit illis 〈◊〉 de ancillis nati 〈◊〉 , quo min ' tenerent regnum , & terram promissionis cum fratribus , ex 〈◊〉 acciperent non illis obsuerant natales ancillarum sed praeualuit semé paternum : sic quicunque per malos baptizantur , tanquam de ancillis videntur nati , tamen quia ex 〈◊〉 verbi Dei quod figuratur in Iacob , simul cum fratribus haredittatem 〈◊〉 . August . ibid. tr . 5. Spiritualis virtus Sacramenti ita est vt lux , ab illuminandis pura accipitur , & si per 〈◊〉 transeat , non 〈◊〉 . Idem , ep 3. ad 〈◊〉 . tants est diuina potentia gratiae vt per malos acquirat bonos , & per reprobos & improbos , acquirat & colligat probos . Idem , contra Parmen . Lib. 2. cap. 8. Verba bona quae pro populo dicuntur in precibus , etiamsi a malis dicantur , Episcopis exaudiuntur tamen non pro peruersitate praepositorum sed pro deuotione populorum . cbrysof . sup . Ioh. Hom. 85. & sup . 1. 〈◊〉 . Hom. 8. pag. 383. Scot. 4. d. 5. - d. 1. a 〈◊〉 . Lapid . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ca. 2. v. 4. vel Ecclesiae promittit , quantumuis amplis & vniuersalibus verbis , id tamen de cum Deo promittente & paciscente seruant intelligendum esse . 〈◊〉 . 71. b 〈◊〉 . d. . 3. Obiect , Lex & 〈◊〉 Dei absoluta insallibiliter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non sit dispositio ex parte nostra 〈◊〉 . 16. 17. & 28. 20. &c. Resp. 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 solum in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decretis dei dei absolutis , super co quod est sine nobis , vel sine 〈◊〉 actionum 〈◊〉 , non est aurem 〈◊〉 antecedens in his , etiamsi sint actions publicae , siue communes Papae & 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 tales promissiones intelliguntur quod implebuntur secundum nostram dispositionem . a Orig. in 〈◊〉 . Hom. 1. Petra est omnis qui imitator est Christi & super omnes 〈◊〉 , aedificatur Ecclesia Dei. Aug. c. Don. Lib. 3. cap. 18. Petra tenet , Petra dimittit , columba tenet , columna dimittit , vnitas tenet , vnitas dimittit , pax autem huius vnitatis in solis bonis est , vel iam spirituahbus , vel ad spiritualia concordi vnitate , proficientibus , 〈◊〉 malis , autem non est , &c. Ibid. Lib. 6. cap. 3. & Lib 7. cap. 51. Idem d. vnit . Eccles. cap. 16. Ego ipsam Ecclesiam requiro vbi sit , quae audiendo verba Christi , & faciendo aedificat supra Petram . b Hieron . Sup. 〈◊〉 . 26. Ipsa Ecclesia quae est sanctorum omnium congregatio , pro aeterna sibi in Domino stabilitate , columna , & firmamentum , dicitur veritatis . August . Praef. Psal. 47. Ecclesiam Christi in sanctis , Ecclesiam Christi in hijs qui scripti sunt in caelo &c. ipsi digni sunt nomine firmamenti Ecclesia Christi in hijs qui sunt firmi &c. eam firmamentum Apostolicis 〈◊〉 appellatam audi & agnosce . 1. Timoth. 3.15 . c Gregor . Moral . Lib. 28. cap. 9. Intra has mensuras sunt omnes electi , extra has omnes Reprobi , etiamsi intra fidei limitem esse videantur . d August . c. Don. Lib. 1. cap. 9 & 17. & Lib. 4. c. 4. &c. 7. & Lib. 5. c. 16. & 19. & 24. & 26. & Lib. 6. c. 3. & 24. & Lib. 7. c. 50. Id. c. Petil. Lib. 2. c. 108. Id. Enchir. c. 56. Id. sup . Ioh. tr . 45. Id. sup . Psal. 47. & 106. Id d. vnit . Eccles. c. 19. Id. Ep. 51. Cyprian . Epist. 55. Orig. in Genes . Hom. 1. & 〈◊〉 Ierem. Hom. 3. Basil. in Psal. 44. Chrysost. 2. Timoth. Hom. 5. Ambros. in Psal. 35. Hieron . in Iob. 26. & sup . Ephes. c. 5. Gregor . in Enang . Hom. 38. & Lib. 4. Moral . c. 9. &c. 15. & Lib. 20. c. 11. & Lib. 14. c. 19. & Lib. 16. c. 10. & sup . 5. Psal. Poenitent . Bernard . in Cantic . Serm. 68. a Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. 3. c. 26. Ad illa vsque tempora , &c. Ecclesia integra & incorrupta permanserat caeterum postquam sacer Apostolorum Chorus varium vitae exitum & diuersa mortis genera , pertulerat , praeterieratque illorum aetas , quibus à Christo donatum erat vt auribus diuinam ipsius sapientiam coram acciperent : tunc certe falsa & veteratoria impij erroris conspiratio exordium caepit , idque illorum fraude & astutia qui doctrinam à veritate penitus alienam disseminare laborarent : quique cum nemini Apostolorum amplius vita suppeteret , de caetero jam nudo capite ( vt aiunt ) syn cero veritatis sermoni falsam & commentitiam doctrinam ex aduerso opponere pro viribus 〈◊〉 . b Cyprian . Ep. 8. & d. lapsis num . 4. Chrys. 1. Cor. Hom. 36. & Math. imperf . Hom. 49. Hieron . Esay . c. 24. & sup . Mych . c. 7. & sup . Soph. c. 2. Saluian . d. gubernat . Dei l. 3. Greg. Euang. Hom. 17. & sup . Reg. l. 4. c Gerson . d. Circumcis . Serm. 1. confid . 1. & d. potest . Eccles. lect . 10. & Epist. Brugis scripta . Aluar. Pelag. d. planct . Eccles. 〈◊〉 Eccles. Concil . Basil. apud 〈◊〉 . p. 139. & p. 266. p. 267. & 275. & p. 523. d Onus Eccles. cap. 43. §. 1. Nunc in Ecclesia copiofior Proh pudor , est numerus malorum quam bonorum , & praeualet impius aduersus justum . b Occham . dial . p. 3. tr . 1. l. 3. 〈◊〉 . 13. Quando multitudo clericorum , per auaritiam ambitionem , symoniam & adias vias prauas , ad ordines dignitates & beneficia , Ecclesiastica peruenisset , &c. Propter quod procliuiores essent clerici , ad assentiendum errori Papae & generalis Concilij , quia humani moris est illum vereri , cuius iudicio & voluntate , nunc erigitur nunc deprimitur . Onus Eccles. c. 42. Et habebant caudas scil . assentatores , vel sequaces similes scorpionum & aculei erant in caudis earum . c Hildegard . part . 2. l. diu . oper . citatur . Onus Eccles. c. 4. §. 5. d Auentin . annal . Bojor . l. 6. proem . p. 479. Math. Paris : Chron. p. 7. Clerici & ordinati adeo literatura carebant , vt caeteris effet 〈◊〉 , qui Grammaticam didicisset . e Aug. sup . Psalm . 8. Qui gloriam suam potius quam salutem hominum attenderunt , sine spiritu sancto locuti sunt . a Cassand . Consult . p. 929. Ecclesiae , gu . bernatoribus quos aliquando hostes Dei esse contingit , &c. Nam vt inquit August . sunt & intus hostes Dei quorum pectora obsedit , spiritus Antichristi & tamen gerunt spiritualia & diuina . b Hieron . c. Lucif . & sup . Gal. c. 5. Ingenuit totus orbis & se Arianum esse miratus est . Idem . sup . Psal. 133. Ante annos quindecem aut viginti , &c. Omnes Ecclesias has Haeretici possidebant . Idem . Chron. Anno 364. omnes pene toto orbe Ecclesiae , sub nomine pacis & Regis Arianorum consortio polluebantur . Basil. Epist. 17. Nobis jam dicere licet , quod in hoc tempore non sit , neque Princeps , neque Propheta , neque praeses , neque oblatio , neque incensum , neque locus in quo coram Domino possit offerri sacrificium , &c. Athanas. l. ad . solitar . vir . agent . Quae nunc Ecclesia libere Christum adorat ? nam si alicubi sunt pij , & Christi studiosi ( sunt autem plurimi illi itidem , vt magnus ille Propheta Elias absconduntur , & in speluncas & cauernas terrae sese abstrudunt , aut insolitudine oberrantes , commorantur . 〈◊〉 . Lir. c. Haer. c. 6. Arianorum venenum non jam portiunculam quandam sed pene totum orbem contaminauerat : adeo vt prope cunctis latini nominis Episcopis , partim vi partim fraude deceptis , caligo quaedam mentibus offunderetur . a Auentin . annal . Bojor lib. 5. pa. 447. Gregorius septimus qui & Hildebrandus , &c. Primus contra morem majorum , contempta Imperatoris authoritate pontificatum maximum occupauit : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sibi 〈◊〉 esse à Christo , se 〈◊〉 ; vt liberet ligare & soluere posse , &c. Ibid. 〈◊〉 Imperium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod successores per 450. continenter annos inuito mundo , inuitis Imperatoribus adeo duxere , vt inferos superos , in seruiturem redegerint , 〈◊〉 ; sub jugum miserint , atque cuncta fulmine perterritent : Quo bruta , tellus & vaga 〈◊〉 : Quo Stix & 〈◊〉 horrida 〈◊〉 sedes Athlanteusq , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b Nancler . Generat . 40. summus pentifex Imperatoris collū pede 〈◊〉 , &c. Math. Paris . Chron. p. 223. Papa definiuit , vt rex Anglorum Iohannes , à solio regni deponeretur , & alius , Papa procurante succederes qui dignior haberetur . Ad hujus quoque sententiae executionem sctipsit Dominus Papa potentissimo Regi Francorum Phillipo , quatenus in remissionem omnium suorum peccatorum hunc laborem assumeret , &c. Papir . Masson . d. Episcop . vibis l. 5. in vit . Bonifacij 8. Sander . d. visib . Monarch . Tam sacerdotalis quam regia potestas communicata est pastoribus Ecclesia . c 〈◊〉 . 40. c. 6. Si Papa , &c. Iacob . Graph. Decis . Aur. part . 1. l. 2. Omnia regit disponit & judicat , pro vt sibi placet , &c. Apud . eum est pro ratione voluntas , & quod ei placet legis habeat vigorem . 〈◊〉 . Ancona . sum . d. Eccles. q. 63. ar . 1. Magis ligat praeceptum Papae quam ligamen legis naturae , &c. Baron . Anno 373. num . 21. vt plane apareat ex arbitrio dependisse Rom. Pontificis fidei decreta sancita , & sancita mutare . d Fazel . d. reb . 〈◊〉 . l. 8. c. 2. Haereseos incusatur & damnatur Fredericus , quod inter alia Romanum pontificem , ipsum anathematis vinculo astringere non potuisse dixerit . Abbas . Vsperg . Anno 1012. p. 241. e Bosius . d. sig . Eccles. l. 5. c. 9. Did. Nugnus . in 3. Thom. Addit . q. 20. ar . 3. Bellarm. d. Concil . l. 2. c. 11. Greg. Val. Tom. 3. d. 1. q. 1. p. 7. pa. 365. 〈◊〉 . Bannes 22. q. 1. ar . 10. fo . 70. f Math. Paris . Chron. pa. 223. Quatenus in remissionem omnium suorum peccatorum hunc laborem assumeret . Bell. d. Eccles. l. 3. c. 5. a Aliaco . l. d. Reform . Rom. Eccl. tit . d. ref . relig . Ad hunc statum venisse Ecclesiam vt non sit digna regi nisi à reprobis . b Occham . Dial. p. 1. l. 2. c. 28. A tempore Innocent . tertij non fuerunt aliqui pontifices in sacrarum literarum peritia excellentes . Alphons . Castro . c. Haeres . l. 1. c. 4. Cum constet plures 〈◊〉 adeo illiteratos esse , vt Grammaticā penitus ignorent : Printed by Badius . Anno 1533. c Leo. Epist. 81. Ecclesiae nomine armamini & contra Ecclesiā dimicatis . Cyprianus . d. simplicit . Praelat . Diabolus excogitauit nouam fraudem , vt sub ipso nominis Christiani titulo fallat incautos . d Genebrard . Chron. l. 4. anno 991. p. 553. per annos ferè 150. Pontifices circiter 50 , &c. à virtute majorum prorsus defecerunt , Iob. Sarisbur . Policrat . l. 6. c. 24. Rom. Ecclesia quae mater 〈◊〉 Ecclesiarum est , se non tam matrem 〈◊〉 quam nouercam : sedent in ea Scribae & Pharisei , &c. 〈◊〉 . in Benedicto 4. Hac monstra , haec portenta , à quibus ambitione , & largitione sanctissima Petri sedes occupata est . Concil . Const. sess . 11. ar . 5. Foex vitiorum , 〈◊〉 incarnarus . Fascic . Temp. anno 1424. Iam con , cum sci , de conscientia abrasis , solum entia sponsam Christi gubernare videmus : personas videlicet , conscientia scientiaque carentes , & velut entia insensibilia . 〈◊〉 . d. Casal . cited by Onus Eccles. c. 43. n. 9. Carnalis jam Ecclesia dicitur noua Babilon & meretrix magna , quia in ea , vtpote in pluribus & potioribus membris , ordo virtutum per deordinationem vitiorum 〈◊〉 est confusus , nec non sui sponsi Iesu amor turpiter adulteratus & eius cultus nequiter neglectus , modica quidem grana tritici , sunt in immenso palearum cumulo , quoniam instorum Spiritus hoc tempore à malis 〈◊〉 vsque adeò , vt prae multitudine peruersorum justus cogarur seruire Babiloni in plerisque 〈◊〉 actibus , Ecclesia 〈◊〉 quasi ancilla facta est , 〈◊〉 quondam silij Israel propter peccata multorum , capiti in Babilone seruire compulsi sunt . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d. planct . Eccles. lib. 2. ar . 5. Nunc autem ex quo in Ecclesijs sicut in Romano Imperio creuit 〈◊〉 : perijt lex de Sacerdotibus & visio de Propheta : & ad literam hodie in Ecclesia deficit Spiritus Prophetiae : &c adimpletur quod scribitur , 3. Reg. 22. Egrediar & cro spiritus mendea in 〈◊〉 omnium Prophecarum . a Occham . dial . part . 1. 〈◊〉 . c. 26. 〈◊〉 . Disp. cum 〈◊〉 . Si coire nequeant partes erroris cum virtute , multo minus conuenerint veritas & vicium . Origen . in Math. 〈◊〉 . Haec alterutrum se sequuntur & non seperantur ab in vicem , sermo mundus in anima , & vita irreprehensibilis . a 〈◊〉 . d. Eccles . l. 3. c. 13. Notandum est multos ex nostris , tempus terrere dum probant absolutè Ecclesiam non posse deficere , nam Caluinus & caeteri Haeretici id concedunt . Gerbard . loc . com . 〈◊〉 . 5. d. Eccles. num . 107. Ecclesiam perpetuo durasse & perpetuo duraturum esse extra controuersiam ponimus . a 〈◊〉 . Orth. fid . lib. 2. ca. 29. &c. Manich. Aquinas p. 1. q. 19. ar . 6. Bonauent . 1. q. 47. art . Vnic . Scot. 1. d. 46. q. Vnic . Occham Richardus . Greg. 〈◊〉 . Durand . Gabrul . 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . d. Auxil . dips . 34. 〈◊〉 . in 1. p. 〈◊〉 . q. 19 〈◊〉 . 56. num . 17.18 . b Gre. li. 5. Epist. 59. Anglorum gentem , Deo annuente velle fieri Christianam , sed Sacerdotes qui in vicino sunt , pastoralem ergà 〈◊〉 sollicitudinem non habete . c Occham . Dial. p. 1. li. 5. c. 28. Quod si consilium in Haeresin labererur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Catholici , qui occultè vel publicè 〈◊〉 expediret , auderent fidem defendere orthodoxam . Ille autèm qui reprobatis filijs earnalibus Abrahae potest de lapidibus suscitare filios Abrahae spirituales , potensest & omnibus in generade 〈◊〉 conuenientibus in 〈◊〉 lapsis , imò 〈◊〉 mundi , & potentibus secularibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 damnatis , de lapidibus , id est , 〈◊〉 rudibus & abiectis panperibus & despectis Catholicis , Dei filios suscitare . Frans. Picus . Mirand . Theorem . 23. Hoc autèm verbo pernitiosè vsi in 〈◊〉 sumus , ob id quod 〈◊〉 quempiam errare Deus ( occulto suo ) id 〈◊〉 , adest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voluntatis viris diuina protectio , quae noxium peccati virus 〈◊〉 à conscientia , immunes & illaesas sanctorum virorum animas custodit & seruat . Multi enim erroribus & de mille annis & de iteratione Baptismi maculati , beatitudine tamen donati sunt , & ab Ecclefia celebrati 〈◊〉 , Papias Episoopus , Pictauiensis , Irinaeus Lugdunensis ; & alij . a Anton. Perez . Pentateuch . fid . pa. 1. du . 1. c. 2. Si igitùr nequè ad sensum Ecclesia potest latere , consequens est , vt in omnium occulos incurrat , Et proinde quod veritas illius , non solum percipiatur mente sed etiam sensu . b Azer . Moral . 〈◊〉 . part . 2. li. 5. c. 〈◊〉 . Ecclesia dicitur visibilis , quia in vnius , & ciusdem fidei professione consistit , sub vno capite visibili , videlicet , summo Christi Vicario Rom. pontifice , &c. c Stapl. Rel. c. 1. q. 3. ar . 1. pa. 33. Aspectabilis & sensibus 〈◊〉 . Brellar . d. Eccles. li. 3. ca. 15. Greg. Val. 〈◊〉 . 3. pa. 88. Ecclesiam omni tempore visibilem , id est , cognitu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Jb. pa. 185. Euidentèr potest 〈◊〉 seculo conspici & 〈◊〉 & quasi digito demonstrari . a b 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 3. pa. 187. 〈◊〉 . Relect . p. 30. c & turgidis granis est perpetuò 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . pa. 111. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . fid . vol. 1. dub . 1. c. 1. illustrior . e Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 fuit &c. Altera persecutio fraudulenta &c. 〈◊〉 superest per 〈◊〉 ventura , qua 〈◊〉 est perniciosius quoniàm & 〈◊〉 & fraudulenta erit . Bernard Serm. d. 〈◊〉 . S. Pauli . Videbatur 〈◊〉 cessasse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. sed 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 est , ipsi . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qui ab 〈◊〉 Christiani 〈◊〉 . Amici 〈◊〉 Deus & proximi 〈◊〉 te 〈◊〉 , &c. Jd. in Psal. Qui habserm . 6. & sup . Cantic . serm . 33. f 〈◊〉 . in 〈◊〉 c. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christiani genus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nouae & 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . annal . li. 15. g 〈◊〉 . in Luc. li. 10. c. 21. 〈◊〉 . & Lacus , & Carceres & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in illis . Symbol . ar . 2. pa. 378. Cryptis , &c. 18. c. 7. numb . 64. Cultus diuinus & iuge sacrificium , 〈◊〉 temporis , cessent in 〈◊〉 & patentibus 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 in abditis & 〈◊〉 . h sup . 3. c. . a 〈◊〉 . 1.8.1 . Thess. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Lib. 3. principalitatem , necesse est 〈◊〉 omnem Ecclesiā , hoe est cos qui sunt vndique fideles , in qua semper ab eis qui ab 〈◊〉 est . b Matth. 5. 18. 〈◊〉 . Lirin . c. 〈◊〉 . c. Sedula & canta apud se dogmatum custos , &c. c Psalm . 45. 9. Esay 35.2 . & Esay d e August . c. Crescon . lib. 2. c. 36. &c. Petil. lib. a. c. 104. & contra Faust. lib. 13. c 13. & 〈◊〉 vnit . 〈◊〉 . cap. 25. f g h 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . d. Planct . Eccles. lib. 1. ar . 5. Principes Ecclesiae sunt exercitus daemonum , cum deberent esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lira , 〈◊〉 . 16. Multi principes & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & alij a side , &c. . a Occham , Dial. p. 1. Lib. 7. cap. 48. Fabulas & errores Papae Haeretici , multitudo praecipue magistrorum ambitiosorum , & 〈◊〉 sequitur . b Onus Ecclesiae , c. 43. §. 1. Nunc in Ecclesia copiosior ( proh dolor ) est numerus 〈◊〉 quam bonorū , & praeualet impius aduersus bonum . Aluar. Petag . d. Planct . Eccles. li. 2. art . 5. Mistica Syon Ecclesia caligine peccati & ertoris & ignorantiae 〈◊〉 , quae tantis muneribus in Ecclesia primitiua , 〈◊〉 suo sponso ditabatur , &c. Ad terram de coelo proiectam conspicimus quia quasi inhabitata & deserta est : Et fi qui supersunt cultores , quasi Arabes & Saraceni sunt . c Aluar. Pelag. d. 〈◊〉 . Eccles. Lib. 2. art . 5. Nunc autem ex quo in Ecclesia sicut in Rom , Imperio creuit auaritia , perijt Lex de Sacerdotibus , & visie de Prophetis , & ad terram defecit hodie in Ecclesia spiritus Prophetiae , & 〈◊〉 quod scribitur . 3. Reg. 22. Egrediar & 〈◊〉 spiritus mendax in ore omnium Prophetarum . a Prosp. d. voc . Gent. Lib. 2. cap. 6. Acosta , d. Proc. Indor . Salur . Li. 1. c. 5. pa. 133. August . d. confens . Euang. li. 1. cap. 31. Per multos annos Ecclesia , quae futura erat in omnibus gentibus in 〈◊〉 suis , hoc est in sanctis suis , non 〈◊〉 , &c. Et d. vnit . Eccles. cap. 14. 〈◊〉 . d. Pontif. Rom. l. 3. ca. 4. Antechristus nondum venit , quia Euangelium nondum suit 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 mundo . b Concil . Lateran . sub . Leo. 10. Sess. 8. Iacet desolata Afia , iacet Africa , iacet AEgyptus , ac bona Europae 〈◊〉 deserta , abiecta fine lege , sine moribus , sine 〈◊〉 Christianae legis consortio , p. 599. 〈◊〉 , to . 4. Aug. li. d. vtil . Cred. c. 17. a Ambros. Hugo Lira , in Comment . sup . Fundamentum Apostol . 1. c. sup . Doctrinam . b Albert. Com. Apocal. cap. 21. Fundamenta , &c. 〈◊〉 sunt super quorum fidem , & doctrinam 〈◊〉 Ecclesia fundata est . c Ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prouocabunur ab alijs 〈◊〉 quae licet nullum ex Apostolis aut Apostolicis , Authorem suum proserant , vt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quae denique quotidie instituuntur tamen in cadem side conspirantes , non minus Apostolicae 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 Doctrinae . a Cordub . Arma. fid . q. 1. prop. 2. Dicitur Apostolica , quia fundata est in doctrina Apostosorum , quo ad fidem legem & Sacramenta , neque aliam contrariam doctrinam habet , Eph. 2. 20. Occham . Dial. pa. 1. li. 5. c. 24. 〈◊〉 . to . 1. serm , in Concil . Generali . p. 369. 〈◊〉 . summa . d. Ecclesia l. 1. c. 18. 〈◊〉 . moral . Institut . p. 2. l. 5. c. 21. b Nazian . Orat. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pa. 377. c Bel. d. Eccles. l. 4. c. 2. Notae debent esse propriae non communes . 2. notiores ca re cujus sunt notae . 3. inseparabiles à vera Ecclesia . d Stapl. Rel. c. 1. q. 4. ar . 5. p. 114. Notae debent esse ita perspicuae vt nec ab Aduersarijs facile praetexi queant , nec vllo modo dubiae , aut controuersae sunt . 〈◊〉 confess . c. 20. Notae quibus omnis de Ecclesia penes quos ea sit dubitatio tolli possit , ita Ecclesiae propriae vt eas sibi nequaquam vsurpare possint 〈◊〉 . e Niceph. Chron. l. 8. c. 6. Stapl. princip . Doctr. l. 13. c. 16. Graecae Ecclesiae ab ipsis Apostolorum fundamentis personalem successionem demonstrare possunt . Anton. Perez . vol. 1. Du. 24. c. 14. p. 70. Baron . An. 44. nu . 12. ex ep . Agapeti . Horant . loc . l. 6. c. 7. Turrian . Resp. ad Sadael p. 124. f Bellarm. d. Eccles . lib. 4. c. 6. Argumentum à successione legitima adfertur à nobis precipue ad probandam non esse Ecclesiam , vbi non est haec successio , quod quidem euidens est : ex quo tamen non colligitur necessariò ibi esse Ecclesiam vbi est successio . a Supra . Bellarm. Stapl. 〈◊〉 lit . a. b Iren. l. 4. c. 43. lis qui in Ecclesijs sunt Presbyteris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qui successione habent 〈◊〉 Apostolis quicunque cum Episcopatus successione charisma veritatis certum secundum placitum patris acceperunt . Id. cap. 44. Ad haerere his qui & Apostolorum Doctrinā custodiunt , & cum Praesbyterij ordine sermonem sanum & conuersationem sine offensa praestant . Tertul. c. Haeres . c. 32. Ipsa doctrina eorum cum Apostolica comparata ex diuersitate & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , neque Apostolici alicuius Authoris effe , neque Apostoli . c Baron . Anno 31. 〈◊〉 . 52. ( Ait ) magnam esse successionis vim cum ex cujusuis hominis qui compos sit rationis sententia certum exploratumque habeatur illic esse legitimum 〈◊〉 , ipsum inquam Catholicam Ecclesiam apud quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exordio est legitimè conseruata . Hosius confess . c. 28. Didicimus jam ibi esse Apostolicā Ecclesiā vbi est Doctrina Apostolorū , porro Doctrina Apostolorū ibi est , vbi est legitima Episcoporú successio , &c. Idem . c. Brent . l. 2. p. 76. Ibi est Ecclesia vbi est legitima Sacerdotum & Episcoporum successio & ab hac successione semper veritas est petita . 〈◊〉 Defens . Cath. p. 991. d Aug. d. vnit . Eccles. c. 16. Sed vtrùm ipsi Ecclesiā teneant , non nisi diuinarum Canonicis libris ostendant , quia nec nos proptereà dicimus nobis credere oportere , quòd in Ecclesia Christi sumus quiaipsam quam tenemus commendauit Mileuitanus optatus , vel Mediolanensis Ambrosius , vel alij inumerabiles nostrae communionis Episcopi , aut quià nostrorum Collegarum Cóncilijs ipsa predicata est . a Occham . Dial. p. 1. l. 4. c. 9. & l. 5. c. 3. &c. 8. &c. 23. b Ibid. c. 28. Ille qui reprobatis filijs carnalibus Abrahae potest de lapidibus suscitare Filios Abrahae spirituales , potens est & omnibus ad generale Conciliū conuenientibus in 〈◊〉 lapsis , imo omnibus Clericis mundi falsitate Haeretica 〈◊〉 , de 〈◊〉 id est Laicis rudibus & abjectis pauperibus , & despectis Catholicis Dei filios suscitare . 〈◊〉 enim in 〈◊〉 ( 〈◊〉 & religiosis ac magistratibus repudiatis ) fidem primitus fundauit Catholicam , ita & omnibus 〈◊〉 & potentibus datis in reprobum sensum , potest dare pauperes simplices illiteratos & rusticos , in 〈◊〉 Ecclesiae Orthodoxae . c Ib. c. 30. Si tota multitudo Clericorum haereticaretur , vel Ecclesia careat praedictis , de facto tamen si remanserint alij Clerici haeretici , possunt aliqui Catholici ordinari , ab eis , &c quibus ordinatis possunt omnia predicta reparari . a 〈◊〉 Dial. p. 1. li. 2. ca. 4. Sancti aliqua tanquā Catholica quaedā tanquam ad fidem necessariò spectantia , nonnulla verò tanquam probata tradiderunt . b 〈◊〉 . Carmeld . 〈◊〉 . ca. 7. Quamuis sanctorum Doctorum scripta , extrà Canonem Biblie sunt legenda , &c. Cum debita 〈◊〉 ; non tamen sunt 〈◊〉 firmae authoritatis & immobilitatis , quin liceat 〈◊〉 contradicere , & circà ea dubitare vbi per Scripturam sanctam euidentèr & expressè non probatur , &c. c Aug. d. pers . Sanctorum ca. 21. Neminem velim sic amplecti mea omnia , vt me sequatur , nisi in eis quibus me non errare perspexerit , epist. 48. Hoc genus literarum ab authoritate Canonis distinguen dum est , & epist. 111. & epist. 112. Nolo authoritatem 〈◊〉 sequaris , &c. & proem . li. 3. d. Trinit . Iob. Driedo . d. Dogm . Eccles. lib. 4. part . 5. c. 6. Nequè ipsi omnes suas sententias suis libris dictas tradiderunt nobis , tanquā fidei sententias dicentes quidem vel per 〈◊〉 , vel per opinionem , vel per rationem , solum ipsis probabilem , ac verisimilem super rebus gestis innixi interdùm solis hominum quorundam testimonijs quos crediderunt veraces , & tamèn potuisse falli & fallere . a Aristot. Anal. Poster . li. 1. ca. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b Zabarel . com . ib. Text. 15. & 16. Multas videtur pati difficultates , &c. Aquin. 〈◊〉 Quest. 87. ar . 2. ad . 3. 〈◊〉 habet si intelligatur in his quae sunt vnius ordinis , &c. Idem . 〈◊〉 . Sent. d. 12. ar . 2. ad . 2. Quandò 〈◊〉 est causa alterius essentiali ordine . c 〈◊〉 tom . 5. Hom. d. sui Expuls . 〈◊〉 manum eius ipsa , mihi murus inexpugnabilis . d Jdem 2. Thess. Hom. 3. Epistolae quotidiè de Coelis venientes legūtut . Audiui lectas hic regias Epistolas . e Aug. Epift. 50. f Aug. Ep. 166. 〈◊〉 d. vnit . 〈◊〉 . c. 3. Sunt certè libri Dominici , quorum authoritati 〈◊〉 consentimus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vtriquè seruimus , ibi quaeramus Ecclesiam , ibi discutiamus causam nostram . a 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Pentateuch . Fid. vol. 3. Dub. 10. c. 14. Comparatione huius ( id est ) Scripturae , testimonium Ecclesiae dici 〈◊〉 potest testimonium hominum , vtpote quod in rigore sermonis non obtinet proprietates & requisita ad rationem verbi Dei , &c. Ca. 15. Illud 〈◊〉 est verbum Dei ( quoad omnia & singula ) ca. 14. Hoc verò ab extrinseco , &c. b Aug. c. Petil. Don. li. 2. c. 77. Tenemus charitatem si amplectimur vnitatem amplectimur autèm vnitatē , si ea non per verba nostra non in parte confingim ' , sed per verba Christi in vnitate cognoscimus . Id. Membra Christi per vnitatis charitatem sibi copulantur , & per eandem capiti suo cohaerent quod est Christus Iesus , &c. Theoder . Expos. Psal. 47. Communitèr omnes in vnam domum rediguntur ob consonantium veterum Dogmatum . c Anton. Perez . Pentateuch . Fid. Vol. 1. Dub. 19. c. 3. Vnitas formalis & substantialis & vnitas perfectiua . d Aug. c. Iul. li. 1. ca. 2. Alia sunt in quibus inter se 〈◊〉 etiam doctissimi atquè optimi regulae Catholicae defensoris , salua fidei compage , non consentiunt & alius alio de vna re melius & verius dicit . Hoc autèm vndè nunc agimus ad ipsa fidei 〈◊〉 fundamenta . Idem sup . Psal. 45. Anton. Perez . Pentateuch . Fid. p. 1. dub . 8. ca. 3. Cyprian . tr . d. laps . Inter alia peccata reperta in hominibus ad Ecclesiam 〈◊〉 recenset animorum discordias & controuerfias . e Concil . Carthag . apud Cypt. & Ib. Pamel . Id. ep . 72. & 73. & 74. & 75. Euseb . Hist. Eccles. li. 7. c. 2.3 , 4. f Idem li. 5. c. 23. g Aug. Proficientes autèm nondumquè perfecti , &c. d. 〈◊〉 Dei , li. 15. ca. 5. a Aquin. 22. q. 37. ar . 1. Cum intentio aliquorum fit ad aliquod bonū , quod 〈◊〉 ad honorē accidens contra bonum 〈◊〉 vel . b 〈◊〉 Hist. 〈◊〉 Lib. 6. cap. 4. & 〈◊〉 Constantini , Lib. 2. cap. 60. & 61. Greg. Nazianz. 〈◊〉 . 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Aug. sup . 〈◊〉 . 45. Nondum nondum completum est . 〈◊〉 . sup . Ezech. c. 4. Vereor ne ista 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in nostra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in qua visio pacis cernitur , quam conteret Dominus quando irascitur , & indignos nos &c. deficiente autem pane & 〈◊〉 Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 vir contra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 discordia est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nobis Christi tunicam , quam nec milites in passione saluatoris nisi sunt , &c. a Aug. d. Doctr. Christ. Lib. 4. c. 16. Ipsis quoque ministris sanctis hominibus vel etiam sanctis Angelis operantibus , nemo recte discit quae pertinent ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deo nisi fiat a 〈◊〉 docilis , &c. 〈◊〉 , Doctrinae tum prosunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per 〈◊〉 cum Dem 〈◊〉 vt prosint , &c. b 〈◊〉 . Eo vsque diffudit sese vti non hominum licuisset . Eo 〈◊〉 Theatris 〈◊〉 . a Vno die centum & triginta septem cadauera peremptorum . Othe Frising . Chron. Lib. 6. cap. 22. b August . d. Doctr. Christ. Lib. 4. cap. 27. Boni sideles non quemlibet hominum , sed ipsum Deum obedienter audiunt , &c. a 〈◊〉 . Alexandr . Strom. Lib. 7. f. 541. Primum ergo hoc aduersus nos adducunt dicentes non oportere credere , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Fore 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 seminentur 〈◊〉 vt in fi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prophetice a Domino dictumest , & fieti non potest , vt non fiat id quod praedictum est esse futurum , &c. Num quispiam aegrotans , & qui vt curetur opus habet , non admittit Medicum propter eas quae sunt in medicina haereses , &c. Neque fi appositus sit fructus , vnus quidem verus & maturus , alius vero factus ex cera quam maxime similis , propter similitudinem est abstinendū ab vtroque , &c. Et quemadmodum si vna sit via Regia , & multae etiam aliae , ex quibus aliquae ferunt in praecipitium , &c. Cum oleribus . Hortensibus vna 〈◊〉 nascutitur herbae , &c. b Bellarm. d. Concil . li. 2. c. 19. Non nititur salus Ecclesiae praecipue humana industria sed 〈◊〉 Dei cum eius Rex sit Deus , &c. c Gerson . d. Pace . consid . 3. Dried . d. Eccles. Dog. lib. 4. cap. 2. pa. 224. Ecclesia sub hac peregrinatione constituta , &c. nondum sine paleis & Zizanijs , &c. etiam in membris viuis . d Cornel. Mus. com . Rom. 6. pag. 279. Vigebat Spinosa & molesta nescio quae Theologia de 〈◊〉 , de Relationibus , de Quidditatibus , &c. Tota pene aetas in hominum decretis quae inter se pugnantia 〈◊〉 , nullo tempore 〈◊〉 , alunt perpetuum per secula litem , conterebatur , &c. Is sublimis Theologus habebatur , qui maiora portenta pro suis Traditiunculis fingere sciat , &c. Hinc Sexcentae Sectae , Thomistae , Scotistae , Occhamistae , Albertistae , Egidiani , Alexandrei , &c. O scelus , posthabebantur Euangelia , Epistolae , Christiana sapientia delitescebat , a paucissimis tradebatur , sed frigide , non dicam infincere , &c. Greg. Naz. Orat. 13. Contentio inter nos fuit , male id quidem non 〈◊〉 inficiabor ( nec 〈◊〉 Diabolo aditum 〈◊〉 aut ansam nec improbis linguis libertatem dari oportuit ) non 〈◊〉 tanta quanta ijs 〈◊〉 , qui 〈◊〉 nostras per calumniam insectantur . a Greg. Naz. Orat. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Quicunque 〈◊〉 paci student , mediosque se profitentur , ab 〈◊〉 male mulctantur , vtpote qui vel contemptui sint , vel etiam bello 〈◊〉 . a Card. 〈◊〉 . Compend . cap. 37. 〈◊〉 nostra , 〈◊〉 a sul exordio , fuerit semper Cath & 〈◊〉 , vniuersitate puritatis , sanctitatis , & veritatis , non tamen vniuersitate dilatationis , &c. b Bellarm. d. Eccles. li. 4. c. 7. Quod 〈◊〉 sola vna Prouincia retineret veram 〈◊〉 adhuc vere & proprie Ecclesia diceretur Catholica , dummodo clare ostenderetur , 〈◊〉 esse vnam & candem cum illa quae fuit aliquo tempore vel diuersis , in toto mundo . a Dried . d. Eccl. dog . li. 4. p. 2. c. 2. Per Haereticos Arium , Nestorium , Eunomium , Mahumetam , major pars veram Ecclesiam de seruit ad dogmata à traditione sanctorum patrum aliena . b 〈◊〉 . Mirand . Apol. q. 1. Rex existens in Palatio , dicitur esse in alio loco prouinciae , vbi authoritate potestatis suae , & imperio suo aliquid 〈◊〉 operatur . c Roger. Houeden . Annal. pars poster . in Richard. 1. Apoc. 18. v. 8. a Card. 〈◊〉 . Theolog. institut . compend . c. 37. Ecclesia tamen nostra licet à sui exordio semper fuerit Catholica & vniuersalis , vniuersitate puritatis , sanctitatis , & veritatis : non tamen 〈◊〉 dilatationis . b Riber . in Apoc. c. 20. p. 399. Seducet 〈◊〉 ex vniuersis orbis partib ' multos , & in ijs Gog & Magog , &c. c Dionis . Carthus . in Apoc. 20. ar . 21. d Aug. 〈◊〉 . Illo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Glossa dicit , particulares Ecclesiae vndique per orbem diffusae subtrahent se ab obedientia Romani Pontificis , ita 〈◊〉 pauci ei obediant & Papa tunc temporis circa partes Italiae se recludet cum paucis , alijs ab obedientia eius substractis . a Occham . dial . p. 1. l. 5. c. 30. b 〈◊〉 . sum . d. 〈◊〉 . c. 30. c Caiet . Luc. 18. v. 8. d 〈◊〉 . d. Antichristo li. 8. c. 8. 9.12 . e Barrad . Harm . Euang. tb . 3. lib. 4. cap. 12. Hieron . sup . -Soph . c. 2. De Ecclesia videtur prima fronte esse blasphemum , quod ea futura fit inuia , & deserta & bestiae habitent in ea , &c. Sed si quis considerauerir 〈◊〉 Apostolicum in quo dicitur , in nouisimis temporibus instabunt tempora pesima , &c. Necnon quod in Euangelio Scriptum est , quod multiplicata iniquitate 〈◊〉 charitas multorum , in tantum vt illo tempore compleatur verumamen veniens filius hominis putas 〈◊〉 fidem super terram ? non mirabitur de extrema Ecclesiae vestitate quae regnante Antichristo tradenda sit in solitudinem , &c. f Cassand . def . Iib. d. Offic. Pij . Viri . pag. 821. A quibus hanc Traditionem accepimus , testes sunt 〈◊〉 , caelestis Doctrinae . a 〈◊〉 . recte dici 〈◊〉 iftos ad promissionem Dei 〈◊〉 pertinere . Non enim Romanos sed omnes genres Dominus , semini 〈◊〉 , media 〈◊〉 iuratione 〈◊〉 . b Aquinas p. 1. q. 19. ar . 6. ad . 1. & 1. sent . d. 47. ar . 2. & d. verit . q. 23. ar . 3. Richard . 1.47 . ar . 1. q. 1. Scot. 1. d. 46. q. vnic . Occham , Gabriel . lb. q. 1. Bonauent . Durand . Herueus , Capreolus . c Soto . Maior . com . 1. Tim. 2.4 . pa. 274. De voluntate antecedenti , id est imaginaria & secūdum quid , impropriè vel metaphoricè dicta . Bannes 1. q. 19. art . 6. Zumel . 1. q. 19. art . 6. d 〈◊〉 1. q. 〈◊〉 . ar . 6. ad . 1. Magis dici . 〈◊〉 . lb. pa. 595. Voluntas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 semper est voluntas inefficax , siue secundum quid , quae vocatur velleitas . e 〈◊〉 . in . 1. p. Tho. q. 19. 〈◊〉 . 6. Disp. 56. nu . 18. Pius d. Ponte Ibid. dub . 3. Cordub . lib. 1. q. 56. Aluar. d. Auxil . disp . 34. nu . 3. Meclin . in . 1. p. Tho. q. 19. art . 6. sect . 2. f Chrys. sup . Rom. Serm. 2. Quemadmodùm enim in Sole & Luna , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vbi neque 〈◊〉 neque 〈◊〉 amplius aliquid contributum est , sed aequa omnibus concessa fruitio : ita & in Euangelica doctrina , imò in hac tantò plenius quantò illa reliquis omnibus necessaria magis 〈◊〉 . a Prosper . d. lib. arb . ad Ruffin . Neque enim remotum est ab inspectione communi quot seculis , quam innumera 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lia vera cognitione defecerint . Aug. epist. 80. Sunt apud nos hoc est in Africa Barbarae 〈◊〉 gentes , in quibus nondum est praedicatum 〈◊〉 . Id. 〈◊〉 . 78. Quantae 〈◊〉 adhuc 〈◊〉 sine 〈◊〉 Euangelio , &c. Quod remansit gentium , vbi nondum est Euangelium praedicatum . Origen . in Math. 〈◊〉 . 28. 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed etiam nostrarum gentium , 〈◊〉 nunc non 〈◊〉 Christianitatis verbunt . Nondum est praedicatum Euangelium regni in 〈◊〉 orbe . Quid autem dicamus de Britannis , 〈◊〉 Germanis , qui 〈◊〉 circa 〈◊〉 apud Barbaros , Dacos , & 〈◊〉 , & Scythas , quorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 audierunt 〈◊〉 gelij verbum , &c. b 〈◊〉 . d. 〈◊〉 disp . 34. nu . 3. Si consideretur falus reproborum secundum se & absolutè sic est à Deo 〈◊〉 . Si autem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 priuationem , splendoris 〈◊〉 eius in electis sic non est volita à Deo. c Lichet 2. sent . d. 47. q. vnic . Velle 〈◊〉 quo ita placet volitum , quod tamen voluntas tale volitum non ponat in esse licet posset ponere illud in esse . a 〈◊〉 . quest . 1. Schol. d. diu . vol. ar . 7. nu . 5. Cōtingentia dicitur de omni 〈◊〉 quod potest esse & non esse , &c. Nequè opus est vt in hac latitudine denotet imperfectionem aliquam seu mutabilitatem , sed causam ità potentem operari vt in eius voluntate sit operari , aut non operari , Scotus . dist . 39. q. Vnic . Voluntas diuina nihil aliud respicit necessario pro obiecto , ab essentia sua : ad quodlibet igitur aliud contingentèr se habet . b Aquinas . 22. q. 10. ar . 1. Bannes . lb. Victoria . d. Indis . Relect. 5. nu . 8. c Acosta . d. proc . Indorum . Sal. li. 1. c. 5. p. 133. Multos esse homines suis tenebris relictos , occulto Dei , veroquè 〈◊〉 , negare non possumus , neque homines modo , sed & familias , & vrbes , & integras saepe prouincias & gentes . Qui & olim fuerunt & nunc vsquè sunt sine Christo , &c. a Turrecr . sum , d. Eccles. lib. 1. ca. 9. Sanctum idem est quod sanguine tinctum vel 〈◊〉 siue emundatū &c. Huius significationis genere , maxime Dei Ecclesia sancta appellanda venit , quae sanguine Christi respersa , purificationem peccatorum accepit , & decorem induit sanctitatis . Card. Monilian . Theolog. compend . c. 36. Dicitur sancta quasi sanguine Christi tincta : Christus enim eam lauit à peccatis suis , in sanguine suo . Eph. 5.26 . b August . sup . Psalm . 45. c Cordub . Arma. Fid. q. 1. Propos. 2. Bellarm. d. Ecclesia li. 4. ca. 11. Greg. Val. tom . 3. disp . 1. punct . 7. Bannes 22. q. 1. ar . 10. fo . 100. August . sup . Psal. 85. Accepit gratiam sanctitatis , 〈◊〉 Baptismi , & 〈◊〉 peccatorum . d Aug. d. Ciuit. Dei , lib. 5. cap. 10. & li. 19. c. 25. & Enchir. c. 75. & sup . Ioh. tr . 76. & d. fid . & operib . c. 7. & d. verb. Dom. Serm. 12. & d. Temp. s. 32. Prosp. sent . 106. & d. Vit. Contempl. li. 3. c. 1. & d. voc . Gent. li. 1. c. 3. & d. lib. Arb. ad Ruffin . &c. Collator . pa. 149. Gregor . Armin. 2. d. 26. q. 1. Capreol . 2. d. 28. ad . 3. & d. 41. pa. 569. Cassalius , d. quadrip . Iust. li. 1. c. 3. pa. 157. c 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . sup . Mat. c. 23. a Epiph. c. Haer. c. 16. Quidā decé , &c. sibi annorū spaciū praefigebant quibus 〈◊〉 aut castitatem colorent : hoc tempus continuis precibus traducebant , & id certaminis frequenti restaurabant , &c. Alij super tabulas dodrantales , &c. Alij super pauimentum , & alij collectos calculos substernebant , &c. Alij spinas , &c. b Montanistae . Euchitae . Apostolici . c Chrys. 〈◊〉 . 25. in moral . sup . Ep. Heb. d Planct . Eccles. li. 2. Ar. 54. fol. 176. col . 3. e In Henrico 3. fol. 592. f d. Episc. vrbis . l. 6. in Clement . 5. g Bernard . d. conuers . ad Cleric . c. 29. Post fornicationes , post adulteria , post incestus , nec ipsa quidem apud aliquos ignominiae passiones & 〈◊〉 opera desunt , &c. Nunquid non 〈◊〉 ciuitates illae huius spur citiae matres , diuino prae damnatae iuditio & incendio de letae 〈◊〉 , &c. Multi nec latere queunt prae multitudine nec prae impudentia quaerunt . a Rodericus , specul . hum . vitae , lib. 2. c. 19. Nec vna vni sufficit muliercula , nisi retentam habeat domi vt vxorem , Concubinas vero & Adolescentulas quarum non est numerus , pag. 305. b Alphons . 〈◊〉 . d. Haer-punit . lib. 3. c. 5. Tam frequens 〈◊〉 est Sacerdotum incontinentia vt si quis illorum castus esse sciatur , quamuis multa alia illi desint necessaria , ob hoc solum , sanctus a populo habeatur . c Aluar. Pelag. d. planct . Eccles. lib. 2. art . 51. Sed hodie Cellulae nostrorum Anachoritarū Hypochriticarum , à mulierculis visitantur : quod eis saepe , &c. d Artic. 27. Per plurimos annos de latere Concubinae qualibet die surgunt . e Artic. 7. Apoc. 18. Custodia omnis immundi spiritus : quia intra Ecclesiam omnia peccata inueniuntur hodie quae immunda dicuntur , &c. Quis enim Clericorum intra sanctam Ecclesiam Castitatem seruat per pauci sunt hodie Presbyteri , maxime in Hispania & regno Apuliae , qui cum sint publici Concubinarij , &c. Nihilominus tota die celebrant , & dant Ecclesiastica Sacramenta . f Dionys. Carthus . c. Plural . Ben. art . 13. Pet. Blesen . Serm. in Synodo . Quidam focarias habent , quidam alienis abutuntur vxoribus , sicut trahit sua quemque voluptas . Idem . Serm. ad Sacerd. Videmus hodie Sacerdotes cum filijs Eli fuscinulas tenentes & cum mulieribus in atrio Tabernaculi , excubantes : & facti sunt equi Emissarij . Vnusquisque ad vxorem proximi hinniebat . Videmus hodie Sacerdotes sedentes cum Baltazar in Conniuijs cum Vxoribus & Concubinis abutentes vasis Domino consecratis . g Reuel . Bridg. l. 6. c. 35. Paucissimi inueniuntur alij & tam pauci vt vix vnus reperitur in centum . h Lib. 4. c. 33. Portae indifferenter Clericis & Laicis quibus placet sororibus introitum dare etiam in ipsis noctibus sunt apertae . Et ideo talia loca fimiliora sunt Lupanaribus quam sanctis Claustris . Gerson . to . 1. declar . def . Ecclesiae , pag. 208. Oculos apperite & inquirite , si quae hodie Claustra Monialium facta sunt quasi prostibula meretricum . Nichol. Clemang . d. corrup . stat . Eccles. Quid obsecro aliud sunt hoc tempore puellarum 〈◊〉 , nisi quaedam non dico Dei Sanctuaria , sed veneris execranda prostibula , sed lasciuorum 〈◊〉 ad libidines explendas receptacula , vt idem sit hodie puellam velare quod & publice ad scortandum impellere . Onus , Eccles. c. 22. §. 12. Adeo propatula , vt ipsa loca veneris prostibulo sint similiora quam Dei sacrario : hinc procacitas , stuprum , incestus 〈◊〉 sacratarum . a 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Quidam dixit Vincentio , quid fuit quod postquam fratres praedicatores , & minores venerunt in mundum nunquam fuit bonum tempus , &c. 〈◊〉 , Eccles. c. 8. §. 4. Abbas Ioach. Vbertinus , d. Casalis . Bridget . Reuel . Extrauag . c. 83. a Bannes . 22. q. 1. ar . 10. p. 101. Summus Pontifex ratione status & obligationis dicitursanctissimus licet actu non sit talis . Symmechus , Papa , d. 40. cap. 1. Non nos . 〈◊〉 . Can. Miss . Lect. 49. &c. b 〈◊〉 . Episc. Zamor . Speculum , vit . Lib. 2. cap. 20. pag. 316. a Laur. Iust. d. compunct & planct . Christi , pag. 575. Clericorum 〈◊〉 maxima pars , 〈◊〉 iacet voluptatibus , & bestiarum more , quasi degentium parum ab illa secularium illorum conuersatio distat . Incedunt quotidie per plateas , &c. Theatris & spectaculis intersunt & 〈◊〉 vacant & nugis , &c. tanquam extranei vineam Domini derelinquunt , inemendabiles permanent , 〈◊〉 gerunt cor , obturatas habent aures , sine intellectu sunt syllabarum , tantum proferentes 〈◊〉 , ab omni spirituali deficiunt gustu . b August . sup . 〈◊〉 . 130. Nec ideo modo non datur spiritus sanctus , quia linguis non loquuntur qui credunt . Ideo enim 〈◊〉 oportebat vt linguis loquerentur , vt significarent omnes gentes credituras , vbi impletum est quod significabatur , miraculum ablatum est . c August . c. Donlib . 3. c. 16. Neque 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 attestantibus , per manus 〈◊〉 modo datur Spiritus Sanctus , &c. Xauer . lib. 3. ep . 5. Si nos linguam calleremus Iaponicam , non 〈◊〉 quin 〈◊〉 fierent Christiani , faxit Deus vt breui eam addiscamus , tum demum aliquam Christianae Rei 〈◊〉 operam , nam 〈◊〉 quidem inter eos tanquam mutae 〈◊〉 versamur . Greg. Moral . lib. 34. c. 3. Stunic . d. Relig. lib. 1. c. 14. Modo a nobis signa atque Prodigia non sunt postulanda , &c. 〈◊〉 . Summa . praedic . Ver. Fides , art . 9. Delrio . Disq. Mag. to . 2. lib. 4. c. 4. quaest . 5. sect . 2. pa. 683. a Chrys. in 1. Corinth . Hom. 6. Moral . Quanto certiores & magis necessariae res sunt , tanto fides est minor , & hoc est 〈◊〉 signa in praesentia non fiant . Idem , sup . Ioh. Hom. 23. Sunt sane & hac nostra aetate qui quaerant , quare & nunc figna non fiunt ? Si fidelis es vt 〈◊〉 , si Christum diligis vt diligendus est , non indiges signis , signa enim in credulis dantur . b Abul . Leuit. 9. q. 14. In 〈◊〉 Ecclesia 〈◊〉 ista necessaria , ad introducendam fidé Euangelij , nunc autem quia sufficienter introducta est , non oportet miracula vlla esse . c Acosta . Non solum Signorum vis nostris temporibus deest , verum pro ijs etiam scelera vbique vigent . d 〈◊〉 . Nec ego hic libri illius authorem excuso qui speculum exemplorum scribitur , nec historiae eius quae Legenda aurea nuncupatur . In illo enim miraculorum monstra saepius quam vera miracula legas . Hanc scripsit homo ferrei oris & plumbei pectoris . e Espenc . in 2. Timoth. 4. Digr . 21. pa. 150. &c. f Acost . d. Proc. Indor . Sal. li. 2. c. 9. Et si in praesentia signa viderentur , quis tamen persuaderet ? quis externorum aures nobis accomodaret , cum tantopere increbrescat malitia ? g 〈◊〉 . sup . Exod . cap. 7. 〈◊〉 p. 11. Hinc aperte cognoscitur , multa videri miracula , quae non sunt , & proprium esse Diaboli , &c. simulare Prophetiam , & miracula . h Bellarm. d. Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 14. Ante probationem Ecclesiae non est euidens aut certum , 〈◊〉 fidei de vilo 〈◊〉 , quod sit verum miraculum . Non constat 〈◊〉 certitudine cui non possit subesse falsum non esse illusionem 〈◊〉 . Acosta , d. Proc. Indor . Sal. lib. 2. cap. 9. Denique quid magnorum signorum consirmatione opus est , vbi potius 〈◊〉 acutior 〈◊〉 , quae altitudinem doctrinae nostrae aliqua 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? Greg. val . sup . Thom. tom . 3. Disp. 1. q. 1. punct . 4. pag. 99. Ipsa miracula per se , non efficiunt certitudinem infallibilem de doctrina , &c. Biel. in Can. 〈◊〉 . Lect. 49. X. Miracula 〈◊〉 fiunt operatione Daemonum , ad fallendum inordinatos cultores , Deo permittente , & exigente talium infidelitate . a August . d. Animi . orig . c. 1. Neque enim negare debeo sicut in ipsis moribus , ita multa esse in tam multis opusculis meis , quae possunt iusto iuditio & nulla temeritate culpari . a Hieron . sup . Aggeum c. 1. Nec 〈◊〉 nec maiorum error sequendus est , sed authoritas scripturarum , & Dei docentis Imperium . b Maioranus . d. vero Dei cultu . l. 2. c. 28. Quid igitut agere debem ' cum quispiam ex patribus nostris siue vnus siue plures aliquid asserrere comperimus quod Catholicae fidei non sit consentaneum ? 〈◊〉 illud contemnendum est : vtique , &c. At quid de patribus illis , num & ipsi quoque repudiandi sunt ? Nequaquam , sed in caeteris omnibus amplectendi sunt & audiend . Etenim quamuis errarunt , errare tamen 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in omnibus , neque semper errauerunt . Greg. Moral . l. 2. c. 41. Abulens . 2. Reg. c. 7. q. 6. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. b Francisc. Picus . Theorem . 23. Multi erroribus de mille annis , & de iteratione Baptismi , &c. Maculati , beatitudine sunt donati , & ab Ecclesia celebrati : vti Papias , Cyprianus , Victorinus , Ireneus , &c. c Canus loc . l. 6. c. 8. Stapl. princip . Doct. l. 8. c. 15. & Relect. c. 4. q. 2. p. 467. & 469. 〈◊〉 . Tena . Isagog . script . difficul . 1. sect . 4. 〈◊〉 . Introduct . Theol. l. 5. c. 7. p. 598. d 〈◊〉 . d. Concil . l. 5. ar . 10. p. 293. Etsi possit errare , non sequitur 〈◊〉 propteria possit recusari , vt suspectum : vt in simili 〈◊〉 in matrimonio . in ca. Tenor , & ca. Lator. & ca. consanguinei . d. re iudic . cùm simil . D. Feeld 4. Booke of the Church , ca. 3. and others . A proofe that the perpetuall Tradition of the true Church cannot be false in any the least point of faith . See S. Aug. ep . 19. ad Hieronimum . a Occham . Dial. p. 1. l. 5. c. 28. In Ecclesia militante est certum iuditium quantum ad ea quae necesse est credere explicite ad salutem aeternam consequendam , quia semper vsque ad finem mundi erunt aliqui Catholici qui tali modo in vera 〈◊〉 explicite permanebunt . b Sed circa illa quae non sunt necessaria explicite credere non est necesse quod semper in Ecclesia Catholica sit tale iudicium , quìa multa sunt de quibus melius est pie dubitare , quam vnam partem contradictionis vel 〈◊〉 temere affirmare . Nequaquam tamen circa quae cunque talia , Catholici omnes aut pertinaciter errabunt aut pertinaciter dubitabunt , &c. pa. 497. Idem pa. 1. l. 2. c. 4. Error qui pertinaciam non habet , non obuiat sanctitati . 〈◊〉 . summ . d. Eccl. l. 2. c. 112. Quamuis Ecclesia dono & authoritate diuina fulciatur , tamen in quantum est hominum congregatio aliquid ex defectu humano in actibus suis prouenit , quod non est diuinum . Lombard . l. 4. dist . 18. f. Ita & hic aperte ostenditur , quod non semper sequitur Deus , Ecclesiae iudicium , quae per 〈◊〉 & ignorantiam interdum iudicat . Francisc. Picus . Theorem . 23. Fieri potest , vt vicarium caput aegrotet , quemad . & naturale , & sicut hoc noxios humores , ita illud praua dogmata , immittat in corpus . c 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 74. 〈◊〉 Traditio , &c. Si in Euangclio precipitur aut in Apostolorum Epistolis , aut actibus continetur , &c. obseruetur diuina haec & sancta 〈◊〉 . Idem . serm . d. 〈◊〉 . Christiana religio inuenit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Scriptura , 〈◊〉 doctrinarum regulas emanasse , & hic nasci & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quic quid Ecclesiastica 〈◊〉 disciplina . a Aug. d. Doctr. Christiana lib. 1. ca. 37. Titubabit auté fides si Scripturarú vaccillat authoritas 〈◊〉 . in Math. hom . 1. b Chrys. d. Lazaro . hom . 4. Etiam fi mortuus reniuiscat , etiam si Angelus de Coelo descédat maxime omnium credendum est Scripturis , nam Angelorum herus , mortuorum paritèr ac viuentium Dominus ipse eas condi dit . c Aug. c. Faust. Manich. li. 11. ca. 5. Tanquam in sede quadam sublimitur constituta est , cui 〈◊〉 omnis fidelis & pius intellectus . d Aug. in Psalm . 22. Optatus Mileuitanus c. Parmen . li. 5. De Coelo , quaerendus est Iudex , & qui in tumulo quiescit tacitis tabulis loquitur viuus , voluntas eius velut in testamento sic inquiratur . e Aug. d Trinit . lib. 3. ca. 11. Nec relicto solidaméto diuini eloquij &c. f Cameracensis 1. Sent. q. 1. Art. 1. Principia Theologica sunt ipsae sacri Canonis veritates , quoniam ad ipsas fit vltimata resolutio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ex eis 〈◊〉 singulae propositiones , Theologiae deducuntur . g Chrys. 2. Cor. hom . 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Aug. c. Don. lib. 2. ca. 6. Afferamus diuinam stateram de Scripturis sanctis . 〈◊〉 serm . d. Bapt. Christiana religio inuenit ex hac Scriptura , omnium Doctrinarum regulas emanasse , & hic nasci , & huc 〈◊〉 quicquid Ecclesiastica continet disciplina . a Hieron . sup . Aggeum . c. 1. Quae absque authoritate & testimonio scripturarum quasi Traditione Apostolica sponte reperiút atquè confingunt , percutit gladi Dei. b Bassolis , praef . Prolog . sup . Sent. Quartum principale . De primo nota quod fundamenta eius in montibus sanctis . Fundamentum enìm Scripturae sacrae , Christus est , petra solidissima supra quā fundata est veritas Scripturae . c Certioré sane dixit certiorem nō meliorem non veriorem . Tam enim verus ille sermo de Coelo , quam sermo Propheticus , tàm bonus tàm vtilis . Quid est ergo certiorem , nisi in quo magis confirmetur Auditor . d Aug. d. 〈◊〉 . Dei , li. 11. c. 3. & lib. 14. ca. 7. e Chrys. d. Lazaro Hom. 4. f Rupert in Mat. lib. 4. cap. 5. ver . 2. Quod est illud os Domini , nisi 〈◊〉 per quas nobis loquitur 〈◊〉 g Chrys. Hom. d. Expuls . ipsius . Lego manum cius , &c. Aug. 〈◊〉 . 144. Quoddam Chyrographum Dei quod omines transeuntes legerent & viam promissionis 〈◊〉 tenerent . h Chrys. in Rom. hom . 30. a Aug. d. Ciuit-Dei li. 19. ca. 18. b Idem ep . 50. & d. vnit . Eccles. c. 3. c Annal. tom . 1. Anno. 53. n. 11. d Pighius concrouers . 3. e Coster . Enchirid . loc . d. Pontif. pa. 135. f Pigh . controuers . 3. pa. 92. Idem Hierarch . Epistol . Nuncupator . 〈◊〉 . disp . 2. d. fid . pag. 21. Ipsae Scripturae quoad bonam partem , difficiles sunt , obscurae & ambiguae , inflar nasi cerei , & regulae lesbiae , susque deque trahi possunt ab impijs . g Andrad . defens . lib. 2. pag. 257. Neque in libris ipsis quib ' sacra mysteria cōscripta sút , quicquam inest diuinitatis , quae nos ad credendum quae illis continentur , religiono aliqua constringat , &c. Bannes 22. q. 1. ar . 10. pag. 181. Cum sitelinguis & mortua , seipsam 〈◊〉 non valet . h Stapl. Princip . Doctr. lib. 12. ca. 2. pa. 444. i Bos. d. Signis Eccles. tom . 2. lib. 16. ca. 10. k Maioranus Clyp . lib. 2. cap. 28. Vnus Ecclesiae consensus qui nunquam caruit spiritu Deipluris apud nos esse debet , quā omnes elingues , & muti codices , & quotquot fuerunt sunt & erunt , vnquam scripta volumina , quae hominum ingenijs semper materiam contentionis prebuerunt . l 〈◊〉 . Def. 〈◊〉 . d. verb. Dei , lib. 4. cap. 4. & cap. 12. Putasnè plures haereses & sectas exorituras fuisse , si nulla penitus Scriptura extitisset , quam nunc cum Scriptura mortalibus è Coelo data est ? Ego certe propior sum existimanti , pauciores , 〈◊〉 futuras . m Clauis , Apostolica ar . 8. Nomine Ecclesiae aptè intelligi potest , ipse vniuersalis Ecclesiae pastor , &c. atquè adeo dictum Augustini est , Idem ac si diceret Euangelio non crederem , nisi me 〈◊〉 quinti aut alterius Pontificis moueret authoritas . n Baron . Annal. tom . 11. Anno 1076. n. 33. Quod 〈◊〉 capitulum nullusquè liber 〈◊〉 habeatur , absquè illius authoritate . a 〈◊〉 Animaduers . c. Par. Disp. 1. c. 2. Thes. 7. pag. 12. b 〈◊〉 . Lo. com . d. Script . n. 66. Nec dum Pontificij integram farraginē Traditionum suarū enumerare vel potuerunt vel voluerunt ( qua de re Colloq . Ratisbon ) verùm quasi communem hanc topicam solum seruant , vt quicquid ex Scriptura probare non possunt , ex Traditione ortum esse dicant . c Bellarm. d. verb. Dei , li. 1. ca. 2. At 〈◊〉 is Scripturis quae Propheticis & 〈◊〉 literis continentur , nihil est notius , nihil est certius . d Lombard . sent . lib. 4. d. 18. F. Non sempèr Deus sequitur Ecclesiae iudicium , quae per surreptionem & ignorantiam interdum iudicat , Deus autèm semper iudicat secundùm veritatem . Panormitan in Decret . 5. d. sent . Excom . c. 28. Iudicium Ecclesiae aliquandò 〈◊〉 opinionem , quae saepè fallit & fallitur . Veritas quandoquè later Ecclesiam . Gratia gratis data . Gratia gratum faciens . Aquin. 1.2 . q. 111. ar . 1. Cum gratia ad hoc ordinetur vt homo reducatur in Deum , ordine quodam hoc agitur , vt scilicet quidam per alios in Deum reducantur . Secundum hoc igitur duplex eft gratia : vna quidem per quam ipse homo Deo coniungitur , quae vocatur gratia gratum faciens . àlia vero per quam vnus homo cooperatur alteri , ad hoc quod ad Deum reducatur : hoc autem donum vocatur gratia gratisdata . a Aug. Ep. 80. & in Psal. 56. 〈◊〉 . Math. c. 28. b Leo Epist. 69. Ego vobiscum sum vsque ad consummationē seculi : vt si quid perseruitutem , nostram , bono ordine & gratulanti impletur affectu , non ambigamus per Spiritum sanctum 〈◊〉 donatum . a 〈◊〉 . cp . 19. 〈◊〉 . in Ps. 86. Fundamenta 〈◊〉 in montibus fanctis . Quos nos dicere 〈◊〉 fundamenta ? Apostolos , in 〈◊〉 erant fundamenta , &c. 〈◊〉 quia 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 fundamento alius aurum alius argentum , &c. Diligit Dominus Portas Syon super omnia Tabernacula , &c. b Orig. in 〈◊〉 . tr . 1. Quod si super vnum illum Petrum tantum existimas 〈◊〉 totam Ecclesiam , quid 〈◊〉 es de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & Apostolorum vnoquoque ? Alioqui num audebimus dicere , quod aduersus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non praeualiturae sint portae inferorum , aduersus caeteros autem Apostolos & praesectos 〈◊〉 sint , ac non potius , in omnibus , & singulis corum , &c. c Hieron . in Psal. 86. Et principum , hoc est Apostolorum & Euangelistarum horum qui fuerunt , in ea , videte quid dicat , Qui fuerunt , non qui sunt , vt exceptis Apostolis quodcunque aliud posteal 〈◊〉 , abscindatur , non habeat postea authoritatem . Quamuis ergo 〈◊〉 sit aliquis post Apostolos , quamuis disertus non . 〈◊〉 authoritatem , Quoniam Domin ' narrat in Scriptura populorum , & Principum qui fuerunt in ca. d Cyril . in Esaiam , lib. 2. c. 12. 〈◊〉 scripta 〈◊〉 ( Apost . ) nos 〈◊〉 , ac 〈◊〉 & constantia fidei , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pag. 103. e Cordub . Arm. Fid. Quaest. 2. Prop. 9. Promissiones Dei generales , de co 〈◊〉 ipse non solus , sed 〈◊〉 & cum 〈◊〉 nostris concurrendo in nobis facturus est , sub hac conditione sunt intelligendae , si videlicet homo faciat quod in se est , ad talem finem & effectum . f Leo. serm . 2. c. 3. d. Resurrect . Chrys. Matth. Hom. 91. Hieron . sup . Matth. 28. Basil. Hom. 29. g Druthmar . Matth. 28. Est etiam cum Reprob is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Sed aliter est cum 〈◊〉 , &c. Paschas . 〈◊〉 . in Matth. 28. Se cum suis elecus in . a 〈◊〉 , Dial. p. 1. lib. 5. c. 31. b Id. lib. 2. c. 25. & lib. 4. c. 9. & lib. 5. c. 3. Non est necessarium credere implicite nec explicite , multitudinem Christianorum non errare nec errasse in fide , nec maiorem partem : pro eo quod , fides Catholica in 〈◊〉 potest seruari , pag. 451. Fides quam B. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , praedicauir & docuit , nunquam deficiet , sed in aliquibus Christianis Clericis vel Laicis , 〈◊〉 vel mulieribus , vsque ad finem seculi perdurabit . 473. Quamuis maior pars , immo tota fere multitudo Cloricorum , possit contra fidem errare , & fidem Catholicam pertinaciter 〈◊〉 , tamen semper 〈◊〉 saltim 〈◊〉 Episcopus sacerdos Catholicus , qui illa quae ordinis sunt , licite valeat exercere . 502. Sicut in Idiotis ( Sacerdotibus ac Religiosis & Magistratibus repudiatis ) fidem primitus fundauit Catholicam : Ita omnibus literatis & potentibus datis in reprobum sensum , potest dare 〈◊〉 simplices illiteratos & rusticos , in aedificationem Ecclesiae Orthodoxae . 498. c Kling . Loc. Com. lib. 3. cap. 32. Apud viros bonos & aequos maioris authoritatis est iudicium illorum Scripturae qui sanctis illis Apostolis ac Martyribus viciniores 〈◊〉 , quorum vita & affectio erat purior & multo sanctior , quam huius populi nunc superstitis , qui certe vix rationem 〈◊〉 habet ad purum Vinum si cum priori illo conferatur . a Ioh. Sarisbur . Policrat . lib. 6. ca. 24. Romana Ecclesia quae mater omnium Ecclesiarum est , se non tam matrem exhibet quam nouerram . Sedent in ea Scribae & Pharasaei , ponentes onera importabilia , in humeris hominum : quae digito non contingunt . Dominantur in Clero , nec forma sunt 〈◊〉 , &c. Concutiunt Ecclesias , 〈◊〉 excitant , collidunt Clericos , & popularium laboribus , & miserijs afflictorum nequaquam compatiuntur : Ecclesiarum laetantur spolijs , & quaestum reputant pietatem , iustitiam , non tam veritate quam pretio redimunt . Nocent saepius & eo Daemonas imitantur , tunc prodesse putantur cum nocere desistunt . Ipse Romanus Pontifex omnibus grauis & intolerabilis est . Iacob . Almain . Quaest. Vesp. Vtinam Zelus Domus Dei , nostri temporis Praelatos comederet , & Zelarent salutem Christi fidelium plusquam pecuniam ? Ibid. Cum caput ac si esset in destructionem , sibi potestas data , & non in aedificationem , in eos qui salutem corpotis intendunt saeuire videatur , & pro eo quod bene arguunt plectere paena . Sext. Decretal . c. Fundamenta . Gloss. Roma fundata a praedonibus , adhuc de primordijs retinet , dicta Roma quasi rodens manus . Roma manus rodit , quod rodere non valet odit . Auentin . Annal. Boior . lib. 4. pag. 322. Faxit Deus Opt. Max. & meliorem mentem det Pontif. nostris , vti omisso luxu fastuque diuitem Principem 〈◊〉 , sequi desinant , fallacissimi mundi huius caduca atque fragilia bona fastidiant . Christum pauperem 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bibere , & eius crucem humeris portare , tandem discant . Ita fiet , vt vulgo male vltra non audiant , atque castigentur , quod gregem Christianum populum Dei peculiarem compilent , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , & tanquam escam 〈◊〉 denorent , adeo vt tolerabilior miseris foret conditio sub Imperio Turcarum . Tertullian . d. Praescript . Ca. 32. Ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prouocabuntur ab illis Ecclesijs , quae licet nullum ex Apostolis , vel Apostolicis authorem suum proferant , vt multo posteriores , quae denique quotidie instituuntur : tamen in 〈◊〉 fide conspirantes , non minus Apostolicae deputantur pro consanguinitate doctrinae . a 〈◊〉 . d. Ecclesia l. 4. c. 8. Omnes Ecclesiae Patriarchales , habuerunt per longa tempora Episcopos manifeste Haereticos , & proindè interupta est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 successio . 〈◊〉 . Princip . Doctr. l. 4. c. 18. b 〈◊〉 . Com. Math. 28.20 . Ex hoc intelligitur quod vsque ad finem seculi , non sunt 〈◊〉 in mundo qui diuina mansione & in habitatione sunt digni . Chrys. in Math. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . De functi quoque multum valent prodesse hijs , qui eorum imperio paruerint . Bell. d. 〈◊〉 . Beat. li. 1. c. 6. B. Paulus adhuc bene operatur , exemplo & Scriptis . c Orig. in Math. Hom. 1. Quoniam qui Episcoporum locum sibi vendicant vtuntur eo dicto sicut Petrus , & Claues regni caelorum à saluatore acceperunt , docentque ea , quae ab illis ligata fuerint , hoc est cōdemnata eadem , & in caelis ligata , rurfus ea quae soluta fuerint ab ipsis , eadem & in caelis esse soluta , dicendum est illos rectè loqui , si pariter & facta habuerint ob quae dictum est illi qui erat Petrus , tu es Petrus : sique tales fuerint , vt à Christo super eos aedificetur Ecclesia , & ad eos illud iure referri possit . Nichol. Clemang . Disp. 〈◊〉 . mater . Concil . General . Illis adest spiritus , illos dirigit , atque ad finem ducit salutarem , qui dignum in se hospitium illi parauerunt , seque eius aspiratione arque visitatione ( quantum in eis erat ) per bona opera dignos fecerunt . Illos autem quomodo audiat , aut vifiter aut illustrer , qui sibi aduersantur , illumque cum in se non possident , in alijs extinguere nituntur , qui pro igne charitatis , ardore sunt ambitionis inflammati . d Greg. 〈◊〉 . Catech. cap. 33. In spirituali modo regenerationis promisit se ad futurum his quae facta sunt , & imprimit operi 〈◊〉 suam , voluntate nostra accedente ad id quod intenditur . Atque id quod dixit Christus , inprimis videtur referendum esse , ad 〈◊〉 suam in 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 operibus , in quibus quod cernitur corruptibile est , quod latet 〈◊〉 . a Cusan . Concord . Cath. l. 1. c. 5. Licet fides vna sit funiculus 〈◊〉 , tamen aliquando varietas opinionū absque pertinacia , stat , cum vnitate . a 〈◊〉 . Relect. c. 1. quaest . 4. ar . 5. notab . 1. Est quoque & vocatur interdū vera Ecclesia propter ipsam doctrinae perfectissimam puritatem & Sacramentorū vsum religiosissimum . Quae sanè perfectio non est omnium temporum & locorum : quia & iuxtà Catholicum intellectū de quibusdam doctrinae partibus dubitari interdùm potest , & a magnis viris erratum est , manente etiàm penes tales vera Ecclesia . b Chrys. Serm. 20. sup . Rom. Tametsi enim gratia sit & ipsa , non tamen simplicitèr effunditur sed mensuram à recipientibus se accipiens , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quantum inuenerit sibi oblatum fidei vasculum . c Bernard . in Psalm . Qui. hab . Serm. 10. Nisi esset hic , quaedam vt ita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. d sunt Christiani &c. Maior continentia inuenitur apud illos qui sūt in Schismate . Id. 1. Cor. ho. 36. Cyprian . d. Laps . n. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . d. 〈◊〉 . Dei lib. 3. Ipsa Dei Ecclesia quae in omnibus debet esse placatrix Dei , quid est aliud , quid est aliud pene omnis coetus 〈◊〉 , quam sentina vitiorum ? e Chrys. Imp. Math. Hom. 49. Nunc autem signorum operatio sunt Christiani . Greg. Mor. lib. 34. ca. 3. A sancta Ecclesia . f Suar. Def. Fid. Cath. lib. 1. ca. 7. cap. 44. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de authoritate 〈◊〉 doctoris haeretici , illos &c. quasi nec hoc scriptum sit , venturos multos , qui 〈◊〉 virtutes maximas aederent , ad fallaciam muniendam corruptae praedicationis , &c. g 〈◊〉 loc . lib. 11. ca. 6. a Occham . Dial. part . 1. lib. 5. cap. 5. Quod autèm Sacerdotes summi veteris legis , & etiam Iudices principales poterant contrà legem iubere , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 veritatem errare , constat ex hoc , quod plures eorum à veritate iudicij & fidei 〈◊〉 , ficut per plura exempla posset ostendi , quod plures summi Pontifices , Sacerdotes , circa tempora Machabeorum legem Domini reliquerunt . Vrias etiàm Sacerdos obediens Regi Achaz , contra legem erexit altare , sicut habetur 4. Reg. 16. Summi etiàm Sacerdotes tempore Christi in multis contrà legem errauerunt . Iudices etiàm Hebreorum nonnulli post Iosue , contrà legem egerunt , & omnes Reges praetèr Dauid , Ezechiam , & Iosiam idololarriam commiserunt . Quarè & summi Sacerdotes & Iudices in vetere lege contra legem potuerunt iubere . a Consess . Tabor c. Rokensan , Anno Dom. 1431. Et qui merindoli , Agriae , Costae , &c. Habitabant ediderunt cōfessionem suā , &c. in qua continentur hij articuli : 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 credendum esse in cis quae ad salutem 〈◊〉 , &c. 2. Sacras literas integrè continere omnia , &c. 3. 〈◊〉 tantùm esse 〈◊〉 nec invocandos Sanctos , &c. 4. Purgatorium nullum esse , &c. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse 〈◊〉 . 6. Missas quae pro mortuis canuntur impias esse , &c. 7. Traditiones humanas pro necessarijs ad 〈◊〉 habendas non esse . 8. Ieiunia in ciborum discrimine , monochatum Papisticum , Benedictiones creaturarum , &c. perigrinationes , &c. esse humanum inuentum . 9. Primatum Papae super omnes Ecclesias reijciunt . 10. Rom. Ecclesiam esse Babilonem in Apocalipsi . 11. Communionem in 〈◊〉 specie , &c. 12. 〈◊〉 Papales 〈◊〉 . 13. Coniugium Sacerdotum esse sanctum , &c. b 〈◊〉 Hist. li. 5. pa. 460. Tamen extitere sempèr per interualla qui eorum doctrinam intermortuam renouarent , Ioh. Wiclevus in Anglia , Ioh. Hus & Hier. Pragensis : nostra verò aetate postquam Lutheri doctrina , obuio tam multorum fauore accepta est , reliquiae eorum vbiquè sparsae colligi , & crescente Lutheri nomine vires & authoritatem sumere caeperunt , &c. 〈◊〉 , Hist. 〈◊〉 . lib. 3. & li. 12. Guicciard . Hist. 〈◊〉 . lib. 13. Anno Dom. 1520. Ex Martini Lutheri , &c. maxima ex parte veteris Bohemorum sectae , quae , &c. diu intrà Bohemiae fines inclusa fuerat , excitatoris , originem habuit . c 〈◊〉 . d. prescript . c. Haer. ca. 32. In eadem fide conspirantes , &c. Apostolicae deputantur pro consanguinitate doctrinae . Jb. ca. 37. Veritas nobis adiudicetur , quicunquè in ea regula incedimus , quam Ecclesia ab Apostolis , 〈◊〉 à Christo , Christus à Deotradidit . a Aug. d. prae dest . sanctor . c. 3. Quem meum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 opuscula mea satis indicant scripta ante 〈◊〉 meum . b 40. Si Papa suae & fraternae salutis negligens 〈◊〉 , inutilis & remissus in operibus , & insuper à bono taciturnus , quod magis officit sibi & omnibus , nihilominus innumerabiles populos cateruatim secum ducit ad Gehennam cum ipso plagis multis in aeternum vapulatures : huius culpas istic redargurere praesumat mortalium nullus , quia cunctos 〈◊〉 iudicaturus , à nemine est iudicandus . c Tho. Waldens . Doctrinal . Prefat . ad Martin . 5. Statutum publicum emanauit , quod omnes 〈◊〉 , sicut Dei proditores essent , sic proditores Regis proscriptis bonis censerentur , & regni , duplici poenae dandi , incendio propter Deum , suspendio propter regem . a 〈◊〉 Syluius Hist. Bohem. c. 13-Quum Episcopus qui Slauos 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 octauo , supplicaret , vt illis sua Lingua in Sacris , vti liceret &c. Audita est Vox de Coelo , omnis spiritus laudet Dominum & omnis vox confiteatur ei . b The Massacre of Paris . 〈◊〉 . Hist. lib. 52. & lib. 53. Nullum similis 〈◊〉 exemplum , in tota antiquitate reperiri . Natal . Comes . Histor. lib. 25. pa. 508. 〈◊〉 sexaginta millia hominum , varijs in locis per illud tempus , trucidata fuisse dicta sunt in Gallia , &c. c August . c. Donat. lib. 5. cap. 1. Apertissimum Sacrilegium Schismatis eminet , si nulla fuit causa separationis . d Dried . d. Eccles. Dogm . lib. 4. cap. 4. Neque tenentur Oues sub esse Pastori vlli qui iam factus est , aut ex . Pastore Lupus , aut saluti gregis contrarius . Francisc. Picus , Mirand . Theor. 23. Capitis autem male sani & deliri contagia vitanda sunt , ne & ipsi artus pestilenti humore tabefierent . a 〈◊〉 . d. verb. & Pagani , 〈◊〉 fecerunt , contra 〈◊〉 . b Bernard . Assump . Mariae , Serm. 5. Sciendum , quod alia est vnitas sanctorum , quam ex Scripturis commendauimus : Alia est facinorosorum , quae nihilominus ex ipsis Scriptui is , 〈◊〉 & improbatur . Psal. 2. 2. Matth. 22. 15. c Hilar. lib. ad Constant. Per speciosum nomen pacis , in vnitatem per fidiae subrepimus , &c. pag. 28. d Gregor . Moral . lib. 33. cap. 24. e Francisc. Picus . Theorem . 16. Fuere qui dicerent , Concilium in causa fidei prae esse Pontifici , fuere qui Pontificem Concilio praeponerent : & circa ipsius Synodi collectionem , alia etiam quaestio , vtrum sine Pontifice , vtrum eo refragante conuocari colligique possit . f Aluares Pelag. d. Planct . Eccles. lib. 1. ar . 13. August . Anchona Summa , d. Eccles. Pot. qu. 36. art . 2. Carerius , Francisc. Bosius , & alij . g 〈◊〉 . d. Pontif. Rom. lib. 5. cap. 6. & 7. Aquinas 22. q. 12. h Hugo Victor . d. Sacrament . lib. 2. par . 2. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 Patauin . Occham , &c. Ferus , in Matth. cap. 16. Bernard . d. Consid. ad Eugen. lib. 1. i Petrus , d. Ferrar. Singui . Pract. Form. Resp. Rei . Conuent . fol. 45. Male ergo & pessime faciunt Imperatores sustinere quod habeant merum & mixtum Imperium , quia Dominus dixit Petro , conuerte gladium in locum suum , prohibens sibi expresse , quod de his se non intromitteret . k Ferus , Postil . Serm. 3. d. Coen . Domin . In omnibus gentibus maior nunc est concordia quam inter Christianos . a Azor. Instit. Mor. tom . 2. lib. 5. cap. 43. Iohannes Decimus , Leo Nonus , Innocentius Secundus , Gregorius Sextus , Iulius Secundus , Vrbanus Quartus , ex Sabellic . & Bergom . b Aluar. d. planct . Eccles. Lib. 2. art . 5. Nec sunt hodie Praelati , Principes pacis , sicut Christus , Esay 9. sed Guerrae . Sigebert . Anno 1085. Matth. Paris . Chronic. Greg. Papa , confessus est suadente Diabolo se iram & odium inter humanum genus concitasse . Otho Frising . Chron. lib. 6. cap. 33. Quos dum Leo Papa , cum militia ad vrbem rediens Ecclesiae & Imperij finibus arcere vult , Tanta strages facta fuit , quod acerus ex ossibus mortuorum compactus hactenus ab indiginis illic monstratur . Ibid. cap. 36. Quanta mala quot bella , bellorumque discrimina vnde secuta sunt , quoties misera Roma obsessa , capta vastata , quod Papa super Papam sicut Rex super Regem positus fuerit tedet memorare . Auentin . Annal. Boiorum , lib. 6. pag. 480. per triginta tres annos à Gregorio & Vrbano continenter sanguine , 〈◊〉 belligeratum est . Nauclerus ex Hermanno . Guelphorum & Gibellinorum factiones , &c. quae deinceps a Gregorio 9. nutritae , adeo late serpsere vt nulla ciuitas nullum oppidum , nullus populus , ea tabe perniciosissima intactus remanserit , vrbs enim in vibem , Prouincia in Prouinciam , haec populi pars in alteram , nulla impellente alia quam harum partium causa , vsque ad haec nostra tempora miro 〈◊〉 inter se saeuiere . Abbas Vsperg . in Philip. Imper. Tunc coeperunt multiplicari mala in terris . Ortae sunt siquidem in hominibus , simultates doli perfidiae vt se inuicem tradant in mortem & interitum , Rapina deprae dationes , depopulationes terrarum vastationes incendia , seditiones bella & rapinae siue in stratis siue in latrocinijs iustificatae sunt , vt omnis homo iam sit periurus , & praedictis facinoribus implicatus , vt vix excusari possit , quin sit in 〈◊〉 ficut populus sic Sacerdos , tribulatio magna prohibuit hoc , vt nec quis de villa sua possit procedere secure 〈◊〉 in proximam villam . a Chrys. ad Rom. Hom. 1. Romanis scribens qui velut in quodam totius Orbis , vertice constituti erant , nihil prae reliquis gentibus illis praecipui adscribit . Neque enim ideo quod tum potentes erant & regnabant plus 〈◊〉 spiritualium eos habere dicit : sed quemadmodum inquit omnibus gentibus praedicamus ita & vobis , connumerans 〈◊〉 & Scythis , ac Thracibus , nisi enim hoc significare voluisset superfluum erat dicere in quibus estis & vos . Theodoret. sup . Rom. cap. 1. Eos , non vt qui totius Orbis terrarum Dominium obtinerent , ab alijs gentibus secreuit , sed alijs commiscuit . Theophilact . ibid. Hic tollit eorum cogitationem de Primatu . Non enim inquit alias antecellitis gentes , 〈◊〉 Imperium vobis vsurpetis : verum enim perinde ac caeteris , sic vobis praedicamus , ne igitur turgeatis fastu . Oecumen . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Cyprian . Epist. 64. & Epist. 69. & Epist. 73. Constantius , ap . Socrat. Hist. Eccles. Lib. 1. cap. 6. & Lib. 2. cap. 2. Greg. Naz. in Testam . apud Brisson . d. form . Lib. 7. Vincent . Lyr. contr . Haer. cap. 25. b The Syrians , or Melchites , Georgians , Russians , Nestorians , Christians of S. Thomas in India , Iacobites , Copthi , Habassines , Armenians , Maronites . c Greg. Nazian . Orat. d. Seipso , c. Arrian . Vbi illi sunt , qui Ecclesiam multitudine definiunt . Chrysost. ad Pop. Antioch . Hom. 40. August . sup . Psal. 39. a Gerson . to . 4. 〈◊〉 . Brugis scripta . p. 51. b Concil . Basil. Resp. Synodal . p. 139. Surius . c Concil . Lateran . sub Iulio 2. Oratio 〈◊〉 . Surius tom . 4. pag. 520. Ita in sanctam nauiculam impetum facere vt penè 〈◊〉 fluctibus illa latus dederit , & prope meria & pessundata 〈◊〉 d 〈◊〉 in Marcellino primo . e 〈◊〉 . disp . d. Repub. lib. 1. cap. 12. pag. 73. Espenc . com . T t. cap. 1. pag. 71. Tot in Ecclesiam abusus , & grauissimos morbos irrupisse , quibus ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 fama ad in fideles vsque dimanet Christianismum deridentes , &c. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in adag . Dulce belium inexpertis . g Aluar. Pelag. d. planct . Ecclesiae Nichol. Clemang . Onus 〈◊〉 . Poth . d. stat . Domus Dei. h 〈◊〉 in Ioh. 13. i Concil . Constant. Seff . 11. ar . 5. k Auentin Anal. Boiorum l. 3. p. 211. l Chron. in Henrico 3. pag. 535. m Math. Paris . ib. anno 1213. p. 327 n Aluar. d. planct . Eccles. lib. 2. art . 5. litera Aleph . Vid. Surium . tom . 4. Concil . pag. 820. 824. 569. 579. 642. Abbas Vsperg . an . 99. Luithprand . vit . Pap. lib. 6. c. 6. Dionys. Carthus . Ep. in fine commentar . Apoc. Naclantus . Medulla script . in praelud . c. 4. Petrus 〈◊〉 . pag. 39. & 40. Berchor . Dictionar . v. 〈◊〉 . o Ibid. art . 17. Roderic . spec . pag. 316. Dies . postil : Ser. 4. d. Nat. Dom. pag. 363. Thom. Frater lib. d. Condit . Praelat . p Honor. Angust . Dial. d. 〈◊〉 . & lib. 〈◊〉 . Verte te ad Ciues Babyloniae , & vide quales sint & per quas tendant plateas , &c. Vide veni huc ad supercilium montis , & cuncta possis aedificia cemere damnatae ciuitatis , Intuere Principes eius & Iudices ( nempe Cardinales 〈◊〉 , &c. ) Ecce posita est in eis bestiae sedes . Omni tempore ad malum sunt intenti semper negotijs iniquitatis inexplebiliter occupati , flagitia non solum faciunt , sed & alios facere instruunt : sancta vendunt scelera emunt totis 〈◊〉 laborant , ne soli ad Tartara veniant . Verte te ad Clerum , & videbis in eis Bestiae 〈◊〉 , Dei seruitium negligunt , terrenis lucris inseruiunt , Sacerdotium per immunditiem polluunt , populum per 〈◊〉 seducunt , Deum per mala opera ab negant omnes Scripturas ad salutem pertinentes abdicam , omnibus modes laqueos ad ruinam populo substernunt , quem caecum ipsi caeci ad interitum praecedunt . Contemplare & Monachorum conciliabula , & videbis in eis Bestiae Tabernacula per fictam professionem Deum irridentes iram eius prouocant normam regularem moribus & vita calcant , per habitum seculum fallunt , 〈◊〉 deceptos decepti ipsi decipiunt , secularibus negotijs impliciti sunt , 〈◊〉 seruitio Dei desides existunt : plerique illorum gulae & 〈◊〉 dediti sunt , quidam in immunditiae sorde computrescunt . Aspice etiam habitacula monialium & cernes in eis Bestiae praeparatum Thalamum . Hae à tenera aetate impudicitiam discunt complices sibi plurimas ad cumulum suae damnationis adsciscunt , vel se operire festinant quo magis fiaena 〈◊〉 laxare queant . Omnibus fornicarijs peius prosternuntur , & vt insatiabilis Charybdis nunquam stercore immunditiae replentur . Hae animas 〈◊〉 illaqueant , & gaudent si plures illaqueant : atque haec vult palmam victoriae quae alijs praeualet in scelere . b 〈◊〉 . Annal. Boior . l. 7. p. 530. Quemcun que sceleris obnoxium , parricidio , incestu , sacrilegio , pollutum , continuo vbi cruciculam vesti assuisset , solutum esse & crimine & poena declamitabant , quippe his aliter ab auditoribus vt fit acceptis , maximam foenestram ad ne quitiam patefecerunt : plerique ansa hinc accepta inimicos suos prius tollebant , hinc in militiam sacram nomina dabant . 〈◊〉 . com . Tit. 1. p. 67. Prostat & in quaestu pro meretrice sedet , liber palam ac publice , hic impressus , hodie que vt olim venalis Taxa Camerae , siue Cancellariae Apostolicae , in scriptus , in quo plus scelerum discas licet , quam in omnibus vitiorum 〈◊〉 , & summarijs & plurimis quidem licentia , omnibus autem absolutio empturientibus , proposita . pa. 68. Habeat iam Roma pudorem , & 〈◊〉 nullius frontis criminum , omne genus catalogum , prostituere desinat . a Ambr. Hexam . l. 1. c. 8. Chrys. sup . Ioh. ho. 58. & ad Pop. Antioch . Ho. 1. & sup . Genes . Ho. 10. & Hom. 35. Ambros . ser. 35. Cyril . clulian . lib. 7. p. 160. Fran. Picus . Theorem . 5. a Walsingham . Edwar. 1. p. 61. Obtinuit rex a Domino Papa absolutionem à iuramento , &c. vsus consuetudine & caurela paterna qui quoties instabat necessitas , de faciliiurare voluit se 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suorum & eadem 〈◊〉 voluit 〈◊〉 quoties sibi tempus commodior accideret , praetendens Papalem absol . à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b Constit. Otho . d. Concub. Cler. rem . Videtur quod crimen Meretricij Ecclesia sub dissimulatione transire debeat , nam & Marischallus Papae de facto exigit tributum a meretricib ' . c Inocent . part . 10. c. 34. Grat. Caus. 23. q. 5. cap. 47. Excommunicatorum . d Baron . Anno 1089. n. 11. Non eos homicidas arbitramur , qui aduersus excommunicatos zelo Catholicae matris ardentes , eorum quosdam trucidare contigerit . e Roger. Houeden . Annal. part . Poster . 〈◊〉 volebat Presbiteros , Diaconos , Subdiaconos , & alios Ecclesiae Rectores , si comprehensi fuissent in latrocinio , vel murdra , vel felonia , vel iniqua combustione , vel in hijs similibus , ducere ad Secularia examina , & punire , sicut & Laicum . Contrà quod Archiepiseopus dicebat &c. Baron . Anno 1106. n. 14. Quis negare 〈◊〉 summū fuisse hoc pietatis genus in hoc se exhibuisse crudelem ? Immo ex eo quod non 〈◊〉 vinculis strinxerit &c. nihil habes in quo damnes 〈◊〉 , magis quam si vehementi faebre phrenetico , deliranti , 〈◊〉 , furentique , pius filius 〈◊〉 vincula 〈◊〉 , si vere intuitu pietatis , vt facere prae se tulit ea omnia prestitit . a Anton. Perez . Pentateuch . fid . vol. 〈◊〉 . du . 24. c. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haeresis , ibi fides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & proindè ratio verae Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 : quia forma constitutiua Ecclesiae est vera fides . Vndè cum constet Ecclesiam . Graecam carere verae successio , ad tuendam atquè arguendam pro ea rationem verae Ecclesiae . Bosius , d. sig . 〈◊〉 . lib. 17 ca. 5. Qua in re maxime obseruandum , non esse perpetuum in ijs Ecclesijs ordinem ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 , qui fuerit interruptus ab Episcopis qui haeretica decreuerint . 416. Stapl. princip . Doctr. li. 13. ca. 6. Nec vbi adhuc durat talis personalis successio , Catholicae tamèn successioni quicquam habet affine aut simile , quia proptèr haereses quas tenent , & scisma quod faciunt , legitima illa successio non est . Ambros. d. 〈◊〉 . li. 1. ca. 6. Non habent haereditatem Petri , qui fidem Petri non habent . b Abbas . Vsperg . Cron. pag. 307. Vix remansit aliquis Episcopatus , siuè dignitas Ecclesiastica , quae non 〈◊〉 litigiosa , & Romam deduceretur ipsa causa , sed non thesaurorum in terra , vt ad te 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & aggeres 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 copia . 〈◊〉 supèr iniquitate filiorum hominum , quoniam in recompensationem 〈◊〉 malorum 〈◊〉 tibi 〈◊〉 . Iocundare super 〈◊〉 tua discordia , quià erupit de puteo infernalis abissi , vt accumulentur tibi multa pecuniarum praemia . Habes quod sempèr sitisti , decanta trahit homines , non ipsorum deuotio aut pura conscientia , sed scelerum multiplicium perpetratio , & litium decisio praecio 〈◊〉 . a Aug sup . Psal. 41. Modò nobis seruiunt Iudaei , tanquam Capsarij nostri sunt , studentibus nobis codices portant . Id. d. Consens . Euang. lib. 1. c. 26. b Aug. sup . Psal. 56. Codicem portat 〈◊〉 vndè credat Christianus : Librarij nostri facti sunt &c. Idem d. Diuinat . Daem . ca. 7. c Hierom. sup . 〈◊〉 saiam c. 6. 〈◊〉 si aliquis dixerit Hebraeos Libros posteà à Iudaeis esse falsatos , audiat Originem quid in octauo volumine explanationum Esaiae , huic respondeat quaestiunculae , quod nunquam Dominus & Apostoli qui caetera crimina arguunt in Scribis & Pharisaeis , de hoc crimine quod erar maximum 〈◊〉 : sin autèm dixerint post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & praedicationem Apostolorum Libros 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 falsatos chachinnum tenere non potero , 〈◊〉 Saluator & Euangelistae & Apostoli ita testimonia protulerint , vt Iudaei posteà falsaturi erant . Ioseph . c. Appion . li. 1. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. 3. cap. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. d. Praep. Euang. li. 8. ca. 2. Ex Philone . 〈◊〉 annorum millibus , 〈◊〉 maiore tempore iàm transacto , nec verbum vnum in lege illius esse immutatum , sed centies vnusquisquè 〈◊〉 morietur potiùs quam legi Mosaicae derogabit , pa 141. a Aug. c. Faust. Manich. lib. 11. ca. 2. Palam est quantum in re dubia ad fidem & certitudinem valeat Catholicae Ecclesiae Authoritas , quae ab ipsis fundatissimis sedibus Apostolorum vsque in hodiernum diem , succedentibus sibimet Episcopis , secundum seriem successionis & tot populorum consensione 〈◊〉 . Driedo . d. Eccles. Dogmat. l. 2. c. 3. Scriptura cognoscebatur esse Sacra & vera , ex ea quae tunc erat Ecclesia , cui ipse Christus perhibuit testimonium , viua voce Signorū & prodigiorum attestatione . Proinde fides tunc ex persona probanda veniebat . In Ecclesia autem quae 〈◊〉 est , Christus nec sic praesens propria voce loquitur , nec se loqui ostendit sub attestatione prodigiorum & signorum , nec spiritus Sanctus in ea iam ita manifestus apparet in signorum & prodigiorum attestationibus , quibus nunc non opus est , ad corroborandum Euangeliorum doctrinam , olim multifariam & sufficienter corroboratam . Proinde fides non amplius ex personis probanda venit , sed contrario ex sua fide probantur personae , sicut & ex 〈◊〉 Sacris cognoscitur ea quae nunc est Ecclesia . a Gregor . Moral . Lib. 16. cap. 17. In Scriptura eius quasi os eius intuentur ; quia Deus per eam loquitur omne quod vult . b Greg. Val. to . 3. Disp. 2. Punct . 2. pag. 30. Bellarm. d. Concil . lib. 2. c. 2. c Bellarm. d. Concil . lib. 1. c. 10. Primis trecentis annis caruit Ecclesia 〈◊〉 generalibus . Read before , pag. 13. &c. Whitak . Lib. d. Eccles . pag. 369. M. Doue in his Persuasion , pag. 13. Luther , contra Anabaptist . a Hilar. ad 〈◊〉 pa. 281. 〈◊〉 Scripturas fine sensu 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 contra 〈◊〉 . pag. 67. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 1. in 〈◊〉 . b Greg. Nazianz. c. Apollinar . Tertull. d. Prescript . cap. 〈◊〉 Ista Haerefis si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 integras praestat , &c. Nihilominus diuersas 〈◊〉 commentata 〈◊〉 , &c. Ibid. cap. 38. 〈◊〉 : lib. 3. cap. 12. 〈◊〉 quidem 〈◊〉 , interpretationes vero conuertunt . 〈◊〉 . in Exam. Concil . Trid. part . 1. fol. 74. Doct. Bancroft Suruey , pag. 379. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . cap. 2. Read before , pag. 45. &c. a 〈◊〉 . Val. to . 3. d. Trad. pag. 377. Fatendum est raro accidere posse , vt quae sit Doctorum omnium , &c. de Religione Sententia satis cognoscatur . Machlin . in 1. part . Thom. Quaest. 1. art . 10. 〈◊〉 49. Saepe in varias partes patres & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Bellarm. d. bon . operib . in part . lib. 1. cap. 2. Aug. de vtil . Cred. cap. 14. a Christo credendum esse negant , nifi indubitata ratio reddita 〈◊〉 , &c. Vos autē tam pauci , & tam turbulenti , & tam noui , 〈◊〉 dubium est , quin nihil dignum authoritate praeferatis . a Aug. d. praed . sanct . c. 14. b Lib. 1. c. 36. c Epist. 111. & Epist. 112. d Aug. c. Cresc . 2. c. 31. &c. Faust. Manich . l. 11. c. 5. & d. Ciu. Dei. l. 11. c. 3. & l. 14. c. 7. e Aug. Ep. 48. Salmer . Tom. 1. Proleg . 1. a 〈◊〉 . d. verb. Dei l. 4. c. 9. 〈◊〉 Apostolicas Traditiones . b Aug. sup . Psal. 144. 〈◊〉 generatio vadit & generatio manet , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 secula 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mortalibus Scriptura Dei manere debuit , & quodda Chyrographū Dei quod omnes 〈◊〉 legerent , & viā promissionis eius tenerent . Chrys. in Mat. Hom. 1. Postquam omnis populus Iudeorum , in 〈◊〉 ima delapsus est , necessario inde litetae dantur & tabulae , & ea quae per has administratur admonitio . Et hoc non tantum veteris Testamenti sanctis sed etiam noui accedisse perspicimus . c Aug. sup . Psal. 57. Manu formatoris nostri , ipsa veritas in cordibus nostris scripsit Tertul. d. cor . 〈◊〉 . c. 6. Chrys. in Ioh. Hom. 13. 〈◊〉 . Epist. 66. Aug. confefl . l. 2. c. 4. Id. sup . serm . Dom. in mont . l. 2. c. 9 Hier. ad Algas . q. 8. d 〈◊〉 . d. ver . Relig. l. 1. c. 10. p. 38. Quae 〈◊〉 voce ab Apostolis tradebātur , eadem si non omnia , saltem nonnulla per maiorum nostrorum , & superiorum Ecclesiarum manus , & conciliorum approbationes , ad nos 〈◊〉 existimandum est . f 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 73. 〈◊〉 d. Dogmat . Eccles. l. 4. p. 5. c. 6 Sciendum est , quod multifariam tacitè aliquid in Scripturis sacris inuenitur . Primum cum illud nec expresse in Scripturis sacris significatur , nec adeo euidenter pendet ex illis , vt ipsis admissis cogatur quisquam non dissentire sed tamen necessitate 〈◊〉 consequitur ex illis secundum Traditionem vniuersalis Ecclesiae intellectis , aut secundum antiquam Christianorum Scholam interpretatis , qualis est haec sententia 〈◊〉 personae pater filius & 〈◊〉 sanctus sunt vnus Deus , buius generis sunt omnes articuli fidei contra Haereticos 〈◊〉 in symbolo 〈◊〉 , & in symbolo quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e 〈◊〉 . Hist. Eccles. l. 2. c. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. a Euseb. Hist. Eccles . l. 2. c. 23. & l. 3. c. 3. & 22. b Greg. Mor. l. 19. c. 17. De qua re non inordinate facimus , si ex libris licer non Canonicis ( Machabeorum ) sed tamen ad edificationem plebis editis , testimonium proferamus . c Concil . 〈◊〉 . sess . 4. Decret . 1. Receptio & numerario lib. sacr . vet . & No. Test. a Bulla Pij . 4. p. 294. 〈◊〉 vita Pij4 p. 384 , &c. Profiteor septem esse vere & proprie Sacramenta nouae legis , à Iesu Christo Domino nostro instituta , &c. Omnia & singula quae de peccato originali , & de iustificatione in 〈◊〉 synodo Tridentino , &c. Profiteor in missa offerri Deo verum , proprium , & propitiatoriū 〈◊〉 pro viuis & defunctis , &c. Fieri conuersionem totius substantiae panis in corpus , & totius substantiae vini in sanguinem , &c. Fateor etiam sub 〈◊〉 specie , &c. Sanctos inuocandos esse , eorum reliquias venerandas , &c. Imagines Christi ac Dei parae , &c. habendas , & debitum honorem ac venerationem impartiendam , &c. Rom. Ecclesiam omnium Ecclesiarum matrem ac Magistram agnosco . Romanoque pontifici , &c. Hanc Catholicam fidem extra quam nemo saluus esse 〈◊〉 , &c. b Sentent . Card. Baron . sup . excom . venetorum . b Gretsar . Def. Bellarm. d. verb. Dei pag. 1713. Regula non dicit id esse Traditionem Apostolicam quod vniuersa Ecclesia semper & omni tempore credidit , sed quod tota Ecclesia ( Papa cum Concilio vel sine Concilio . Colloq . Ratisbon . p. 35. ) credit & amplectitur in presenti . a Sixt. 〈◊〉 . Biblioth . Ep. Dedicat . ad Piū . 5. Deinde expurgari & emaculari curasti omnia Catholicorū Scriptorum , ac precipue veterum patrum , scripta , Haereti corum nostrae aetatis foecibus contaminata , & venenis 〈◊〉 . In the summe of the Conference before his Maiestie . pa. 〈◊〉 . a Summe Confer . at Hampton Court , Ianuar. 14. 1603. pag. 75. This being his constant resolution , That no Church ought further to seperate it selfe from the Church of Rome , either in Doctrine or Ceremonie , than she had departed from herselfe when she was in her flourishing and best estate , and from Christ her Lord & Head. b Aug. d. Bapt. c. Donat. li. 6. ca. 44. Ipsi Gentiles si quid diuinum & rectum , &c. Orig sup . Exod. Hom. 11. Basil. Hexam . Hom. 5. Clem. Alexand. Strom. li. 1. c Symb. Othonis Imp. pax cum hominibus cum vitijs bellum . d There is difference betweene the Mother-church , which fignifieth a Church , out of whose wombe all other Churches issue . and a Mother-Church , which ( as Turtullian calleth Matrices Ecclesias ) importeth not fingularitie of One , Holy , &c. but only Veritie and Prioritie before others , whereof it was a Mother . e Gratian. Dist. 12. ca. 1. Non decet à capite membra discedere , sed iuxta sacrae Scripturae testimonium , omnia membra caput sequantur . Nulli vero dubium est , quod Apostolica Ecclesia mater est omnium Ecclesiarum , à cuius vos regulis nullatenus conuenit deuiare , & sicut Dei filius venit facere voluntatem patris , sic & vos voluntatem vestrae impleatis matris , quae est Ecclesia , cuius caput ( vt praedictum est ) Romana existit Ecclesia . a Theod. Hist. Eccles. lib. 5. cap. 9. Matris omnium 〈◊〉 Hierosolomitanae , reuerendistimum , & Dei 〈◊〉 Cyrillum Episcopum esse vobis significamus . b Sarisbur . Policrat . li. 6. ca. 24. c Espenc . Digres . in 1. Timoth. li. 1. ca. 11. Fides ex diuini verbi auditu . Ro. 10. Vbi ergo id nec legitur nec auditur , fidem perire , ac labefactari necesse est , 〈◊〉 hodie 〈◊〉 dolor , omnib ' fere locis cernimus , vt ad tempora propinquare videamur de quib ' Dominus : putas filius hominis veniens , fidem inueniet super terram . August . tr . 3. in ep . Ioh. Est mater Ecclesia & vbera eius duo testamenta Scripturarum diuinarum , &c. d Iren. li. 3. ca. 19. 〈◊〉 . d. fid . Orthod . c. Arian . c. 1. Vt Gypsum aqua permixtum lac colore mentitur , ita per verisimilem confessionem Traditio inimica suggeritur . e Espenceus in 2. Timoth. 4. digr . 21. pa. 150. 151. & sup . 1. Tim. digress . lib. 1. ca. 11. Maiores nostri , tanta licet quanta nos erga sanctos deuotione , iustum tamen non putarunt , tot sanctorum gestarecitari , vt legi non possint sacra vtriusquè Testam . volumina . Facilius Augiae Stabulum quam talibus fabellis , &c. Ludouic . Viues . lib. 2. d. corrupt . artium . in fine . & Ib. li. 5. f Nauar. Enchir. ca. 11. n. 6. In vniuersa Repub. Christiana , tanta est circa haec 〈◊〉 dia , vt multos passim inuenias , nihil magis in particulari , explicite de hijs rebus credere , quam Ethnicum quendam Philosophum , sola vnius Dei naturali cognitione 〈◊〉 . a 〈◊〉 . d. vnit . Eccles. cap. 3. Non audiamus hec dico , haec dicis , sed audiam ' haec dicit Domin ' . Sunt certi libri dominici quorū authoritati vtriquè consentimus , vtrique credimus , vtriquè seruimus , ibi quaeramus Ecclesiam , ibi discutiam ' causam nostram . Ibid. Auserantur illa de medio , quae aduersus nos inuicem , nō ex diuinis Canonicis libris , sed aliunde recitam ' . Nolo humanis documentis , sed diuinis oraculis , Ecclesiam demonstrari . Ib. ca. 16. Ecclesiam suam demonstrent , si possunt non in sermonibus & rumoribus Afrorum , non in concilijs Episcoporum suorum , &c. sed in praescripto legis , &c. in ipsius Pastoris vocib ' , &c. hoc est in omnibus Canonicis sanctorum librorum authoritatibus . b Canus . loc . Theolog. li. 11. ca. 4. Praetèr Authores sacros , nullus Historicus certus esse potest , &c. Horant . loc . lib. 5. cap. 3. Gillius d. Deo & sacr . Doctr. li. 1. tr . 7. ca. 15. August . d. Ciuit. Dei li. 18. ca. 38. & 40. & li. 21. ca. 6. c Read a late Treatise touching the visibilitie of the 〈◊〉 , Sect. 15. pa. 68.69 . how Papists burned the workes of 〈◊〉 and others which were opposite to them . d The Storie of Pope 〈◊〉 affirmed at least by thirtie Popish Historians , and other Doctors , and of late stifly opposed by other Papals , Vid. Ioan. Wolph memorabil . An. Dom. 854. 〈◊〉 . loc . 〈◊〉 . 5. d. Ecclesia sect . 197. And by the Storie , touching Pope 〈◊〉 , who is affirmed to haue beene an Hereticke by antient Historie , and by many Papals , yet the same is stifly contradicted by Modernes , Albertus Pighius , Bellarmine , Baronius , Andradius , &c. e Bellarm. d. Concil . li. 1. ca. 2. Libri ipsi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conseruati sunt , & multis vitijs scatent , &c. Espenc . sup . 1. Timoth. Digress li. 1. ca. 11. pag. 223. Argumentum est , conciliorum acta non vbiquè integra esse . f Paramo . d. Orig. Inquisit . lib. 3. d. pontif . author . in Temporal . q. 1. Opinio . 1. num . 95. pag. 436. Nec curandum est de opinione & historia Eusebij , cum ab Ecclesia sit reprobara vt inquit Gelasius . d. 15. c. Sancta Romana vel eo quià Arrianus & Arrianorum protector fuit , &c. g 〈◊〉 . Anal. tom . 1. praefat . Idem . Anno 395. n. 41. & anno 400. n. 42. Idem . Anno 774. n. 10.12.13 . 〈◊〉 . Anno 996. n. 54. Idem . An. 1048. num . 1. h Bannes . 22. quest . 1. ar . 10. pa. 58. Et certè 〈◊〉 est quod post 900. 〈◊〉 Albertus Pighius inuenerit testes illos falsarios 〈◊〉 . a 〈◊〉 . d. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 pag. 273. 〈◊〉 . Resp. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 5. pag. 140. Nequè enim patres censentur , cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod ab Ecclesia 〈◊〉 acceperunt , vel scribunt , vel docent . 〈◊〉 . Mus. Comment . Rom. c. 14. Ego . vt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , plus vni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 crederem , in hijs quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tangunt , quam mille 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , Gregorijs , &c. pa. 606. 〈◊〉 . Prier . li. d. Mod. Inquir . Reg. 6. Dimitte Doctores doctores esse , Ecclesiam 〈◊〉 necesse est : illi possunt errare Ecclesia non potest errare . b 〈◊〉 . Dialog . pa. 1. lib. 4. ca. 9. & lib. 5. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 . Arms. 〈◊〉 . q. 1. p. 9. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . pent . fid . vol. 1. dub . 23. c. 2. 〈◊〉 . 4. Doct. 〈◊〉 , Fulke , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , Bale , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 & others , Whitaker Powell , Bucan . Field , and others . a 〈◊〉 praef . in Math. q. 19. Nos 〈◊〉 , quare potius 〈◊〉 effet , Marco & 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 , quam libro 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 , qui non 〈◊〉 in Canone , cum non appareat aliqua ratio maior de hoc quam de illo : sed solum sequimur Ecclesiam , quia ipsa posuit libros 〈◊〉 in Canone : librum autē Iudith & Tobiae extra Canonē . ( & postea : ) Ecclesia vniuersalis , &c. Hoc conformiter & vniformit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b 〈◊〉 . Rom. l. 2. Printed at 〈◊〉 , 1520. 〈◊〉 debet 〈◊〉 antequam 〈◊〉 in campanili : paranda sunt ideo vas aquae benedicendae , aspersorium vas cum sale , lintea munda , oleū sanctum , sanctum Chrysma , Thymiama , thus 〈◊〉 Thuribulum cum igne : Pontifex & Diaconus , &c. sint in suis vestimentis , precibus peractis pontifex lauat campanam cum dicta aqua & cum pollice dextra manus facit crucem supra campanam ab extra cum oleo infirmorum & intus cum Chrysmate , & profert interim haec verba ; 〈◊〉 & consecretur ( Domine ) signum istud in nomine Patris & Filij & Spiritus sancti . In honorem sancti talis , pax tibi , &c. c Reiner . cont . Haeret. c. 4. Inter omnes sectas quae adhuc sunt vel fuerunt , non fuisse 〈◊〉 . Ecclesiae , quam 〈◊〉 , idque tribus de causis . Prima est 〈◊〉 est diuturnior , aliqui enim dicunt quod durauerit à temporibus Syluestri , aliqui à tempore Apostolorum . Se 〈◊〉 , quia generalior , fere enim nulla est terra in qua haec secta non sit . Tertia , quia cum omnes aliae sectae immanitate blasphemiarum in Deum , audientibus horrorem inducant , haec scilicet Leonistarum , magnam habet speciem pietatis , eo quod coram hominibus iuste viuant , & benè omnia de Deo 〈◊〉 , & omnes Articulos quī in symbolo continentur , solum modo Romanam Ecclesiam blasphemant , & Clerum , cui multitudo Laicorum fa cilis est ad credendum . 〈◊〉 . Hist. Franc. l. 1. p. 7. Edit . an . 1581. A Waldensibus & eorum in Aquitania ac vicina regione successoribus qui ab Albio , 〈◊〉 in septimania vrbe primaria Albigenses dicti sunt . Hi inuitis Principibus Christianis omnibus , Cirea annum 1100. & temporibus subsequentibus , doctrinam suam ab ea quam hodie protestantes amplectuntur 〈◊〉 differentem , non per Galliam 〈◊〉 totam , sed etiam per omnes 〈◊〉 Europae 〈◊〉 diffeminarunt . Nam Galli , 〈◊〉 , Angli , Scoti , Itali , Germani , Bohemi , Saxones , Poloni , Lithuani , & gentes aliae , cam ad hunc diem pertinaciter defenderunt . a Ambros. lib. 2. cap. 3. & 7. d. Abraham . 〈◊〉 . d. Ciuit . Dei , lib. 16. c. 12. Cedrenus compend . Histor. Genebrard . Chronol . lib. 1. An. 1949. Andr. Masius , sup . Ios. 24. 〈◊〉 . li. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Serm. 2. d. Poenit. Clement . Recognit . lib. 1. August . lib. 4. d. Bap. contra Donat. c. 6. & 24. lib. 5. cap. 23. 〈◊〉 . Defence , pag. 351 , 352. The Ward . of M. Cartwright alledged , ibid. pag. 352. a August . d. Bapt. c. Don. lib. 5. cap. 23. Apostoli autem nihil quidem exinde preceperunt , sed consuetudo illa quae opponebatur Cypriano , ab eorum Traditione exordium sumpsisse credenda est , sicut multa quae vniuersa tenet Ecclesia , & ob hoc , ab Apostolis praecepta bene creduntur , quanquam scripta non inueniantur . At enim 〈◊〉 est de Haereticis , &c. b August . Epist. 142. Initium obedientiae est quid praecipiatur velle cognoscere , & pars est obsequij didicisse quid facias , Scito itaque in Scripturis Diuinis , per quas solas potes plenam intelligere Dei voluntatem prohiberi quaedam , praecipi quaedam , concedi aliqua , nonnulla suaderi . Prohibentur mala , 〈◊〉 bona , conceduntur media , perfecta suadentur . c Lib. 4. cap. 24. d. Bapt. c. Donatist . a August . d. Bapt. c. Don. lib. 4. cap. 24. Idem , Epist. 118. cap. 1. Illa autem quae non 〈◊〉 sed tradita custodimus , quae quidem toto terrarum orbe obseruantur , dantur intelligi , vel ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vel plenarijs Concilijs quorum est in Ecclesia saluberrima Authoritas , commendata atque statuta retineri , sicuti quod Domini Passio , & Resurrectio , & Ascensio in Coelum , & Aduentus de Coelo Spiritus Sancti , Anniuersaria solennitate celebrantur . Matth. 18. v. 17. August . Epist. 118. a Occham . Dialog . part . 3. tr . 1. l. 3. c. 9. Lyra sup . Math. 16. Ecclesia non consistit in hominibus , ratione potestatis , vel dignitatis Ecclesiasticae , vel secularis , quia multi principes , & summi pontifices , & alij inferiores inuenti sunt apostatasse à fide : propter quod Ecclesia consistit in illis personis , in quibus est notitia vera , & confessio fidei & veritatis . b Tripart . Hist. l. 2. c. 14. Niceph. Hist. Eccl. l. 8. c. 19. Gratian . Dist. 31. ca. Nicen , Synodus . c Athanas. d. Syn. Arim. & Seleuc. pa. 673. Scriptura diuina omnibus Synodis potentior est . Hieron . sup . Galath , c. 1. spiritus sancti 〈◊〉 est , quae Canonicis literis est prodita , contra quam si quid statuant Concilia nefas duco . a Aquin. 22. q. 38. ar . 1. Chrysoft . sup . Rom. Ho. 22. Quae tui sunt officij , praesta , nemini dans ausam seu belli seu dissidij , siue Iude o siue Graeco , si vero alicubi 〈◊〉 labefactari videris , ne praeponas concordiam veritati : sed generose persiste admortē vsq , Cyril . Concil . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 1. c. 14. Aquin. 22. q. 33. ar . 4. Vbi imminet periculum fidei etiam publice essent 〈◊〉 à subditis arguendi . Gabr. sup . Can. Missae . lect . 74. Correctione 〈◊〉 , inferiores , superiores 〈◊〉 non debent , nisi manifeste errarent in fide . Tunc enim si non adessent superiores vindicantes , velnollent , tunc per inferiores possunt puniri , quia Haeresis reddit Hereticum , omni Catholico inferiorem . Francisc. Picus . Mirand . Theorem . 8. 〈◊〉 Papae ligat omnes fideles ad non dogmatizandum contrarium , nifi per illos & apud illos qui manifestum contra fidem deprehendunt errorem , & scandalum grande fidei suo silentio fieri , si se non opponerent agnoscunt , quod si fieret persecutio sententiatum & paenarum contra eos , sciant 〈◊〉 esse qui persecutionem patiuntur propter iustitìam . Idem . Theorem . 16. Si pars maior contra diuinas literas contraque ea quae violate nefas est , decernere quicquani vellet reliquis qui pauciores essent contra 〈◊〉 : numero minori adhaerendū esset quemadmodum accidit in Arimensi Concilio & in Ephesino secundo : 〈◊〉 simplici potius rustico & infanti & anniculae quā & 〈◊〉 maximo & mille Episcopis credendum , si contra Euangelium isti , illi pro Euangelio verba facerent . b Aug. ibid. c. 1. Quae nonscripta sed tradita custodimus , quae quidem toto terrarū or be obseruantur , dantur intelligi yel ab ipsis Apostolis , vel plenarijs Concilijs , quorum est in Ecclesia saluberima Authoritas , commendata arque Statuta retineri , sicut quod passio Domini , &c. 〈◊〉 solennitate celebrantur , &c. Totum hoc genus rerum liberas habet obseruationes , &c. a Greg. 〈◊〉 . 9. Ep. 9. Eas 〈◊〉 . b c 〈◊〉 con . Nestor . & Eurich . No definit esse substantia vel natura Panis & 〈◊〉 . d Chrys. super Rom. 13. hom . 23. e Optatus con . Parmen . lib. 3. f Greg. lib. 2. ep . 61. Sacerdotes meos tuae manui commissi , &c. 〈◊〉 ergo quae debui exolui qui & Imperatori obedientiam praebui & pro Deo quod sensi minime tacui . g Idem lib. 6. epist. 30. Ego sidentèr dico , quià quisquis se vniuersalem Sacerdotem vocar vel vocari desiderat , in elatione sua Antechristum praecurrit , quià 〈◊〉 biendo se caeteris praeponit . h Hieron . sup . Nah. c. 1. Aduersus conscientiam meam cogor interdum , vulgatae aeditionis consequentiam texere . Aug. d. Doctr. Christ. li. 2. ca. 11. i Hieron . Greg. m. & alij . Occham Dial. pa. 3. li. 〈◊〉 . 16. , liber Indith , Tobiae , Machabeorum , Ecclesiastici , Sapientiae , non sunt recipiendi ad confirmandum aliquid in fide . k Chrys. sup Genes . hom . 29. Ambr. serm . 35 Hieron . epist. ad , &c. Cyril . c. 〈◊〉 . li. 7. Theoph. sup . 〈◊〉 . 6. Primasius sup . Coloss. 3. Chrys. in , quomodò & vobis potissimùm 〈◊〉 Scripturas legere , idque non simplicitèr nequè obitèr sed magna diligentia , &c. Audite obsecro Biblia , animae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliud vultis , vel nouum Testamentum , acquirite Apostolorum Acta , Euangelia continuos & sedulos Doctores . Hoc demùm malorum omnium causa est , quod Scripturae ignorantur . a Socrat. Hist. 〈◊〉 . li. 1. ca. 6. Cusan . Concord . Cath. li 2. c. 6. Et secundú testimonia 〈◊〉 decreuit Synodus . b Epist. Coelest . 1. ad 〈◊〉 . Galliae , tom . 1. Concil . c Aug. epist. 92. 〈◊〉 sanctitatis 〈◊〉 , de sanctarū Scripturarū authoritate depromptae , faciliùs eos qui tā peruersa & perniciosa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cessuros . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Mirandul . Theor. 8. Conuentus agebantur , quibus absquè Pontifice , in causis Fidei , quid sanctum , quid prophanum esset decernebatur . e Syluest . Prier . li. d. Mod. Inquir . pa. 24. Ego credo si S. Hieronimus & Augustinus hodie viuerent , aut etiam ipse Apostol ' Paulus , vix euaderent ignem , tàm excellentes sunt Inquisitores in ingenijs . f Campian . Rat. 8. Norint isti suorū axiomata . De' est author peccati . Nullum , nullū , non duo , non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reliquerunt . Si 〈◊〉 vxor aut non possit veniat aucilla . Decalogus nihil ad Christianos . Opera nostra Deus nequaquam curat , &c. Rubenus . li. d. fals-Proph . ca. 20. Polluunt se vaga libidine , vxore proximi , 〈◊〉 , socrus cum nuru , pater cum filia . Id. c. 9. Conciona tores & foeminaespoliatis omnibus vestibus , supra mensas , &c. turpissima 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in spectantibus . Field , lib. 4. of the Church , ca. 14. a D. Field . Appendix . p. 3. cap. 7. pag. 42. See 〈◊〉 . li. 〈◊〉 . d. Christ. c. 10. a Aug. sup . Psal. 93. Sicut Stellas in Coelo non extinguitnox , sic mentes fidelium inhaerētes 〈◊〉 Scripturae 〈◊〉 , non vineit 〈◊〉 . a Greg. Mor. l. 〈◊〉 . c. 8. Superbientes Haereticos & sacrae Scripturae sententias deferentes , quasi elatum Goliā suo gladio detruncamus . b Occham . Dial. part . 3. tr . 1. l. 3. c. 9. Lyra sup . Math. 16. Cusan . Concord . Cath. li. 2. c. 3. Multa Concilia etiam rite conuocata , errasse legimus . Gerson . l. d. Appellat . à Pontif. propos . 4. & citatur à Francise . Pic. Mirandul . Theor. 8. Tam Papa quam Episcopus sunt deuiabiles à fide . Nichol. Clemangis Disp. sup . materia . Gen. Concilij . Field . of the Church . in his Epist. Dedicat. a Pammel . 〈◊〉 . Cyprian . sup . Concil . Carthag . nu . 1. Vnde colligimus Cypriani scripta , vt & aliorum veterum , à librarijs , varie fuisse interpolata . b Gillius , Com. Theol. d. Sac. Doct. & Deo , lib. 1. tr . 7. cap. 14. Argumentum 〈◊〉 , non est firmum ad conuellendum Dogma aliquod siue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Argumentum negatiuum est , cum ex eo quod patres aliquid non dixerint , aut hoc vel illo loquendi genere non vsi fuerint , concludit aliquis . a Albert. 1. sent . dist . 11. ar . 7. Regula fidei , est concors , Scripturatum sensus , cum articulis fidei ( in Symbolo Apost . ) Quia illis duobus regularibus Praeceptis , regitur Theologus . a August . c. Parmen . Lib. 1. cap. 2. Ipse sine documentis 〈◊〉 quitur , & vult nihil probans credi sibi . Idem , c. Donatist . Lib. 7. cap. 48. Hic quia nullam rationem , aut testimonium Scripturarum attulit , diu nos tenere non debet . b Martyrolog . Rom. Notat . Galesin . 8. Cal. Martij , Cathedra . S. Petri Apost . Huius Cathedrae Antiochinae . S. Ignatius meminit in Epistola ad Magnefianos , Historiamque narrat . S. Clemens , Lib. 10. Recognitionum . Eam beatus Petrus fundasse & instituisse traditur anno Christi Dom. 38. vt ab Eusebio Annalium Monimentis proditum est . Septem autem annis ad illius gubernacula sedit . c Lorich . Institut . Cath. in Symb. ar . 10. pag. 49. Non tamen 〈◊〉 sedis ( Rom. ) Rectores , se statim efferant , tanquam illa sola Ecclesia sit , & vt loquuntur , exclusiue Ecclesia Catholica sit , quasi oporteat sine iudicio , continuo probatum iri , quicquid ex illa sede enatum fuerit , & ad omnes Doctrinas & Constitutiones Pontificis , nihil sit ad ferendum , nisi ipse dixit . Hoc si illi sedi tribuerimus , omnibus erroribus Ecclesiam Catholicam exposuerimus . Notes for div A15082-e54370 a 〈◊〉 . Carthag . de Bap. Haeret. apud Cyprian . a Aug. c. Iulian. Pelag. l. 1. c. 6. Alia sunt in quib ' inter se aliquando etiam Doctissimi atque optimi regulae Catholicae Defensores , salua fidei compage non consonant & alius alio de vna re melius aliquid dicit & verius , hoc autem vnde nunc agimus , ad ipsa perrinet fidei fundamenta . 〈◊〉 . Ep. 143. Sunt alia in quibus perniciosissimè erratur , &c. b Aquin. 22. q. 2. ar . 5. Occham . Dial. p. 1. li. 2. c. 2. Stapl. Rel. c. 1. q. 3. ar . 6. notab . 1. c Aug. Enchir. c. 20. Sunt vera quae nisi credantur ad vitam beatam quae non nisi aeterna est non potest perueniri , &c. Idem . d. Bon. perseu . cap. 21. Sed interest quantum & in quibus rebus erretur . &c. d Aug. d. Doctr. Christ. l. 2. c. 9. In ijs enim quae apertè in Scriptura posita sunt inueniuntur illa omnia quae cōtinent fidem moresque viuendi . Idem . d. Pecc . mer. & Remiss . l. 2. c. 35. Illud tamen credo , quod etiam hinc diuinorum eloquiorum clarissima authoritas esset , si homo illud sine dispendio promissae salutis ignorare non posset . e Id d. vnit . Eccles. c. 12. Si non ea de Scripturis sanctis legunt , sed suis contentionibus persuadere conantur , credo 〈◊〉 quae in Scripturis sanctis leguntur , non credo ista quae ab haereticis vanis dicuntur . Ib. c. 3. Auferantur illa de medio , quae aduersus nos in vicem , non ex diuinis Canonicis libris , sed aliunde recitamus . f Aug. d. Ciu. Dei. l. 18. c. 51. Qui in Ecclesia Dei morbidum aliquid prauumque sapiunt , si correpti vtsanum rectumque sapiant , resistunt contumaciter , suaque pestifera & mortifera dogmata emendare nolunt , sed defensare persistunt , haeretici fiunt , &c. a Concil . Carthag . apud Cyprian . b Aug. d. vnit . Eccles. c. 6. Legite nobis hoc de lege , de Prophetis de Psalmis de ipso Euangelio , de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , legite & credimus . Ibid. c. 15. Legant nobis hoc de Scripturis sanctis & credimus . Hoc , inquam ex Canone diuinorum librorū legant , &c. 〈◊〉 nobis hoc ex diuinis oraculis . c Chrys. 〈◊〉 2. Thes. Hom. 3. In diuinis Scripturis quae cunque necessaria sunt manifesta sunt . d Chrys. Imperf . sup . Mat. Hom. 6. e Aug. d. vnit . Eccles . c. 16. f Dist. 40. c. Si Papa . g Aug. Epist. 112. c. 1. Si diuinarum Scripturarum , earum scilicet quae Canonicae in Ecclesia nominantur , 〈◊〉 firmatur authoritate , sine vlla dubitatione credendum est . Alijs vero testibus veltestimonijs , quibus aliquid credendum esse suadetur , tibi credere vel non credere liceat quantum meriti ea admonentem ad faciendum fidem vel habere vel non habere perpenderis . a Chrys. sup . Gen. Hom. 62. Malitia semper contra Virtutem pugnat , & ei sua peccata Affricare & 〈◊〉 vult . b Cyprian . Epist. 55. Omnes quorum pectora & mentes diabolus obsedit venenatam rabiem suam furiosa voce testantur . c Aug. d. Nupt. & Concupisc . l. 2. c. 2. Quae verba tam recta & tanta luce fulgentia tenebrosis & tortuosis expositionibus , &c. deprauare moliuntur . d Greg. sup . Reg. l. 1. c. 2. 〈◊〉 Antichristi est amor perfidiei , quo fidei 〈◊〉 Redemptoris . Idem . Moral . l. 13. c. 6. Sicut incarnata veritas in praedicatione sua pauperes Idiotas & simplices eligit , sic contrario damnatus ille homo Antichristus , &c. Ad predicandā falsitaté suam astutos & duplices 〈◊〉 est . e Chem. Exam. Concil . Trid. p. 1. d. Trad. pa. 68. Apostoli multa tradiderunt viua voce . Apostolici ab Apostolis ex Traditione viuae vocis multa acceperunt quae suis postea discipulis rursus tradiderunt . Sed Ireneus inquit omnia 〈◊〉 fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consona Scripturis . Et nos eorum nihil reijcimus , sed omnia quae Scripturis sanctis consentanea sunt , suscipimus & veneramur . f Caluin . c. Pighium . d. libero Arb. Non difficulter posset inter 〈◊〉 & Pighium conuenire , si modo Ecclesiae Traditionem ex certo & perpetuo 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non ex testimonijs hinc inde male 〈◊〉 demonstraret . Gesner . l. sup . loc . Paul. 2. Tim. 3. 16. c. 7. Si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Traditiones eadem via per testificationem antiquissimae & Apostolicae Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 nostra vsque tempora , deduxerint , 〈◊〉 eas . Reza ad . Repet . Saint . Resp. pa. 13. a Chem. ibid. pa. 69. Et hanc Traditionem qua nobis in manum dantur sacrae Scripturae libri reuerenter accipimus . Aug. d. Ciuit . Dei , li. 15. c. 23. & d. Doctrina Christ. h. 2. c. 8. &c. Faust. Manich. li. 11. c. 2. D. Fulke c. Rhem. 2. Thess. 2. num . 19. The bookes of the Scripture are giuen by Tradition , but the matter written in the bookes doth iustifie the Tradition to be true . b Aug. d. Dogm . Eccles . c. 69. c Aug. d. Gen. ad Lit. li. 10. c. 23. d Chem. Exam. p. 74. Quartum genus Traditionū , est de Expositione , vero sensu , seu natiua sententia Scriptutae . Tertul. d. praescript . ca. 20. & 21. & 37. &c. Marcion . lib. 4. cap. 5. e Chem. ibid. pa. 70. &c. Tertium genus Traditionum , &c. pa. 74. Descripsi haec Symbola vt ostenderem nos non reprobare quas certò constat veras & antiquas esse Apostolorum Traditiones . Aug. d. Fid. & Smbo . c. 1. & Serm. 115. de Temp. Ruff. Expos. Symb. Hier. epist. 61. ad Pammach . c. 9. Cassand . Def. lib. d. Offic. bon . 〈◊〉 . pa. 820. Intelligentia Scripturae quae ex Traditione percipitur , non est ab ipsa Scriptura seperanda cum in ea contineatur , vel tanquam definitio in definito , vel tanquam conclusio in praemissis . f Thom. Wald. Doctr. fid . li. 2. ar . 2. c. 27. n. 7. Videtis sequendum esse in Ecclesia Catholica gradatim authoritatem multiplicem Doctorum , scilicet , Cotholicorum omnium : 〈◊〉 sanctorum magis , Ecclesiarum Apostolicarum potiùs & ex eis ampliùs Romanae Ecclesiae : & abundantius his omnibus authoritatem Concilij generalis : nec tamen alicni iàm dictae ita obediendum censea & tàm prona fide , ficut primae fidei Scripturae . Ibid. 〈◊〉 . Omnis Ecclesiastica authoritas cum sit ad testificandum de Christo & 〈◊〉 eius , vilior est Christi 〈◊〉 , & Scripturis sanctis necessariò post ponenda . Ibid. Longè distat authoritas 〈◊〉 , & eminet 〈◊〉 cunctorum Doctorum etiàm totius Ecclesiae Catholicae , quamuis super cius authoritate Catholica 〈◊〉 Ecclesia . a Casland . Def. lib. d. Offic. pij viri . Nemo tam insanus est vt dicat cognitionem salutis non ex diuinis literis , sed ex Taditione 〈◊〉 maiorum hauriendam . Idem . pa. 841. Non quià Canon solus non sibi ad vniuersa sufficiat &c. Jdem pa. 827. Non negamus ex sola Scriptura peti ceitam definitionem &c. Idem . pag. 832. Illud inter nos conuenit nihil esse huiusmodi non Scriptarum Traditionum quae non cum eis quae scripta sunt conueniunt atquè adeò in his quae scripta sunt non comprehen duntur . b Meisner . Consult . c. Lesseum . p. 590. Neque tamèn Traditiones simplicitèr omnes reijcimus , sed si quae probatae sunt & à pat . ibus constantèr traditae illas recipimus , non vtfidei mensuram sed vt 〈◊〉 stem temporis & argumentum Historicum . c Hosiand . c. Val. Analys . fid . pa. 126. Si ea Traditiones 〈◊〉 quae in Ecclesia 〈◊〉 fuerunt quaequè , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 admittimus . d Concil . Trid. sess . 4. Sixt. Senens . Bibl. li. 2. pa. 123. e Pigh . contr . Ratisb . lo. 3. Baron . 〈◊〉 . tom . 1. anno 57. n. 11. Greg. Val. tom . 3. pa. 347. f Bannes sup . Thom. 22. q. 1. ar . 10. Stapl. 〈◊〉 . sup . Ioh. 16. Pigh . contr . Ratisb . lo. 3. d. Ecclesia . Sed magna pars , &c. Andrad . Def. Trid. fid . li. 2. Ex Traditionibus nos multa accepisse agnoscimus quae sacris literis non continentur . Greg. Val. Analys . fid . li. 5. ca. 2. & 3. g Coster . Enchir. pa. 47. Petr. Soto . Infallibilis est regula , & certa quaecunquè credit tenet & seruat Romana Ecclesia , & in Scripturis non habentur , illa ab Apostolis 〈◊〉 tradita . h Gretsar . Def. Bellarm. d. verb. Dei , li. 4. c. 9. 1713. & 1715. a Petrus Soto . Instruct. Sacerdot . part . 1. lect . 6. pag. 17. Quae ad 〈◊〉 pertinent , magis ex Traditione & Spirit ' Sancti Illustratione , quam ex Scriptura petenda 〈◊〉 . Hosius . d. Express . verb. Dei , pa. 50. Nō oportet Legis aut Scripturae esse peritum , sed à Deo doctum , vanus est labor , qui Scripturae impenditur . Scriptura enim 〈◊〉 est , & egenum quoddam elementum . Non conuenit Christiano , 〈◊〉 creaturae addictum esse , &c. Pigh . Hieratch . Eccles . Et nisi hac admissa aut etiam Scripturis praemissa , ne 〈◊〉 quidem authoritatem satis sibi constate , vt quae vniuersa indè dependeat . Qua non adhibita velut plumbeam quandam regulam , &c. b Bulla Indict . Concil . 〈◊〉 . a Iulio 3. Nos ad quos summos pro tempore Pontifices spectat generalia concilia indicere & dirigere Bellarm. d. Concil . li. 1. ca. 12. c Cusan . Concord . Cath. lib. 2. ca. 2. Licet vniuersalia Concilia saepè legamus conuocata per Imperatores , imò omnia octo , vt . ex gestis haberi potest , &c. Euseb. d. vit . Const. lib. 1. ca. 37. & li. 2. ca. 6. & lib. 4. ca. 47. Socrat. Hist. Eccles. lib. 2. ca. 16. Sosomen . Hist. Eccles. lib. 3. ca. 10. Theod. Hist. lib. 2. ca. 8. Euagr. Hist. Eccles. lib. 1. ca. 3. Niceph. 〈◊〉 . Eccles. lib. 14. ca. 34. Athanas. Apolog. 2. 〈◊〉 . c. Ruffin . lib. 2. Doce qui eo anno Consules fuerunt ? Quis Imperator iusserit hanc Synodum conuocare ? Leo Epist. 43. ca. 2. See Nilus , d. Primat . Papae , pa. 277. Concil Chalced. in principio . Haec sancta Synodus , quae secundum gratiam Dei , decreto pijssimorum Imperatorum congregata est , in Chalcedonensi ciuitate . Iacobatius . d. Concil . lib. 3. ar . 1. n. 19. Leo primus Pontifex , cum lachrimis Imperatori scripsit & supplicauit , vt congregaret concilium . d Didac . Nugnus in 3. part . Tho. Addit . q. 20. artic . 3. Summus Pontifex mittit ad . Concilium generale , Cardinales quos ipse vult , & vocat Episcopos quos ipse vult , & multoties non congregat Episcopos de vniuerso Orbe , sed de aliquibus 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . d. Consist . part . 3. q. 1. pag. 114. Qui vulgò creaturae Papae vocari solent . e 〈◊〉 . Ego 〈◊〉 Episcopus , &c. 〈◊〉 ero beato 〈◊〉 sanctaequè Rom. Apostol . Ecclesiae & Domino nostro Iulio Papae &c. 〈◊〉 Romanum & Regalia S. 〈◊〉 adiutor eis ero ad retinendum & defendendum , &c. a Bosius . d. Sign . 〈◊〉 5. ca. 9. Potest Pontifex Rom. qua parte voluer it habere Con cilia rata , eademquè vbi voluerit reprobare , & quod ipse 〈◊〉 cit ab vniuerso Concilio sancitur . Paleot . d. Consistor . part . 1. q. 3. ar . 4. & 8. Speaking of the Colledge of 〈◊〉 , which may also be applied to Councels . Sicut manus in 〈◊〉 distributio , eius nec robur nec vires imminuir , &c. Cum sempèr pendet ab eius imperio , illos huc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deflectere : sic Papa auditis Concilijs , 〈◊〉 ea tanquam digitos in manu 〈◊〉 , aut si placeat , operi 〈◊〉 admouere . Quemadmodum qui in nemoribus ligna caedunt , solam materiam administrant architecto , ad fabricam struendam , ille 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab 〈◊〉 secernit , & quod aptius censuerit ad aedificium transfert : sic in rebus difficilibus post explanata ab 〈◊〉 Concilia , decernit . Papa quid sit agendum : & ideò illius vnius iudicio tanquàm supremae regulae , non 〈◊〉 standum esse dicimus , alioquin status Monarchicus 〈◊〉 . Bannes . 22. q. 1. ar . 10. 〈◊〉 . 70. Omnis qui contradixerit legatis praesentibus suspectus erit de Haeresi . Bellarm. d. Concil . 1. b. 2. c. 11. Idem est siue Pontifex expresse Concilium reprobet , siue Concilium agat contra Pontisicis sententiam . Ibid. c. 13. Quandò legatus ab eo missus 〈◊〉 Concilio , sed agit contra voluntatem Pontificis , 〈◊〉 non est verè eius Legatus , licet protali se gerat . Greg. Val. tom . 3. disp . 1. q. 1. punct . 7. d. Concil . Si Legati sequuntur instructionem & quasi conceptam 〈◊〉 Pontifics sententiam , &c. pa. 365. Binius . tom . 1. not . sup . Concil . Constantinop . pa. 515. Tantùm toboris & firmitatis quaelibet Synodus consequi solet , quantùm authoritatis illi Apostolica sedes impertit . Bernard . 〈◊〉 . d. sacr . Ador. cult . disp . 3. fect . 6. pa. 263. Certum est , quod quandò summus Pontifex , per seipsum non adest in Concilio , sed per Legatos , huiusmodi Legati prius 〈◊〉 à summo Pontifice , de hijs quae in 〈◊〉 Concilio agenda 〈◊〉 . Bellarm. d. Imag. c. 14. Certum est Synodum cui repugnat Rom. Pontifex , nullius 〈◊〉 authoritatis . Idem . d. 〈◊〉 . li. 4. c. 1. Illud iudicium tum demum esse firmum , cum accesserit summi Pontificis confirmatio : proinde 〈◊〉 summi Pontificis esse . Ib. c. 2 Ipsa infallibilitas non est in Concilio Episcopotum , sed in solo Pontifice . Azor. Instit. Mor. tom . 2. lib. 5 ca. 12. & ca. 14. Anton. Perez . Pentateuch . fid . vol. 2. du . 7. ca. 4. pa. 41. col . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 legitimum , id est legitime congregatum , & in legitima congregatione 〈◊〉 , adhuc potest omnino errare , si ab instructione 〈◊〉 Pontificis , vel latum vnguem discedat . Ib. Saepe Romani 〈◊〉 mittunt per Legatos suos 〈◊〉 eorum , quae Concilia decernere & stabilire tenentur , &c. Quod si 〈◊〉 auderet definire 〈◊〉 , contrà instructionis tenorem , tunc temporis omnino erraret . Hinc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quoties contrà instructionem Pontificis , aliquid definit , siuè Legati Pontif. ascentiant , vt in 〈◊〉 Constantiensi , siuè dissentiant , vt in Concilio Ephesino secundo . Ib. conclus . 3. Illa Concilia generalia , quoram decretis ascentiunt Legati-summi Pontif. 〈◊〉 instructionem eius , possunt esse falsitati 〈◊〉 , &c. In Concilio Basileensi , de facto erratum est , Legatis Pontificis errorem approbantibus , & caeterorum 〈◊〉 subscribentibus . b 〈◊〉 . d. Rom. 〈◊〉 . lib. 2. cap. 17. Resp. decretum illud magni quidem esse Concilij , sed non 〈◊〉 factū , proindè 〈◊〉 esse roboris vel 〈◊〉 . He 〈◊〉 of the Councell of Chalcedon . c 〈◊〉 . Viues . Schel . in Aug. d. Ciuit. Dei , li. 20. c. 26. 〈◊〉 illa demum 〈◊〉 videntur Edicta & Concilia , quae in 〈◊〉 suam 〈◊〉 , reliqua non pluris in textrina vel 〈◊〉 . d Concil . Nicen. 1. Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 2. An. Dom. 381. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Synod . 〈◊〉 . Action . 16. & ca. 28. g Hist. Tripart . li 2. ca. 14. Socrat. Hist. Eccles. li. 1. ca. 8. Sosom . Hist. li. 2. c. 22. Niceph. Hist. li. 8. ca. 19. Gratian. Dist. 31. c. Nicen. Synod . a Cusan . Concord . Cath. l. 2. c. 3. Quod ex quinque Patriarchalibus sedibus plenum vniuersale Concilium Colligitur , gesta Octaui Concilij clare docent , &c. Et cap. 5. Plenarium Concilium est totius vniuersae Ecclesiae . b Ibid. ca. 7. Non equitur vbi praesidet Papa in Concilio vel eius legatus , ibi esse vniuersale Concilium vniuersalis Ecclesiae . c Id. ca. 2. Si expectatus non mitteret , vel non veniret vel nollet Concilium congregatum , suae necessitati & Ecclesiae saluti prouidere debet . Hoc probat benè textus Octaui vniuersalis Concilij , &c. Quoniam dudum expectati fuerunt vicarij Seniorum Romae , & amplius expectare non sit iustum , incongruum omnino putamus , despicere fluctuantem Christi & saluatoris nostri Ecclesiam , per dilationem dispositionum quae illi debetur . Hinc ergo velut ex necessitate denunciamus . &c. Ac idem legitur in gestis secundae Ephesinae Synodi . d Ibid. c. 3. Libertas talis in eo esse debet , vt quisque liberam loquendi habeat facultatem . Id. Ecce nunc essentialia ad vniuersale Concilium , vbi vniuersalia tractare debent , quod non secretè sed publicè , omnibus liberima detur audientia . Id. c. 5. Secunda Ephesina Synodus ritè congregata fuit , &c. Tamen defecit libertas , &c. e Idem . cap. 10. Oportet quod omnia talia , quae ligare debent , contineantur in authoritatibus sacrarum Scripturarum . Id. ca. 6. Secundum testimonia Scripturarum decreuit Synodus . f Id. c. 3. Oportet quod priuatae causae religionis obtentu non exerceantur . vnde Leo Papa ad Theodosium Imperat. de errore Synodi Eph. dicit Dum priuatae causae religionis exercentur obtentu , commissum est impietate paucorum , quod vniuersam Ecclesiam vulneraret . g Id. c. 12. Et videmus quantū Romanus Pontifex , vltra sacras antiquas obseruationes , ex vsu & consuetudine subiectionalis obedientiae hodie acquisiuit , &c. In Concilijs Rom. Pontificem in condendis statutis generalibus , eam non habere potestatem , quam quidem adulatores eidem contribuunt : scilicet quod ipse tantum statuere habeat , alijs consulentibus . a Idem , cap. 17. An vniuersale 〈◊〉 proprie captum , scilicet quod vniuersam Catholicam Ecclesiam representat , sit supra Patriarchas & Rom. Pontificem , credo dubium esse non 〈◊〉 . b Idem , cap. 3. Multa Concilia 〈◊〉 rite conuocata errasse legimus . Idem , cap. 5. Notandum est experimento retum , vniuersale Concilium plenarium posse deficere . Idem , cap. 14. c Idem , cap. 13. Dum hanc partem defendimus , quod Papa non est vniuersalis Episcopus , sed super alios primus , & sacrotum Conciliorum , non in Papa , sed in consensu omnium vigorem fundamus , tunc quia veritatem defendimus , & vnicuique suum honorem reseruamus , recte Papam honoramus . 99. Dist. Ecclesiae . d Idem , cap. 15. In Concilijs parum de illis omnibus inuenire potui , quae praedictis positionibus meis ad plenum non concordarent . e Panormit 1. Decretal . d. Elect. ca. signif . f Almain . Quaest. Vesp. g Occham , Dial. part . 3. tr . 1. lib. 3. cap. 13. Sanctum tamen Euangelium cum maiori reuerentia & deuotione suscipiendum est , quam Concilium generale quodcunque . h Ibid. Hoc 〈◊〉 est , de generall Concilio ritè , iustè , & Catholicè celebrato , &c. Ita tamen quod hoc vocabulum sicut , omnimodam similitudinem nequaquam importet , ficut cum dicit Christus Estote perfecti sicut pater vester , &c. i Idem , par . 1. lib. 6. cap. 85. Non ideo solummodo , vocatur Concilium generale , quia authoritate summi 〈◊〉 conuocatur . k Ibid. Reges & Principes & nonnulli Laici , possunt si voluerint , ad generale Concilium conuenire , & eiusdem Concilij tractatibus interesse . a Idem , par . 1. lib. 5. cap. 7. Dignitas Ecclesiastica non attribuit sanctitatem : & per consequens , non confert impossibilitatem errandi contra fidem . b Idem , par . 1. lib. 5. cap. 25. Concilium generale licet sit pars Ecclesiae militantis vniuersalis , tamen non est Ecclesia vniuersalis . Igitur temerarium est dicere , quod Concilium generale contra fidem errare non potest . Ibid. cap. 28. & p. 3. tr . 1. lib. 3. cap. 9. & cap. 10. Concilium generale seu quod Concilium generale a maiori parte Christianorum putatur , potest errare contra fidem . c Ferus , sup . Act. 15. pag. 180. In rebus fidei , & quae conscientiam tangunt , non satis est dicere , volumus , mandam ' : vides igitur quomodo 〈◊〉 Apostoli . Simpliciter conueniunt , nihil nisi Deum quaerunt , & aliorum salutem expetunt , denique omnia prudenter perpendunt . Quid igitur mirum , si in hoc Concilio , fuerit Spiritus Sanctus , iuxta promissum Domini : vbi duo vel tres congregati fuerint , &c. Nos aliter conuenimus , nempe cum magna pompa , nosque ipsos querimus , atque nobis pollicemur , nihil nobis non licere de plenitudine potestatis . Et quomodo Spiritus Sanctus eiusmodi conuentus probare possit ? d Anton. Perer. Pentateuch . Fid. Vol. 2. dub . 4. cap. 2. Ad Concilia generalia Occidentis , v. gr . Lateranense , sub Innocentio 3. ad Lugdunense sub Gregorio 11. ad Viennense sub Clemente 5. denique ad Tridentinum , raros , aut nullos ex toto Oriente Episcopos , conuenisse videmus . e Syluest . Prier . lib. d. Mod. Inquir . pag. 9. Cur ergo sancti Patres suo tempore Haercticos per Scripturas expugnarunt ? Resp. Hic est alia ratio temporis . Nam tunc Ecclesia nondum fuit firmata , nec fides satis roborata : ideo necesse fuit per Scripturas cum eis 〈◊〉 : nunc autem oportet de firma fide eos examinare . f 〈◊〉 Syluius , d. gest . Basil. Concil . lib. 1. pag. 14. Dum vnius hominis ( Papae ) libidinem sustinere conantur , dumpque priuatum bonum communi anteuertunt , incredibile est quantas errorum nebulas excitent . a Chemnit . Exam . p. 1. d. Trad. pag. 84. Clamitanta multis iam annis , totius orbis 〈◊〉 querelae , regnum Pontificium multas corruptelas , abusus & superstitiones inuexisse in Ecclesiam : petunt in legitimo Concilio grauissimas has Controuersias exverbo Dei dijudicari , & definiri . Sed ecce Pontificij , &c. Phil. Melancth . Resp. ad Artic . Bauar . Inquisit . q. 7. Hac generali Interrogatione odia contra nos accendere student , quod videamur omnes Synodos , & omnia acta in Synodis reprehendere . Nos vero palam fatemur , oportere in Ecclesia iudicia esse , & affirmamus multas pias Synodos fuisse , & profuisse Ecclesiae , & maxime optamus nunc in his dissidijs recte constitui iudicium Ecclesiae . b D. Andr. Episcop . Winton . c. Apolog. Bellarm. cap. 14. pag. 333. Date nobis Concilia legitime congregata , & procedentia , &c. in eorum sententiam , imus statim . c August . c. Donat. post . collat . cap. 15. Quasi 〈◊〉 Concilia , Scripturis Canonicis , aliquando fuerint comparata . 739. d Verger . d. Concil . Trid. Papa vult esse Dominus totius Concilij , & non modo illud indicere quando velit , & eo conuocare quales iudices ipsi videatur , & eijcere quos ipse velit , sed dirigere illic omnia , & cogere vt omnes dieant quicquid ipse imperauerit . Protest . Reg. Gal. facta Concil . Trid. Quippe quibus nec liber , nec tutus eo pateret accessus , neue idipsum Concilium , a quo excluderetur inuitissimus , generale totius Ecclesiae Catholicae , aut haberetur , aut appellaretur , quin potius priuatum existimaretur Concilium . e Paraleip . Ab. Vsperg . in Concil . Basil. Eugenium Papam tantum abesse , vt geueralibus Concilijs debeat obedire , vt tunc se maxime dicat 〈◊〉 , cum Concilij Decreta contemn at . AEneas Sylu. d. Gest. Basil. Concil . lib. 1. pag. 14. Tu es Petrus , & super hanc Petram , &c. a 〈◊〉 . d. Vnit. Eccles. Hoc erant 〈◊〉 & caeteri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus , pari 〈◊〉 praediti & honoris & potestatis . Chrysost. sup . Galath . cap. 2. lamque se caeteris honore , parem ostendit ( Paulus ) 〈◊〉 se reliquis illis , sed īpsi summo comparat , declarans quod horum 〈◊〉 parem sortitus sit dignitatem . Barlaam . lib. d. Pap. princip . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Hilar. sup . Matth. Canon . 14. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 14. August . sup . Ioh. tr . 124. Read D. Reinolds Confer . Hart. cap. 5. diuis . 3. pa. 178. 〈◊〉 . Serm. 66. B. Petrus & Paulus eminent inter vniuersos Apostolos & peculiari quadam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vttum inter ipsos quis cui 〈◊〉 incertum est . b August . sup . Ioh. tr . 124. Super hanc ergo inquit Petram quam confessus es , aedificabo Ecclesiam meam , Petra enim erat Christus . Idem , d. Verb. Dom. Serm. 13. Tu es ergo , inquit , Petrus , & super hanc Petram , quam confessus es , Super hanc Petram , quam cognouisti , dicens , Tu es Christus , filius Dei viui , aedificabo , Ecclesiam meam . Super me aedificabo te , non me super te . Ambros. sup . Eph. 2. ver . 20. Super hanc Petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam , hoc est in hac Catholicae fidei confessione statuo fideles ad vitam . Hilar. d. Trinit . lib. 6. Super hanc igitur confessionis Petram , Ecclesiae aedificatio est . Chrysost. sup . Matth. Hom. 55. Eusebius Emissen . Gregor . Beda , 〈◊〉 , Glossa Gratiani , Lyra , Ferus , 〈◊〉 , Stella , & complures alij . c Orig. in Matth. tr . 1. Si autem super vnum illum Petrum , arbitraris vniuersam Ecclesiam aedificari a Deo , quid dices de Iacobo , vel Iohanne , &c. Ambros. sup . Psal. 38. Quod Petro dicitur , Apostolis 〈◊〉 Hieron . c. Iouinian . lib. 1. At 〈◊〉 super Petrum fundatur Ecclesia , licet id ipsum in alio loco super omnes Apostolos fiat . Idem , sup . Galath . cap. 2. Licet Petrum & Iohannem secum Apostolos habuerit , &c. Et super ipsos Ecclesiae sit 〈◊〉 fundamentum . Cyril . sup . Esa. lib. 4. Orat. 2. Est omnium fundamentum & basis inconcussa Christus , &c. Fundamenta etiam proxima & viciniora nobis intelligi possunt , Apostoli & Euangelistae , oculati testes & ministri Sermonis facti , in confirmationem fidei , &c. Ab ipso enim dictum est Diuino Petro , &c. Tu es Petrus , & super hanc Petram , &c. Petram opinor vocans , immotam fidem Discipuli , Dictum est item voce psallentis : Fundamenta eius in Montibus sanctis . Optime sanctis Montibus comparandi sunt sancti Apostoli & Euangelistae , quorum cognitio firmata est instar fundamenti posteris , non sinens eos , qui per ipsos irretiti sunt in reprobam fidem decidere . Cusan . Concord . Cath. lib. 2. cap. 13. Nihil dictum est ad Petrum , quod etiam alijs dictum non sit . Sixt. Senens . Biblioth . lib. 6. an . 68. Credimus & certa fide fatemur , Christum esse primum ac 〈◊〉 totius Ecclesiastici aedificij fundamentum ; sed super hoc etiam fundamentum , asserimus , alias Petras superimpositas , nempe Petrum , & caeteros Apostolos , quos Iohannes in Apocalypsi nominat duodecim fundamenta Coelestis Hierusalem . Victoria . Relect . 2. d. Pot. Eccles. Con. 4. Apostoli omnes habuerunt aequalem potestatem cum Petro & Paulus ad Gal. 1. & 2. Satis defendit , se parem potestatem cum Petro habere . Haec est aperte sententia Cypriani in Epistola de vnitate Ecclesiae ad 〈◊〉 : & habetur 24. quaest . 1. Ego dico tibi , hoc vtique erant caeteri 〈◊〉 , quod Petrus , pari consortio praediti & honoris & potestatis . Nec audienda est Glossa dicens , hoc debere intelligi in ordine & dignitate Consecrationis , non in potestatis plenitudine . a Aug. d. Agon . Christ. ca. 30. Non sine causa inter omnes Apostolos huius Ecclesiae Catholicae personam sustiner Petrus , huic enim Ecclesiae claues 〈◊〉 caelorum datae sunt , cum Petro datae sunt , & cum ei dicitur ad omnes dicitur , Amas me , pasce oues meas . Beda . Hom. in Euang. Quem me dicunt ? Potestas ligandi & soluendi , quamuis soli Petro à Domino data 〈◊〉 , tamen absque vlla dubitatione noscendum ; quod & caeteris Apostolis data est . AEnaeas Syluius . d. gest . Basil. Concil . l. 1. p. 28. Maximus omnium Theol. Aug. super literam Math. Euang. Tibi dabo claues , &c. Ait , per verba illa iudiciariam potestatem datam esse , non solum Petro , sed alijs etiam Apostolis & toti Ecclesiae , in Episcopis & Presbiteris . a Victor . Relect. 2. Con. 4. Prop. 12. b Bellar. d. Rom. Pontif. l. 4. c. 25. Apostoli non suerunt ordinarij sed extraordinarij & quasi 〈◊〉 Pastores , quibus non succeditur . Victoria Relect. 2. d. pot . Eccles. Con. 4. Propos. 12. Nemo 〈◊〉 alijs Apostolis cum aequali potestate & authoritate iurisdictionis hoc est vt in toto orbe haberet plenitudineni potestatis , sicut 〈◊〉 Apostolorum habuisset . a Hieron . Epist. ad . Euagr. to . 3. pa. 150. Caeterum omnes 〈◊〉 successores sunt . Id. ad . Heliodor . Epist. 1. Absit vt de his quicquam sinistrum loquar qui Apostolico gradui succedentes , &c. Ambros. Dignit . Sacerd. ca. 1. Claues regni Caelorum quas in Beato Petro Apostolo 〈◊〉 suscepimus Sacerdotes . Ibid. cap. 2. Quas oues & quem Gregem , non solum tune Beatus 〈◊〉 Petrus , sed & nobiscum eas suscepit , & cumillo cas nos suscepimus omnes . b Iren. lib. 4. cap. 43. Eis qui in Ecclesia sunt Presbyteris obaudire oporter , his qui successionem habent ab Apostolis , qui cum Episcopatus successione , Charisma veritatis certum , secundum placitum Patris acceperunt . Ibid. cap. 44. Qui Apostolorum Doctrinam custodiunt . Greg. Nazian Orat. 21. d. laud. Basil. Qui eandem Fidei doctrinam 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 quoque throni particeps est , &c. a Bellarm. d. Pontif . Rom. praef . Extrauag . com . l. 1. tit . 9. d. Maior . & obed . ca. vnam sanctam . Subesse Rom. Pontifici omni humanae creaturae , declaramus , dicimus , definimus , & pronunciam ' omnino esse de necessitate salutis . Paul. Cararia . sum . mor. & Canon . q. 2. ar . 4. p. 4. n. 26. Non solum omnis fidelis populus , verum etiam infidelis , & omnis rationalis creatura , Papae imperio subiacet . b Canus loc . l. 6. c. 8. Romanum Pontif. Petrosucoedere , non est perse quidem in Sacris literis Reuelatum . Dried . d. Ecclesia Dogm . l. 4. c. 3. c Soto 4. Sent. Dist. 24. q. 2. ar . 5. Nulli particulari Ecclesiae addixit , neque aliunde institutio Christi circa hoc constat , &c. Cusan . Concord . Cath. l. 2. c. 34. pa. 599. Non 〈◊〉 probari Rom. Pontif. perpetuum Principem 〈◊〉 esse . Succession in loco non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 . AEneus . Sylu. d. gest . Basil. Concil . l. 1. Ioannes 〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉 peritissimus , glossam illam singularem , quae Rom. Ecclesiam orbi , praeponeret , dixitse omnino contemnere , beneque singularem esse , quae tam fatua diceret : indignumque fore vt illam quispiam 〈◊〉 , &c. a Chrys in Act. Apost . Hom. 3. Petrus egit omnia ex communi Discipulorum 〈◊〉 , nihil ex 〈◊〉 nihil cum 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b Saint 〈◊〉 liued 30. yeeres after Saint Peter . Baron . annual . to . 1. An. 69. n. 1. & to . 2. Anno. 101. n. 2. 〈◊〉 . Haer. 66. Praeterijt generatio Apostolorum , à Petro inquam vsque ad 〈◊〉 , & Ioannem , qui etiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in mundo , vsque ad 〈◊〉 tempora . c Eusebius , in his 〈◊〉 Historie speaketh no word of it . Bulenger . c. 〈◊〉 . Si quando apud Eusebium aliosque nonnullos de potestate sedis Apostolicae , Paulo obscurius agi videris ; Sic 〈◊〉 , ante be 〈◊〉 illud 〈◊〉 seculum , &c. d 〈◊〉 . apud . Cypr. Ep. 75. Atque ego in hac parte 〈◊〉 indignor ad hanc tam apertam & manifestam Stephani stultitiam , quod qui sic de Episcopatus sui loco gloriatur ; & se successionem Petri tenere contendit . Tertul. d. pud . c. 21. De tua nunc sententia quero , vndè hoc 〈◊〉 Ecclesiae vsurpes ? Si quia dixerit Petro. Dominus super hanc Petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam , tibi dedi claues Regni caelorum : velquaecunque alligaueris , &c. Qualis es euertens , atque commutans manifestam Domini intenrionem , personaliter hoc Petro conferentem : super te inquit aedificabo Ecclesiam meam . e Euseb. Hist. l. 5. c. 26. f Chalced. Concil . Act. 16. ca. 28. Centum quinquaginta Dei amantiss . Episc. sanctiss . noua Roma throno , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aequalia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , recte iudicantes , vrbem quae & imperio & senatu honorata sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aequalibus 〈◊〉 antiquiss . Regina Roma priuilegijs fruatur etiam in rebus Ecclesiast . non secus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ac illa extolli & magni fieri , secundam post illam existentem . g Greg. li. 4. Epist. 31. 32. 34. 38. 39. & li. 6. Epist. 24. Cusan . Concord . Cath. li. 2. c. 34. h Graeci . Asiani , &c. Nilus Archiepisc. 〈◊〉 . l. c. d. Primat Papae . a 〈◊〉 . d. Spir. sanct . ca. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Damas. lib. 4. ca. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Cyril , in Iohan. li. 4. ca. 9. Ianua & via in vitamsides est , & recursus quidam atquè reductio à corruptione in immortalitatem . Aug. d. Temp. Serm. 181. Fides omnium bonorum est 〈◊〉 , & humanae salutis initium . Sine hac nemo ad numerum 〈◊〉 Dei 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & sine 〈◊〉 in hoc seculo , nec iustificationis consequitur gratiam , nec in futuro possidebit vitam 〈◊〉 . Fulgent . d. Incarn . & Grat. c. 20. Vita nostra à fide sumit initium , quia justus ex fide viuit . 〈◊〉 . Sum. li. 3. 〈◊〉 . 12. q. 2. Nos sequentes authoritatem Apostoli , & expositiones Sanctorum dicimus , quod fides formata praecedit omnem aliam 〈◊〉 . Origen . sup . c. 4. ep . ad Rom. Aug. sup . Psal. 31. Et d. Verb. Apost . serm . 22. b Meisner . Anthrop . Dec. 3. p. 329. Credimus peccata nobis esse remissa , sed haec fides formalitèr non iustificat , verum 〈◊〉 sequitur . c Musculus . loc . com . d. Remiss . pecc . sect . 6. Discernendum est intèr eam gratiam Dei , quae nullas habet adiectas conditiones , qualis est quod Solem suum producit supèr bonos & 〈◊〉 , &c. Et cam quae conditionaliter confertur , ad quem modum remissio peccatorum nobis contingit . d Beza . Colloq . Mompelgard . pa. 471. Edit . Tubing . Consolatio quod adoptati sumus , petenda est , ex effectis spiritus sancti , quandò videlicet , sentimus in nobis eiusmodi motus spiritus sancti , qui testificantur nos vetè regeneratos . e Aug. d. Cor. & Grat. c. 13. Quis ex multitudine fidelium quamdiu in hac mortalitate viuitur , in numero 〈◊〉 se esse praesumat quià id occultari opus est in hoc loco , vbi cauenda est elatio . a Ioh. Ferus . sup . Math. 8. v. 8. Vera fides fiducialitèr accedit , nòn dubitat Deū posse aut velle . & ca. 9. v. 2. Fides haec nihil aliud fuit quā fiducia in misericordiā Christi . b The manner of this 〈◊〉 assent is : Being humbled with sence of mine owne iniustice , I beleeue that God will be mercifull vnto me , and pardō all my sinnes for the merits of Christ my Sauior : and I depend and relie only vpon the merits of my Rodeemer , as vpon the prime cause of my iustification . c Iansen . Conc. Euang. c. 32 p. 206. Nomine fidei in Euangelijs cùm ei tribuitur salus aut consecutio omniū 〈◊〉 volumus compleri , vtrumque nempè & assensum illū firmum in credendis de Deo ac Christo , & fiduciam ex illius omnipotente bonitare conceptam . Bernard . ser. 3. d. Annunciat . Nèc oleum misericordiae , nisi in vase fiduciae ponis . d 〈◊〉 . Dicimus Fidem in disputatione Paudi de iustificatione accipi , vt complectatur non solum 〈◊〉 , verùm etiàm 〈◊〉 in Christum propitiatorem . e Ferus . sup . Math. c. 8. citatur à Sixto Senensi , Biblioth . lib. 6. 〈◊〉 . 48. Non sempèr Fides est quod nos Fidem dicimus : Fidem nos dicimus 〈◊〉 quae diuinis 〈◊〉 produntur , & quae Ecclesia credenda proponit . Hanc Scholastici informem , Iacobus 〈◊〉 appellat fidem . Qualis 〈◊〉 est fides quae mortua est , formaquè sua caret , profectò non Fides sed vana opinio est , &c. secundùm Scripturam Fides non est 〈◊〉 fiducia misericordiae diuinae promissae in Christo. f Guilliaud . sup . Ioh. c. 3. v. 16. & sup . Ioh. 6.53 . g Nausea . Cath. Chatech . li. 1. ca 12. Fides qua iustificamur est constans firmaquè animi per 〈◊〉 sanctum de Deimaiestate omnipotentia & bonitate , de què illius promissis indubitata persuasio : qua vt verbis 〈◊〉 certam Fidem habet , ita & de eius ergase bonitate , omnia sibi indubitato pollicetur . h Suar. d. fid . disp . 1. sect . 1. n. 5. Vega. d. Iustif. lib. 9. c. 7. Multi Cath. ante editum 〈◊〉 Concil . Trid. aiebant manifestum nobis esse posse , ea opera a nobis fieri , quae necessaria sunt ad Iustificationem , & exillis , & testimonio conscientiae nostrae suffulto & adiuto testimonio Spiritus sancti , 〈◊〉 nos posse ad eam nostrae gratiae certitudinem cui non posset subesse falsum . i Steuart . sup . Iacob . epist. c. 1. v. 6. pa. 29. Fide i 〈◊〉 licet in sacris literis pro certa persuasione vsurpetur qua vera esse credimus , quae nobis à Deo , siue per S. Scripturam , fiue per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sunt , 〈◊〉 fuerint , siuè Historiae Heb. 11. 〈◊〉 praecepta 〈◊〉 . 20 Act. 15. siuè promissiones , aut comminationes : Hoc tamen loco Fdes pro fiducia 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Fide sapientiam , Deiquè caetera dona 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 ex certa minimequè dubia persuasione & affectus fiducia , de diuina 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 postulat . a Caietan . sup . Rom. 8. v. 15. Inspirat nobis confidenter appellate Deū patrem , & geminatur parris nomé ad signif . firmitudiné & 〈◊〉 fiduciae . Testimoniū à Spiritu sancto & nostro sufficiétissimū habem ' ad hoc vt credamus quod sumus filij Dei. Nā ex hoc testimonio clarè videmus , credendum nobis esse quod sumus filij Dei. b Ber. serm . 1. d. Annunc . Si credis peccata tua non posse deleri , nisi ab eo cuisoli peccasti , & in quem peccatum non cadit benè facis , sed adde adhuc , vt credas quià per ipsum tibi peccata donantur . Hoc est testimonium quod perhibetin corde nostro Spiritus sanctus dicens , dimissa sunt tibi peccata tua . Sic 〈◊〉 arbitratur Apostolus gratis iustificari hominem per fidem . c 1. Ioh. 2. 5. & ca. 3.14 , 19 , 24. &c. 5.13 . Rom. 8. 15. 2. Cor. 1.22 . & ca. 5.5 . Gal. 4. 6. Ephes. 1. 13 , 14. d Basil. Aschet . q. 269. Gre. Naz. or . 15. d. Plaga grandinis . Hilar. sup . Math. Can. 5. Cyril . sup . Ioh. li. 10. ca. 3. Ambr. serm . 5. & sup . 2. Cor. 13. Chrys. sup . Rom. hom . 14. Aug. d. Symb. ad . Chat. c. 10. & tr . 5. sup . ep . Ioh. Constant. ap . Theod. hist. Eccles. lib. 1. ca. 7. Gregor . Mor. li. 6. c. 8. Bernard . serm . 1. Annunciat . Cypr. li. d. Mortal . e Ioh. Bacon . sup . sent . refert . Lorin . in . 1. Ioh. 2 , 3. pa. 63. Caietan . sup . Math. 6. & sup . Rom. 8. & sup . ep . Ioh. Catherin . li. d. Cert . Gratiae . Cassand . Consult . d. Iustif. Marinar . or . in Concil . Trid. Dom. 4. Quadrages . an . 1546. Ferus , sup . Ioh. ca. 14. & ca. 17. a Chrys. sup . Ro. serm . 14. Quando vero Spiritus testatur quaenam relinquitur ambiguitas ? Si enim homo quispiam vel Angelus , aut alia certe huiusmodi quae dam potestas aliquid promitteret , 〈◊〉 quispiam dubitauerit . Suprema verò illa essentia quae & hocipsum largitur , quod promittit , atque adeo orare 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 nobis perhibente , quis 〈◊〉 de dignitate hac deinceps dubitare poterit . Catharin . lib. d. cert . Gratiae Assert . 2. Aut possunt hoc testimonium sentire in seipsis , & excipere & agnoscere , aut frustra datur . Beda . in epist. 1. Ioh. ca. 5 , 10. Qui ita creditin filium Dei vt exerceat operando quod credit , habet testimonium Dei in se , illud vtiquè quià ipse quoque in filiorum Dei numero iure computetur . 〈◊〉 . Jb. Qui in filium Dei credit , &c. in seipso habet testimonium , 〈◊〉 se 〈◊〉 in filium credat per Iesum , qui adoptatus à Deo est . b Caietan . sup . 1. ep . Ioh. v. 19. Diligendo opere , non solū cognoscim ' nos esse ex veritate &c. sed suade bim ' cordibus nostris , non fictè , non blandiendo , sed in conspectu Dei , vndè apparet , quod non de notitia euidentiae , sed de notitia Fidei , dixit in hoc cognoscim ' , ex illa enim oritur vt suadeam ' intimis 〈◊〉 corāDeo quod sum ' ex 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . sup . Ro. 8. v. 38. Cert ' sum , pro persuasus sum , non de certitudine euidentiae , sed de certitudine persuasionis ( 〈◊〉 constat esse Fidei ) sermo est c Aug. d. Trin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Video me 〈◊〉 si credo . d Jdem . sup . Psalm . 10. Haec duo non mihi incerta sunt bonitas illus , & 〈◊〉 mea . e Idem sup . Ioh. tr . 5. Nemo 〈◊〉 hominem : redeat vnusquisquè in cor suum , si ibi inuenerit fraternam charitatem , securus sit 〈◊〉 transijt à morte ad vitam , 〈◊〉 in dextera est . f Id d. Trinit . lib. 8. c. 8. Magis nouit dilectionem qua diligit , quam fratrem quem 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 sup . 2. Cor. 13. Qui Fidei suae sensum in corde habet , hic scit Christum 〈◊〉 in se esse . Aug. d. verb. Apost . serm . 6. Eccè adiuuante ipsius misericordia spiritum Christi habemus , ex ipsa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , integrà Fide , Catholica Fide , spiritum Dei nobis inesse cognoscimus . Cyprian . lib. d. Mortal . Si in Christum credimus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & promissis eius habeamus , & non morituri in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christum , cùm quo & victuri & regnaturi semper sumus , laeta se curitate venismus . a Beza Colloq . Momp . p. 471. Consolatio quod adoptati sumus , petenda est ex effectis Spiritus Sancti , quando videlicet sentimus in nobis eiusmodi motus Spiritus Sancti , qui testificantur nos vere regeneratos , & in filios Dei adoptatos esse . Nam Spiritus Sanctus testimonium perhibet Spiritui nostro quod simus filij Dei , hos motus in nobis si sentiamus minime dubitemus nos vere esse filios Dei. D. 〈◊〉 . d. Perseu . c. 15. Neque preterquam in studio bonorum 〈◊〉 cuiquam certa esse potest . 〈◊〉 . loc . com . to . 3. d. Iustif. p. 1089. Nequaquam affirmamus , quemlibet hominem sine discrimine certum esse posse de salute sua , siquidem Epicuraeis contemptoribus omni paenitentia destitutis , tantum abest vt certitudinem gratiae persuasam esse velimus , vt potius certam damnationem illis expectandam esse doceamus , tota autem quaestio est de homine peccatore veram & seriam poenitentiam agente , ac fide in Christum Mediatorem se errigente . an is 〈◊〉 esse possit ac debeat . Chem. Exam. Concil . Trid. p. 1. pa. 185. Muscul. loc . com . d. Remiss . pecc . Sect. 6. Discernendum est inter eam gratiam Dei , quae nullas habet adiectas conditiones : qualis est , quod solem suum producit super bonos & malos , pluitque super gratos & ingratos , & eam quae conditionaliter confertur , ad quem modum peccatorum nobis remissio contingit . b Chem. Exam. Concil . Trid. p. 1. pa. 185. d. Fid. Iustif. Fides nec semper , nec in omnibus est Iux ardens , sed saepè linum tantū fumigans , est enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Centurione , & Cananaea , est modica , Math. 14. imbe cillis , Rom. 14. & haec infirmitas vel est in agnitionc , Rom. 14. vel in fiducia , Rom. 9. iustificat autem fides , non propterea quod sit virtus , tam firma & 〈◊〉 , sed propter obiectum , scilicit Mediatorem quod apprehendit , aut apprehendere conatur : quando igitur fides in obiccto non errat , sed illud inter trepidationes fiducia quantumuis languida apprehendit , aut apprehendere conatur , est quidem modica & infirma fides , vera tamen fides , & Paulus , dulcissimas proponit consolationes in tali 〈◊〉 infirmitate . Phil. 3. Apprehendo , imo magis apprehensus sum à Christo. Gal. 4. Cognouistis Deum , imo magis cogniti estis à Deo , ex sensu etiam consolationis & gaudij spiritualis , non semper iudicari vel debet vel potest , an fides sit vera . Sensus enim ille non precedit sed sequitur Fidem , & saepè absconditur , & 〈◊〉 cruce & tentationibus . c Bannes . 22. q. 6. ar . 2. Concl. 5. pa. 235. Haec certitudo quod ego habeam lumen fidei supernaturale , nunquam est tanta licet sit infallibilis , quanta est 〈◊〉 fidei circa obiectum directe 〈◊〉 à Deo , & ab Ecclesia propositum . Quia fides non causat directe illum assensum , sed per reflectionem intellectus supra suū actum , per quam expresse lumine naturali videt se credere , vtrum autem credat ex lumine fidei 〈◊〉 argumentatiue , per bonam consequentiam , sed nullus Theologicus discursus est tam 〈◊〉 quam assensio Principiorum . Ergo nemo potest esse tam certus se habere sidem , 〈◊〉 certus est Deum esse hominem . 〈◊〉 . Medina . sup . Thom. Aq. 1.2 . q. 112. ar . 5. pag. 628. a Bern. in 〈◊〉 . 3. 〈◊〉 crescis in gratiam , tantum 〈◊〉 in fiduciam . b Did. Nugnus , sup . 3. p. Tho. Addit . q. 20. ar . 3. Iac. Brower . Clauis , Apost . ar . 4. Franc. Arauxo . Carillo . Mich. Marcos . Mich. Vasques . Peres . c Andr. 〈◊〉 , d. Iustif. lib. 9. cap. 47. Mature tamen omnibus , hinc inde pensatis , probabilius profecto esse crediderim , posse aliquos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tantopere in exercitijs spiritualibus , & in familiaritate Diuina proficere , vt absque vlla temeritate , possunt certo & absque vlla haesitatione credere se inuenisse gratiam & remissionem peccatorum suorum apud Deum . Ibidem , cap. 20. Possum gloriari & 〈◊〉 , quod mihi conscius sum , me habere fidem synceram , spem certam , & 〈◊〉 non fictam , in Deum & proximos . Ruard . Tapper , 〈◊〉 . 9. pag. 81. Nam in intellectu ex consideratione 〈◊〉 Dei respondet certa , & firma 〈◊〉 , omne dubium de peccatorum remissione excludens , non tamen infallibilis , quasi de eo haberetur verbum 〈◊〉 peculiariter ad aliquem factum , ficut ad Paralyticum factum 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . d. Cert . Grat. cap. 5. 〈◊〉 remissionem , & gratiam Dei non solum sperare , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 credere posse ac debere , quo 〈◊〉 modo 〈◊〉 debet ? Eo planè sensu , quo 〈◊〉 verbum Credo solet 〈◊〉 , pag. 161. Perer. sup . Rom. 8. Disp. 9. d Ruard . ar . 9. d. Fid. & Spe. pag. 80. Quae quidem 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 multo sit inferior certitudine 〈◊〉 , quia tamen a sententijs Scripturae 〈◊〉 , ideo fides quae est virtus infusa mediate ad illam 〈◊〉 . e Vega , d. Iustif. lib 9. cap. 8. pag. 216. 〈◊〉 , in 1.2 . p. 2. Disp. 201. cap. 2. 〈◊〉 . 11. 〈◊〉 semel concedamus , nobis certo constare 〈◊〉 cui non 〈◊〉 subesse falsum , nos habere dilectionis affectum erga Deum , 〈◊〉 etiam certo nos esse in gratia , 〈◊〉 aut 〈◊〉 actu iustificamur , aut cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est iustificatio . a August . in Ep-Ioh . tra . 10. Fides sine dilectione fides Daemonis . Iansen . Conc. Euang. cap. 32. Qualem fidem etiam Daemones habent . Mich. Palac . sup . 3. Sent. Dist. 23. Disp. 7. Daemones credunt omnibus Articulis Fidei . b Ibid. Disp. 5. Disputatio haec sub lite adhuc agitur . Albert ' credit , non esse proprie virtutem sed improprie . 〈◊〉 . Aquin. in 3. d. 23. q. 3. ar . 2. Informis fides non habet actum perfectum , & ideo non potest esse virtus . Bonauent . 3. d. 23. q. 2. Durand . 3. d. 23. q. 6. n. 11. Arch. Rubeo 3. d. 23. Non est virtus proprie dicta . c August . d. lib. Arbitr . lib. 2. cap. 18 , 19. Idem , d. Mor. Eccles. Cath. cap. 6. d Idem , sup . Psal. 32. In ipsa fide sunt omnia opera quae diligit Deus . Sixtus , Papa , ep . 3. d. Mal. Doct. Vbicunque fidei fructus non est , illic quoque nec ipsa fides esse credenda est . Hieron . sup . Gal. cap. 5. Cum dilectio procul abfuerit , & fides pariter abscedit . Saluian . d. Gub. Dei , lib. 3. Quid est credulitas vel fides ? Opinor fideliter hominem credere Christo , id est fidelem Deo esse , fideliter Dei mandata seruare . e Pet. Lomb. sent . lib. 3. d. 19. A. In eo quod sumus iustificati , id est a peccatis soluti , &c. Dicimur quoque & aliter per mortem Christi iustificati , quia per fidé mortis eius a peccatis mundamur . Vnde Apostolus iustitia Dei est per fidem Iesu Christi . Et item quem Deus proposuit propitiatorem per fidem in sanguine ipsius , id est , per fidem Passionis : Vt olim aspicientes in Serpentem AEneum in ligno erectum , a morsibus Serpentum sanabantur . Si ergo recte 〈◊〉 intuitu in illum respicimus , qui pro nobis pependit in ligno a vinculis Diaboli soluimur , id est , a peccatis : Et ita a Diabolo liberamur , vt nec post hanc vitam in nobis inueniat quod puniat Morte quippe sua , vno verissimo Sacrificio , quicquid culparum erat , vnde nos Diabolus ad luenda supplicia detinebat , Christus extinxit . a Andr. Vega , d. Iustif. lib. 7. cap. 24. Magna fuit iam ab aliquibus retro seculis inter nonnullos Doctores concertatio , quae esset nostrae iustificationis causa formalis : & quibusdam quidem placuisse videtur , nullam esse iustitiam creatam , a qua formaliter homo esset iustus , sicut ab albedine est homo albus : sed perinde esse hominem iustum , & amicum & gratum Deo , ab amore quo Deus illum amat , & ad Gratiam suam & beatitudinem acceptat , ac Petrus est Iohanni amicus & gratus , ab amore quo Icannes Petrum prosequitur . Ac 〈◊〉 in hac sententia crediderunt Magistrum Sententiarum fuisse . Alij vero , &c. Causam formalem nostrae Iustificationis asseruere esse aliquam qualitatem creatam , &c. Et haec opinio acceptata est ab Ecclesia in Concilio Viennensi , vt probabilior . a Bernard . Fer. 4. Heb. Pentacost . Mirabilis passio tua Domine Iesu , quae Passiones omnium nostrum propulsauit , propitiata est omnibus iniquitatib ' nostris , & nulli vnquam Pesti nostrae inuenitur in efficax . Ambros. lib. d. Isaach . cap. 8. Ipse Christus est os nostrum , per quod Patri 〈◊〉 , oculus noster per quem Patrem 〈◊〉 , dextera nostra per quam nos Patri offerrimus . Idem , in Serm. Quodam . Omnia habemus in Christo , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 desideras Medicus est , fi febribus aestuas fons est , si 〈◊〉 iniqua sententia , iustitia est , si indiges auxilio , virtus est , si mortem times , vira est , 〈◊〉 tenebras fugis lux est : Si 〈◊〉 desideras , via est : si alimentum quaeris , cibus est . a Caluin . sup . Rom. 6. v. 4. 〈◊〉 Apostolum non hic simpliciter nos adhortari ad Christi imitationem , ac si diceret 〈◊〉 Christi exemplaris vice esse , quod Christianis omnibus conuenit , imitari : nam certe altius conscendit , &c. Haec est autem 〈◊〉 , Quod mors Christi efficax est , ad nequitiam Carnis nostrae extinguendam , &c. b 〈◊〉 . d. Iustif . lib. 4. c. 1. Bona opera non sunt bona , ex ipsorum sententia , nisi nomine & secundum quid , reipsa vero & simpliciter sunt mortalia peccata . Perer. sup . Genes . cap. 6. Disp. 5. nu . 138. c Melanct. Corp. Doctr. tit . d. Bon. oper . pag. 20. d Beza , Quaest. & Resp. in Opusc. to . 2. pa. 676. Bucer . & alij in colloquio , Ratisbon . pag. 313. Hoc vero tu pie lector , nos de iustitia inchoata haec sentire & confiteri : Esse quidem illam iustitiam veram & viuam , Dei praeclarum & eximium Donum , vitamque nouam in Christo hac iustitia constare , omnesque sanctos hac ipsa quoque iustitia iustos esse & coram Deo , & coram hominibus , & propter eam quoque sanctos a Deo iustificari iustificatione operum , id est comprobari eos a Deo , laudari & remunerari . Attamen quamlibet haec iustitia vera sit & viua , &c. e August . d. Spir. & Lit. cap. 14. Praecepta Legis tam sunt salutaria facienti , vt nisi quis ea faecerit vitam habere non possit . f Orig. sup . Rom. lib. 6. Non 〈◊〉 in iustis 〈◊〉 verae virtutes non sint , &c. g Greg. Mor. li. 5. cap. 7. Ipsa iustitia nostra ad examen diuinae iustitia deducta , iniustitia est , & sordet in districtione Iudicis , quae in aestimatione fulget operantis , vnde Paulus nihil mihi conscius sum , sed protinus adiunxit , sed non in hoc iustificatus sum . Ibid. cap. 8. & lib. 8. c. 13. & 20. & 23. & lib. 9. c. 14. & 27. & lib. 35. c. 26. Bona quae nos habere credimus , pura bona esse nequaquam possunt . 〈◊〉 . d. verb. Esa. Serm. 5. Nostra si quae est humilis iustitia recta forsitan sed non pura , &c. Idem , d. Ded 〈◊〉 Serm. 5. & sup . Cantic . Serm. 38. & 61. 〈◊〉 . Confess . lib. 9. cap. 13. Vae etiam laudabili vitae si remota misericordia discutias eam Domine . a 〈◊〉 . Instit. l. 3. c. 17. n. 10. 〈◊〉 . Concil . Enchir . d. Sacram. p. 132. 〈◊〉 illa 〈◊〉 , & opera nostra adiuta per gratiam 〈◊〉 & si legem non adimpleant , tamen Deo placent , non quidē propter dignitatem voluntatis , seu operis nostri , sed imputatiue per gratiam . b Veg. d. Iust. li. 11. c. 38. Non solum verum est , vitam quorumuis iustorum , multis maculis venialibus , iugiter sordidari , & deturpari , sed ipsa etiam perfectorum opera , à bonitate illa longe deficeere , qua deceret nos Deum colere , laudare , & honorare : sunt quippe multis imperfectionibus quoad hic viuitur coniuncta , neque tam pura , neque tam sancta , & feruentia , quam magnitudo diuinae bonitatis , & beneficentiae in nos exigeret . Ibid. Multa nunc fieri à nobis bona opera , & absque vlla macula peccati , quae tamen si districtè vellet Deus nobiscum agere , iniustitiae essent , &c. c Cassal . d. quadr . Iust. l. 3. c. 23. Aliud est loqui de nostra iustitia prout est sola : & aliud est loqui de nostra iustitia prout est cum poenitentia & charitate , prout est sola , fortassis manca , est mutila , & deformis , quia in multis deficimus omnes , 〈◊〉 autem est cum poenitentia , & charitate , longe alio modo se habet , quia poenitentia nostra 〈◊〉 nostros defectus a 〈◊〉 dissimulari , & charitas facit nostros defectus à lege operiri : vbi vero defectus à lege dissimulantur & operiuntur , nullus apparet defectus nullaque deformitas in 〈◊〉 legis . d Conc. Colon Imperfecta illa obedientia & opera nostra adiuta , per gratiam subsequentem , etsi legem non adimpleant , tamen Deo placent , non quidem propter dignitatem voluntatis seu operis nostri , sed imputatiue per gratiam . Mauburn . Si quaedam bona ex gratia agit , tanta indeuotione ea permiscet quod omnes iustitiae nostrae ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) sunt Deo quasi pannus menstruatae quo foedius execrabiliusque nihil . Stella . Non est confidendum in propria iustitia , quia iustitiae nostrae non sunt purae , iuxta illud Esaiae , facti sumus , vt immundi omnes nos . Gerson . to . 3. d. Consol. lib. 4. pros . 1. Quis gloriabit mundum cor se habere ? Quis dixerit innocens & mundus sum ? Quis non constitutus sub iudicijs Dei terribilis in Consilijs super filios hominum , non trepidauerit ? Hinc afflictus Iob verebar omnia opera mea ( ait Deo ) sciens quod non parceres delinquenti . Et iterum , si voluerit mecum contendere , non poteto respondere vnum pro mille . Cui conformis est Oratio Prophetica , non intres in iudicium cum 〈◊〉 tuo Domine , quia non iustificabitur in conspectu tuo omnis viuens . Et 〈◊〉 si iniquitates obseruaueris Domine , quis sustinebit ? Porro quid Esaias se cum coeteris inuoluens sibique vilescens humili confessione protulerit 〈◊〉 . Omnes iustitiae nostrae tanquam pannus menstruatae . Quis igitur iustitias suas velut gloriabundus ostentauerir Deo : plusquam pannum confusionis suae mulier viro. Quem denique non exterruerit Apostoli verbum dicentis . Nihil mihi conscius sum sed non in hoc iustificatus sum . Caiet . in . 2. Thess. 1. Vt digni habeamini regno Dei , &c. Non dicit digni sitis ( quoniam non sunt condignae passiones huius temporis , ad futurum regnum ) sed vt digni habeamini ab ipso Deo. a Basil. Manet requies sempiterna illos , qui in hac vita legitime certauerunt , non tanquam debitum 〈◊〉 redditum , sed ob 〈◊〉 Dei gratiam , in quo sperauerunt exhibitam . pag. 137. b Ioh. Ferus . in Math. l. 3. c. 20. Docet 〈◊〉 haec parabola , primo gratiam 〈◊〉 non debitum , 〈◊〉 à Deo nobis datur . Omnes enim iustitiae , nostrae , tanquam pannus menstruatae : imo ne ipsae passiones quidem huius temporis sunt condignae ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Quod si aliquando mercedem audis polliceri , scias non ob aliud esse debitum , quam ex 〈◊〉 diuina . Gratis promisit , gratis reddit . Si igitur Dei gratiam & fauorem 〈◊〉 cupis , nullam meritorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Velosil . Aduert in 〈◊〉 . & alios . in to . 8. August . Quaesit . 13. pa. 369. Scotus negat meritum de condigno , &c. similiter Durandus & 〈◊〉 . a Eckius . in 〈◊〉 . & d. praedest . b Pigh . d. lib. Arb. li. 5. pa. 81. c Scribon . Pantal. in Theandr . d. mer. Christ. Disp. 11. pa. 177. Cum longe praemium excedat meritum , & opus quodcunque hominis sit valoris finiti , quatenus 〈◊〉 est Creatura , est finita , nunquam omnibus 〈◊〉 operibus ex 〈◊〉 posset gloriam scmpiternam promereri , & fruitionem infiniti boni , nisi ex diuina complacentia placeret Deo optimo maximo retribuere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vltra 〈◊〉 , serui enim inutiles sumus . 〈◊〉 lib. 2. in sent . q. 18. ar . 4. Opus esse meritorium vitae aeternae , potest intelligi 〈◊〉 , vno modo quia tale est ex parte sui , vel secundum se , vel ex gratia cooperante . Alio modo 〈◊〉 quia Dei 〈◊〉 liberaliter acceptante , & ex illa dispositione liberali , tantum praemiare disponente pro opere sic facto . 〈◊〉 est modus minus proprius . d Altisiodor . sum . l. 3. tr . 12. q. 2. Mereri de condigno 〈◊〉 facere de debito debitum vel de debito magis debitum , ita quod iniuste agitur cum eo nisi reddatur ei quod meruit : Ergo Deus iniuste ageret cum eo nisi reddatur ei quod meruit . Rhem. Hebr. 6. Annot. 10. Good workes are meritorious , &c. so farre , that God should be vniust if he rendred not heauen for the same . e Durand . 2. Dist. 27. q. 2. n. 14. Sentire seu dicere oppositum est temerarium seu blasphemiū propter quod si decedenti in gratia Deus non daret gloriam nihil iniustum faceret , &c. f Dionis . Cistert . 3. Dist. 1. q. 2. ar . 3. & 4. d. 43. q. 3. ar . 1. Marsil . 2. q. 18. ar . 3. & 4. g Vasques sup . 1.2 . p. 2. Disp. 214. ca. 1. Opera bona perse spectata , &c. Non habere condignitatem & rationem meriti , &c. sed totam rationem meriti habere petitam ex promissione & pacto Dei affirmant , Scotus , Greg. Arimin . Gabriel , Occham , Alph. Castro , Vega , &c. Hij Doctores , reuera denegant miritum operum , & totam vim merendi ascribunt operibus Christi . Vide etiam pa. 805. 〈◊〉 . d. Tripl . Hom. Offic. l. 2. c. 28. pa. 366. h Vasques ibid. Caietan . Soto , &c. vt 〈◊〉 . Fran. Petigian . 3. Dist. 20. ar . 3. i Bellarm. Suares . Medina . vt refert . Fran. Petigian . 3. Dist. 20. ar . 3. k Greg. Val. to . 1. q. 21. Suares . Dispd . iust . Dei sect . 2. & 6. & refert Pius d. Ponte . sup . Tho. 1. q. 21. dub . 1. l Richard. 4. d. 46. ar . 1. q. 1. Argentina . ib. q. vnic . ar . 1. conclus . 2. Capreol . 1. d. 45. q. vn . Hosius confess . c. 73. Ferrar. c. gent. l. 1. c. 93 , &c. m Bell. d. 〈◊〉 . l. 5. c. 14. Quod si quis hic explicari cupiat vtrū Deus secundū 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an secundum commutatiuam , bonis hominū meritis sit praemia 〈◊〉 , breuiter habeat substantiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 secundum distributiuam , iustitiam sore , modū autem secundum commutatiuam . a Apologia Ecclesie Anglicanae 〈◊〉 bona opera necessaria esse Christiano ad salutem . 〈◊〉 . apolog . Thes. pag. 263. August . d. Spir. & Lit. c. 14. Praecepta Legis tam sunt salutaria facienti , vt 〈◊〉 quis ea fecerit , vitam habere non possit . b Marsil . 2. q. 18. ar . 4. Talis est obligatio creaturae ad Deū quod quantò plus soluit , tantò plus tenetur , patet per rationem , 〈◊〉 quantò plus soluit , tantò plus de merito habet & bonis operibus , & ergo tanto plus debet . c Chrys. Gen. hom . 55. Non ita fidere debemus , his quae in manib ' habemus & videmns , vt promissionibus Dei. Idem . tom . 1. hom . d. Nom. Abrahae . Aug. sup . plal . 109. d Perer. in 〈◊〉 . 6. v. 5. disp . 5. n. 148. Praeter debita gratitudinis , quae nemosatis exoluere Deo potest , ea quoquè debita quae diuino praecepto persoluere tenemur , nemo perfectae persoluit . e Marsil . 2. q. 18. ar . 4. Iustus est in remunerando , quià iusta dispositione sua , disposuit ex gratia acceptationis , minus 〈◊〉 maiori praemio coronare non iustitia debita , sed gratia & dispositione bene placiti diuini . 〈◊〉 . Concil . Colon. d. Sacram. so . 130. Reposita est nobis Corona Iustitiae Dei , qua iustum est vt reddat , quod 〈◊〉 promisit , non quidem ex debito sed ex gratia . a 〈◊〉 . d. 〈◊〉 . Dei , lib. 5. c. 24. Haec & alia vitae huius munera &c. quidā cultores Daemonū accipere meruerūt , qui non pertinent , ad regnum Dei , &c. Idem . d. Temp. Serm. 49. Paulus meruit Indulgentiam , & Serm 58. Man asses 〈◊〉 inter amicos Dei numerari . Ambros. Serm. 53. Iohannes tantam gratiam nascendo meruit , Idem . d. Paen. lib. 〈◊〉 . ca. 〈◊〉 . Ecclesia Domini Iesu meruit Aduentum . b Aug. Epist. 105. Nequè ipsa remissio peccatorum sine merito est si Fides hanc impetrat . Isiodor . Exhort . ad Paenit . Niniuitae impia obscoena nefanda 〈◊〉 flagitia , 〈◊〉 paenitendo merentur . Vid. Andr. Vegam . d. Iustif. li. 8. c. 6. & 7. c Ioh. Hessel . sup . Math. 6. v. 12. Huius vitae Iustitia praecipuè ( vt ait August de Ciuit. Dei , li. 19. c. 27. ) in remissione peccatorum 〈◊〉 a August . d. Bapt. lib. 4. cap. 24. Sicut in Abraham praecessit fidei iustitia , & accessit Circumcisio signaculum rustitiae fidei : ita in Cornelio , 〈◊〉 sanctificatio Spiritualis in dono Spiritus sancti , & accessit Sacrameutū regenerationis in lauacro Baptismi , &c. Ambr. li 5. epist. in orat . Funeb . Valentin . Imperat. Tilman . Segeberg . d. 7. Sacram. c. 1. P. Lombard . li. 4. Sent. Dist. 4. E. c Ambr. Origo verae vitae , veraequè iustitiae , in regenerationis est posita Sacramento , vt vbi homo 〈◊〉 , ibi etiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 veritas oriatur . a Aug. ep . 157. Non est salsa etiàm in paruulorū Baptismate , Remissio peccatorum , nec 〈◊〉 dicitur , Ted veraciter agitur . Concil . Carthag . Ap. Aug. epist. 90. Quicunquè negat paruulos , per Baptismum Christi , à perditione liberari , & salutem percipere aeternam Anathema sit . Aug. sup . Ioh. tr . 80. vnde tanta 〈◊〉 aquae vt corpus tangat , & cor abluat , &c. Id. Encherid . c. 42. Concil . Mileuitan . ca. 2. Proptèr hanc regulam Fidei , etiā paruuli qui nihil peccatorum in semetipsis adhuc cōmittere potuerūt , ideò in peccatorum remissionem veracitèr baptizantur , vt in eis regeneratione mundetur , quod generatione traxerunt . Chrys. sup . psal . 22. Leo , d. Natiuit . serm . 4. Greg. Nissen . in Bapt. Christi . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b Hooker . Eccles. pol. li. 5. sect . 59 pa. 132. & sect . 67. pa. 174. c Zanch Miscel. li. 3 pa. 134. Cum Minister baptisat , oculis mentis in Coelum sublatis , cogito & credo , Christum quasi manu suaè Coelo demissa , filium meum sanguine suo in remissionem peccatorum aspergere , per manum illius heminis , quem video aqua caput Infantis aspergentem . d Idem . d. Trib. Eloh . lib 7. pa. 266. Spiritus sanctus cum incubaret aquis illis primis 〈◊〉 mundi , easque 〈◊〉 & animaret , Symbolo quodam declarauit , quod facturus erat super aquas Baptismi à Christo instituendi , se nimirùm descensurum super Christum in specie Columbae , & mansurum super eum : & illum etiàm nunc incubare aquis nostri Baptismi easquè sanctificare , vt lauachrum sint regenerationis . Et qui baptizantur electi , illos per hunc Spiritum sanctificari , regenerari animari ad opera bona . e Caluin . Instit. lib. 4. ca. 15. §. 5. f Caluin . ibid. c. 16. §. 17 At quomodo in quiunt regenerantur In fantes , nec boni , nec mali cognitione praedicti ? Nos autem respondemus , opus Dei , etiamsi captui nostro non subiaceat , non 〈◊〉 esse nullum . g Vide Beza in Act. Colloq . Monsbelgard . Tit. d. Bap. h Beza , ibid. a P. 〈◊〉 . Sent. lib. 4. Dist. 4. Quamuis quidam diffiteantur , illis qui perituri sunt paruulis , in Baptismo dimitti peccata , innitentes illi verbo Aug. Sacramenta in solis electis efficiunt quod figurant ? Jbid. G. Nec mireris rem aliquandò praecedere Sacramentum , cum aliquandò 〈◊〉 longè post sequatur : vt in illis qui fictè accedunt , quibus cum postea paenituerint incipiet Baptismus prodesse . b Canon . Eccles. Synod . Anglic. ann . 1603. Can. 69. If any Minister , &c. c Tilman . d. 7. Sacram. ca. 1. Non allegauit Deus potentiam suam ( vt est communis Theologorum sententia ) ità visibilibus Sacramentis , vt sine ipsis ( modo absit coutemptus ) saluare nequeat aut nolit , maximè quando impossibile est , 〈◊〉 ea suscipere possit . d Concil , Trid. 〈◊〉 . 6. ca. 7. e Bellarm. d. Bapt. li. 1. ca. 4. Cabrer . sup . 3. p. Thom. quest . 68. ar . 2. n. 7. Henriq . sum . Theolog. li. 2. c. 22. Qui citat alios . f Tom. 1. Concil Ap. Surium . pag. 731. Socrat. hist. Eccles . li. 5. ca. 21. Tert. d. Bapt. cap. 19. & d. Cor. Mil. c. 3. Hieron in 14. ca. Zachar. & Epist. 61. ca. 16. Leo Epist. 4. Vid. Durant . d. rit . Eccles. Cath. lib. 1. ca. 19. n. 14 g Gerson . p. 3. serm . in Natiuit . B. Mariae . h Biel. 4. Sent. Dist. 4. q. 2. i Caietan . in 3. Thom. q 68. ar . 1. & 2. 〈◊〉 . venet . Anno 1547. In late editions the place is castrated . k Tilman . Segeberg . d 7. Sacram. c. 1. p. 43. Thom. Elysius Clyp . Pior. Hom. Tit. 11. d. Bapt. ar . 3. Cassand . d. Bapt. Infant . p. 772. & 777. Eos quoquè infantes qui voto patentum , vel propinquorum Christo 〈◊〉 sunt , ac iàm nunc voto & animi 〈◊〉 Christo ad Baptismum oblati , si ante expirent quàm externum signum adhiberi possit , non priuari Baptismi gratia pie credi posse existimo . l Elys . ibid. so . 102. Col. 2. a Cass. d. Bapt. Infant . pa. 775. Videntur haec ( quae dicta sunt de Bapt. Flaminis ) ad Infantes quoque non incommode transferri posse . Nihil enim eis ad salutem praeter aquae tinctionem , deesse videtur , ad quam tinetionem , parentum & Ecclesiae voluntate & fide iam destinati sunt , cur igitur non hic quoque dicamus , supplere omnipotentis benignitatem , quod Sacramento desuerit , nisi Deum seueriorem se Infantibus , quam adultis exhibere putemus ? b Bellarm. d. Euchar. lib. 1. cap. 1. Greg. Vol. Tom. 4. Disp. 6. q. 3. punct . 1. Suares 3. q. 75. Disp. 46. Sect. 1. pag. 518. Caluinus , &c. Cum negaret corpus Christi esse realiter ac substantialiter praesens , in hoc Sacramento sed solum in coelo : nihilominus absolute concedebat , substantiam , & corpus Christi sumi & Manducari à fidelibus , ineffabili quodam 〈◊〉 . a D. Bilson . BB. of Winchest . Diff. true Subiect . par . 4. pag. 779. 〈◊〉 , li. d. Spir. mand . omnes vere Christiani , sacrae Coenae Domini , ex ipsius instituto communicantes , manducant corpus & bibunt sanguinem Iesu Christi spiritualiter , efficacitate Spiritus sancti . Junius , Animad . ad . 〈◊〉 . d. Imag. cap. 9. n. 50. Eucharistiae Sacramentum 〈◊〉 proprie aut figurate . Proprie Sacramentum capit & panem 〈◊〉 , & corpus 〈◊〉 Domini , ex instituto & veritate Christi . b Caluin . Opusc. lib. Consens . inter Tigur . & Calu. 〈◊〉 nobis ( in Coena ) Christi corpus & sanguinem , nullus nostrum negat , qualis autem sit corporis & sanguinis Domini communicatio , queritur . c Caietan . in 3. part . Thom. q. 75. ar . 1. Edit . Venet. anno 1547. Petigian . 4. Dist. 10. q. 1. ar . 1 Et in hoc Caietanus 〈◊〉 defecit , qui eneruauit vim hulus argumenti 〈◊〉 Haereticos Sacramentarios . Dixerat enim in Comment . ar . 1. q. 75. 3. p. qui iussu Pij V. in Romana editione merito expunctus est , seclusa Ecclesiae Authoritate , verba illa ad veritatem hanc confirmandam non sufficere . d Suar. in 3. part . Tho. q. 75. ar . 5. Disp. 50. Sect 2. saith , That Scotus and Biel held so . e Theod. Dial. lib. 2. f Gelas. c. Nestor . & 〈◊〉 . Bibl. Bign . to . 4. fo . 565. g Chrysost. ad Caesar . Monach. h Bertram . li. d. corp . & sang . Dom. a 〈◊〉 . d. Sacram . d. Euchar. Disp. 4. q. 3. punct . 5. Respondeo , Christum existere sub speciebus Sacramentaliter modo , quodam admirabili & ineffabili , per modum substantiae spiritualis , secundum totam suam substantiam , quantitatem & membra , 〈◊〉 modo quo in coelis existit , ad dexteram Dei Patris omnipotentis , non vero existere modo quantitatiuo , seu per extensionem 〈◊〉 , in ordine ad locum . Thom. Aq. p. 3. q. 76. ar . 4. Nugnus , ibid. Coninch . ibid. n. 66. Henriq . Sum. lib. 8. cap. 25. Reginald . Greg. Val. Tolet. Philiarch . Petigian . Angles . Barth . ab Angelo , Victoria , Chamerota , Pezantius , Vasques , Viguer . Institut . Theol. d. Euchar. & alij . b August . ep . 57. c August Serm in Mont. lib. 2. cap 9. &c. Faust. lib. 20. cap. 11. Secundum praesentiam corporalem , simul & in Sole , & in Luna , & in Cruce , esse non possit . d August . sup . Ioh. 31. Vigil . c. Eutych . lib. 4. cap. 4. Fulgent . Trasimund . 〈◊〉 . 2. cap. 5. Theod. Dial. lib. 2. Arnob. Adu . Gent. lib. 6. Quae sunt priuata singulariaque natura , multa fieri 〈◊〉 , simplicitatis suae integritate seruata . Nunquid esse decem omnibus in millibus , potis est vnus , vno in tempore ? non opinor . e 〈◊〉 . d. Euchar . lib. 3. cap. 3. Non repugnat essentiae corporis , esse in vno & pluribus locis , cum sint omnia extrinseca , & posteriora ipsa corporis essentia . f Arist. 1. d. Coelo . Text. 2. Corpus est quod diuisibile est secundum omnes mensuras . g Scalig. d. Subtil . Exerc. 5. Sect. 6. a Aquin. 3. Quest. 76. ar . 4. substantia corporis Christi , realiter non denudatur a sua quantitate dimensiua , & ab alijs accidentibus . b Nugnus , ibid. Fides est ( 〈◊〉 vt oppositum sit erroneum ) quod tota quantitas corporis Christi Domini , est in hoc Sacramento . c Bellarm. d. Euchar. lib. 3. cap. 5. Sententia communis Scholarum & Ecclesiae est , &c. Petigian . 4. d. 10. q. 1. ar . 4. Dub. 2. Est conclusio 〈◊〉 quod corpus Domini in Eucharistia , suam habet quantitatem , & est communis opinio omnium Theologorum . c Scalig. d. Subtil . Exerc. 5. Sect. 3. Primum Coelum est in loco , & sane in suo spacio quod occupat . Bellarm. d. Euchar. lib. 3. cap. 7. d Durand . 4. Dist. 10. q. 2. Vbicunque est substantia in se realiter , ibi est substantialiter , quia est ab ea , iste modus inseparabilis , ergo 〈◊〉 vbicunque est quantitas in se realiter , ibi est 〈◊〉 , quia iste modus est ipsi essentialis & inseparabilis , sed illud quod est quantitatiue alicubi , non potest comparari ad totum , vel 〈◊〉 partem consimiliter . e Bellarm. d. Euchar . lib. 1. cap. 14. f Tertul. lib. c. Prax. Dei velle posse 〈◊〉 , & non posse nolle . g August . d. Ciuit . Dei , lib. 5. cap. 10. Dicitur omnipotens , faciendo quod vult , non patiendo quod non vult , vnde proprerea quaedam , non potest , quia est omnipotens . h Ambros. lib. 6. ep . 37. Quia ergo ei impossible : Non quod virtuti arduum , sed quod naturae 〈◊〉 contrarium . Impossibile istud , non 〈◊〉 , sed virtutis , & maiestatis , quia veritas non recipit mendacium , nec Dei virtus , leuitatis errorem . a Occhagania , d. Sacram. tr . 1. d. Euchar . q. 20. Quantitas debet comitati corpus Christi , vbicunque sit . Extensio localis est propria passio quātitatis . Ex vi verborum constituitur corpus organicum . Quaeret aliquis qui fieri possit , vt modus ille extensionis localis , quem corpus Christi habet in Coelo , reuera insit in corpore Christi , & à corpore reipsa , non seperetur ( vt certum sane est ) & tamen non sit cum corpore Christi in Eucharistia ? b Siluestran . in 4. Sent. Lect. 27. Vbi vnica substantialis essentia , & vnicum vbi , &c. Durand . 4. Dist. 10. q. 2. Si quantitas corporis Christi est in Sacramento per concomtantiam ad substantiam , non apparet possibile , qualiter ipsa tota possit esse 〈◊〉 praesens speciebus , & cuilibet parti specierum . Petigian . in 4. Dist. 10. q. 2. ar . 1. Si corpus Christi potest esse Sacramentaliter praesens multis locis , ergo omnibus , ergo vbique : si autem de fide est creaturam non posse esse vbique non solum est secundum praesentiam quantitatiuam , sed etiam secundum quamcunque praesentiam realem , etiam indiuisibilem & Angelicam , nam etiam de 〈◊〉 spirituali creata , erit de fide , non posse esse vbique alioquin ex illa proprietate , non colligeretur diuinitas filij & Spiritus Sancti . c Scotus , 4. Dist. 11. q. 3. Camerac . 4. q. 6. ar . 2. Licet ita esse non sequatur euidenter , ex Scriptura . Caietan . 3. q. 75. ar . 1. Non apparet ex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliquid , &c. d Bellarm. d. Euchar . lib. 1. cap. 2. & cap. 14. Non habet Christus in Eucharistia , 〈◊〉 existendi corporum , sed potius Spirituum . Ibidem , lib. 3. cap. 4. 〈◊〉 si quis contendat esse in loco tam 〈◊〉 quam 〈◊〉 , id requirere vt res nullo modo sit alibi , dicere possumus dari tertrum modum existendi in loco , 〈◊〉 per solam . 〈◊〉 , quomodo Deus est in loco , & hoc modo in loco 〈◊〉 ea corpora , quae per Diuinam potentiam , 〈◊〉 sunt in 〈◊〉 locis . Ochagauia , d. Sacram. tr . 1. d. Euchar. q. 22. Deus est vnus , & tamen est totus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 locis . Ibid. 4. 21. Christus existit in hoc Sacramento , quemadmodum Angelus existit in loco . 〈◊〉 . in 4. d. 10. q. 1. Disp. 32. Sect. 5. Corpus Christi non est in Eucharistia , per modum quantitatis , sed potius per modum substantiae , Angelo potius accommodatum quam quantitati . a 〈◊〉 4. Dist. 10. q. 1. ar . 5. In illa Angelica enunciatione non erit impossibile apud Deum omne verbum , id duntaxat significari videtur , quod nihil , quod Deus dixerit se facturum , est illi impossibile . Petig . 4. Dist. 10. q. 1. ar . 3. Caietan & Soto dicunt , quod , &c. Non est sermo de impossibili , secundum diuinam potentiam absolute , sed secundum potentiam ordinatam , secundum quam attenditur possibile velimpossibile , in Ecclesiasticis Mysterijs . d Euseh . Emissen . d. Consecrat . dist . 2. ca. Quia corpus . Cum reuerendum 〈◊〉 caelestibus cibis 〈◊〉 ascendis , sacrum Dei tui corpus , & sanguinem fide respice , honora , mirare , mente continge , cordis manu 〈◊〉 , & maxime haustu interiore assume . b Fulgent . d. 〈◊〉 . & Grat. c. 〈◊〉 . a August . sup . Ioh. tr . 25. Vt quid paras dentes & ventrem , crede & manducasti . Ibid. tr . 26. Credere in cum , hoc est manducare panem virium . Qui credit in 〈◊〉 manducat , inuisibiliter saginatur . Jb. Qui manducat intus non foris , qui manducat in corde , non qui premit dente . b Paschas . d. corp . & sang . Dom. c. 11.12.14 . Spiritualiter sanguis potatur in mysterio . Totum spirituale est quod comedimus . Virtus fidei & intelligentiae , quae nihil de Christo dubitat , totum illud spiritualiter sapit & degustat . c Fulbert . Epist. ad Adeodat . 〈◊〉 . Colon. to . 11. pa. 4. 〈◊〉 fidei , dilata fauces spei , viscera charitatis extende , & sume panem vitae , interioris hominis alimentum , &c. e Ambros. praec . in praepar . ad Missam . f August . sup . Psal. 103. Conc. 3. Est alius panis qui cor confirmat , quia panis est 〈◊〉 . g August . serm . d. corp . & sang . Dom. citatur à Beda 1. Cor. 10.16 . Vita vnicuique erit corpus & 〈◊〉 Christi , si quod in Sacramento visibiliret sumitur , in ipsa veritate spiritualiter manducetur , spiritualiter bibatur . a Petigian . in 4. Sent. d. 10. q. 1. ar . 1. p. 353. Constat ex Ecclesiasticis Historijs & ex his quae colliguntur ex sacris Concilijs & Doctrina Patrum per mille annos & amplius à passione Domini , nulla fuit excitata Haerefis in Ecclesia circa realem praesentiam , &c. b August . sup . Ioh. tr . 27. Hoc est ergo manducare illam escam & illum bibere potum , in Christo manere & illum manentem in se habere . Ac per hoc qui non manet in Christo , & in quo non maner Christus procul dubio non manducat spiritualiter carnem eius , nec bibit eius sanguinem licer carnaliter & visibiliter premat Dentibus Sacramentum corporis & sanguinis Christi sed magis tantae rei 〈◊〉 ad iudicium sibi manducat , & bibit , quià immundus praesumpsit ad Christi accedere Sacramenta quae aliquis non digne sumit nisi qui mundus est . c Aug. sent . prospcitatur à Bandino . sent . pag. 367. Si modum queris quo id fieri possit breuiter dico mysterium fidei salubriter credi potest , inuestigari non potest . Cyril . in Ioh. lib. 4. cap. 13. Firmam fidem mysterijs adhibentes , nunquam in tam sublimibus rebus , illud quomodo aut cogitemus , aut proferamus . Ibid. c. 24. Quomodo id fiat , nec mente intelligere , nec lingua dicere possumus , sed silentio & firma fide id suscipimus . d Suar. sup . 3. Tho. d. Euchar. disp . 50. sect . 2. pa. 602. Corrigendos esse Scholasticos qui hanc Doctrinam de conuersione hac , seu de Transubstantiatione non admodum antiquam esse dixerint . Inter quos fuit Scotus . Dist. 10. q. 1. § Quantum ergo ad istud Argum. & Dist. 11. q. 3. Gabr. lect . 41. in Can. a 〈◊〉 . ep . 8. & ep . 47. & sup . Esa. ca. 3. Tertul. d. Poen . c. 4. Ambros. ad virg . Laps . c. 4. b Caluin . Instit. li. 3. c. 3. n. 1. Nō abs re summa Euangelij statuitur in poenitentia & remissione peccatorū . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Epist. 20. Viam & antegressionem esse dicimus ad petendum & percipiendum Christi beneficium . Zanch. d. Relig. c. 18. Thess. 1. Credimus ad veram Iustitiae Christi participationem , coquè ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum Christo necessariam esse poenitentiam , qua à peccatis & mundo muratione animi , ac voluntatis auersi , ad Christum conuertamur , illi agglutinemur , ecquè 〈◊〉 peccatorum in ipso & ex ipso consequamur , iusticiaquè ipsius & Sanctitate 〈◊〉 . Marc. 1.4 , 15. Luc. 13.3.5 . c August . Confess . d. Confess . Nàm & nos confessionē retinem ' praecipuè propter absolutionem quae est verbū Dei , quod de singulis authoritate diuina , pronunciat po testas clauium , qu are impium esset ex Ecclesia priuatā absolutionem tollere , nequè quid sit remissio peccatorū aut potestas 〈◊〉 intelligunt , si qui priuatam absòlutionem aspernantur . Harmon . Confess . sect . 8. Chemnic . Exam. Concil . Trid. p. 2. pa. 221. Priuata vero absolutio annunciat vocē Euangelij per quam non dubium est Deum efficacem & peccata 〈◊〉 illis qui vocem Euangelij in absolutione fide apprehendunt . In absolutione igitur Deus ipse per Ministerium 〈◊〉 elij 〈◊〉 peccata singulis credentibus atquè hoc modo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , testimonium est diuinae absolutionis , vndè conscientia testimonium habet sibi verè a Deo 〈◊〉 esse peccata . d D. 〈◊〉 BB. of Cou. & Liechf . protest appeal . li. 2. ca. 16. sect . 1. e Iuel . Def. Apolog. 2. p. c. 7. Diuis . 2. pa. 192. Zanch. d. Oper. Red. p. 757. Petr. Martyr . loc . 〈◊〉 . Class . 3. c. 8. §. 28. Gerhard . loc . com . tom . 3. d. Poen . n. 99. Priuata coràm Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 confessio , quam auricularem vocant , quamuis non habeat expressum acspeciale mandatum , ac 〈◊〉 non sit absolutae necessitatis , tamen cum plurimas praestet vtilitates paulo post enumerandas , ac disciplinae Ecclesiasticae pars sit non postrema , publico Ecclesiae consensu recepta , ideo nequaquam temerè vel negligenda , vel abroganda , sed piè , ac in 〈◊〉 Dei timore , praesertim ab illis qui ad sacram Synaxin . accedunt vsurpanda . a Cassand . Consult . ar . 11. Credo de hac re controuersiam nullam fuisse futuram , si non salutatis haec confitendi medicina , ab imperitis & importunis medicis , multis inutilibus traditiunculis infecta , & contaminata fuisset , quibus conscientijs quas extricare & leuare debebant , laqueos iniecerunt , & tanquàm tormentis quibusdam excarnificarunt . Quaproptèr 〈◊〉 rei occuretur , si pij tantùm , &c. Beat. Rhenan . sup . Tertul. d. 〈◊〉 . praef . Thomas ab Aquino , & Scotus homines nimium arguti , confessionem hodie talem rediderunt , vt Iohannes 〈◊〉 grauis ac sanctus Theologus , qui 〈◊〉 annis argentorati concionatus est , apud amicos suos 〈◊〉 testatus sit , iuxtà illorum deuteroseis , impossibile esse confiteri . Concil . Colon. d. Poen . so . 158. Interim tamen non probamus hanc Exomologesim , hominum spinis & scrupis sic 〈◊〉 , vt vix quisquam à Sacerdote discedat tranquilla conscientia , quam magis veterum exemplo expediri conuenerat . b Concil . Trid. Sess. 14. c. 5. Canon . 4. & Can. 7. Oportere à 〈◊〉 bus omnia peccara mortalia , quorum post diligentem 〈◊〉 discussionem , conscientiam habent in confessione recenseri , etiàmsi occultissima illa sint , & tantum a 〈◊〉 duo vltima Decalogi praecepta commissa , &c. c Pretereà eas circumstantias , &c. quae peccati speciem mutant , &c. Nauar. Enchir. c. 2. d Ibid. Can. 8. & Extr. d. Poen . & Remiss . c. 12. Omnis 〈◊〉 sexus . e Trid. Concil . ibid. ca. 7. f Ibid. ca. 4. Reconciliationem ipsae contritioni sine Sacramenti voto , quod in illa includitur , non esse ascribendum . g Ibid. c. 6. Ad salutem necessariam esse iure diuino . h Ibid. Can. 1. Si quis dixer it in Catholica Ecclesia , poenitentiam non esse vere & proprium Sacramentum , &c. i Ibid. ca. 4. Medin . Cod. d. Confess . tr . 2. q. 39. Multorum sententia est , & probabilis , quod sine contricione , possit quis absolui modo attritus sit . 〈◊〉 . Addit . ad . 3. par . Tho. q. 6. ar . 1. Dub. 1. Cum confessione sufficit 〈◊〉 ad iustificationem . Guil. Rubeo . 4. Dist. 18. q. 1. Confitens de peccatis suis , modicum dolens , per sacramentum poenitentiae sibi ministratum à Sacerdote eum absoluente , consequitur remissionem culpae . k Vasques . in . 3. to . 4. q. 90. ar . 1. dub . 1. n. 3. 〈◊〉 Oxomensis D. Salmant . Docuit confessionem Sacramentalem , non esse in praecepto ijs qui iàm vere contriti à peccatis suis iustificati sunt . a Cassand . Consult . d. Confess . ar . 11 At quod , subijciunt enumerationē omnium delictorū non esse necessariam , quadam ex parte recte habet , videlicet , si intelligatur de ignotis , & non occurrentil us peccatis : item si intelligatur de nimis anxia inquisitione omnium 〈◊〉 quae in multis conscieniae carnificinam gignit , quam nemo moderatus approbat . Concil . Colon. d. Poen . 10. 158. Non aliter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hanc confessionem necessariam , quam fecerunt veteres illi patres , hoc est , necessariam illis qui habent grauatam conscientiam nimirùm quibus Concilio , consolatione & absolutione est opus . b Orig. in Luc. Hom. 17. Vnde & nos si peccauerim ' , debem ' dicere , peccatum meum notum feci tibi , & iniquitatem meā nō abscondi , dixi annunciabo iniusticiam meam contrà me Domine : si enim hoc fecerimus , & reuelauerimus peccata nostra , non solum Deo , sed & his qui possunt mederi vulneribus nostris atquè peccatis , delebuntur peccata nostra ab eo qui dixit . Ecce delebo vt nubem iniquitates tuas , & sicut caliginem peccata tua . Idem . in Psalm . 31. Fortassis ( inquit ) sicut hi qui habent inclusam intus escam indigestam , aut humoris aut flegmatis , stomacho grauiter & molestè conuenientia , si vomuerint releuantur , ità etiàm fi qui peccauerunt , siquidém retinent in se peccatum , intrinsecus vrgentur , & propemodum suffocantur à flegmate vel humore peccati , si autem ipse sui accusator fiat , dum accusat semetipsum , & confitetur , simul euomit & delicta , atquè omnem morbi digerit causam . Hieron . sup . cap. 10 Eccles. Si quem serpens Diabolus occultè momorderit , & nullo conscio eum peccati , veneno infecerit , si tacuerit qui percussus est , & non egerit poenitentiam , nec vulnus suum fratri , & magistro voluerit confiteri , magister qui linguam habet ad curandum facilè ei prodesse non poterit . Si enim erubescat aegrotus vulnus medico confiteri , quod ignorat medicina non curat . Aug. sup . Psalm . 66. Tuam iniquitatem confitere , gratiam Dei confitere , te accusa illum glorifica te reprehende , illum lauda , vt & ipse veniens inueniat te punitorem tui , vt exhibeat se tibi saluarorem tuum . Quid enim time t is confiteri , qui 〈◊〉 hane viam in omnibus gentibus . Quid timetis confiteri , & in confessione vestra cantare canticum nouum , cum omni terra . In omni 〈◊〉 in pace Catholica confiteri times Deo , ne confessum damnet ? Si non confessus lates , non confessus damnaberis . Times c̄ofiteri , qui non confitedo esse non 〈◊〉 occultus , damnaberis tacitus , qui posses liberari confessus . c Caluin . Instit. lib. 3. c. 4. n. 12. Cum omnes mutuò nos debemus 〈◊〉 , & in fiducia diuinae misericordiae confirmare , videmus tamen Ministros ipsos , vt de remissione peccatorum , certas reddant conscientias , testes eius ac sponsores constitui . Officij sui vnusquisquè fidelium esse 〈◊〉 , &c. vt ad se subleuandum priuata confessione apud Pastorem suum vtatur . Sistant se pastori oues , quoties sacram coenam participare volunt . a Francis. Siluius . Com. in 3. par . Tho. d. Confess . q. 6. ar . 1. De necessitate praecepti , non potest esse dubium . Illo autem supposito , dicendum est quod necessaria 〈◊〉 necessitate 〈◊〉 , quià non est aliud remedium , consequendi veniam peccatorum mortalium à Baptismo commissorum , quam per confessionem Sacramentalem re vel voto 〈◊〉 . Nugnus . 〈◊〉 3. part . Tho d. Poen . q. 6. ar . 1. Dub. 2. Confessio 〈◊〉 ad salutem 〈◊〉 medij , pro his qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 post Baptismum . b Bellar. d. Poenit . li. 1. ca. 11. Resp. Poenitentiam quā Christus & Baptista praedicarūt , ideo Sacramentum non fuisse , quià desinit pars Sacramenti potissima , 〈◊〉 verbum absolutions , confessioni peceatorum adiunctum . Non habemus exēplum Sacramenti poenitentiae , in Actis Baptistae , & antè Christi resurrectionem . Suares . in 3. 〈◊〉 . 4. disp . 35. sect . 1. Sed haec & fimilia 〈◊〉 se sumpta , solum probant , generalem necessitarem 〈◊〉 , & indifferentia sunt ad poenitentiam requisitam , antè vel post Baptismum vt sensit 〈◊〉 Concil . Trid. Sess. 14. c. 1. c Caietan . sup . Act. 19. Quemadmodum ad Baptismum Iohannis cōcurrebant confitentes peccata sua ( vt dicitur Marci primo ) ita modo describuntur confitentes facta sua , procul dubio in genere aut publice . 〈◊〉 enim fuit confessio Sacramentalis , sed professio poenitentiae , vitae praeteritae . d Caietan . sup . Iam. 5. Non hic est sermo de Sacramētali confessione vt patet ex eo quod dicit , confitemini inuicem , Sacramētalis enim confessio non fit inuicem , sed Sacerdotibus tantùm , sed de 〈◊〉 qua mutuo fatemur , nos peccatores vt oretur pro nobis , & de confessione hinc inde erratorum pro mutua 〈◊〉 & reconciliatione . Scot. 4. Dist. 17. q. 1. 〈◊〉 . 1. Gabr. 4. Dist. 17. q. 1. Vasques . in 3. tom . 4. q. 90. ar . 1. dub 1. nu . 26. Quamuis Hugo . vict . & 〈◊〉 . d. Confess . Sacramentali illum locum intelligunt , tamen non est ità concors sententia , multi enim alij de confessione quae inuicem fieri debet inter fratres vt 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . Myth . 〈◊〉 4. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Nequè enim consentaneum videtur , confessionem Iacobum promul asse , in 〈◊〉 illis 〈◊〉 alterutium peccata vestra . Yrebarn . 4. dist . 17. Dico praeceptum confessionis non haberi ex asserto Iacobi . Aureolus . 4. dist . 17. q. vnic . Ad 〈◊〉 illam Iacobi dicendum est , quod loquitur de mutua obligatione , qua 〈◊〉 est obligatus , ad 〈◊〉 alteri , de offensa . a Lombard . 4. dist . 18. 〈◊〉 . Non hoc Sacerdotibus concessit , quibus tamen tribuit potestatem soluendi & ligandi , id est oftendendi homines ligatos , vel solutos . In soluendis culpis vel retinendis ita operatur Sacerdos Euangelicus , & iudicat 〈◊〉 olim legalis in illis qui contaminati erant lepra , quae peccatum signat . Ambros. d. spir . sanct . li. 3. ca. 19. Peccatum nemo condonat , 〈◊〉 vnus Deus . Homines in remissione peccatorum Ministerium suum exhibent , non ius alicuius potestatis exercent . Neque enim in suo , sed in Patris & Filij & Sp. Sancti nomine peccata dimittuntur ; isti rogant , Diuinitas donat . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Ioh. 20. Vis & efficacia Remissionis , non in Discipulis sed in Deo remitrente . b Medin . Cod. d. poenit . tr . 2. q. 2. Saepissime Deus 〈◊〉 peccata antequam à 〈◊〉 remitrantur . Quamprimus , Quis intus de peccatis propter Deum conteritur , etiamsi de confessione vocali nil sciat nihilque memoriae eius occurrat ; illico consequitur à Deo , remissionem omnium mortalium . Ochagania . d. Sacram. poenit . tr . 2. q. 1. Ex praedicto loco Scripturae Ioh. 20 Aliqui sic colligunt necessitatem confessionis , quia Sacerdotes ibi 〈◊〉 iudices , & per consequens debent cognoscere causam , &c. Verum hac ratione non potest colligi necessitas confessionis , &c. Sacerdotes sunt Iudices Ordinarijrespectu poccarorum venialium & tamen non est preceptum 〈◊〉 confitendi . c Medin . ibid. Esto quod illinc colligeretur necessitas confitendi Sacerdotibus non tamen ostenditur quod fit necessarium in partitulari singula confiteri , etiam occulta cordis peccata , quod peccator in genere se peccatorem coram Sacerdote esse cognoscat & confiteatur , & ab ipso Sacerdote , ita in genere absoluatur . d Caietan . sup . Ioh. 20. Fateor institutionem Sacramenti poenitentiae , hic non habere praeceptum . e Iansenius Harm . Euang. cap. 147. Quoniam Remissio peccatorum impendi potest sine praeuia confessione illa speciali , ex 〈◊〉 quod Sacerdotibus hoc 〈◊〉 potestas est collata remittendi aut retinendi peccata , non mox consequitur specialem peccatorum confessionem esse necessariam . a Vasques , 3. to . 4. q. 90. ar . 〈◊〉 . Dub 2. Inter alios qui plane fatentur ex illis verbis Ioh. 20. Necessitatem Confessionis , 〈◊〉 inuenies qui efficaciter inde deducat . b Medin . Cod. d. Poen . 〈◊〉 . 2. q. 2. Ad huius 〈◊〉 probationem 〈◊〉 Doctores 〈◊〉 insudarunt . c Palacius , 4. Dist. 17. pag. 240. Auxij sunt admodum Theologi in inuestigandis 〈◊〉 locis , aut 〈◊〉 rationibus , qua hoc esse iuris Diuini euincant . Et miratu dignum , quanta sit de hac re concertatio , quamque sibi male conueniant . d Chrysost. in Psal. 50. 〈◊〉 . 2. Quia ex animo poenituit , &c. confessus est Deum , esse Christum , meruit Paradisi , esse Colonus . Ibid. Peccata tua dicito , vt 〈◊〉 illa . Si confunderis 〈◊〉 dicere quia peccasti , dicito ea quotidie in 〈◊〉 tua , non dico vt confitearis conseruo tuo vt exprobret , dicito Deo qui curat 〈◊〉 Ibid. Reminiscons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 effunde lachrymas , & poteris in lecto tuo positus , ea delere . Chrysolog . Serm. 84. 〈◊〉 Petrus ( Acts 2. ) peccata , & toto cum gaudio 〈◊〉 poenitentes . e Paludan . 4. d. 17. q. 2. n. 8. Culpa mortalis , non potest remitti sine noua infusione 〈◊〉 : Sed confessio Sacram. 〈◊〉 valet ad 〈◊〉 : quia ex quo homo facit quod potest , confitendo 〈◊〉 in speciali de 〈◊〉 , & in generali de 〈◊〉 : Absolutio sequens , ab omnibus 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 Praecessit 〈◊〉 . a 〈◊〉 . Hist. Eccles . l. 5. c. 19. 〈◊〉 . li. 7. c. 16. Trip. Hist. li. 9. c. 35. Niceph. li. 12. c. 28. 〈◊〉 . d. Sacram. poenit . tr . 2. q. 1. nu . 12. Res haec multu facessit negotij Theologis nostris . Quidam fatentur Historiam veram esse . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Th. Wald. Mych . Palacius . Quidā negant Latinus Latinius nomine : breuem disputationem edidit Romae , anno 1587. vt ostenderet hanc Socratis Historiam fabulosam esse , quod meo iudicio nullo firmo fundamento docet . Refert Vasques 3. to . 4. q. 90. ar . 1. Dub. 3. b Chrys. sup . Heb. Hom. 31. & sup . Psal. 59. & Hom. 5. d. Incomprehensib . Dei naturae . c Gloss. d. paenit . Dist. 5. c. 1. Necessaria est confessio in mortalibus apud nos , apud Graecos non , quia non emanauit apud illos Traditio talis . d Vega. d. Iustif. li. 13. c. 28. e Mald. sum . q. 18. ar . 4. Suares . 3. to . 4. Disp. 35. Sect. 1. De hac confessione est tertia sententia extremè contraria , quae negat in lege gratiae datum esse à Christo Domine proprium Diuinum praeceptum huius confessionis , quam sententiam non solum docent Haeretici , &c. Sed etiam graues Theologi . Hugo Victor . Alex. Halens . Bonauentura , &c. Cum negent confessionem esse expresse institutum a Christo a fortiori negant esse praeceptam . f Rhenan . in Tertul. d. paenit . Praefat. g Refert Alphons . Castro . v. Confess . Vasques . 3. q. 90. ar . 1. Dub. 1. h Grat. d. Poen . d. 1. cap. 89. Quamuis . Quibus Authoritatibus vel quibus rationum firmamentis vtraque sententia satisfactionis & confessionis innitatur , in medium breuiter exposuimus . Cui autem harum potius adhaerendum sit . Lectoris iudieio reseruatur . Vtraque enim , fautores habet sapientes , & Religiosos . 〈◊〉 . sup . 5. lib. Decretal . d. Poen . & Remiss . cap. 12. Omnis vtriusque , n. 18. Multum mihi placet illa opinio ( Gloss. Gratian. d. Poen . dist . 5. ) Quia non est aliqua authoritas aperta quae innuat , Deum seu Christum , aperte instituisse , confessionem fiendam Sacerdoti , pag. 256. i August . sup . Ioh. tr . 80. Accedat verbum ad Elementum & fit Sacramentum . Ibid. Visibile verbum . Idem , c. Faust. lib. 19. cap. 16. Visibilia inuisibilis Gratiae signa . Idem , Serm. d. Bapt. ad Neophyt . Sacramentum dicitur , quia aliud videtur , aliud intelligitur . Quod videtur , habet speciem corporalem , quod intelligitur habet fructum spiritualem . August . Confess . lib. 10. cap. 3. Quid mihi est cum hominibus , vt audiant confessiones meas , quasi ipsi sanaturi sint omnes languores meos ? Curiosum genus ad cognoscendam vitam alienam , desidiosum ad corrigendam suam . Aug. d. Bapt. c. Don. lib. 4. ca. 6. [ It should be , ca. 16. ] a Stapl. Relect. contr . 4. d. potest . Eccles. q. 3. ar . 2. in Symbolo profitemur , Credo Ecclesiam 〈◊〉 . &c. Hoc est credo omnia quae Deus per Ecclesiam 〈◊〉 docet . Canus , Loc. 〈◊〉 . lib. 4. cap. 4. Bannes , 2.2 . q. 1. ar . 1. pag. 10. 〈◊〉 , sum . pag. 237. Omnis Baptisatus sanctam Ecclesiam explicite tenetur credere , scil . quod sit verax & infallibilis , in proponendis nobis ea , quae sunt fidei , Rhem. 1. Tim. 3. Sect. 9. b August . Enchir . cap. 56. Rectus ordo poscebat , vt Trinitati subiungeretur Ecclesia , tanquam habitatori 〈◊〉 sua , & Deo Templum suum , & conditori Ciuitas sua . a Bellarm. d. Pontif . li. 4.7 . Pontifex si posset esse haereticus , solum erit negando aliquam veritatem antea definitam . Non potest , autem esse haereticus , dum ipse aliquid noui definit , tunc enim non 〈◊〉 contra aliquid definitum ab Ecclesia . b Hieron . sup . Gal. c. 5. 〈◊〉 Scripturas aliter intelligit , quam sensus spirit ' Sancti flagitat quo conscripta est , licet de Ecclesia non recesserit , tamen Haereticus appellari potest . c Tertul. d. vel . virg . c. 1. Quodcunque aduersus veritatem sapit , hoc erit Haeresis . d Albert. 4. Sent. Dist. 13. ar . 39. Ille est Haereticus , qui sententiaru suam sequitur & non sententiam Scripturarum . e Occham . Dial. p. 1. l. 1. c. 6. Haereticus est , qui pertinaci auimo tenet aliquam Haeresin , cuius contradictoria in Sacris 〈◊〉 continetur . e Cyprian . Ep. 75. 〈◊〉 differentia est , inter pseudo propheram , & haereticum . a Aug. d. Bapt. c. Don. lib. 4. cap. 16. Constituamus ergo duos aliquos isto modo , vnum eorum verbi gratia , id sentire de Christo quod Photinus opinatus est , & in eius Haeresi baptizari extra Ecclesiae Catholicae communionem : alium vero hoc idem sentire , 〈◊〉 in Catholica Baptizari , existimantem ipsam esse Catholicam fidem . Istum nondum Haereticum dico , nisi manifestata sibi Doctrina Catholicae fider 〈◊〉 maluerit , & illud quod 〈◊〉 elegerit , quod antequam fiat , manifestum est illum , qui foris baptizatus est esse pejorem . D. Field . 3. Booke of the Church . c. 3. a Gerson . to . 3. d. Consol. li. 4. pros . 1. pa. 53. Dubius in fide infidelis est ? Quod vtique veritatem habet , dum quis illa dubitat , quae per eruditionem sacrae Scripturae , certa tenetur & explicata 〈◊〉 tenere . b Occham . Dial. p. 1. l. 4. c. 3. Quidam sunt nescientes Haeretici , qui assertionem nullam pertinentem ad fidem Christianam sub propria forma Scriptam in Scriptura diuina repertam dubitant esse veram , quia 〈◊〉 Scripturam diuinam recipiunt : Sed tamen 〈◊〉 assetriones sequentes ex illis , propter hoc , quod aliter intelligunt Scripturas diuinas , quam sensus Spiritus Sancti flagitat , à quo sumptae sunt , non credunt esse veras , quià non putant quod sequantur ex illis , quià autem credunt irreuocabiliter contrarias assertiones esse veras , ideo Haeretici sunt censendi qui tamen in genere credunt totam fidem Christianam esse veram . Idem . p. 2. tr . 1. ca. 10. Haeretici sunt in duplici differentia , quidam sunt scientes Haeretici , quidam sunt Haeretici non scientes , &c. Errantes contra fidem Christianam aberrant , Ipso facto , & hoc 〈◊〉 dupliciter : quià aut errant contra 〈◊〉 quam tenentur explicitè tenere vel credere : sicut si quis assentiret 〈◊〉 non fuisse 〈◊〉 , putans hoc ad fidem Christianam minimè pertinere . Ibid. Errans contrà fidem debit 〈◊〉 per regulam fidei Christianae , qui ergo regulam fidei putat falsam , non est paratus 〈◊〉 , igitur est Secundo ex verbis praedictis concluditur quod errans contra veritatem Catholicam , quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 credere , est Haereticus reputandus : quià talis non quaerit cauta sollicitudine veritatem . a D. Rainold . 〈◊〉 . sex . Thes. Rom. Ecclesia nec Catholica est nec sanum membrum Catholicae Thes. 5. d Origen . in Math. tr . 1. Si quis fuerit aduersus quem praeualiturae sint portae inferorum , talis nequè Petra fuerit , super quam Christus aedificat Ecclesiam , nequè quae à Christo super Petram aedificatur Ecclesia , &c. Ibidem . Vbi vero considerauimus , quod vnum quodquè peccatorum ob quae Christus iturus erat ad inferos , portae sunt inferorum , compraehendemus , quod anima quae maculam habet , aut rugam , aut aliquid huiusmodi , ac propter malitiam nec sancta est , nec irreprehensibilis , ea neque Petra est , super quam Christus aedificat , nequè Ecclesia , nequè Ecclesie pars , quam super Petram Christus aedificat . Ambros. in Luc. lib. 2. c. 3. Bernard . in Cantic . serm . 78. D. Rainold . d. Script . & Eccles. Thes. 4. confirmeth the same at large . a Aug. d. Ciuit. Dei , li. 20. c. 8. Nunquam ab illo , Ecclesia seducetur , praedestinata & electa antè constitutionem mundi . b Origen . tr . 1. in Math. Vnūquodquè peccatorū , &c. portae sunt inferorum , vna inferorū porta , vocatur scortatio . Cum multae sint , neque recenseri numero possint inferorum portae , nulla porta inferorum , valet aduersus Petram , aut Ecclesiam quam Christus super illam aedificat . Hieron . sup . Math. c. 16. Ego portas inferi reor , vitia atquè peccata , vel certè Haereticorum Doctrinas , &c. c Gre. Mor li. 4. ca. 11. Quid per dies nisi singulae quaeque Electorum mentes ? Quid per menses nisi multiplicatae eorū Ecclesiae quae vnam Catholicam faciunt , designatur . Jd li. 28. c. 6. Sanctam Ecclesiam de sanctis in aeternum permansuris constructam , nuliis huius vitae persecutionibus superandam , Ipse super quem aedificata est , euidentèr ostendit , cum ait portae inferi non praeualebunt aduersus eam . August . Epist. 50. d. Vnit. Eccles. c. 16. Aug. Com. 〈◊〉 . Concion . de Emerito ad Plebem . Lact. lib. 4. Diuin . Institut . ca. vlt. Cyp. epist. 62. ad Pompon . Field li. 1. of the Church , ca. 23. a Aug. Enchir. c. 56. & 〈◊〉 61. Idem . sup . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . & sup . Psalm 90. Gregor . Moral . li. 4. c. 10. b Whitaker . d. Ecclesia cap. 2. q 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . non omnibus quidem , sed ijs tantum , quibuscum rem habent , & qui rectè de religione iudicare possūt . c Read before pa. 7.50.61 . a Aug. epist. 50. Idem . d. vnit . Eccles. ca. 16. b Aug. d. Doctr. Christ. li. 3. c. 32. c Idem . sup . ep . Ioh. tr . 3. & in psal . 131. In hijs est domus Dei , quos praedestinauit , & praesciuit perseueraturos . Et in Psalm . 47. Proefat . Secundam Sabbathi non debemus intelligere , nisi Ecciesiā Christi : sed Ecclesiam Christi in sanctis , Ecclesiam Christi in hijs qui scripti sunt in Coelo , Ecclesiā Christi in hijs qui mundi huius tentationibus non cedunt . d Bernard . in 〈◊〉 . 1. e Read before pa. 5.57 . 111.112.113 . f Aug. c. Crescon . lib. 2. c. 21. Omnia ista monstra , absit omninò vt in membris illius columbae vnicae 〈◊〉 , absit vt intrare possint limites horti conclusi , cuius ille custos est , qui non potest falli . Read before in this 〈◊〉 , pag. 111. 112.113 . Read before in this Treatise , pag. 1.2 . Aug. d. Tem. serm . 237. a Aug d. Trinit . li. 3. ea . 11. b Athan. orat . c. Gent. Greg. Moral . li. 18. c. 14. Si rectè loqui desiderāt , indè sumere debent , quid loquātur . Ambros . Hexam . li. 2. c. 2. Nos 〈◊〉 Scripturarum coelestium magifterio . c Chrys. in Ioan Hom. 58. Notes for div A15082-e74380 Aug. d. Ciuit. Dei , lib. 5. cap. 27. Facile est cuiquam , videri respondisse , qui tacere noluerit . Aut quid est loquacius vanitate ? Quae non ideo potest quod veritas , quia si voluerit etiam , plus potest clamare quā veritas . Cyprian . ep . 74. a August . d. Agon . Christi , cap. 28. b August . sup . Psal. 32. Cypr. d. Laps . Alta & erecta Ceruix , nec quia cecidit inflexa est , tumens animus & superbus , nec quia victus est fractus est , iacens stantibus , & integris vulneratus minatur . Idem , Epist. 40. Qui mandatum Dei rejiciunt , & Traditionem suam statuere conantur , fortiter a vobis & firmiter respuantur . c Basil. epist. 107. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d Orig. sup . Num. Hom. 17. & sup . Ezech . Hom. 11. Basil . sup . Psa. 28. Ho. 1. Hieron . Trans . orig . in Cant. Cedrus imputribile Lignum . e Cicero , pro Roscio . Ex opinione multa ex veritate pauca iudicant . f Tertul. Apolog . cap. 7. Report or Fame , is most an end false : and when it deliuereth some part of truth , it is not then free from the vice ( or tincture ) of vntruth . a 〈◊〉 . Com. Eccles. cap. 3. , vt quidam interpretantur . Ibidem , cap. 7. 〈◊〉 est , ex persona hominis 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 . Notes for div A15082-e75080 a Cyprian . Epist. 55. Arrogans & superba iactatio , non de Christi Magisterio sed de Antichristi spiritu naseitur . b Aug. d. ciu . Dei. lib. 17. a Nycen . Synod . 2. Act. 7. Epist. Tharas . Glossa . d. 〈◊〉 . d. 3. c. Venerabiles Adorare , id est , Reuerentiam exhibere . Peres . Aial . d. Trad. p. 3. d. ven . Sanct. Distinguendo vocabula Adorationis & venerationis , vt isti Sancti distinguunt , nemo in Ecclesia dicit , qui 〈◊〉 sentiat , Sanctos debere adorari , sed venerari . Junius . Animad . Bellarm. d. Imag. c. 11. n. 1. Bellarm. Non esse vllo modo colendas Imagines . Resp. Hoc 〈◊〉 nostrum dicit , non esse colendas , nec vllo modo : suo modo coli probamus , 〈◊〉 imagines , at non religioso cultu , qui aut superstitiosus est , aut impius , nec cum aliorum scandalo , siue cultus separatus , 〈◊〉 coniunctus cum corum 〈◊〉 intelligatur , 〈◊〉 sunt imagines . b 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 103. 〈◊〉 . 4. Gabr. 〈◊〉 . miss . lect . 49. 〈◊〉 . 3. to . 1. Disp. 51. sect . 1. Signif . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quo vnus alteri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , velillum honorat , in recognitionem excellentiae eius . Petigian . 3. d. 9. q. 1. ar . 2. Adoratio tres actus complectitur . 1. Actum intellectus , quo apprehendimus excellentiam alicuius . 2. Actum voluntatis , quo nos illi interius inclinamus , & aliquid volumus facere actu interiore , & exteriore , quo potestamur eius excellentiam , & nostram subiectionem . 3. Actum exteriorem , quo caput inclinamus , velgenu flectimus , vel aliquid aliud signum subiectionis ostendimus , ex quibus actibus secundus , est maximè proprius & essentialis . 〈◊〉 . in 3. q. 25. 〈◊〉 2. 〈◊〉 . q. 5. dub . 〈◊〉 . Cabrera in 3 , q. 25. 〈◊〉 . 1. comment . Tapia . in 3. q. 27. ar . 3. Vasques d. Ador. 〈◊〉 . 1. disp . 1. c. 1. & l. 2. disp . 8. c. 8. n. 321. 〈◊〉 . d. Sacr. Ador. cult . disp . 3. Sect. 7. 〈◊〉 . Quaest. Schol. 7. ar . 1. Palac . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . disp . 1. c 〈◊〉 . d. Sacr. Ador. cult . disp . 3. sect . 6. n. 7. Imagines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sunt 〈◊〉 adoratione sacra & religiosa , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pa. 260. Suares . in 3. to . 1. disp . 52. sect . 3. Hic cultus , &c. 〈◊〉 religiosus 〈◊〉 . pa. 588. d 〈◊〉 . d. Ador. li. 2. disp . 8. c. 8. n. 331. a Cornel. Agrippa . d. vanit . scient . d. Imag. Qui quidem corruptus Gentilium mos , & falsa religio , cum ipsi ad Christi fidem , conuerti caeperunt , nostram quoque religionem infecit , & in nostram Ecclesiam simulachra & imagines , multasque Pomparum steriles ceremonias introduxit , quorum nihil omnino fuit , apud primos illos Christianos . b Aquin. 3. sent . dist . 9. q. 2. ad . 1. Prohibitum est in veteri lege , ne imagines fierent , ad adorandum . c Al. Hal. p. 3. q. 30. m. 3. ar . 3. d Albert. 3. d. 9. ar . 4. e Bonauent . 3. d. 9. f Marsil . 3. q. 8. ar . 2. g Rich. 3. d. 9. q. 2. h Gers. compend . tr . 2. d. 10. precept . i Abul . Exod. 20. q. 39. k Vasq. d. Ador. li. 2. disp . 4. c. 6. n. 98. Respondeo lege veteri non fuisse 〈◊〉 omnem similitudinem aut effigiem quomodocunque , sed omnem cultum & adorationem ipsius , atque adeo omnem quoque imaginem seu effigiem modo accommodato adorationi erectam , aut constitutam . Soto . d. Iust. & iure . l. 2. q. 4. ar . 2. Cordub . li. 1. q. 5. du . 5. Palacius . 3. d. 9. Oleaster . sup . Exod. 20. Cabrera . 3. q. 25. Disp. 1. §. 5. Tapia . in 3. q. 27. ar . 8. l Vasq. d. Ador. li. 2. disp . 4. c. 5. n. 91. Quando Ezechias ipsum confregit , quod videret ei incensum adoleri , cum tamen in solam memoriam preteriti beneficij a Deo accepti , in populo illo , seruaretur : non ideo fecit , quia existimaret , a populo pro Deo iam coli , & adorari , sed quod aliquem cultum qualem 〈◊〉 imaginibus deferre nos consueuimus , qui omnino erat populo illi prohibitus , videret ei adhiberi . Adolebant enim illi incensum : nec aliam causam ob quam Ezechias ipsum confregit Scriptura nobis exposuit , at incensi Oblatio non est proprie Sacrificium soli Deo debitum , sed quae etiam rebus inanimis , aut imaginibus refertur . m Aug. d. Ciuit. Dei. l. 10. c. 8. Dist. 63. c. Quia Ezechias , &c. Fregit serpentem aeneum quem fecit Moses , &c. a Cassand . Consult . d. Imag. & Simulachris . Quantú veteres initio Ecclesiae , ab omni veneratione Imaginum abhorruerút , declarat vnus origines aduersus celsum , &c. has ideò Imagines nō honoramus , &c. Aug. d. Consens . Euang. li. 1. ca. 10 Et d. Mor. Eccles. Cathol . cap. 34. Noui multos esse Sepulchrorum & Picturarum adoratores . Et epist. 119. Nulla Imago eius coli debet , nisi illa , quae est hoc quod ipse . Ambros. lib. 5. epist. 31. Non vult se Deus in lapidibus coli . Idem . d. Obitu Theodosij , Helena , Constantini mater , non adorauit lignum , quià hic Gentilis est error , & vanitas impiorum . Greg. Nissen . or . Funeb . placillae , pa. 290. Qui creaturam adorat , etiamsi in nomine Christi id facit , Simulachrorum cultor est . Clem. Rom. Recog . lib. 5. pag. 71. & 73. b Greg. lib. 7. epist. 109. Tua fraternitas , &c. ab 〈◊〉 adoratu , populum prehibere debuit , & li. 9. epist. 9. Adorare Imagines omnibus modis deuita . Cassand . Consult . d. Imag. pa. 977. c Roger . Houeden . Annal. part . 1. pag. 232. Col. 2. Carolus rex Francorum misit Synodalem librum ad 〈◊〉 , &c. in quo libro multa inconuenientia , & verae Fidei contraria , &c. maxime quod penè omnium orientalium Doctorum non minus quam 300 , &c. Episcoporum vnanima assertione confirmatum fuerit , Imagines debere adorati , quod omnino Ecclesia Dei execratur . d Ado. Cron. aetat . 6. fol. 181. Sed & Pseudo Synodus , quam septimam Graeci appellant , pro adorandis Imaginibus abdicata penitus . Regino . Cron. lib. 2. fo . 30. Hincmar . li. c. Iandunens . Episc. c. 20. Septima autem apud 〈◊〉 vocata vniuersalis , Pseudo Synodus , de Imaginibus quas quidam confringendas , quidam autem adorandas dicebant , neutra 〈◊〉 pars intellectu sano definiens , sine authorite Apostolicae Sedis non longè antè nostra tempora Niceae est à compluribus Episcopis habita , & Romam missa , quam etiàm Papa Romanus in Franciam direxit , vnde tempore Charoli magni Imperatoris , iussione Apostolicae Sedis , generalis Synodus in Francia conuocante praefato Imperatote celebrata , & secundum Scripturarum tramitem , traditionemquè maiorum , ipsa Grae corum Pseudo Synodus destructa est , & penitus abdicata , de cuius destructione , non modicum volumen , quod in Palatio adolescentulus legi , ab eodem Imperatore , Romam est per quosdam Episcopos missum . Amoin . d. Gest. 〈◊〉 . lib. 4. cap. 85. Abbas . Vesperg . Cron. Ann. 793. In these two latter Authors , Amoinus and Vspergensis , the name of Constantinople is inserted for Nice , but in the matter they agree . Read Vasques . d. Ador. lib. 2. disp . 7. cap. 2. n. 213. Vero similius esteos ( Amonium & Vspergens . ) errasse in vno verbo , ponendo Constantinopolitanam , pro Nicena . e Cassander . Consult . d. Imag. Cum in Synodo Nicena sub Constantino & Irene , de Imaginibus adorandis , aliquot decreta edita fuissent , atquè exemplar illius Graecanicae Synodi Francofurtum , &c. allatū , & iussu Caroli diligentèr lectum fuisset , cui Synodo , etiàm Legati Romani Pontificis interfuerunt , summo Patrum consensu Graeca illa Synodus , qua parte Imagines adorandas censebat , improbata & damnata fuit , vt quae non modo diuinis literis , & antiquae Patrum Traditioni , sed etiàm consuetudini Romanae Ecclesiae aduersaretur , quae damnatio etiàm actis & capitibus illius Francofordiensis Synodi inserta fuit . f Genebrard . Cronol . li. 3. an . 794. Addo patres qui Francofurtum conuenerant , non satis habuisse perspectam Nicenae sententiam , ac fuisse deceptos falsis rumoribus & scriptis . g Agobardus . Biblioth . Patr. Edit . Colon. tom . 9. pag. 598. Nullus antiquorum Catholicorum , vnquam eas colendas vel adorandas fortè existimauit . Ibid. Nemo se fallat , nemo se seducat , nemo se circumueniat : quicunquè aliquam Picturam vel Fusilem , siue ductilem adorat statuam , non exhibet cultum Deo , non honorat Angelos vel homines sanctos , sed simulachra veneratur . Ibid. Habuerunt namquè & antiqui Sanctorum Imagines vel pictas vel sculptas , sed causa Historiae ad recordandum , non ad colendum . h Holcoth . in lib. Sap. cap. 13. pag. 524. Nulla adoratio debetur Imagini , nec licet aliquam Imaginem adorare . a Cassan. Consult . d. Pictur . & Imaginibus pag. 977. Sanioribus Scholasticis , displicet sentétia 〈◊〉 , qui céseat Imaginem eadé adoratione colendam , qua res ipsa colitur , quae 〈◊〉 significatur , eamquè parum tutam esse aiunt , nisi commoda interpretatione subleuetur , in quibus est Durandus & Robertus Holcot , Gabriel , quoquè Biel , saniotem sententiā redfert eorum qui dicunt , quod Imago nequè vt consideratur in se , secundum quod lignum est , lapis , aut Metallum , 〈◊〉 vt consideratur secundum rationem Signi & Imaginis , est adoranda . Gerson . Compend . part . 2. d. decempraecept . Nos non adoramus Imagines , sed refertur honor & adoratio ad imaginatum . Guliel . Durand . Rational . Diuinor . lib. 1. cap. 3. Ferus . sup . Iudic. ca. 8. b Peres . d. Trad. pa. 3. d. Imag. Omnes ferè Scholastici in hoc sunt , quod imago Christi , & Sanctorum adorari debent , eadem adoratione qua & res quae & representantur . Ideò Imagini 〈◊〉 , & signo crucis sanctissimo , in eo quod Christum representāt , latriae adorationem illis deberi 〈◊〉 . Cuius Doctrinae nullum ( quod ego viderim ) afferrunt validum fundamentum , quod posset fideles ad id quod docent obligare , nam nequè Scripturam , nequè Traditionem Ecclesiae , nequè communem sensum Sanctorum , nequè Concilij generalis determinationem aliquam , nèc etiàm rationem , qua hoc efficaciter suaderi possit , adducunt . Concil . Moguntin . cap. 41. & 42. Imaginum vsum velut pro erudienda plebe , & omnium animis excitandis vtilem , in Ecclesijs nostris retineri serio mandamus , dummodò Pastores nostri populum accuratè moneant , Imagines non ad id proponi vt adoremus aut colamus eas : sed vt quid adorare aut colere , aut quarum rerum vtilitèr meminisse debeamus , per Imagines recordemur . c Alchasar . Apoc . 12. Bernard . serm . d. Virg. Maria. Signum magnū apparuit in Coelo , mulier amicta Sole & Luna sub pedibus eius , & in capite eius corona duodecem Stellarum . Tilman . Bredenbach . Collat. Sacr. lib. 3. cap. 23. Progressi sunt ad Imaginem B. Virginis 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 Sole , & Lunam sub pedibus habentem , ex laqueati Ecclesiae dependentem . Benzon . sup . Magnif . lib. 1. cap. 18. pag. 103. Corena . B. Virg. Mariae , in Prolog . fol. 1. Osorius Conc. tom . 5. Dominic . Aduent . 2. pa. 16. a 〈◊〉 . Orig. lib. 8. ca. 8. Simulachra à similitudine nuncupata , eo quod manu 〈◊〉 ex lapide aliaue materia corum vultus imitantur , in quorum honorem finguntur . Cabrera . in 3. q. 25. ar . 3. disp . 3. §. n. 63. Dicitur Imago ab imitando , quià imitatur & representar interiora exemplaris , exprimens , illud secuti est . b Arnob. c. Gent. li. 6. Vndè 〈◊〉 an 〈◊〉 haec , quae Dijs im mortalibus vicaria substitutione formatis , similitudiné habeāt , &c. potest enim fieri , vt barbatus in Coelo sit , qui hic à vobis effingitur len is . Lact. d. ver . Relig. li. 2. d Arnob. Adu . Gent. li. 6. Ludus est simulachra ista confingere , normina illis tanquam propria dedicare quibus , si habitum detrahas tollatur cognitio 〈◊〉 . Lactant. Instit. lib. 2. cap. 18. Quicquid similatur id 〈◊〉 sit necesse est , nec potest 〈◊〉 verinomen accipere , quod veritatem suco & imitatione mentitur . e Clem. Alexandr . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 25. Agobard . d. Pict . & Imag. Homo facere non potest quicquam in quo sit similitudo hominis in mente & ratione . Nàm si exprimit vtcunquè sculpendo vel pingendo aliquam similitudinem corporis aut membroram , hoc vtiquè exprimit quod minimum est in homine non quod maximum . Epiphan . tom . 2. li. 3. Haer. 59. siuè 79. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. a Agobard . lib. d. Pictur . & Imagin . tom . 9. Biblioth . col . Quantum autem visibilia noceant ad inuisibilia capienda , & quantum amor corporearum terum etiàm bonarum , ad spiritualia contemplanda , ipse Dominus demonstrat dicens : Ego 〈◊〉 dico vobis , expedit vobis vt ego 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 enim non abiero non mittam 〈◊〉 ad vos . b Aug. d. Consens . Euang. li. 1. ca. 10. Sic omnino errare meruerūt , qui Christum & Apostolos eius , non in sanctis Codicibus , sed in pictis 〈◊〉 quaesierunt . Clem. Alex. 〈◊〉 lib. 5. pag. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Chrys. ad pop . Ancioch . Hom. 60. Discamus Christū , prout ipse vult venerari . Honorato namque iueundissimus honor , quem ipse vult , non quem nos putamus . Nam & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 se honorare putabat , cum sibi pedes eumlauare prohiberet , sed non erat honor quem agebat sed contrarium . August . d. consens . Euang. lib. 1. cap. 18. Si alio modo eum colere vellent , quam se colendum ipse dixisset ; non vtique illum colerent , sed quod ipsi finxissent . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contra Manich. 〈◊〉 . Hal. 3. q. 3. m. 3. ar . 3. Signum per nstitutionem . a 〈◊〉 . in 3. p. Thom. q. 25. 〈◊〉 . 104. cap. 5. Iussit Deus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & stantes , absque vlla 〈◊〉 nota & 〈◊〉 , in ipsum aspicere , vt tota 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 , in Deum Auctorem illius 〈◊〉 , nullam vero corporalem Adorationem aut submissionis notam in eum dirigerent . Quare quando Ezechias ipsum confregit , quod videret ei incensum adoleri , cum tamen in solam memoriam praeteriti beneficij a Deo accepti , in populo illo seruaretur , non ideo fecit , quia existimaret à populo pro Deo iam coli & adorari , sed quod aliquem cultum , qualem etiam imaginibus deferre nos consueuimus , qui omnino erat populo illi prohibitus , videret ei adhiberi . Adolebant enim illi incensum , nec aliam causam , ob quam Ezechias ipsum confregit Scriptura nobis exposuit : at incensi oblatio non est 〈◊〉 sacrificium soli Deo debitum , sed quae etiam rebus inanimis , aut imaginibus 〈◊〉 . b Vasques , d. Ador. lib. 2. Disp. 4. cap. 6. n. 101. Nunquam Cherubinis , aut ex 〈◊〉 fusili , aut ex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a summo 〈◊〉 ingrediente semel in anno 〈◊〉 , honorem aut 〈◊〉 adhibitam fuisse , aut osculo , aut genuflexione , aut oblatione thuris , aut alio signo peculiari ad ipsos 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illius 〈◊〉 & venerationem , in 〈◊〉 ipsam & propitiatorium , tanquam in Thronum & suppedaneum 〈◊〉 Dei fuisse relatam : ita vt signa honoris externa , 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , animus autem Sacerdotis in Deum , qui ibi sedebat , & responsa dabat , non in Angelos ipsos , qui erant exemplaria illarum figurarum , esset 〈◊〉 . Nec quisquam nisi ex 〈◊〉 cerebro , & absque vllo 〈◊〉 , contrarium poterit affirmare . Tho-Aquin . 1.2 . q. 102. ar . 4. ad . 6. Similitudines Seraphin non ponebantur ad cultum , quod prohibebatur primo Legis praecepto , sed in signum ministerij . Tertull. c. Marcion . lib. 2. cap. 22. Sic & Cherubin & Seraphin , aurea in Arcam , figuratum exemplum , certe simplex ornamentum , accommodata suggestui , &c. Vasq. in 3. p. Thom. 〈◊〉 . 1. q. 25. 〈◊〉 3. Disp. 104. cap. 6. Quo loco non docet Tertullianus , vt falso Pamelius putauit in vetere Lege solum esse prohibitum similitudines & effigies pro Dijs adorari , &c. pag. 996. c Orig. sup . Num. Hom. 5. Tertull. Apol . c. 16. Iustin. ad Orthod . q. 118. 〈◊〉 . d. plur . & necess . Quest. q. 14. Greg. Nissen . li. d. Orat. Basil. d. Spirit . sanct . c. 27. August . serm . in Mont. li. 2. c. 19. 〈◊〉 . Orthod . fid . li. 4. c. 13. a Alphons . Castro . c. Haer. lib. 8. verb. Imago . Si ergo populus Christianus , esset nunc aeque pronus ad 〈◊〉 , vt tunc fuit populus Israel , nec aliter posset ab errore reuocari , quam imaginibus confractis , crederem eas merito debere 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , in 3. q. 27. ar . 8. Quamuis imaginum vsus 〈◊〉 bonus , & Ecclesiae vulis , si tamen inde Idololatria ita oriri cognosceretur , vt ei communi pesti aliter occurri non possit , nisi imaginibus deletis , essent procul dubio illae iudicio & praecepto Maiorum delendae . Cordub . Questionar . q. 5. dub . 5. p. 84. Aristotl . lib. d. Memor . D. Thom. 3. q. 25. Ar. 4. a Ambros. d. Incarn . & Sacrament . c. 9. Verba Philosophorum excludit simplex veritas piscatorum . August . d. verb. Apost . ser. 29. Non 〈◊〉 in hac re & in hac controuersia ad literas seculares , nec inter nos iudicet poeta , sed Propheta . Tertull. d. Resur . Carnis . Est quidem de communibus sensibus sapere in Dei rebus , sed in testimonium veri , non in adiutorium falsi . a Medin . Tr. d. Orat. q. 2. Gabr. 3. d. 9. & in Can. Miss . Lect. 50. Cordub . Quaest. 5. dub . 1. pag. 〈◊〉 . Adoratio formaliter non est actus intellectus , &c. Peres . Aiala . d. Trad. p. 3. d. Imag. Aristoteles solum dicit , duplicem esse cognitionem imaginis , aliud tamen vbi dixerit non vidi . Et quamuis res ita se haberet , quod eadem cognitione feramur in imaginem , & rem imaginatam , non inde concluditur , idem fieri posse in adoratione & veneratione : Est enim maxima dissimilitudo inter hoc & illud . b Durand . 3. d. 9. q. 2. n. 9. c Pic. Mirand . Apolog. q. 3. d Tapia , in 3. q. 27. ar . 10. Procul dubio , Scholastici qui eam propositionem modo exposito explicauerunt , non consuluerunt textum Aristotelis . e Vasq. d. Ador. lib. 2. Disp. 8. cap. 7. n. 317. Illa sententia , quam S. Tho. ex Aristotele desumpsit : Idem est motus in imaginem , & rem cuius est Imago , alium quidem sensum habet , &c. Quocirca perperam quidam recentiores putant , eodem modo se habere in adoratione , imaginem depictam , sicut se verbum habet interius . f Tapia , in 3. Thom. q. 27. 〈◊〉 . 10. Non est idem actus voluntatis , quo ferimur in finem , & in media ad finem . Vnus enim est electio , alter simplex voluntatis affectus . Greg. Arim. 1. d. 1. q. 2. Marsil . 1. q. 4. ar . 1. du . 2. Vasq. 1. 2. q. 8. Disp. 33. cap. 2. August . d. Trinit . Lib. 11. cap. 6. a Lib. 4. c. 12. b De Doctr. Christ. lib. 3. c. 9. c Lib. de Dom. Incat . Sacram. c. 7. d De Spiritu Sancto ; c. 18. e Serm. 4. contra Atianas . f Bell. d. Script . Eccles. in Ioh. Damasc . pag. 269. lib. 1. d. Fid. Orthod . cap. 11. Docet Spiritum sanctum non procedere ex Filio , sed per Filium . Palacius , 〈◊〉 . Quaest. in 1. Lib. Sent. B. Damascenus manifestarium habuit lapsum , &c. pag. 21. a Aug. sub signo seruit , qui operatur aut veneratur aliquam rem fignificantem , nesciens quid fignificet . Qui vero aut operatur , aut veneratur vtile fignum diuinitus institutum , culus vim significationemque intelligit , non hoc veneratur quod videtur & transit , sed illud potius , quo talia cuncta reserenda sunt . b Aug. d. Haeres — haeres . 7. Id. Epist. 49. & sup . Psal. 113. c Ambros. Nunquid cum & 〈◊〉 eius adoramus , & carnem , Christum diuidimus ? Nunquid cum in eo imaginem , crucemque veneramur , diuidimus 〈◊〉 d Caietan . sup . Col. 1. Deitatem inuisibilem accepit filius à Patre . e Bellarm. d. imag . c. 24. Dico Ambrosum , per crucem intelligere passionem Christi , siue carnem patientem , sicut per imaginem Dei , intelligit dietatem . f Basil. d. spir . sanct . c. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas. c. Arian . Orat. 4. pag. 254. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g Ib. pag. 256. Non aliter quam si quis , per diurnum tempus , sole iam lucente , lignum temere depingat , in quo ne imaginaria quidem species lucis appareat , asseratque hoc lignum authorem esse diurni luminis , Sol contra id videns occlamet ego solus sum diurna lux , neque est alia lux preter me , non respectu sui iubaris illud dixerit , sed ob Ligneae imaginis imposturam & 〈◊〉 vanissimae apparentiae . 〈◊〉 3. q. 25. 〈◊〉 . 3. Disp. 3. 〈◊〉 . 4. a Euseb. Caesar. Epist. ad Constantiam . August . Quoniam de Christi Imagine ad me scripsisti , vt tibi mitterem ; velim mihi significes , quamnam putes Christi Imaginem , vtrumillam veram & incommutabilem , naturae illius Characterem ferentem , aut hanc quam propter nos assumpsit , seruilem sormam pro nobis induens , sed sanè de diuina forma , non arbitror etiam ipse ego , te essesollicitam , cum fueris ab illo edocta , neminem patrem cognouisse , nisi qui illum genuit patrem , sed 〈◊〉 serui requiris , Imaginem 〈◊〉 , & carnem quam propter nos induit . Sed & hanc gloria Dietatis suae commistam esse didicimus , & passam mortuamque . Quis igitur gloriae eiuscemodi , & dignitatis splendores lucentes & fulgurantes effigiare mortuis & inanimatis coloribus , & vmbratili pictura possit , cum neque diuini illius discipuli in monte illum contemplari quiuerint , qui cadentes in faciem suam non posse se eiuscemodi spectaculum inspicere confessi sunt . Igitur si carnis illius figura tantam ab inhabitante in ea diuinitate accepit potentiam , quid oportet dicere tunc cum mortalitatem eruit & corruptionem abluens formam serui in Domini & Dei gloriam transtulit ? post mortis scilicet victoriam , post ascensum in caelos , post cum patre regio in throno à dexteris consessum , post requiem in ineffabilibus , & innominandis finibus patris , in quam ascendentem & desidentem coelestes potestates illi bonedictis vocibus acclamabant , dicentes Principes tollite portas vestras , aperiamini portae caelestes : in troibit Rex gloriae . b Cluniaces . d. ven . Crucis pa. 54. Irrationali honorem vel modicum exhibere , & authoritas prohibet , & ratio disuadet . a Hieron . sup . Daniel . 3. ludices & Principes seculi , qui Imperatorum statuas adorant , hoc se facere intelligant , quod hic pueri facere nolentes , placuerunt Deo. b Peres . d. Trad. p. 3. d. imag . Quamuis res se ita haberet , quod eadem cognitione feramur in Imaginem & rem imaginatam , non inde concluditur , idem fieri posse in Adoratione & veneratione : est enim maxima dissimilitudo inter hoc & illud . a 〈◊〉 . sup . 1. Timoth. c. 2. disp . 〈◊〉 . Erat olim periculum Idolola triae : Vndè etiàm sublatus fuit Imaginum vsus , & corpus Mosis ob 〈◊〉 causam occultatū fuit . pa. 473. Aug. d. Mirab. sacr . Script . lib. 1. c. 35. Duabus de causis vt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conscius erat , quatenùs illam faciem , quae consortio sermonis Domini rutilauerat , mortis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nullus videret . Et nè sepulchrum eius , populus Israel si cognouisset vbi esset adoraret . Procopius in 〈◊〉 . cap. 〈◊〉 . Diuina dispositione hoc quoquè factum , ne forte eum suspicientes adorarent . Psalm . 41. Bernard Serm. de quatuor modis orandi . a Aug. sup . Psal , 103. c. 3. b Aug. d. Ver. Relig. c. 55. Non sit nobis 〈◊〉 , in 〈◊〉 ' nostris , &c. 〈◊〉 . Epist . 85. 〈◊〉 carnalis compositionem , 〈◊〉 fermentú , vbi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 incipit , continuò intus illo adiuuante atquè illuminante , qui cùm talibus Idolis in corde nostro habitare nòn vult , ità ista confringere & à fide nostra excutere festinemus , & nè 〈◊〉 quidem 〈◊〉 talium phantasmatum illic remanere patiamur . c Aug. Quest. sup . Euang. li. 2. c. 51. Nòn omne quod fingimus mendatium est , &c. Fictio quae ad aliquam veritatem refertur figura est , &c. Aquin. p. 3. q. 55. ar . 4. ad . 1. Henriquez . Sum. Theol. Mor. li. 8. ca. 32. Quarè ex patribus sumpsit Caietanus , dicens Imago Christi , est ipse Christus , tùm quoad rationē formalem terminandi , tú quià Christus simul est vltimus terminus . Non est Christus in esse reali , sed intentionali , vt verbum dicitur terminus , & dicitur ipsa res cognita in esse intensionali , & 〈◊〉 ordinis cum re : sic Imago Christi est eiusdem ordinis diuini , vt si 〈◊〉 species Dei in beatis . a Apud Cabrer . Internae Imagines multo 〈◊〉 representāt ipsum exemplar , quā Imagines externae , 〈◊〉 istae solum representant corporis lineamenta , conceptus vero naturam specificā ipsius rei viuentis . b Ambros. Ep. 26. Domino defertur cum seruul ' honoratur , &c. Greg. sup . Reg. lib. 5. ca. 1. Quam reuerendi sunt optimi Pastores sanctae Ecclesiae liquet . Dum enim Deo fidelitèr seruiunt tantò ci amoris vinculo coniunguntur vt quicquid ois ingeritur , diuinae iniuriae ascribatur . D. Harpsfield Hist. Eccles. Angl. Math. 25. v. 40. a 〈◊〉 . Rom. Recog . lib. 5. Si vere vultis honorare Imaginem Dei , nos vobis quid yerum est aperimus , vt homini qui ad Imaginem Dei factus est , benè saciatis , honorem & reuerentiam deferatis . Quis ergo iste Dei honor est , per lapideas & ligneas formas 〈◊〉 & inanes atquè exanimes figuras , tāquam numina venerari , & hominem in quo vere Imago Dei est spernere . * Bellarm. d. Imag. li. 2. c. 8. 〈◊〉 pro eodem habet Idolum & Imaginem . Tertul. d. Idol . c. 4. Durand . Rational li. 1. c. 3. Vbi 〈◊〉 Idolorum 〈◊〉 vsus reprobatur , moderatus probatur . Caietan . in Exod. c. 20. Perspicuum est in Tabernaculo fuisse Idola cherubinorum , &c. Id. in Deut. c. 4. Ex co quod nulla Dei similitudo visa est , quandò Deus locutus est , mouet vt nullum Idolum colatur , nulla similitudo cuiusquè rei naturalis , nec vlla res corporea . b Aug. d. ver . Dom. Serm. 5. Idolum opus est fabri , si faber Idolo sicut dedit figuram , cor daret , ab ipso Idolo faber adoraretur . Jdem . sup . Psalm . 149. Melior est faber quam quod fabricat faber . Si fabrum adorare 〈◊〉 , adorando quod faber fecit non erubescis ? Idem d. ver Relig. c. 55. & in Psal. 118. a 〈◊〉 . Orat. c. gent. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . D. Field , lib. 4. of the Church , cap. 17. b Bellar. d. Bapt. l. 1. c. 9. Colligitur satis apertè ex Scripturis . Ib. ad . 8. Arg. Deducitur euidenter ex Scripturis . b Tertul. d. Idol c. 5. Ne facias aduersus legem simulacrhum aliquod nisi & tibi Deus iusserit . Si nulla lex Dei prohibuisset Idola fieri à nobis , nulla vox spiritus sancti fabricatoribus Idolorum , non minùs quam cultoribus , comminaretur . a 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Annal. p. 1. Carolusrex Francorum misit Synodalem librum ad Britanniam , sibi a Constantinopoli directum : in quo proh dolor multa inconuenientia & verae fidel contraria reperiebantur . Maximè quod penè omnium orientalium Doctotum , non minus quam trecentorum , vel 〈◊〉 amplius , episcoporum vnanimi assertione confirmamatum fuerit , jmagines adorari debere , quod omninó Ecclesia Dei execratur . Agobard d. pict . & imag Habuerunt antiqui sanctorum imagines vel pictas vel sculptas , sed , non ad colendum . Nullus Catholicorum antiquorum vnquam eas colendas vel adorandas forté existimauit . Durand . Rational . Div. li. 4. c. 39. attendant quid agant , qui sub praetextu , cuiusdam Religionis seu pietatis diuersas adorant imagines , non enim 〈◊〉 aliquid manu factum adorare . Andr. Masius . Com. Iosh. 22. v. 28. Sacrosancta Ecclesia nobis antè oculos ponit Crucis Christi figuram , &c. non 〈◊〉 eam adoremus , sed vt dum aspicimus in memoriam redeamus verae 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 arae , in qua sacerdos sec. ord . Melchizedech , Deique silius seipsum gratissimam patri pro nobis victinam obtulit . a 〈◊〉 . d. pict . ad imag . Si opera 〈◊〉 Dei non sunt adoranda & colenda , nec in honore Dei , 〈◊〉 magis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hominum non sunt adoranda , & colenda , nec in honore 〈◊〉 quorum similitudines esse dicuntur . pag. 213. b Clem. Rom. Recog . li. 5. p. 73. Gab. Vasquez . de Adoratione . li. 3. cap. 2. 〈◊〉 Serm. 7. de 〈◊〉 . Dom. Agobard . d. pict . & Imag. Si templum Dei sumus & Spiritus Dei habitat in nobis , plus est quod fidelis quisque habet in suo animo , &c. Si vlla Imago esset adoranda , vel colenda , Creatoris potius esset quam Creatura , nempe 〈◊〉 fecit Deus ad Imaginem & similitudinem suam , homo autem facere non potest 〈◊〉 in quo sit similitudo 〈◊〉 in ratione . Nam si exprimit sculpendo 〈◊〉 pingendo similitudinem 〈◊〉 corporis aut membrorum , hoc vt que exprimit quod minimum 〈◊〉 in homine non quod maximum . Lactant. l. 2. c. 2. Simulachrum Dei non illud est quod digitis hominis & lapide figuratur , sed ipse homo , quoniam & sentit & 〈◊〉 , & multas magnasque actiones habet , &c. a Basil. Hexam . Ho. 11. Aug. d. ver . Relig. c. 29. Ambros. Ep. 83. In 〈◊〉 coeli & terrae , quaedam sunt paginae , ad omnium oculos semper patentes , & suum Authorem nunquam tacentes , quarum protestatio , Magistrorum imitatur Doctrinam , & eloquia Scripturarum . Aug. sup . Psal. 142. Niceph. Eccl. Hist. l. 11. c. 43. Greg. Naz. Orat. 34. Greg. Mag. sup . Iob c. 35. suspice l. 26. c. 8. Aug. d. verb. Dom. ser. 55. & confess . l. 10. c. 6. b Vasq. d. Ador. li. 2. Disp. 6. c. 3. n. 180. Nulla est res mundi , &c. 〈◊〉 sincere adorare non possumus . c Ib. li. 3. Disp. 1. c. 2. n. 8. & 9. Si imaginem pictam , quae ratione & anima caret , rite adoramus , eo quod exemplar representatum cogitatione cum ea coniungimus , nec solum imaginem , sed vestem etiam reipsa seperatam à Rege , consideratione tamen cum eo coniunctam colimus , sicut Iacob dum osculabatur vestem filij sui Ioseph , ipsum affectu honoris & amoris 〈◊〉 Quid quaeso obstare potest , quo minus quamcunque rem mundi cum Deo , qui in ea est secundum essentiam , & quam continuo virture sua conseruat , secluso periculo , adorare & colere possimus ? eique corpus inclinantes , & osculum infigentes , in Deum ipsum illius authorem toto spiritu sicut in prototypon Imaginis feramur ? Cur quaeso non poterit quisque recta & sincera fide , Deum in qualibet re intime presentem considerans , in ipsa , & cum ipsa adorare . Ib. n. 10. Quisque fidelis apud se considerans terram hanc , quam calcamus esse scabellum pedum Domini , ad terram se inclinate , & prosternere potest . Ib. n. 14. Concedit Leo potuisse aliquem inclinata ceruice ipsi soli , &c. Ib. c. 5. n. 33. d Ib. c. 5. n. 33. Sicut homoper lapidé aut in lapide , potest Deum hac syntera fide colere , sic etiam in radio luminis , quod apparet , poterit ex recta circa Deum intentione & affectu , ipsum venerari , & quamuis ibi esset Daemon , ipsi nullo modo aut affectus seruitutis , aut exterior nota submissionis exhiberetur . e Ib. Disp. 2. c. 6. n. 77. Posset asinus , &c. f Ib. n. 34. Non est necessaria Ignoratio , vt ab Idololatriae crimine ille excusetur , qui in radio illo luminis , vel specie crucifixi sub qua Daemon delitescit , Deum Adorat . Quare nec conditionem expresse addere oportet , vt recte & legitime Adoratio fiat . a Ibid. cap. 2. pa. 397. Tamen non dicimus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 posse publicè adorandam populo proponi , &c. b August . sup . Psal. 113. c. 2. Melior est etiam bestia , &c. Quanto magis vel melius mures atque serpentes , & id genus 〈◊〉 colerent ? Clem. Alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 quouis animali viliores sunt . Nam si quaedam animalia non habent omnes sensus , vt vernes & 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Statuae ociosae , inefficaces , inutiles , & insensiles , alligantur , & clauis configuntur , & compinguntur limantur , secantur , eraduntur , caelantur . a Iunius . Animadu . ad . Bellarm. d. Imag. c. 30. n. 10. Haec a nobis nòn afferuntur , &c. b Vasq. d. Ador. lib. 3. disp . 2. cap. 6. n. 69. Nihil obstat quo minus aliquis fincera fide & recta intentione affectum & animum in solùm Christum intendens , labia Iudae & alia quae iniustè Christum tetigerunt , reuerentèr osculetur , pag. 438. Lud. Paramo . d. Orig. inquis . lib. 2. tit . 3. ca 8. n. 55. Nihil obstat quo minus labia Iudae & alia , puta manum percutientem Saluatorem , quae iniustè Christum tetigerunt , aliquis sincera fide , & recta intentione , affectum & animum in Christum intendens , reuerentèr osculetur . a Peres . Aiala . d. Diu. Trad. p. 3. d. Imag. Si purpura ab eo seperetur , quamuis ab aliquo cognoscatur vt Regis purpura , non opus est vt eadé veneratione tunc veneretur , qua ipse Imperator . Aug. d. verb. Dom. serm . 58. Si quis nostrū aut 〈◊〉 aut diadema regale iacens inueniat , nunquid 〈◊〉 conabitur adorare ? a Aug. q. 41. sup . li. Iud. p. 415. Cum Idolum non fuerit , id est cuiusquè Dei falsi & alieni simulachrum , sed Ephod , id est vnum de Sacramentis Tabernaculi , quod ad vestem Sacerdotalem pertineret , quomodo fornication em Scriptura dicat populi ista sectantis atquè venerantis ? Ideò scilicet , quod praeter Tabernaculum Dei vbi erantista , quae sibi fieri iusserat Deus Israel , extra simile aliquid fieri fas non erat . b Apud . Cabrer , 3. q. 25. ar . 3. n. 28. Si Imagines essent colendae eadem adoratione qua exemplaria , sequeretur etiàm internas Imagines , vt conceptus & phantasmata , esse codem cultu adorandas Internae enìm Imagines , multo perfectiùs repraesentant ipsum exemplar , quam Imagines externae . 〈◊〉 istae solum representant corporis lineamenra , conceptus verò , naturam specificam ipfius viuentis . a Bellarm. d. verb. Dei. lib. 1. cap. 13. Barrad . Harmon . Euang. tom . 4. lib. 10. cap. 12. Perer. in Genes . lib. 15. cap. 10. Disp. 5. n. 80. b 〈◊〉 . Clio. li. 1. pa. 81. Vna ijsdem Babilonijs lex est ; omnibus modis faeda : nempè omnibus mulieribus indiginis commune est , semel in vita , ad veneris templum desidentibus , cùm externis viris consuerudinem habere . Ad templum veneris sedent , &c. Hospitem autèm illum , &c. dicere oportet , 〈◊〉 tibi Deam milittam imploro . Milittam enim Assirij venerem apellant . c Horant . loc . li 5. ca. 3. Patres illi sancti , nonnulla in libris suis 〈◊〉 , & crediderunt , 〈◊〉 humanum sensum innixi opinionibus hominum , presertim in describendis historijs , rebusque alijs gestis recensendis , &c. Ireneus per auditum tantum 〈◊〉 , Christum post 〈◊〉 aetatis suae annum passum , &c. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his Way . pa. 151. 152. a Jn. 〈◊〉 . b Epiph. Epist. ad Iohan. Concil . Elibert . c. 36. c Epist. 10 , 11. lib. 7. d De Iuuent . li. 6. e 3. Pa. q. 25. ar . 3. 4. f Sess. 25. g Vasq. d. Ador. li. 2. c. 4. Suar. in 3. p. to . 1. disp . 54. sect . 4. Vasq. d. Ador. li. 2. Disp. 9 c. 3. Nullus 〈◊〉 neque patrum sie loquitur Imagini Christi aut Trinitatis 〈◊〉 in 3. pa. to . 1. disp . 54. sect . 3. ad 〈◊〉 Ille a. ctus 〈◊〉 prototypi est 〈◊〉 latria , &c tespectu vero Imaginisnon est tam perfecta adoratio sed inferior veneratio . c Aquin. 3. q. 25. ar . 3. in c. Cassand . consult . d. Imag. pa. 989. Opinio D. Tho. &c. Asserentis 〈◊〉 Christi adorandam latria . Picus Mirand . Apol. q. 3. Grux Christi & imagines sunt adorandae latria 〈◊〉 modo quo ponit Thomas , &c. b Henriquez . sum . Theol. mor. li. 8. c. 32. Male quidā negant praedicandum populo , quod imago Christi , sit adoranda , latria . Falso , Catherinus , & quidam alias aiunt , si D. Thomas vidisset synodum septimam , non esset concessurus 〈◊〉 Christi adorati latria , sed hyperdulia . c Suar. in 3. to . 1. disp . 54. Sect. 4. Dicendum ergo , primo est , fieri recte posse , vt Prototypon in imagine , & imago cum prototypo vno actu adoretur , 〈◊〉 hoc modo posse imaginem Christi 〈◊〉 latria . Ib. Posse tamen coadorari , sicut humanitas Christi coadoratur verbo , purpura Regis adoratur honore Regio . d Vasq. d. Ador. li. 2. disp . 8. c. 14. n. 385. Quod si cum Caietano aliquis vsurpet Imaginem , vt ille loquitur formaliter , vt exercet actum Imaginis , hoc est pro exemplari ipso in imagine , vel pro imagine prout continet exemplar , & 〈◊〉 ipso quasi animata est : dicendum est sine dubio 〈◊〉 veram latriā in spiritu pro dignitate prototypi exhiberi . Idem in 3. p. Tho. q 25. ar . 3. disp . 109. ca. 1. Veteres Scholastici absolute dicunt , Jmagines Christi & Trinitatis esse colendas adoratione 〈◊〉 . a Iac. de Graph. Decis . Aur. p. 1. li. 2. c. 2. n. 15. 〈◊〉 imaginem , codem cultu quo illi cuius imago est veneremur , id est vt imagini Dei vel Christi vel & Crucis signo , proutdominicam passionem ad mentem reuocat , latriam impartiamur . Thyraeus . Append. ad li. d. Spir. Appar . c. 2. n. 10. B. Augustinus humanam Christi naturam quae filio vnita est cultu latriae adorari posse , docet exemplo purpurae Regiae , quam simul cū Rege tuto adoramus : & non 〈◊〉 idem 〈◊〉 deo ipsiusque Imagini exhiberi ; quando ipsa Deum representat , animusque inter deum & ipsam non distinguit ? Sed deum & cum Imagine , & in imagine , & per Imaginem videt ? b Par. d. Orig. Inquis . li. 2. tit . 3. c. 8. n. 9. Compertum est , ca signum hoc Crucis , dignitate atque praestantia pollere , vt non alia quam adoratione soli Deo exhibenda colatur , & adoretur : quae 〈◊〉 latriae dicitur 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 . d. Ador. disp . 3. Sect. 6. Imagines rerum sacrarum sunt adorandae adoratione sacra & religiosa , sicut adoratur prototypus . Jb. sect . 7. Assert . 7. Dum adoratur Imago Christi , illa imago est adoranda adoratione latriae . Ib. Latria est duplex absoluta & respectiua , & haec licet minus perfecte , est proprie latria non minus quam illa . d Petig . Sum. 3. Sent. dist . 9. q 1. ar . 3. Haec est communis sententia , quae asserit , quod imago Christi , eadem adoratione est adoranda , qua ipsemet Christus : & idem dicendum est de alijs imaginibus , quatenus repraesentant prototypum , quod 〈◊〉 eadem adoratione venerandae sunt , qua & representata per ipsas . e Cabrer . in 3. p. Thom. q : 25. ar . 3. disp . 3. §. 2. Secunda sententia 〈◊〉 , eandem prorsus adorationem exhibendam esse imaginibus , & rebus ipsis per imagines representatis , ita vt imago Christi sit adoranda latria , qua ipse Christus colitur . Azor. Inssit . moral . to . 1. li. 9. c. 6. Archang . Rubeo in 3. Sent. dist . 9. L. Lamas , Sum , eccles . p. 3. c. 3. pa. 265. 〈◊〉 . Elys . clyp . pa. 242. f Per se & per accidens . Absoluta , Respectiua , propria impropria , propriè Analogicè . Veliosil . Aduert . in 2. Tom. Aug. q. 9. Aduertendum , quod nobis imagines non tantum seruiunt quasi 〈◊〉 , in memoriam diuos ipsos reducentes , nam scripturas & sanctorum nomina non adoramus , sed Deum & sanctos qui per illam representantur De imaginibus vero longe aliter sentiendum est , non enim nos tantum eleuant , vt sanctos adoremus : in hunc enim vsum nullus Haereticorum imagines 〈◊〉 , sed easdem ipsas debemus adorare . Non enim tantum ait 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 Christum adoramus , sed tuam crucem , & eidem Cruci ait O Crux aue spes vnica , non autem adorantur in quantum lapides sunt , aut ligna , aut quaeuis alia materia , 〈◊〉 in quantum Dei Sanctorumue formae in illis existunt , quo fit vt vnaquaeque imago , eodem sit cultu adoranda , quo 〈◊〉 ipsa , vt imago Dei & Christi adoratione latriae , &c. Turrecrem . Sup. Decret . d. Consecr . dist 3. ca. Venerabiles . g Bellarm. d. Imag. c. 22. Qui defendunt Imagines adorari latria , coguntur vti 〈◊〉 distinctionibus , quas vix ipsimet intelligunt , nedum populus imperitus . a 〈◊〉 . d. Adorat . disp . 3. sect . 7. Quarto colligitur contra Durand . ipsas Imagines proprie adorari , quia verba Concilij absolute prolata , proprie sunt intelligenda . Cabrer . in 3. p. Tho. q. 25. ar . 3. §. 1. n. 14. Oppositam sententiam tenet D. Thom. hic , & omnes eius discipuli , nempe Imagines vere ac proprie adorari , saltem vt obiectum materiale Adorationis , vel totale velsaltem 〈◊〉 . b 〈◊〉 . Trid. Sess. 25. Eisque debitum 〈◊〉 & venerationem esse impartiendam . c 〈◊〉 . d. Ador. d. 3. sect . 7. Adoratio Imaginis non est Actus indifferens , sed intrinsece bonus . d Orig. c. Celsum . lib. 7. Nemo qui cernit animae oculis , alio modo Deum colit , quam sicut ipse docuit . e Sixt. 〈◊〉 . Bibl. li. 5. Annot. 247. Balthasar Hinc marus viennae exustus . 〈◊〉 . fum . l. 8. c. 32. AEgidius vir doctus , qui combustus eft , &c. Compulsus est retractare hanc propositionem : Imaginem Christi & eius crucem non adorari Latria . f 〈◊〉 . d. Ador. disp . 3. sect . 6. pag. 274. Vnde potius Regno Franciae venisset Charolus priuandus si Ironomachus fuisset , vt predicti Imperatores imperio 〈◊〉 priuati , quam occidentis eligendus Imperator . Platin. in vit . Gregor . 3. Hic statim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inijt Cleri Romani consensu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Imperatorem Conftantinopolitanum imperio 〈◊〉 & communione fidelium priuat , quod sanctas Imagines 〈◊〉 sacris aedibus abrafisset & statuas demolitus esset . 〈◊〉 . Castr. c. 〈◊〉 . li. 8. ver . Imago . Tapia in 3. p. Tho. q. 27. ar . 6. pag. 330. g Azor. Instit. Mor. to . 1. li. 9. c. 6. Secunda opinio affirmat ( Imagines ) coli 〈◊〉 adoratione Latriae , &c. 〈◊〉 communi est . Theologorum consensu recepta . Sic Thomas , Alexander , Bonauentura , Richardus , 〈◊〉 , Paludanus , Almain , Marsilius , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 . Iohn White , in his Way . pag. 400. a 〈◊〉 . to . 1. Instit . Moral . l. 9. c. 6. Secunda opinio , &c. a Vasq. in 3. Tho. q. 25. ar . 3. Disp. 108. n. 97. Licet haec adoratio imaginis secundū se , sit 〈◊〉 secundarius Latriae , ob id tamen negari non debet , simpliciter & proprie esse Latriam . Suares 3. Tho. to . 1. Disp. 54. sect . 4. Quamuis creatura , non possit per se 〈◊〉 adorari Latria , posset tamen coadorari , sicut humanitas Christi coadoratur verbo , purpura Regis adoratur honore Regio : Dices hoc habere locum in ijs , quae aliquo modo vnum constituant cum persona adorata , Imago autem non facit vnum cum exemplari . Sed hoc nihil obstat , quia Imago & exemplar sunt vnum habitudine , &c. b Adoratio relatiua & absoluta , per Accidens , Analogicè impropriè . Chrysoft . sup . Gen. hom . 5. Defence , pag. 453. Zonaras in Leone Isaurico . a Posseuin . Apparat . & Biblioth . Select . lib. 16. ca. 19. Is certè in historia , &c. inepte atque oscitantèr pleraquè scripsit , &c. b Roger Houeden , pars 1. Annal. fol. 272. col . 2. Anno 792. Carolus Rex Francorū 〈◊〉 Synodalem librum ad 〈◊〉 sibi à Constātinopoli directum , in quo libro ( heu proh dolor ) 〈◊〉 inconuenientia , & verae 〈◊〉 contraria reperiebantur , maximè , quod penè omnium orientalium Doctorum , non minus quam trecentorum , vel eò amplius Episcoporum , vnanima assertione comfirmatum fuerit Imagines adorari 〈◊〉 , quod 〈◊〉 Ecclesia Dei execratur . Contra quod scripsit Albinus Epistolam ex authoritate diuinarum 〈◊〉 mirabilitèr affirmatam , illamquè cum eodem libro , ex persona Episcoporum ac Principum nostrorum Regi 〈◊〉 attulit . * Li. 7. Ep. 53. Non vt eam tanquā Deum colas . Et lib. 7. Ep. 5. Act. Rom. Pontif. Printed at Basile , 1558. pa. 45. Symonds on the Reuelations pa. 57. Bale in Pageant of Popes , pa. 24. & 25. Lib. 9. Epist. 9. Lib. 7. Epist. 109. Lib. 7. Epist. 53. a Cassand . Consult . d. Imag. De his Picturis quae fuerit mens , & sententia Rom. Ecclesiae adhuc aetate Gregorij satis ex eius Scriptis manifestum est , videlicet , ideò haberi Picturas , non quidem vt colantur & adorentur , sed vt imperiti Picturis inspiciendis , haud alitèr ac literis legendis , rerum gestarum admonerentur , & ad pietatem incitarentur . Illius faciem diuinae lucis fulgore , nitentē haud dubiè contemplabātur , & 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 effigiem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 infixam , aut pingere aut sculpere tunc primum 〈◊〉 Polydor. d. Inuent . li. 7. ca. 13. Basil. orat . in S. Barlaam . Paulin. ep . ad 〈◊〉 . Lactan. in carmine de Cruce . Tertul. de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Polyder . d. Inuent . l. 6. c. 13. De simulachrorum origine , supra in secundo est à nobis libro proditum : Hic de illorum cultu iam 〈◊〉 , quem non modo nostrae religionis expertes , sed teste Hieronymo , omnes ferè veteres Sancti Patres , damnabant ob metum Idololatriae . d Crinitus . d. Hon. Disciplin . li. 9. c. 9. Girald . d. Dijs Gent. Syntagm . 1. Illud non praetermittam nos dico Christianos , vt aliquando Romanos , fuisse sinè imaginibus in primitiua quae vocatur Ecclesia . Origen . li. 8. c. Celsum . pa. 521. Simulachra Deo 〈◊〉 sunt , non fabrorum opera , sed à verbo Dei dedolata formataque in nobis , videlicet virtutes ad imitationem 〈◊〉 totius creaturae , in quo sunt iustitiae , 〈◊〉 fortitudinis , sapientiae , pietatis , caeterarumque 〈◊〉 exempla . Clem. Alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Polyd. ib. D. quoque Gregorius 〈◊〉 Episcopū 〈◊〉 , &c. reprehendit , quod Imagines fregisset ; & laudat quod coli inhibuisset . b Dan. 3. 25. Et quarti species similis filio Dei. Orig. sup . Ioh. Hom. 6. & in 6. cap. Esa. hom . 1. Tertul. Adu . Iud. Text. 114. 〈◊〉 Epist . 13. ad Pulcher. Aug. c. Adimant . c. 9. Euseb. Hist. li. 1. c. 2. Niceph. Hist. li. 1. c. 2.3 . c Cassand . Consult . d. Imag. Quantum veteres initio Ecclesiae ab omni Imaginum Adoratione abhorruerunt declarat vnus Origenes , &c. pag. 975. 〈◊〉 White , in his Way . pag. 345. a Canus . loc . li. 5. c. 4. 〈◊〉 1. Tom. Concil . Annot. in 36. Can. Concil . Elibert . Sixtus Senens . Bibl li. 5. An. 247. Baron . An. 57. n. 120 Andrad . Orthod . Explic. li. 9. Mendoza . Defens . Conc. Elib . li. 3. c. 5. & alij . Tapia . in 〈◊〉 . Tho. q. 27. ar . 〈◊〉 . pa. 341. Ad haec vero dico quod Concilium illud Elibertinum fuit prouinciale , & fortasé vidit populum suum decidentem in Idololatriam occasione sumpta ex Imaginibus , & 〈◊〉 illas statuit delendas . Bannes . sup . Tho. 22. q. 1. ar . 10. pa. 68. Bosius . li. 15. c. 16. pa. 270. Agobard . li. d. pict . & imag . recte nimirum ob huiusmodi euacuandam superstitionem ab orthodoxis patribus definitum est , picturas in Ecclesia fieri non debere , &c. Iohn White in his Way . pag. 245. Exod. 25. & 3. 3. Reg. 6. August . de 〈◊〉 Ecclesiae . c. 36. a Vasq. d. Ador. li. 2. disp . 5. c. 3. n. 137. In tanta varietate Catholici constituti sunt , vt molestum videatur , quid vnusquisque sentiat recensere . b Alan . Copus . Dial. 5. c. 21. San. d. 〈◊〉 . l. 2. c. 4. Bel. d. Im c. 9. Sua. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 1. dis . 54. sect . 1. Canis . d. Deip. vir . li. 5. c. 22. c Vasq. ib. n. 40. Mihi vero minus haec responsio placer , arque in primis 〈◊〉 Epistolam Epiphanij esse , etiamsi nun cgraecum illius exemplar non inueniatur , in dubitatum esse debet , Tapia in 3. p. Tho. q. 27. ar . 8. pa. 341. d Tho. Waldens . 〈◊〉 . 3. tit . 19. ca. 157. n. 7. Forsan zelo captus erat , non secundum scientiam , &c. Puiol . d. Ador. disp . 3. sect . 1. pa. 200. e Velos . Aduert . in 2. 〈◊〉 . Aug. q. 9. Epiphanius haer . Collirid . Statuas & imagines humanas earumque adorationem , acriter insectatur , quas & in Episto la ad Iohannem Hierosolymitanum iterum dente canino mordet , hic autem forsan ignorantia excusatur , eo quod contra Idololatras 〈◊〉 & ideohaereticis non anmumeratur . a Sixtus . Senen . Bibl. li. 5. Annot. 247. b Alphons . Castro . Adu . 〈◊〉 . li. 8. ver . Imago . c Vasq. d. Ador. li. 2. disp . 5. c. 4. d Victor . Schol. sup . Hierom. e Bel. d. Imag. c. 9. f Puiol d. Ador. disp . 3. sect . 1. Tapia in 3. p. Tho. q. 27. ar . 8. pa. 341. g Epist. Epiphan . apud Hieron . to . 3. Audiui quosdam murmurare contra me : quia quando simul pergebamus ad Sanctum locum qui vocatur Bethel , 〈◊〉 collectam tècum ex more Ecclesiastico facerem , & 〈◊〉 ad villam quae dicitur Anablatha , vidissemque ibi preteriens lucernam ardentem , & interrogassem quis locus esset , 〈◊〉 esse Ecclesiam , & intrassem vt orarem , inueni ibi velum pendens in foribus eiusdem Ecclesiae tinctum 〈◊〉 depictum , & habens imaginem quasi Christi , vel sancti cuiusdam , non enim satis 〈◊〉 cuius imago fuerit , Cum ergo hoc 〈◊〉 in Ecclesia Christi contra authoritatem Scripturarum 〈◊〉 pendere 〈◊〉 , scidi illud , & magis dedi 〈◊〉 custodibus eiusdem loci , vt 〈◊〉 mortuum 〈◊〉 obvoluerent & efferrent , Ib. Et deinceps , praecipere in Ecclesia Christi , istiusmodi vela quae contra religionem nostram veniunt , non appendi . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 translated by 〈◊〉 ad verbum , quasi , is to be 〈◊〉 , not by a note of compatison , but of 〈◊〉 , or guessing , in things wee 〈◊〉 not perfectly remember or know ; as , vidi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 : or I saw a troupe of horse , put case 100. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . li. 2. Ne 〈◊〉 Stomachi 〈◊〉 indigesta maledictorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Theoph. 〈◊〉 . lib. 1. ad Autolic . Omnibus quidem sunt oculi , at quotundam adeo sunt obscurati , vt solis lucem intueri nequeunt , caeterum non propterea solares radij fulgore carent , quod 〈◊〉 caeteris non videntur . Imo 〈◊〉 & suos oculos potius culpent . 〈◊〉 . Serm. 2. d. Resur . Quam difficile est accedere ad cor eius , quod lapidea quaedam obstinatio & impudentia clausit . Seneca Epist. 15. Haupastes vxoris 〈◊〉 fatua vetula subito desijt videre , incredibilem tibi narro rem sed veram , nescit se esse caecam , subinde ducem suam rogat , vt foras exeat , ait 〈◊〉 tenebrosam esse . b 〈◊〉 . d. 〈◊〉 . l. 2. c. 25. Quod Historici 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non potest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 humanā cui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a 〈◊〉 . li. 4. c. 28. Nam Deus primo quidem per naturalia 〈◊〉 . quae 〈◊〉 initio infixa . dedit 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est per Decalogum , ( quae si quis non fecerit , non habeat salutem ) & nihil plus ab eis 〈◊〉 Jbid. c. 〈◊〉 . Decalogi quidem verba , ipse per semetipsum omnibus fimiliter Dominus 〈◊〉 est . Et ideo 〈◊〉 permanent apud nos , extensionem & augmentum , sed non dissolutionem accipientia , per carnalem eius aduentum . August . c. Faust. Manich. l. 19. c. 18. & l. 3. c. 2. Epist. Pelag. ca. 4. Tho. Aquin. 12. q. 100. ar . 1. Scholastici . in 3. sent . Dist. 37. Suarez . d. Relig. li. 2. c. 1. Caetera praecepta Decalogi , purè moralia sunt . Tertium vero ( de Sabbatho ) partim morale , partim ceremoniale fuit . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 22 , q. 122. 〈◊〉 . 4. ad . 1. Caietan . ibid. Alex. Hal. p. 3. q. 32. m. 2. Et omnes Scholastici & summistae . * Oleast . sup . Exod. 20. Non facias tibi sculptile , id est , Imaginem alicuius rei , neque omnem similitudinem , qualiscunquè illa sit , siue Imago , siue similitudo imperfecta . 〈◊〉 , sup . Exod. 20. Chaldeus pro sculptili Imaginem legit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ferus , sup . Exod. 20. Primò tam sculptilia prohibet , quam similitudines , hoc est tam sculpta , quam picta . Deindè Idola vel similitudines , quarumcunquè rerum prohibet fieri vt colantur . The old Translat . Deut. 4. 16. Sculptam similitudinem aut Imaginem . Iustin. Mart. in Tryph. pag. 25. Deus per Mosen sanxit ne qua Imago seu similitudo fiat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Vasq. d. Ador. lib. 2. disp . 4. ca. 6. n. 98. Read before pa. 213. Carol. Mag. c. Imag. lib. 1. ca. 19. Nequè tabulae , nequè duo Cherubim , nec caetera 〈◊〉 ad adorandum in veteri testamento facta fuisse creduntur : quid 〈◊〉 aliud faciunt , nisi vt Imagines exaltent , Christianorum res extenuent ? Cum videlicet , Tabulae , & duo Cherubim , exemplaria fuerint futurorum , & cum duo Iudei habuerint carnalitèr , resquè typicis opertae figuris praefigurationes figurarum fuerint futurorum , nos habemus in veritate spiritualitèr . b Vasq. d. Adorat . lib. 2. disp . 4. c. 6. n. 98. Resp. Lege veteri non fuisse vetitam omnem similitudinem aut effigiem quomodocunquè , sed omné cultum , & adorationem ipsius , atquè adeo omnem quoquè Imaginem seu effigiem modo accommodato adorationi , erectam aut constitutam : quare nec Cherubinis , nec alijs figuris in Templo factis aliquem cultum fuisse delatum . c Tertul. c. Marc. lib. 2. cap. 22. Proindè & similitudinem vetans fieri omnium quae in Coelo & in terra & in aquis ostendit , & causas Idololatriae , 〈◊〉 , substantiam cohibentes subijcit enim non adorabitis ea nequè seruietis illis . Sic & Cherubin & Seraphim aurea in 〈◊〉 figuratum exemplum certè simplex ornamentum , accommodata suggestui , longe diuersas habendo causas ab Idololatriae conditione , ob quam similitudo prohibetur , non videntur similitudinum prohibitarum legi refragari non in eo similitudinis statu deprehensa , ob quem similitudo prohibetur . d Damasc. Orat. 1. d. Imag. Vides quomodò vitandi fimulachrorum cultus gratia Imagines fieri vetat ? e Gers. Compend . Theol. d. 10. praecept . Prohibentur fieri ad hunc , videlicet , finem vt adorentur , & colantur . f Ferus sup . Exod. 20. Quod hic dicitur de non faciendis quibuscunquè Imaginibus intelligi debet ad adorandum ea , vt in Leuitico expresse ponitur . g Caietan . sup . Exod. 20. h Alphons . Castr. c. Haer. lib. 8. verb. Imago . Non vt non habeantur , aut fiant absolutè , sed vt non fiant ad colendum ea . i Oleast . sup . Exod. 20. Vt non fiat sculptile aut Imago , scilicet , ad cultum . k Ystell . sup . Exod. 20. v. 7. l Turrecremat . sup . Decret . d. Consecrat . Dist. 3. ca. perlatum . Non prohibetur illo praecepto , facere quamcunquè sculpturam , vel similitudinem , sed facere ad adorandum m Aquin. 3. p. q. 25. ar . 3. Ad. 1. a Tertul. c. Marc. li. 2. ca. 22. Vasq. d. Ador. li. 2. disp . 4. c. 6. n. 99. Quo loco non docet Tertullianus , vt falso Pamelius putauit , in vereri lege solum esse prohibitum similitudines & effigies pro Dijs adorari . b Ferus sup . Exod. 20. Non iustifico abusus , sed hoc tantum volo , quod Ecclesia filijs suis ob occulos ponens Imagines Christi , & Sanctorum non facit contrà hoc praeceptum : non enim ideo ea proponit vt colantur , sed vt admoneant & doceant , admoneant doctos , doceant indoctos . c Anton. Perez . Laurea Salmantic . d. Imag. Vsu. Nec iterum valet dicere cum Card. Bellarmino , praeceptum Exodi non prohibere omnem omnino 〈◊〉 hoc est Imaginem , sed duntaxat illam quae pro Deo alieno extruitur , &c. Quoniam vt habet communis scholasticorum sententia , & antiquorum statutum & 〈◊〉 verbum , omnium lmaginum vsus fuit veteri lege sublatus , &c. Respondet . Ib. ca. 6. Omnis similitudinis species veteri lege fuit sublata , quae adorationi videbatur accommodata . Vellosil . Aduert . in 2. To. Aug. q. 9. a August . sup . Exod . q. 71. Quaeritur quid disterat quod dictum est , non maechaberis , ab eo quod paulo post dictum est , non concupisces , &c. In eo quippe quod dictum est , non maechaberis poterat & illud intelligi : nisi sorsan in illis duobus praeceptis , non maechandi & non furandi , ipsa opera notata sunt : in hijs vero extremis ipsa concupiscentia , &c. b Aug. sup . Ioh. tr . 111. Nemo serenissimum sensum , nubi . Iosa contradictione perturbet , consequentia perhibeant testimonium , precedentibus verbis . c Abulens . sup . Deuteronom . ca. 4. q. 5. Quaedam sunt , quae nec in Statua , nec in figura congrue assignari possunt , sicut Trinitas beata , quae nullis cerporeis 〈◊〉 circumscripta est . 〈◊〉 . sup . Deuteronom . q. 1. Haec dicit instruens eos , ne simulachrum 〈◊〉 fabricent , neque tentent vnquam diumam Imaginem effingere . Clem. Alex. Strom. lib. 1. pag. 165. Origen . c. Celsum . li. 7. Euseb. d. praepar . Euang. l. 1. c. 6. Vasq. d. Ador. l. 2. Disp. 4. c. 2. Ex Deuteronomij quarto , clare deducitur , non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verum Deum in aliqua imagine venerari . a Tortul . d. Idol . c. 9. Cum magia punitur , 〈◊〉 species est Astrologia , vtique & species in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cap. 11. 〈◊〉 interdictio , ostendit mihi , lanistam quoque ab Ecclesia 〈◊〉 . b Clem. Alexandr . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Qui 〈◊〉 verbo veritatis , operantur aliquid , vel loquuntur , sunt similes eis , qui conantur ingredi absque pedious . a Epiphan . Epist. reade before . b Cabrer . in 3. p. Thom. q. 25. Ar. 2. Disp. 1. aliquid adoratur cultu religioso Deo vel sanctis 〈◊〉 , quod tali 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est . c Tertul. d. Idol . c. 5. & 6. d Clem. Alexandrinus , Adm. ad Gent. e Procop. 〈◊〉 . Exod. 20. 〈◊〉 . d. Pict . & Imag. d Sua. in 3. p. Th. to . 1. dis . 54. sect . 2. Nunquam Romana Eccles. &c. Cab. in 3. q. 25. dis . 1. n. 80. Puiol . d. Ado. Disp. 3. Sec. 4. Constat quod haec consuetudo depingedi Angelos & Deum , modo sub specie Columbae , modo sub figura Trinitatis sit vbique inter Catholicos recepta imo 7. Synod . Act. 5. Spiritus Sancti Imaginem sub specie columbae , 〈◊〉 sub figura Trinitatis approbat , & Concilium Tridentinum . Sess. 25. admittit Imagines Dei in picturis , precipuè Historiarum . e Gandau . Quodl . 10. q. 6. Tertio modo adorari potuit latria Columba , in qua 〈◊〉 Spiritus Sanctus . Puiol . d. Adoratione . Disp. 3. Sect. 4. Quamuis verum sit , 〈◊〉 figuras corporales , sub quibus Deus apparebat , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illi Hypostaticè vnitas , tamen reuera Deus , sub illis figuris apparuit , & sub illis operatus est aliqua beneficia : vnde Imago representans figuram sub qua Deus apparuit , non solum est imago effectus Dei , sed ipsius Dei , non secundum se , sed vt & operantis , & conferentis nobis aliquod beneficium , atque adeo tales Imagines venerandae sunt . f Durand . 3. d. 9. q. 2. n. 15. Nihil factum per modum Imaginis ad representandum Diu. personas non incarnatas , est adorandum . Fatuum est ( tales ) Imagines facere vel eas venerari . g Abul . Deut 4. q. 5. Quaedam sunt quae nec in statua nec in figura congruè assignari 〈◊〉 , sicut Trinitas beata , &c. h 〈◊〉 . in 3. p. Tho. q. 25. ar . 3. Haec nonsolum pinguntur vt ostendantur , sicut Cherubin olim in templo , sed vt adorentur . August . Ep. 49. & in Psal. 113. a August . d. Consens . Euang. lib. 1. cap. 10. Sic omnino errare 〈◊〉 qui Christum & Apostolos eius non in sanctis codicibus , sed in pictis parietibus quaesierunt . Concil . Trid. Sess. 25. Non quod credatur aliqua in eis inesse diuinitas vel virt ' propter quam sint colendae . a Ludouic . Vin. in Aug. d. Ciu. Dei. l. 8. c. 27. b Gers. to . 1. d. prob . Spirit . num . 17. lit . 10. 〈◊〉 superstitiones in populis , quae Religionem inficiunt Christianam , dum sicut olim Iudaei sola signa quaerunt , dum Imaginibus exhibent 〈◊〉 cultum : dum insuper hominibus nedum canonizatis , Scripturis quoque non authenticis plusquam Sanctis in Euangelio praestant fidem . a Id. to . 3. d. Exerc . Deuot. simpl . Poterit contingere , dum homo nimis cogirat cum Imaginibus , & de rerum corporaliū circústantijs , vt propter phantasiae fluxibilitatem , & inuisibili hoste illudente & cooperante , deueniat à deuotis & pijs cogitationibus ad cogitatus turpes & impios , à puris affectionibus ad immundas , à Spiritualibus ad carnales , & nonnunquam à Sanctis cogitationibus ad execrandae blasphemiae cogitationes , prout in nonnullis deuotis personis in his incautis , compertum quandoque est . In ipsa etiam veneranda . Imagine crucifixi , ex nimia fixa consideratione circa corporis Dominici nuditatem eiusque foemoralium . Qui casus sicut mulierculis est valde possibilis , sic vice versa poterit casus iste & viris esse non impossibilis , si nimis figantur eorum cogitatus erga sanctarum virginum Imagines corporeas , prout etiam experientia nonnullos docuit . b Cornel. Agrip. d. van . scient . d. Imag. fol. 73. col . 2. c Durand . Rational . Diu. l. 1. c. 3. n. 4. Possunt simplices & infirmi ( per nimium & indiscritum imaginum vsum ) facile ad Idololatriam trahi . d Biel. Can. Miss . lect . 49. lit . v. Ex illis patet , quorundam hominum stolidus error , qui adeò ad Imagines afficiuntur , vt in ipsis credant esse aliquid Numinis , gratiae , vel sanctitatis , quib ' potentes fint facere miracula , praestare sanitates , eripere à periculis , & à nocumentis ac insidijs praeseruare . Ib. Arguitur ex eodem : nonnullorum indocta simplicitas & indiscretio qua reuerentius adorant Imagines pulchras , quam turpes nouas quam vetustas , aut è contra ornatas venustiori auro & purpura quam nudas : credentes eos eo Sanctiores quo pretiosiores . e Cass. Consult . d. Imag. manifestius est , quam vt multis verbis explicari debeat , imaginum & simulachrorum cultum nimium in valuisse , & affectioni seu 〈◊〉 superstitioni populi , plus satis indultum esse , ita vt ad summam adorationem , quae vel à Paganis , suis simulachris exhiberi consueuit , & ad extremam vanitatem quam Ethnici in suis simulachris & imaginibus effingendis & exornandis admiserunt , nil à 〈◊〉 reliqui factum esse videatur . f Polyd. Virg. d. Inuent . lib. 6. cap. 13. Caeterum illud atque adeo desiderari possit vt Sacerdotes frequentius populum docerent , quonam pacto deberent & venerari eiusmodi Imagines & apud eas sua offerre donaria , quam quia illi tacent , & vulgo ex suo vsu tacere putantur , id circo eo insaniae deuentum est , vt haec pietatis pars parum differat ab impietate : sunt enim bene multi 〈◊〉 , stupidioresque qui Saxeas vel ligneas 〈◊〉 , aeneas , seu in parietibus pictas , varijsque coloribus litas Imagines colant non vt 〈◊〉 , sed perinde quasi ipsae sensum aliquem habeant , & ijs magis fidant quam Christo , vel alijs diuis quibus dicatae sint . a Maiolus , Def. Imag. Cent. 9. c. 19. Agrestes quidam Imagines ipsas Dei loco habét . L. 〈◊〉 Sum. Eccles. p. 3. c. 3. In Asturijs , Cantabria , & Galetia nostrae Hispaniae , &c. adeò gens affecta est truncis corrosis , & deformibus Imaginibus , vt me teste , quoties Episcopi illas renouant , & decentiores loco illarum ponere iubent in suis paraeciarum visitationibus , veteres suas 〈◊〉 plorantes , & nouas nequè aspicere velint , quasi non idem Prototypum , &c. a Simon 〈◊〉 , Def. sacr . Imag. Centur. 7. c. 4. Imago Christi Basilium Praesbyterum alloquitur . b Vincent . spec . hist. Quem à piscatoribus inuentum , & in Basilica Apostolorum principis loculo deportatum , quaedam Sanctorum Imagines adorasse , & venerabilitèr salutasse visae sunt , palàm omnibus . Math. Paris . Chron. pa. 360. Quotiescunquè miles genua flexit , vt Imaginem adoraret , Imago Crucifixi ad genu flexiones eius , caput & collum humilitèr inclinauit . Catherin . d. sanct . glor . lib. 2. pag. 71. De Crucifixi Imagine Neapoli , illud Christi oraculum Thomas noster audiuit : benè de me scripsisti Thoma . B. quoquè Brigitta , &c. a Biel. Can. miss . lect . 49. lit . X. Quod si aliquando miracula fiunt , homini bus etiam ad ea cōfluentibus , adiutoria , aut sanitates praestantur , non baec 〈◊〉 tute Imaginū sed virtute Dei , ministerio bonorū Angelorum , ad intercessiones Sanctorum contingunt vel etiàm nonnunquam operatione Doemonum , ad fallendum 〈◊〉 cultores , Deo permittente , exìgente talium infidelitate . b Espenc . Com. 2. Timoth. c. 4. nu . 21. pag. 151. c Malmsb. d. gest . Reg. Ang. lib. 2. cap. 9. d Polider . Hìst . 〈◊〉 . lib. 6. Cicero de Natura Deorum . Tertul. apud Aug. d. Haeres Haer. 86. August . lib. 3. Confess . c. 7. a Aug. d. Consens . Euang. li. 1. ca. 10. Sic omninò errare meruerunt , qui Christum & Apostolos eius , non in sanctis codicib ' , sed in pictis parietibus quesierunt . b Origen . c. Cels. lib. 7. Celsus haudquaquàm pro Dijs 〈◊〉 se habere affirmat , sed Dijs dicata . Clem. Ro. Recog . li. 5. p. 73. Per alios Serpens ille proferre verba huiusmodi solet : nos ad honorem inuisibilis Dei , Imagines 〈◊〉 adoramus . Arnob. c. Gent. lib. 6. Deos inquitis per simulachra adoramus . Aug. in Psal. 113. Non hoc visibile colo , sed numen quod illis inuisibilitèr 〈◊〉 , ( dixerunt Pagani . ) Chrys. Orat. 12. d. Prima Dei noticia . Maximus Tyreus . serm . 38. ( asseuerant Gentiles ) summum , primum maximum Deum creatorem omnium & 〈◊〉 à se in simulachris , &c. coli . Iulianus . ap . Surium . to . 5. fol. 881. Non tanquam Deos colunt eorum Imagines , &c. Ferus . sup . Act. Apost . ca. 17. Tam etsi Gentiles , Idola sibi praestituebant , tamen eorum animus erat , vero Deo cultum exhibere . a August . Quod vult . De : Haeres . 86. Nec tamē hinc Haereticus creditur esse factus . Posset enim quoquam modo putari , ipsam naturam , substantiamquè diuinam corpus vocare , non tale corpus cuius partes aliae maiores , aliae minores valeant vel debeāt cogitari , &c. sed quià non est nihil , non est inanitas , nō est corporis 〈◊〉 animae qualitas , sed vbiquè totus , & per 〈◊〉 spacia nulla partitus : In sua tamen natura & substantia 〈◊〉 permanet . Idem d. Genes . ad Lit. li. 10. cap. vltimo . Vide Tertul. c. Marcion . li. 2. Nam & dextram & occulos , & pedes Dei legimus , nec ideo tamen humanis 〈◊〉 , quià de appellatione sociantur . Quanta erit diuersitas diuini & humani corporis sub eisdem nominibus 〈◊〉 . Jd. c. Hermog . Cum ipsa substantia corpus sit rei cuiusquè . Id. d. Anima . c. 7. si non corpus . b Prateol . Elench . Haer. li. 11. d. Manich . n. 15. Totum vetus Testamentum reijciebant . Neque 〈◊〉 recipiebant Apostolorum libros , sed sua 〈◊〉 singularia comminiscebantur , quae Christi Euangelium vocabant . a Nauar. Manual . Confess . c. 11. n. 6. pa. 165. In vniuersa Repub. Christiana tanta est circa haec socordia , vt mulcos passim inuenias , nihil magis in particulari , & explicitè de rebus hisce credere , quam Ethnicum quendam Philosophum , sola vnius veri Dei naturali cognitione praeditum . b An verò benè ac diuinitus educati edoctiue pueri , hodie iuxta scomma Propheticum , Esa. 65. Prope centenarij , hoc est Christiani vetuli & seniculi , qui non minus fidunt aut tribuunt Diuis quam Deo : qui hunc quam illos minus placabilem , aut exorabilem putant ? Vtinam mentiar , & nulli sunt huiusmodi . Noui certe veteranum & generosum equitem , qui de Spiritu Sancto quid 〈◊〉 , ingenue confitebatur , vt apud lucam Act. 19. Ephesij , id quod erat , nec vnquam se , si vllus esset Spiritus Sanctus , audiuisse . b Constit. & 〈◊〉 . Eccles. can . 59. Euery Parson , Vicar , or Curate vpon cuery Sunday and Holy day , before Euening prayer , shall for halfe an houre , or more , examine and 〈◊〉 the youth and ignorant persons of his Parish in the 〈◊〉 Commandementi , the Articles of the Beleese , and in the Lords prayer , &c. c Cyril . c. Iul. li. 〈◊〉 . Cone . Trid. Sess. 25. Cone . Nic. 2. Act. 7. a Aug. d. Doctr. Christ. li. 3. c. 9. Qui operatur aut veneratur , vtile fignum diuinitus institutum . D. Iohn White in his Way , pa. 59. a Aug. d. Doctr. Christ. li. 3. c. 10. Et iste omnino modus est , vt quicquid in sermone diuino , neque ad morum 〈◊〉 , neque ad fidei veritatem proprie referri potest , figuratum esse cognoscas . Ibid. c. 16. Si flagitium aut facinus iubere , aut vtilitatem aut beneficentiam vetare , figurata est . Nisi manducaueritis inquit , carnem filij hominis & sanguinem biberitis , non habebitis vitam in vobis , facinus vel flagitium videtur iubere . Figura est ergo , praecipiens passioni Domini esse , communicandum , & suauiter atque vtiliter recondendum in memoria , quod pro nobis caro eius crucifixa , & vulnerata sit . Id. d. 〈◊〉 . ad lit . li. 8. c. 2. b Chrys. d. Lazar. Hom. 4. Etiamsi mortuus reuiuiscat etiamsi Angelus de coelo descendat maxime omnium credendum eft Scripturis . Et. Hom. d. expulsipsius . tom . 5. Habeo Scripturam Domini mei , manum 〈◊〉 teneo , illa 〈◊〉 cautio fatis tuta est , illa me securum reddit & intrepidum etiamsi orbis teriae commoueatur ego cautionem Domini mei teneo , lego manum eius ipsa mihi murus est inexpugnabilis . Ioh. 5. v. 39. Colloss . 3. v. 16. a Def. of my Brother . pag. 42 , &c. b Clem. Alex. Strom. lib. 7. pag. 245. Orig. in Esa. Hom. 2. Chrys. d. Paradis . & Proem . ad Rom. & sup . Gen. Hom. 6. 8. 10. 12. 14. 21. 29. 35. 59. & d. verb. Esa. Hom. 2. & sup . Rom. Hom. 30. & sup . Matth. Hom. 2. & 48. & d. Lazaro . Hom. 3. & 4 , &c. Hieron . Epist. 7. & 9. & 10. & 14. & 29. & 30. & sup . Ezech. 45. Ambros. Serm. 35. August . Epist. 120. c. 37. & d. Temp. Serm. 55. & 56. Cyril . c. Julian . lib. 7. Theoderit . d. cur . Graec. Affect . 〈◊〉 . 5. & 8. Jsiodor . Pelusiot . lib. 1. Epist. 24. Isiodor . Hispal . d. sum . bon . lib. 1. cap. 18. Gregor . Mag. sup . Euang. Hom. 15. & sup . Ezech. li. 2. Hom. 15. & Dial. lib. 4. c. 14. & lib. 4. Epist. 40. Ephrem . d. pat . & consum . secul . Damasc. Orthod . fid . lib. 4. cap. 18. Beda lib. 3. in Esdr. cap. 18. Theophil . in Eph. 6. Bernard . Serm. 55. tract . Modus bene viuendi adsorores . Galath . 3. 〈◊〉 . 1. a Chrys. ex . var. in Math. Hom. 11. Nomen tuum christianum sonat sed facta Antichristum monstrant . August . sup . Math. q. 11. Boni Catholici sunt qui fidem integram sequuntur & bonos more 's . Id. d. ver . Relig. c. 5. Catholici vel Orthodoxi nominantur , id est integritatis custodes & recta sectantes . b Aug. d. Trin. l. 1. c. 3. Nec ipsis Sanctis diuinorum librorum , authoritatibus vllo modo quisquam recte tribuerit , tam multos & varios errores haereticorum , cum omnes ex eisdem Scripturis falsas atque fallaces opiniones suas conentur defendere . c Gregor . Mor. l. 18. c. 8. Cum superbientes haereticos , & Sacrae Scripturae sententias deferentes , eisdem verbis atque sententijs quas proferunt vincimus , quasi 〈◊〉 Goliam , suo gladio detruncamus . d A genere ad speciem non sequitur affirmatiue . e Azor. Instit. Mor. p. 1. li. 8. c. 4. f Bannes in Tho. 22. q. 1. ar . 10. pa. 170. Orationes esse ad Sanctos faciendas , venerandas esse eorum Imagines , &c. Neque etiam impresse , neque inuolute , sacrae literae docent . g Bellarm. d. verb. Dei l. 4. c. 2. a Rhem. Gal. 3. 1. vet . Transl. b Bez. 〈◊〉 . Gal. 3.1 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , quibus ita perspicue fuit exhibitus Christus vt quasi oculis vestris representata fuerit viua ipsius Imago , ac si apud vos ipsos esset crucifixus . c Chrys. sup . 3. ca. Gal. Atqui non apud Gallatas sed Hierosolymis crucifixus fuerit , quomodo igitur dicit in vobis ? vt fidei vim ostenderet , quae possit & procul dissita cernere . Nec dixit crucifixus est sed prescriptus est crucifixus , indicans quod oculis fidei quidem exactius perspicerent , quam nonnulli qui presentes ad fuerant 〈◊〉 quae gerebantur conspexerant . Illorum enim qui spectarant complures nullum inde fructum retulerunt , hij vero quae oculis ipsis non viderant , tamen per fidem euidentius viderant . d 〈◊〉 . ib. prescriptus est igitur exacte , hoc est viua veluti Imagine expressa depictus est per predicationem , vos vero credentes predicationi , 〈◊〉 presentem ipsum conspexistis . e Oecumen . ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Aquin. ib. proscriptio Christi qui damnatus est in mortem , adeo vobis manifesta 〈◊〉 , ac si ante oculos vestros fuisset . Vasq. Paraph. in Gal. 3. O stulti Galatae , quis vos aspectu malefico tanquam pueros in fide recens natos laesit , & veluti incantationibus delusit , vt vos ( quibus per meam predicationem Euangelij ita expositum est Christi Euangelium & ipsius Christi . Passio vt certius sitis eum contemplat , quam quiipsum oculis tantum corporis viderunt ) veritatem quam semel estis edocti non retineatis . g Adam . Sasb . ib. Vos inquam ante quorum oculos Iesus Christus prescriptus est , vel vt alij legant proscriptus , id est , quibus per meam predicationem , sic est depictus Christus , & omnibus ob oculos expositus , tanquā inter vos esset crucifixus , vt multo certius illum fidei oculis sitis contemplati , quam qui illum coram viderunt , clauis cruci affigi . Praedicamus Iesum Christū Iudeis scādalū gentibus stultitiam , 1. Cor. 1.30 . Athanas. ser. de . sanctis Patriarch . & Prophet . apud Turrian . lib. 4. de Dogmat . Charact. verbi Dei. a Harding , Gretsar . Cabrera . &c. In disputation presse this place , but no learned Papist that I haue seene in their Commentary Concil . Trid. Sess. 25. Diligentèr doceant Episcopi , &c. a Petigian Sum. Theol. d. 9. q. 1. ar . 3. Possumus siftere in adoratione Imaginis solius , absquè hoc , quod adoremus rem representatam . b Vasq. d. Ador. li. 2. disp . 4. c. 2. n. 66. a Clem. Alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nobis est aperte vetitum artem fallacem exercere . Non facies enim inquit Propheta , Exod 20. 〈◊〉 rei similitudinem , &c. Iuslin . Mart. Dial. cum . Tryph. Annon Deus is erat , qui per Mosen sanxit , ne qua omninò 〈◊〉 , vel Imago vel similitudo , &c. Vide Euseb. Eccles. Hist. li. 7. ca. 17. Greg. li. 7. Ep. 109. Nissen . Orat. in Theod. b Dur. Rational . Diu. lib. 1. ca. 3. n. 4. Chryso . Orat. Quod noui & veteris Testamenti vnus sit Mediator . Greg. li. 7. Ep. 53. Basil. Serm. in 40 Martyr . Ambros. Serm. 10. in Psalm . 119. a Ambr. 〈◊〉 . 10. Psal. 118. Preuosum est 〈◊〉 virū 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 eum secundum 〈◊〉 Dei. Si vide imus in paupere illum ad cuius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est , &c. Qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Imperatoris , vtiquè illum honorat cuius Imaginem coronat , &c. b Vides quià intèr multas Christi Imagines ambulamus ? Caueamus nè coronam Imagini detrahere videamur , quam 〈◊〉 què Christus imposuit . Caueamus neal quid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ijs quibus 〈◊〉 debemus . Sed quod peius est , non solum non honestamus pauperes , 〈◊〉 etiàm 〈◊〉 , destruimus , & persequimur , & ignoramus quas Dei Imagini , congeramus iniurias , cùm factos ad Imaginem Dei , putamus esse laedendos . Qui enim irridet pauperem , 〈◊〉 eum , qui secit illum . Sed aderit ille 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 & non de distis mihi manducare &c. a Anno Dom. 1017. he began to reigne . b Ambros. Orat. Funebr . d. obit . Theodos. Inuenit ergo titulū , regem adorauit , non lignum vtique , quia hic gentilis est error , & vanitas impiorum : sed adorauit illum , qui pependit in ligno , Scriptus in ligno . Notes for div A15082-e97740 Opera Regia Respons . ad Ep. Card. Peron . pag. 402. a Alex. Hal. 4. q. 26. m. 2. Ar. 3. Solus Deus est simpliciter 〈◊〉 , &c. Sancti non simpliciter , &c. Magis tenent se ex parte Orantium , quasi adiuuantes , quam illius qui oratur . Estius , sup . Eph. 3. v. 12. Cath. sanctos inuocando , tantum eos adhibent vt comprecatores . Bucer . sup . Rom. 8. Intercessio quàm pridem Diuis tribuunt Ecclesiae , non potest ex 〈◊〉 statui aliud esse , quàm perpetua illorum vota , de nostra Redemptione consummanda . Quibus fidere ex se impium : quaerere ea in certum est : affectus tamen salutis qui eo 〈◊〉 sese attollit , vt Diuorum quoque intercessionem in Christo , non prae Christo quaerit , non excutiens quam certum sit quò feratur , damnari non debet . Et hoc reuerentiae detulisse veterum obseruationi hac in re , quae scilicet vsu , nullo autem Oraculo Scripturae inoleuit satis fuerit . b Bellarm. d. Indulg . lib. 1. c. 4. Non erit absurdum si sancti viri Redemptores nostri , aliquo modo , id est , secundum aliquid non simpliciter & largo modo , & non in rigore verborum esse dicantur . Biel , in Can. Miss . Lect. 30. K. Non frustra imploramus Sanctos quos non vt Creatores gratiae siue Beatificatores inuocamus : sed vt mediatores , quorum meritis & intuitu , nobis Deus confert , quod ex nostris accipere sumus minus digni . c Epiphan . Haeres . 59. Graecè Latinae , 79. Etenim qua nam in Scripturae parte continetur ? Quis vnquam Prophetarum , &c. Ambros. d. Sacram. Incarn . c. 9. Quod Legi non nego imo libenter vsurpo , quod non Legi vsurpare non debeo . Athanas. d. Incarn . Christi . Neque loqui neque audire sustinemus , quod extraneum sit ab istis ( Scripturis . ) Cyril . Hierosol . Chat. 4. Mihi ne credas loquenti , nisi eorum quae praedicantur demonstrationes è Diuinis 〈◊〉 acceperis . a August . Confess . lib. 10. ca. 43. Quomodo nos amasti pater bone , qui 〈◊〉 tuo vnico non pepercisti , sed pro nobis impijs tradidisti 〈◊〉 ? quomodo nos amasti , pro quibus ille 〈◊〉 non rapinam arbitratus est esse equalis tibi , factus est subditus , vsque ad mortem crucis : vnus ille in mortuis liber , potestatem habens ponendi animam suam , & potestatem habens iterum sumendi 〈◊〉 pro nobis tibi victor & victima , & ideo victor quia victima : pro nobis tibi sacerdos & 〈◊〉 , & ideo sacerdos quia sacrificium , faciens tibi nos de seruis filios , de te nascendo , nobis seruiendo , merito mihi spcs valida in illo est , quod sanabis omnes languores meos , per eum qui scdet ad dexteram tuam , & te interpellat pro nobis alioquin desperarem . c Aug. li. 2. d. visit . Infir . Tutius & iucundius loquor ad meum Iesum , quam ad aliquem sanctorum Spirituum . d Aug. epist. 105. & sup . Psal. 118. Conc. 14. Greg. Mor. lib. 2. c. 30. b Dom. Bannes . 22. q. 1. ar . 10. pag. 170. Orationes ad sanctos esse faciendas , venerandas esse Imagines , neque etiam expressè , neque inuolutè Scripturae 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 . c. Haer. li. 5. c. 20. Ab omni ligno paradisi escas manducabis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dominica manducate . d Hilar. d. Trin. li. 8. Quae dicimus nisi ab 〈◊〉 discimus stulte dicimus . Chemnitius Exam. Conc. Trid. part . 2. pa. 10 1. Nazian . Or. 18. in S. Cypr. Nissen . Or in S. Theodor. Basil. 〈◊〉 . 20. in 40. Mart. Theod. de Graecorum . Affect . l. 8. Ambr. li. de viduis . Hierom. in vit . Hilar. & aduet . Vigilant . c. 3. Aug. li. 6. 〈◊〉 . Donat. c. 1. Serauia in Defenstract . de Diuers . pa. 389. Fulke in his Answ. to a counterfeit . pa. 46. Magdeburg . Centur. 3. c. 4. Col. 83. Iren. li. 5. aduers. Haer. a Fisher. Beeing able to prooue it by testimonies , vndeniable . b Chemitius Exam . Trid. Conc pa. 3. pa. 195. In primitiua Ecclesia , 〈◊〉 ad annos 〈◊〉 post Christum natum , 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 patrocinijs , 〈◊〉 , meritis ope , auxilio , & inuocatione Sanctorum in coelis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fuit : & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fuit sicut oftendimus , ratio venerationis Sanctorum , quam quae postea inuecta est . c Idem . Illis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ab illo authore circa annum Domini 240. Spargi caeperunt , Seminaria inuocationis Sanctorum . a Jbid. per annos à nato Christo 350. & amplius , Ecclesia Inuocationem Sanctorum in publica praxi Ignorauit . b Ibid. Tandem circa annum Domini 370. per Basilium , 〈◊〉 , & Nazianzenum , in publicos Ecclesiae conuentus occasione Orationum Panegyricarum inuehi caepit eodem tempore cum ab ijsdem authoribus Monachatus ex AEgypto & Syria in Graeciam introduceretur . h Ibid. Atque hactenus Inuocatio Sanctorum , in priuatis preculis regnauit , 〈◊〉 vero hic Gregorius apud Latinos in public as Ecclesiae supplicationes quas Graeco vocabulo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocant , primus intrusisse scribitur . Apud Graecos enim Petrus Gnapheus idem antea tentauit sicut supra notauimus . c Ibid. Considerandum autem est in Historia illorum temporū quod non vbique & ab omnibus , pro certis , veris , & Catholicis dogmatibus receptae fuerint Panegyricae illo declamationes . d Ibid. Quia vero Catholicum hoc est sicut Lyrinensis non male definit quod semper , quod vbique & ab omnibus fidelibus , ex Scriptura constanter receptum fuit , addenda est & haec obseruatio , quod non dubitatū tantum de Inuocatione Sanctorum fuit istis temporibus , cum ex priuatis vulgi & muliercularum deuotionibus in Ecclesiam inciperet introduci : sed diserte & quidem magno zelo reprehensa , & in Catalogum haereseon relata fuit ab Epiphanio , quiijsdem firme temporibus vixit . e Ibid. Cumque illis temporibus , 〈◊〉 Sanctorum quidam assererent , quidam reprehenderent , quidam vero de ea dubitarent , non inutilis erit obseruatio quomodo Chrysostomus suam sententiam inter posuerit . f Ibid. Et memorabile est , ac ad perpetuam rei memoriam dignū obseruatione , quod Petrus 〈◊〉 , qui in quinta vniuersali Synodo , vt Haereticus damnatus fuit , primus Author & inuentor fuit miscendae Inuocationis Sanctorum , inter publicas Ecclesiae preces . Nicephorus l. 15. c. 28. Et vt in omni praecatione omni , Dei genetrix nominaretur , & diuinum nomen eius inuocaretur . g Ibid. pa. 212. i Ib. From the pag. 145. vnto pag. 173. O Francisce lux solaris , 〈◊〉 singularis iam cum Christo gloriaris , in choro caelestium . Tu sis nobis vitae via , tu pro nobis semper pia . Prode Christo stygmata , &c. Item . Salue imperatrix gloriosissima peccatricis animae meae spes tutissima Deigenetrix Virgo Maria. Tu post Deū praecipuū & maximum es refugium & gaudium . Item . O Sancta Maria , & omnes sancti & electi Dei , nunc & in hora mortis meae , mihi misero succurite , & Dominum Deum nostrum , vestris meritis & precibus mihi propicium facite . Item . Sancta Maria , perpetua Virgo virginum , mater misericordiae , mater gratiae , spes omniū desolatorū , consolatrix omnium desperantium : O miseratrix miserorum , dulcis consolatio afflictorum , ac mater misericordiarum , desolatorū pijssima consolatrix , & in omni necessitate pupillorū promota nutrix : Exaudi praeces meas , & quia in diuersis malis & angustijs , propter peccata mea positus sum , 〈◊〉 ad quem fugiam , nisi ad te Dominam meam , &c. a Theod. sup . Col. 2. Synodus quae conuenit Laodiceae , quae est Phrygiae metropolis , lege prohibuit , ne precarentur Angelos : & in hodiernum vsque diem , licet videre apud illos , & eorum finitimos , oratoria sancti Michaelis . Illi ergo hoc consulebant vtique humilitate vtentes , dicentes , vniuersorū Deum , nec cerni , nec comprehendi , nec ad 〈◊〉 posse perueniri & oportere per Angelos diuinam sibi beneuolentiam conciliare . b Ambr. d. obit . Theodos . Id. d. Interpellat . l. 3. c. 12. Tu portio mea es , abundas mihi ad omnia , nihil quaesiui aliunde , nisi vt te partem haberem nulli me caelesti vt Gentiles , subdidi Creaturae . Hieron . in . Prouerb . cap. 2. c Hier. ad Heliodor . Ep. 3. c. 1. Quicquid dixero quia ille non audit mutum videtur . Ib. c. 10. Foelix Nepotianus qui haec non videt haec non audit . d Athanas. c. Arrian . Orat. 4. Origen . c. Celsum . l. 8. p. 523. Solus adorandus est Deus optimus maximus : Soli praeces offerendae vnigenito Dei verbo , primogenito craturae totius : Qui vt Pontifex eas ad Deum suum , & nostrum perferat , & Patrem suum , atque omnium iuxta verbum eius viuentium . Epiphan . Haeres . 77. Aug. d. Haer. haeres . 53. a Cent. 4. c. 4. 297. Hinc apparet , malignum spiritum tantorum virorum Scriptis plurima inseruisse , &c. Sicut autem supra monuimus , apparet 〈◊〉 esse deprauata , & supposita in istorum doctorum Scriptis . b Iren. li. 5. c. 19. Manifeste itaque in sua propria veniente Domino , & sua propria cum baiulante conditione , quae baiulatur ab ipso , & recapitulationem eius quae in ligno fuit inobedientiae , per eam quae in ligno est inobedientiam faciente , & seductione illa 〈◊〉 , qua seducta est male illa quae iam viro destinata erat : virgo Eua per veritatem Euangelizata est bene ab Angelo iam sub viro virgo Maria. Quemadmodum enim illa per Angelicum Sermonem seducta est , vt effugeret Deum praeuaricata verbum eius , ita & haec per Angelicum 〈◊〉 Euangelizata est , vt portaret Deum , obediens eius verbo . Et sicut illa seducta est vt effugeret Doum , fic haec suasa est obedire Deo , vti virginis Euae , 〈◊〉 Maria , fieret Aduocata . c In Graeco textu proculdubio , fuit nomen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod & Aduocatam & consolatorem significat , vt sit sensus . Quemad . Eua generi humano fuit in exitium , ita B. Virginem eidem fuisse in solatium , quatenus Christum omnis solatij 〈◊〉 Virginali suo vtero concepit . Vide Gallas . Not. in Iren. pa. 399. Magdeburg . Cent. 4. cap. 4. a Aquin. Com. sup . Ioh. 21. Lect. 6. Notandum autem quod cum multi scriberent de Canonica veritate , haec est differentia , quod illi qui scripserunt canonicam Scripturam sicut Euangelistae & Apostoli & alij huiusmodi , ita constantèr eam asserunt quod nihil dubitandum relinquunt , & ideò dicit & scimus , quià verum est testimonium eius , & Gal. 1.8 . Si quis Euangelizaucrit , &c. cuius ratio est , quià sola Canonica Scriptura est regula fidei . Aug. ep . 48. Audi dicit Dominus , non dicit Rogatus , aut Donatus , aut Vincentius , aut Hilar. aut Ambros. aut August . sed dicit Dominus . Id. d. vnit . Eccles. cap. 5. Sunt certilibri Dominici , quorum authoritati vtriquè consentimus , vtriquè credimus , vtriquè seruimus , ibi quaeramus Ecclesiam , ibi discutiamus causam nostram . Id. contr . Max. Arian . lib 3. cap. 13. Nec ego Nicaenum , nec tu debes Arimense tanquam praeiudicaturus proferre Concilium , nec ego huius authoritate , nec tu illius detineris . Scripturarum authoritatious non quorumcunquè proprijs , sed vtrisquè communibus testibus , res cum re , causa cum causa , ratio cum ratione concertet , vtriquè tanti ponderis molibus cedamus . b Canis . d. Maria. Deip. lib. 1. cap. 5. Quamquam minus attinet veteres excusare Scriptores , quire parum considerata , & in nullam adhuc disputationem adducta , suam dicere sententiam libere potuerunt , nullam verò firmam & necessariam credendi regulam alijs hac in re , praescribere aut voluerunt aut debuerunt : versabantur illi in alijs de fide quaestionibus . Maldon . in Ioh. ca. 2. v. 4. Inter veteres Auctores paucos admodum inuenio qui non aut apertè dieunt , aut obscurè significent , aliquam culpam aut errorem certè fuisse quod filium ad faciendum miraculum in citauerit , si non ob aliud , certè quià 〈◊〉 & antè tempus id fecit . Can. loc . lib. 7. cap. 3. Alia claritas Mathei , alia Hieronimi , alia Esaiae , alia Ambrosij , atquè auctores Canonici vt superni coelestes 〈◊〉 perpetuam stabilemquè constantiam seruant , reliqui verò Scriptores sancti inferiores & humani sunt , deficiuntquè interdum , ac monstrum quandoquè pariunt praeter conuenientem ordinem institutumquè naturae . c Euseb. Hist. Eccles. li. 3. ca. 28. * Rom. 10. cap. 14. Ambros. d. Obitu . Theodos. a Tertul. d. Trin. ca. 14. Si homo tantummodò 〈◊〉 , quomodò adest vbiquè inuocatus , cú haec hominis natura non sit , sed Dei , vt adesse omni loco possit ? Si homo tantummodò 〈◊〉 , cur homo in orationibus Mediator inuocatur ? cum inuocatio hominis ad praestandum salutem inefficax iudicetur . Si homo tantummodò Chtistus , cur spes in illum ponitur ? cum spes in homine maledicta referatur . Basil. d. Spir. Sanct. c. 22. Spiritum sanctum esse 〈◊〉 Deum probat ex eo , quià piorum praeces vbiquè locorum exaudit . Orig. in Epist. ad Rom. ca. 10. Si inuocare Domini nomen , & adorare Deum , vnum atquè idem est , sicut inuocatur Christus & adorandus est Christus , & sicut 〈◊〉 Deo patri primo omnium orationes , ita & Domino Iesu Christo : & sicut offerrimus postulationes Patri , ità offerrimus postulationes & Filio . Et sicut offerrimus 〈◊〉 actiones Deo , ità gratias offerrimus Saluatori . b Athanas. c. Arian . Orat. 2. in fine . Sanctos non à Creato postulare , vt auxiliator sit , &c. pag. 164. * Origen . li. 5. contr . Celsum . & li. 8. circà finem . * Aug. lib. 22. d. Ciuit . c. 10. Conc. Carthag . 3. cap. 23. a Aug. d. Ciuit. Dei , li. 22. ca. 10. Ad quod Sacrificium , sicut homines Dei , qui mundum in eius confessione vicerunt , suo loco & ordine nominātur , non tamé à Sacerdote qui sacrificat inuocantur . * August . li. d. Cura pro mortuis , ca. 16. b Aug. de Cur. pro Mort. c. 15. Possunt etiam spiritus mortuorum aliqua quae hic aguntur , quae 〈◊〉 est cos nosse , & quae necessariū non est cos non nosse , non solum 〈◊〉 vel praesentia , verum 〈◊〉 futura spiritu Dei reuelante cognoscere . c Ib. c. 16. Quanquam ista questio vires intelligentiae meae vincat , &c. Res haec est altior quam vt à me possit attingi , &c. Definere non audio . Ib. An ipsi in locis suo merito 〈◊〉 ab omni mortalium conuersatione remotis , & tamen generalistèr orantibus , sicut nos oramus pro mortuis , quibus vtiquè non praesentamur , nec vbi sint , vel quid agant scimus . * Naz. Or. 3. in Iulian . Greg. Naz. Or. 1. 〈◊〉 Iulian. a Bellar. d. sanct . Beatit . li. 1. ca. 8. Primus Pontifex qui Sanctos legatur canonizasse videtur fuisse , Leo Papa , 3. b Glossa . c. 1. d. Reliq . & ven . Sanctorum in Sexto . In verb. sedis Apostolicae . Aug. Triumph . d. Pot. Eccles. q. 14. ar . 4. Canus . loc . li. 5. cap. 5. In canonizatione Sactorum , fidem Ecclesiae detrahere , sine fidei discrimine possumus . Compertum est autem eam rem ad mores spectare , errareigitur Ecclesia in morum iuditio potest . Illud verò Thomae , & Antonini testimonio comprobatur , qui non aiunt certò & firmiter , sed pie credendum esse Ecclesiam in re huiusmodi non errate . Nam quod absolutè possit illa ratio confirmat , quod in id genus iuditijs , Ecclesia , hominum eorum testimonijs innititur , qui & fallere & falli possunt . c Tertul. d. Cor. Mil. c. 4. Consuctudo in ciuilibus 〈◊〉 pro lege suscipitur . d Basil. cp . 80. Non , est iustum consuetudinem legem ac regulam sacere rectae Doctrinae . Scriptura 〈◊〉 inspirata Iudex 〈◊〉 . a Cyprian . Epist. 63. Neque hominis consuetudinem sequi oportet , sed Dei veritatem : cum per Isaiam Deus loquatur & dicat , sine causa autem colunt me , mandata & doctrinas hominum docentes . Hier. in Ierem. ca. 9. Nec parentum nec Maiorum sequendus est error , sed authoritas Seripturarum ac Dei docentis imperium . Clem. Alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . At inquitis , non est fas nobis euertere consuetudinem traditam à patribus , &c. Mala consuetudo post excessum ex hac vita , vanam poenitentiam affert cum supplicio . Ib. Fugiamus ergo consuetudinem , fugiamus tanquam scopulum difficilem , aut charibdis minas : suffocat homines à veritate auertit , abducit à vita , est barathrum , est malum ventilabrum consuetudo . Luther . Serm. d. Cruce : sine expresso Dei mandato . Wotton , in his Tryall . D. Iohn White in his Defence . p. 288. D. Field of the Church . lib. 4. a Chrys. in Gen. Hom. 13. Non credere hijs , quae in Diuina scriptura continentur , sed alia quaedam ex propria sententia in ferre , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 periculi 〈◊〉 qui talia audiunt . Gregor . mor. li. 18. c. 14. Si vere loqui desiderant inde sumere debent quid loquantur . Aug. d. Trinit . li. 3. c. 11. Extat authoritas diuinatum scripturarum vnde mens nostra deuiare non debet . Cyril . chat . 4. mihi ne credas loquenti , nisi 〈◊〉 quae praedicantur demonstrationes è diuinis scripturis accepetis . b Epiph. c. Collirid Haer. 59. siue 79. c Hier. c. Heluid . vt haec quae scripta sunt non negamus , ita 〈◊〉 quae nō sunt scripta renuimus : Natum Deum esse de virgine credemus , quia legimus , Mariam nupsisse post partum non credimus , quia non legimus . d Ambros. quae in Scripturis sanctis non reperimus ea quo modo vsurpare possumus . offic . li. 1. c. 23. e Discip. d. Temp. Serm. 23. c Bernhard . 〈◊〉 Christum mendicasse . a Aug. Ep. 118. Quod neque contra fidem , neque contra bonos more 's iniungitur , indifferenter est habendum , & pro 〈◊〉 inter quos viuitur societate seruandum est . b Gabriel . in Can. Miss . lect . 30. Non frustra imploramus sanctos , quos non vt Creatores gratiae , siue beatificatores inuocamus : sed vt mediatores , quorum meritis & intuitu , nobis Deus confert , quae ex nostris accipere minus digni sumus . c Salmeron . Sup. 1. Tim. 2. Disp. 7. Ex quo videtur , quod oratio fusa per Sanctos , melior sit , quia secum continet duplicem actum . Ecclesia quae Christi spiritum habet , frequentissime per sanctos recurrit ad Deum , rarius per se ad Deum accedit . Biel. in . Can. Miss . lect . 30. Peccatoribus singularis est consolatio , quod ad sanctorum inuocationem , quandoque magis animantur quam iudicis . 〈◊〉 omnes gētes , &c. & ecce ego vobiscum sum , &c. Math. 28.20 . Ioh. 14. 16. c. 16.13 . a Greg. Naz. orat . 1. Non cuiusuis est doctrinam de Deo 〈◊〉 , &c. Sicutd ebiles oculos in solis radios conuerti peticulo non 〈◊〉 , &c. b Aug. sup . Psal. 103. Quicunque infirmi non possunt ascendere in hoc coelum , id est ad intellectū scripturarum per nubes ascendunt . Greg. mor. li. 16. c. 24. Quasi quidam in Ecclesia Senatores sunt viri doctiores . c Hier. ad Pammach . An tu solus Ecclesia es , & qui te 〈◊〉 a Christo excluditur , tibi soli licet Ecclesiae iura calcare , tu quicquid feceris norma doctrinae est ? Chemnitius vbi supra . a Aquin. p. 1. q. 1. ar . 8. Innititur fides nostra , Reuelationi Apostolis & Prophetis factae , qui canonicos libros scripserunt , non autē Reuelationi si qua fuit aliis doctoribus facta . b Bellarmin . d. Bapt. li. 1. c. 9. Colligitur satis aperte ex scriptura . Ibid. Deducitur euidenter ex Scripturis . c Ignat. Epist. ad Magnes . Iust. Mart. Apolog. 2. Orig. in Exod. Hom. 7. 〈◊〉 . Serm. 61 De vita contemplat . l. 5. c. 4. Sap. 11.23 . a Hug. Vict. in Epist. ad Rom. q. 228. Queritur an sancti , quorum patrocinia postulamus , pro nobis interpellent ? Resp. Sanctos pro nobis interpellare , non est aliud quam Deum pro meritis eorum bonos affectus quos habemus in eos propter Deum remunerare : & ideo nihil interest , siue nos audiant , fiue non . Ibid. lib. 2. d. Sacram. p. 16. c. vltimo . b Suar. d. Relig. to . 2. li. 1. c. 10. d. Orat. Si non cognoscunt nostras Orationes , videtur 〈◊〉 & superuacaneum , orare ad ipsas ( animas ) nam quod Medina respondet , &c. pa. 28. Molina . in 1. p. Tho. q. 12. ar . 8. disp . 6. Quod si Ecclesia non supponeret , nostras Orationes ab eis videri atque audiri , prius oraret Deum , vteas illis reuelaret , deinde suas ad Beatos preces funderet . Lorca . d. Beatitud . Disp. 25. Perfectio Beatitudinis non attenditur ex cognitione existentium quae Beatus in verbo videt , quae non videntur ex vi visionis , neque ex maiori penetratione essentiae , sed ostendente Deo pro suo bene placito . c Hieron . sup . Math. c. 9. Chrysost. in Matth. Hom. 30. & sup . Iohn . Hom. 23. Cyril . in Ioh. lib. 2. cap. 19. August . in Psal. 7. & in Psal. 33. a Aquin. 1.2 . q. 3. ar . 1. Montesin . ib. disp . 3. n. 3. Beati non vident Deum visione increata , &c. Sed creata visione , & fruitione Dei funt Beati . Martinez . ib. dub . 4. ad 1. Visio beatifica est infinita secundum quid ex parte obiecti , absolute tamen est finita . Gandau . Quodlib . 7. q. 4. Dico quod tum propter limitationem intellectus creatisic eleuati , tum propter ipsum obiectum , voluntariè se demonstrans , & alia quae in se videntur , tum propter ipsum cognitum , potest ipsa diuina essentia videri siue cognosci ab intellectu creato , absque omni cognitione seu visione alicuius creaturae in illa aut per illam . b Aquin. in 4. Sent. d. 49. q. 2. ar . 5. ad . 6. Sicut se ostendit cui vult , ita in se ostendit quae vult . Velosillo . Aduert . in 9. To. Aug. q. 16. Omnis 〈◊〉 & perfectio visionum beatificarum , prouenit à lumine gloriae , hoc est à 〈◊〉 diuina , & bonitate Dei , qui disponere potest quatenus & quantum se extendat cognitio cuiuscunque videntis Deum . c Aug. lib. d. cur . pro. mort . c. 13. Ibi sunt spiritus defunctorum , vbi non vident quaecunque aguntur , aut eueniunt hominibus in hac vita . d Aquin . p. 1. q. 12. ar . 8. Angeli nesciunt futura contingentia , & cogitationes cordium , hoc enim solius Deiest . e Vid. Aquin. 1. p. q. 57. ar . 4. Malon . in 2. Sent. d. Angel. Disp. 16. f Aquin. p. 1. q. 12. ar . 8. ad 2. Ad secundum dicendum quod videns speculum , non est necessarium , quod omnia in speculo videat , nisi speculum visu suo comprehendat . Bannes . ibid. pag. 179. Nulla est implicatio , quod aliqua cognitio attingat obiectum primarium sui , & non attingat obiectum secundarium-Poterit esse tam remissum lumen gloriae , vt tantum ostendat diuinam essentiam , quae est obiectum primarium , & non aliquam creaturam . g Durand . 3. Dist. 14. q. 2. n. 4. Intellectus creatus videns clare diuinam essentiam , videt in ipsa omnia , quae per ipsam naturaliter , & ex necessitate representantur , alia 〈◊〉 non . Martinez . 1.2 . q. 5. ar . 2. dub . 1. Conclus . 4. Creaturae sunt in Deo , vt in causa & Principio : sed non oportet vt cognito Principio vel causa , cognoscantur omnes effectus vel conclusiones : Ergo , benè potest videns Deum , non videre omnes creaturas in illo , & sic vnus alio plures vel 〈◊〉 videre . a Velosillo . Aduert . in . 9. to . Aug. ad Quaesit . 16. Dato quod quis Solem , ita perfectè cognosceret , sicut beatus Deú cognoscit , non oporteret vt cognosceret distinctè & singularitèr omnes effectus Solis , ergo nequè oportet quod beatus in Deo cognoscat omnes effectus Dei. b Malon . 2. 〈◊〉 . Angel. Disp. 7. Aquin. 1. pa. q. 58. ar . 5. Cognoscunt mysteria gratiae , non quidem omnia , nec equaliter omnes , sed secundum quod Deus voluerit eis reuelare . c Bannes . in 1. p. Tho. q. 12. ar . 8. Nullus beatus cognoscit necessario , & ex natura visionis beatificae , aliquam creaturam , quantum ad eius actualem existentiam , sed cognitio actualis existentiae cuiuscunquè creaturae , pendet ex dispositione diuinae voluntatis . d Ibidem . Sum. Text. Nullus beatus videt in diuina Essentia omnia indiuidua , omnes cogitationes eorum , & omnia quae non sunt facta , fieri tamen possunt . Hier. 17. 9. Colloss . 1.15 . 1. Tim. 1.17 . Psal. 35. 10. a Aquin. 1. p. quaest . 57. ar . 4. Cognoscere cogitationes cordis est proprium Dei , Ierem. 17. Ergo Angeli nó cognoscunt secreta cordis . a Aug. d. Ciuit. Dei , lib. 22. c. 29. Et illa quidem actio , vel potiùs quies atquè otium , quale suturum sit si verum velim dicere nescio . Non enim hoc vnquam per corporis sensum vidi . Si autem hoc mente & intelligentia vidisse me dicam , quantum est aut quid est nostra intelligentia ad illam excellentiam ? b Bellar. d. sanct . beatitud . lib. 1. cap. 20. Si indigerent Sancti noua Reuelatione Ecclesia nō diceret ita audacter omnibus Sanctis orate pro nobis : Sed peteret aliquando à Deo vt reuelaret eis praeces nostras . Deindè non possit ratio reddi tam facilè , cur Sancti nunc inuocantur , & antè aduentum Christi non inuocarentur . * Greg. Homil. 40. Qui Creatoris sui claritatem vident nihil in creatura agitur quod videre non possunt , lib. 12 , Moral . c. 13. a AEstius . in 4. Sent. d. 46. §. 19. Non est necesse affirmare , quod semper omnes Sancti cum Christo regnantes , cognoscant particularitèr , omnium & singulorū praeces quomodocunque generalitèr , ad se directas , & fortè ob huiusmodi dubitatiunculam non fuit visum patribus , Trid. Concilij , quaestionem hanc an Sācti , praeces viuentium cognoscāt absolutè definire . b Pius a Pont. in 1. p. Tho. qu. 12. ar . 8. dub . 5. Dicendum igitur diuinam essentiam non dici proprie speculum , nequè per Metaphoram ei propriè accomodari conditionem speculi . Bannes . in 1. p. Tho. q. 12. ar . 8. Resp. Cum. Caiet . in hoc art . & colligitur ex D. Tho. q. 8. d. Verit. ar . 4. & q. 12. ar . 6. Diuina Essentia , propriè loquendo , non est speculum creaturarum , nec creaturae continentur in ipsa tanquam in speculo . Quoniam de ratione speculi est , quod representet per distinctas species acceptas ab ipsis rebus representatis . Continentur ergo creaturae in diuina Essentia propriè loquendo , tanquam in causa effectiua & exemplari & ita continentur per modum vnius , & eodom modo representantur , & ex consequenti non est necesse , quod visa diuina Essentia , distincte cognoscantur in ipsa , omnes creaturae . c Bannes . in 1. p. Tho. q. 12. ar . 8. Nullus beatus cognoscit necessario , & ex natura visionis beatificae , aliquam creaturam quantum ad eius actualem existentiam , sed cognitio actualis existentiae cuiuscunquè creaturae , pendet ex dispositione Diuinae voluntatis . Gabriel . Biel. 3. d. 14. q. vnic . Deus est speculum voluntarium ostendens in se quae vult , caetera occultans , nec in eo relucent , nisi quae vult à vidente se cognosci , quià Deus in intellectu se videntis causat cognitionem voluntariè , & contingentèr illarum creaturarum quas vult 〈◊〉 , & quarum cognitionem non causat , occultare dicitur . Velosillo . Aduert . in Aug. tom . 9. ad . q. 16. Ità intelligendum est quod inquit Augustinus lib. de vid. Deo. Deum esse speculum voluntarium , quià , scilicet plus velminus ostendit se , & ea quae in se lucent , prout ipse vult . d Bannes , in 1. p. Tho. q. 12. ar . 8. B. Dominicus , B. Franciscus fortè sunt aequales in beatitudine , & tamen B. Dominicus alia videt in verbo , & alia B. Franciscus . AEstius . 4. sent . d. 46. §. 19. Est speculum illud voluntarium , repraesentans in se , ipsum aspicientibus , ea quae vult , & quandò vult . e Idem . Diuina Essentia necessario & naturalitèr repraesentat diuino intellectui omnes cogitationes & volitiones ipsius Dei , intellectui verò creato nullam repraesentat necessariò , sed prorsus voluntate libera repraesentat quas vult cogitationes . Occham . in sent . lib. 4. q. 13. Deus est speculum voluntarium , & aliquae creaturae possunt videri in eo sine alijs , ità quod beatus non videat alios effectus nec creaturas in Deo , nec sicut in causa , nec sicut in speculo praesentante , nec sicut in efficiente , sed si naturalitèr repraesentaret , tunc non videtur ratio , quarè vna creatura esset magis visa , quam alia . f Aquim . p. 1. q. 12. ar . 8. Ad. 1. Gregorius loquitur , quantum ad sufficientiam obiecti , scilicet , Dei , quod quantum in se est , sufficienter continet omnia , & demonstrat . Non tamen sequitur quod vnusquisquè videns Deum , omnia cognoscar , quià non perfectè comprehendit ipsum . a Occham . Dial. pa. 2. tr . 1. cap. 3. Dicédum est quod dicit magister . sent . lib. 2. d. 11. Gregorius haec dicit loquens de Angelis , &c. videtur dicere quod omnia sciant Angeli , & nihil sit quod nesciant : sed hoc accipiendū est de hijs , quorum cognitio beatum facit cognitorem , vt sunt ea quae ad mysterium vnitatis & Trinitatis pertinent . b Nauarret . in 1. p. Tho. q. 12. ar . 8. contr . 44. Non enim beatus , eo ipso quo aliquis viator fuit commissus eius regimini , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cogitationis 〈◊〉 , &c. 282. Ad. b. Virginem non 〈◊〉 cognoscete omnes cogitationes Christi Domini . Apoc. 2. 26. Apoc. 3. v. 12. Apoc. 5. v. 10. a Viegas in Apoc . cap. 2. Comment . 4. Sect. 6. Itaque illud existimamus , duos esse sensus literales huius loci . Vnum vt promittatur Eccleliae vniuersae , etiam in rebus temporalibus faelicitas , quod nimirum gentes multas sibi subijciat , imperium in subditos securè exerceat , tantaque sit potentia , vt rebelles possit facile coercere , haereticorum impetus comprimere , denique aduersariorum vires frangere , nulliusque potentiam formidare . Alterum vt ijs qui vicerit , id est , Iezabeli eiusque Sectatoribus , videlicet tum prauis hominibus , tum Haereticis , sese strenue & animose opposuerint , promittatur fore , vt ob 〈◊〉 probitatem , aduersusque Iezabelem animi magnitudinem , in alto dignitatis gradu collocentur , praelatique aliorum efficiantur , itaque ad eum locum euehantur , ex quo alios virga ferrea , id est inflexibili & aequissima regant , legumque sanctitate deuinciant : rebelles autem ac petulantes , imperio compescant , & Disciplinae seueritate in officio contineant , aut si nolint pro ratione muneris in eos animaduertant . Ribera . Apoc. 2. v. 26. Omnino loquitur de potestate quam sancti exercebunt in die iudicij , in omnes Gentes qui Christo non paruerint iudicantes eas cum Christo & aeternae morti tradentes . b Rupert . in 〈◊〉 . lib. 2. In isto gradu vincere , est omnes quae infirmum faciunt hominem passiones superare , gaudium , timorem , spem , atque dolorem , de animo propellere atque sugare , id est seculo non gaudere , seculum non timere , secularia non sperare , pro secularibus non dolere . Ansbert . in Apoc. 2. Si quod membrorum digne capiti in haeserit , veraciter habere dicitur quod ipsum caput hereditario iure possidere probatur . An non Ecclesia in capite suo potestatem super Gentes accepit , quae in Sanctis praedicatoribus ipsas Gentes ex quibus constat , authoritate capitis sui , vigore capitis sui , scientia capitis sui , docet & regit atque ab illicitis operibus censura districtionis coercet ? Sed nec mirum si super Gentes potestatem habet Ecclesia in terris , quae ligandi atque soluendi potestatem accepit in coelis pariter & in terris . Albert. sup . Apoc. 2. Dabo illi potestatem super Gentes . Glossa in hocseculo : & ad literam creuit Ecclesia tempore confessorum in Dominijs & possessionibus muitis . Hugo . Card. ib. Et reget illas in verga ferrea : ad literam , benè tenent hoc hodiè praelati Ecclesiarum quorum multi durius vexant subditos suos quam Laici . Alchasar . ibid. Res ipsa postulat , vt virgam hanc ferream viris Euangelicis in hac vita dari credamus . Ribera . ibid. Omnino loquitur , de potestate quam Sancti exercebunt in die iudicij . c Alchas . in 3. cap. Apoc. v. 12. Gregorius . 17. Moral . cap. 14. Nomen columnae accipit de ijs , qui in Eccles. militanti officium columnatum egregie praestant : atque eam expositionem sequuntur hoc loco , Ticonius , Primasius , Haimo , Beda , Andreas , Aretas , Anselmus , Richardus , Ioachimus , Albertus , Lyra , Thomas , Zegerus , Suarez , & caeteri finè omnes . Haec omnino mihi videtur sequenda expositio . d Ad Argumenta Riberae , &c. a Ansb. in Apoc . li. 2. pa. 346. 〈◊〉 potestatem , quam in tempore homo factus à patre accepit vnigenitus Dei , electis suis se dare repromittit , sed in se à quo totum regitur corpus , & cui totum Ecclesiae inhaeret corpus , ipse enim secundum Apostolum , caput est omnium Electorum . Si quod ergo membrorum digne capiti inhaeserit , veraciter habere dicitur , quod ipsum caput hereditario iure possidere probatur , an non Ecclesia in capite suo potestatem supet gentes accepit , quae in Sanctis praedicatoribus , ipsas gentes ex quibus constat , authoritate capitis sui , vigore capitis sui , scientia capitis sui docet & regit , atque ab illicitis operibus censura districtionis coercet ? Sed nec mirum si super gentes potestatem habet Ecclesia in terris , quae ligandi atque soluendi potestatem accepit in coelis , pariter & in terris . b Haimo . in Apoc. 2. 26. Illam potestatem , quam Christus homo factus accepit a patre , electis suis se dare promittit , sed nisi quo totum corpus regitur , & cui totum Ecclesiae corpus 〈◊〉 , cum enim ipse sit caput Electorum , electi vero membra illius , quod ipsum caput habet , hoc electi possidere videntur , haereditario iure . c Gillius . Com. Th. d. sacr . doc . & Deo. l. 1. tr . 7. c. 7. in dogmarum defensione aut confirmatione vtendum semper vero atque indubitato sensu scripturae . Namque si sensus certo non constet , neutiquā potest concludere rem tanquam de fide certum . 329. d AEstius . in 4. sen. d. 46. §. 19. Non est necesse 〈◊〉 , quod semper omnes Sancti , cum Christo regnantes cognoscant particulariter omnium & 〈◊〉 preces , &c. 1. Cor. 13. v. 9. 1. Cor. 14. 4. Kings 5.24 . Aug. lib. 22. d. Ciuit. Dei , c. 29. Videbunt Sancti omnia clausis occulis etiam , vnde sunt corpore absentes . Hierom. aduers. Vigilant . Field , of the Church , lib. 3. cap. 20. a Salas , in 1. 2. q. 3. tr . 2. disp . 6. Sect. 3. AEgid . d. Praesent . to . 2. d. Beatitud . lib. 11. q. 8. ar . 13. §. 2. AEstius , in 4. Sent. d. 45. §. 2. Prophetiae cuacuabuntur , Linguae cessabunt , &c. Quae tria tantum ad vsum praesentis seculi pertinent . b Nauarret . in 1. p. Tho. q. 12. ar . 8. Mysteria quae per accidens pertinent ad fidem , licet reuelentur aliquibus Beatis secundum voluntatem Dei : tamen non habent talem connexionem necessariam , cum ijs , quae in via homo ex fide desiderat cognoscere , vt in illa cognitione per fidem , inueniamus sufficiens principium , ad dicendum quod in patria cognoscuntur . c Aquin. 1. p. q. 12. ar . 8. ad . 4. Cognoscere singularia , & cogitata & facta eorum , non est de perfectione intellectus creati , nec ad hoc eius naturale desiderium tendit . d Aquin. sup . 1. Cor. 13. Lect. 4. Cognoscam ficut cognitus sum , id est , sicut Deus cognouit essentiam meam , ita Deum cognoscam per essentiam . Hug. Carensis , ibid. Lyra , & Dionys. Carth. ibid. a Nunc quid Acturi sunt in corporibus immortalibus atque spiritalibus sancti , &c. b Receptis cum incorruptione , 〈◊〉 ; immortalitate corporibus , &c. a Hieron . Matth. 9. Sed Dominus videns cogitationes eorum , ostendit se Deum qui posset cordis occulta noscere . Apocalyps . 8. 4. a Albert. sup . Apoc . 8. Dicit ergo , & alius Angelus , id est , Christus , qui est Angelus magni Concilij . b Dionis . Carthus . in Apoc. 8. Dicunt Doctores Catholici hoc loco statum & cursu Ecclesiae plenius quasi à principio demonstrari atque conscribi . Vnde per Angelum istum intelligunt Christū , qui est magni Concilij Angelus , & per Incarnationis Mysterium venit in mundum , stetitque ante Altare , id est , in conspectu Ecclesiae , quae secundum Berengandum & Bedam Altare vocatur . c Vieg . in Apoc. 8. Sect. 2. Nec vero rectè , quidam erecentioribus argumentatur Angelum istum Christum esse non posse , quod Christus nunquam Angelus absolutè dicitur : satis enim est vt ex consequentibus facilè intelligi possit Christum esse , quae nisi Christo , alteri aptè accommodari non possunt . Cuius enim alterius est vniuersae Ecclesiae incensa , hoc est orationes in Thuribulo aureo tanta maiestatis specie , Patri offerre ? Cuius praeterquam Christi fuit de igne quo Thuribulum aureum erat impletum , partem in terras misisse , easque diuiniamoris igne inflammasse , &c. Apparet autem Christus Sacerdotis personam gerens , vt eius pro nobis apud Patrem intercessio atque interpellatio monstretur . d Ambros. sup . Apoc. vis . 3. c. 8. Iste Angelus , Christum significat . e Primas in Apoc. 8. Biblioth . Sanct. Colon. to . 6. pa. 2. f Ansbert . in Apoc. 8. Bibl. Sanct. Col. to . 9. p. 2. pa. 393. g Bed. to . 5. sup . Apoc. li. 2. h Haimo , in Apoc. 8. i Hugo Card. Glossae totum legunt , hoc de Christo. a Aug. c. Epist. Parm. lib. 2. Sicut Parmenianus quodam loco Mediatorem posuit Episcopum , inter populum & Deum , quis eum ferret bonorum arque fidelium Christianorum . Luke 15.10 . b Chrys. in Math. Hom. 48. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen . in Mat. c. 13. Salmeron . Tom 7. Tract . 3. In Parabola Haedorum & ouium iusti inducuntur dicentes , Domine quando te vidimus esurientem , &c. Non propteria haec dicuntur , quodiusti haecillo tempore verba dicturi sunt , &c. c Ambros. l. 7. in Luc. 〈◊〉 . in Math. Can. 18. Ouis vna , homo intelligendus est : & sub vno homine vniuersitas sentienda est , sed in vnius Adae errore , omne genus humanum aberrauit : Ergo , nonaginta nouem non errantes , multitudo Angelorum caelestium opinanda est , &c. Isiodor . li. Allegor . Homo habens centum 〈◊〉 , & relictis illis , 〈◊〉 perditam quaerit , ac repertam humeris reuehit , figuram Christi expressit , qui relictis millibus Angelorū in coelo , ouem quae perierat in Adam , vt bonus pastor , quaesitam in gentilcus reperit : atque crucis suae humeris ad Paradisum reportauit . Chrysolog . Ser. 168. d Caietan . sup . Luc. ca. 15. Parobola , &c. Significat , ipsum Iesum filium Dei , habentem centum oues ( hoc est vniuersos Electos ) quarum vna perdita natura humana est : Nonaginta vero nouem dimissae in deserto , omnes sunt Electi Angeli , quibus deest ad perficiendum electorum numetum genus humanum . Desertum autem caelum est seperatū omnimo a nobis . Aduentus ad quaerendum ouem 〈◊〉 , incarnatio est 〈◊〉 Dei. Impositio ouis in humero Redemptio est generis humani , in proprio corpore . Et quia sponte hoc fecit ideo gaudens describitur . Reditus domum Resurrectio & Assensio in caelum . Conuocatio amicorum & vicinorum , associatio est Angelica gaudens de reperatione humana . Titus Bostrens . in Luc. 15. Christus Deus noster accendit lucernam , hoc est suam ipsius carnem , mundumque quae domus illius est euertit , hoc est a peccatis expiauit , id est drachmam , quae Regiae quidem imagine insignita erat , verū perturbationum caeno poenitus obruta , quaesiuit . Drachma autem inuenta , gaudio plenus , conuocauit caelestes virtutes , amat enim illas , conceptaeque laetitiae easdem participes , mysteriorumque oeconumiae suae participes 〈◊〉 . 1. Cor. 4. 9. a Aug. sup . Psal. 38. 1. Tim. 5. 21. Luk. 20. 36. Matth. 22. 30. Apoc. 21. 17. Aug. Ep. 112. a Jansen . Harm . 〈◊〉 . ca. 117. Sunt sicut Angeli Dei , &c. immortales scilicet , alimento & generatione non egentes , & ab omnibus hijs passionib ' liberi , atquè beata vita fruentes , non autèm in omnib ' sunt sicut Angeli Dei. Alph. Castro . lib. 3. c. Haer. V. Beatitudo . Verum haec authoritas ( vt ingenuè fatear ) solùm aequat homines Angelis in hoc , quod nullum matrimonij vsum habebunt , sicut nec Angeli : non tamen ibidèm facit pares , quantum ad facialem visionem Dei. Respectu quarundam proprietatum beati , erunt Angelis aequales , non autem respecta officij Angelici . Iansen . Ib. b Vieg . in Apoc . 21. Sect. 2. Duae sunt communiores expositiones vna est , significari eadē mensura metiendā esse tā 〈◊〉 quā hominis beatitudinem , hoc est tàm Angelo quam homini iuxta magnitudinem 〈◊〉 & charitatis gloriam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 homines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gloriae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , siquidem succedunt in locum eorum qui cediderunt . c Alchasar . in Apoc. 21. v. 17. Hi centum 〈◊〉 quatuor cubiti , dimensi sunt humana mensura , quam Angelus , manu habebat . Ex quo elicitur , primò calamum illum quo Angelus hoc aedificium metiebatur , fuisse iustam humanae staturae mensuram . d Ribera . in Apoc. 21. v. 17. Cubitus quo murum Angelus dimensus est , non alia mensura est , quam hominis , id est , quam ea qua homines vti solent metiendo , hac mensura humana vsus Angelus nunc est , acsi dicat , mensura quae est Angeli , id est , qua vsus est Angelus , est mensura hominis . e Stella . in Luc. 20. Nèc omnes Angeli sunt eiusdem meriti , nec eiusdem gradus & gloriae , sed quidā maioris gloriae , & alij minoris . f Aquin. p. 1. q. 106. ar . 2. ad . 1. Psal. 16.15 . Satiabor cum apparet gloria tua . Cyprian . Serm. d. Mortal . a Cyprian . d. Mortal . n. 18. Magnus illic nos charorum numerus expectat , parentum , fratrum , filiorum , frequens nos & copiosa turba desidereat , iàm de sua immortalitate secura , & adhuc de nostra salute sollicita . Isa. 63.16 . a Aug. li. d. cur . pro mort . ca. 13. Tu es pater noster , quià Abraham nos nesciuit , & Israel non cognouit nos . Si tanti Patriarchae quid erga populum ex his procreatum ageretur , ignorauerunt , &c. Dionys. Carthus . sup . Esa. 63. ar . 92. Aug. in lib. d. Cura pro mort . dicit , Quod nesciant quid in isto seculo fiat , vel quid filij agant . b Adam Sasboth . Com. Esa. 63. In tota Scriptura veteri nusquam inuenimus , eorum à quoquam implorata suffragia : causa est quià ab humana 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & in tenebris sedentes , non percipiebant orationes & vota viuentium , &c. Cornel. d. Lapid . Quinto Adamus appositè , Abraham inquit & Iacob nesciunt nos , resque nostras quià sunt in obscuro limbo patrum , vbi 〈◊〉 luce & ope Dei , quam nos , non ergo eos imploramus qui nostras res & aerumnas 〈◊〉 , atquè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habent vt sibi consulant , sibiquè liberationem ex inferno procurent , sed te Domine , qui solus potes juuare & liberare tàm Abraham quàm nos . Hac enim de causa in veteri Testamento non 〈◊〉 , quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aut Sanctos degentes in limbo . Bellarm. d. sanct . beat . lib. 1. c. 20. Quià tamen B. Aug. lib. d. Cur. pro mort c. 13. Exponit de cognitione propriè dicta , ideò responderi etiàm 〈◊〉 Abrahamum & 〈◊〉 & alios 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Testamenti non cognouisse posteros suos viuentes , quià nondum beati erant , & naturalitèr mortui non sciunt quid viuentes agunt . Aug. contra Faustū li. 20. ca. 21. a Aug. c. Faust. Manich. lib. 20. cap. 21. Populus Christianus memorias Martyrum Religiosa solennitate concelebrat & ad excitandam imitationem & vt meritis eorum consocietur , atque orationibus 〈◊〉 , ita tamen vt nulli Martyrum , sed ipsi Deo Martyrum , 〈◊〉 in memorias Martyrum constituamus Altaria . b Aquin. 22. q. 102 ar . 1.2.3 . Dulia est quaedam species obseruantiae . q. 103. ar . 3. c Vasq. d. Ador. l. 1. Disp. 6. c. 1. n. 168 Cum Religio circa cultum Dei solum versetur , cultus & honor , qui proxime Sanctis defertur , adipsam non poterit referri , alioquin si esset Actus Religionis , Latriae quoque diceretur , Latria enim & Religio idem sunt . Ib. c. 4. n. 180. Religio quae est peculiaris virtus , non potest ipsis honorem 〈◊〉 , quae solum increatam Dei excellentiam , non autem creatam proxime respicit . Ibid. Disp. 8. c. 2. n. 200. Cum proximus terminus cui exhibetur adoratio , sit excellentia , quam in se res habet , quamuis ad aliam referatur superiorem 〈◊〉 ex ea tamen cultus , & adorationis natura pensanda est , etiamsi propter 〈◊〉 tanquam remotum terminum exhibeatur . a Bonav . 3. ar . 2 q. 4. Alius est modus adorandi creatorem , & alius adorandi creaturam , & alia ratio motiua , & ideo alia virtus directiua in hac & in illa . Aquin. 22. q. 103. ar . 3. 〈◊〉 est quaedam species obseruantiae , quia per obseruantiam honoramos quascunque personas , dignitate prae cellentes . Albert 3. Dist. 9. ar . 6. Richard. ib. ar . 3. q. 1. Palud . ib. q. 2. Suares . d. 〈◊〉 , li. 2. c. 10. n. 8. Orationem quam ad sanctos 〈◊〉 , non esse actum a virtute Religionis 〈◊〉 per se loquendo , sed a virtute Duliae , quam esse , distinctam a Religione , supra ostensum est . b Colimus Martyres 〈◊〉 cultu dilectionis & societatis , quo & in 〈◊〉 vita , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dei homines . Sacrificare 〈◊〉 sacrificare Deo , in memorijs Martyrum . c Aug. c. Faust. Man. l. 20. c. 21. Colimus ergo Martyres , eo cultu dilectionis & societatis , quo & in hac vita coluntur sancti homines Dei , quorum cor ad talem pro Euangelica veritate passionem , paratum esse , post incerta omnia superata , quanto etiam fidentiore laude praedicamus , iam in vita foeliciore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mista 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pugnantes . d 〈◊〉 . 22. q. 83. ar . , a quo quaerimus obtinere quod 〈◊〉 , quia in hoc autem 〈◊〉 quos requirimus 〈◊〉 , inter pellatores nostros 〈◊〉 Deum . 〈◊〉 . Reg. 18. 〈◊〉 . Reg. 2. 4. Reg. 4. Gen. 18. Gen. 19. Num. 22. Ioshua . 5. a Athan. d. 〈◊〉 . Christ. pag. 547. Si Discipuli 〈◊〉 Euangeliorum , 〈◊〉 loquamini contra Deum iniquitatem , sed per Scripturas incedite . Quod si diuersa a Scripturis fabulati vultis , 〈◊〉 nobiscum concertatis , qui neque loqui neque audire 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 sit ab istis , Dicente domino . Quod si vos manseritis in sermone meo 〈◊〉 liberi 〈◊〉 , Quae igitur est ista vestrae immodestiae vaerecordia , vt loquamini quae scripta non sunt . a Thyreus . d. Apparit . visib . lib. 1. c 23 Nec paucorum , nec obscurorum , nec nouorum hominum opinio est , &c. Euseb. Hist. li. 1. c. 2. Idem . d. Euan. demonstr . li. 1. cap. 5. Non is qui Abrahae innotuit Angelus , &c. Ambr. d. Abrah . li. 1. c. 5. Et. in Psal. 39. Orig . Sup. losh . ho. 6. Et. Hom. 1. Sup. Esa. 6. Tertul. c. lud . text . 114. Leo. Ep. 13. Concil . Sirmiens . apud Niceph li. 9. c. 31. Socrat. li. 1. c. 39. Sosomen . li. 4. c. 6. August . c. Adaman . Manic . Discip. c. 9. & in Conc. ad Catechum . aduers. Paganos , &c. 〈◊〉 . 15. Rupert . d. vict . verb. Dei. li. 6. ca. 21. Chrys. in 〈◊〉 . Hom. : 6. Theoph. in Act. 7. Cyril . Thesaur . li. 3. 〈◊〉 . 1. Spiritu ergo ille Sancto ad veritatem Dogmatum ductus primo , Deum orat , vt pueros benedicat & simul etiam Angelū qui liberabat eum ex omnibus malis , vt per Deum patrem ipsum significaret , per 〈◊〉 autem verbum patris , non enim ignorabat quia nomen 〈◊〉 magni concilij Angelus est . 〈◊〉 . d. vision . vet . Testam . vis . 6. Exod. ca. 3. con 2. 〈◊〉 . 1. Athanas. orat . 2. c. Arrian . pag 165. Christus fuit quem Abraham in Tabernaculo , & Moses in Rubo adorauit . Apoc. 19. 10. Corrigendus erat adorator . Aug. q. 91. in Gen. Apoc. 22.8 . a Iustin. Martyr . Dialog . cum Tryp . ( Christus ) Angelus siue nuntius vocatur , 〈◊〉 quod annuntiet mortalibus , quaecunque annuntiari eis vult vniuersitatis fabricator , &c. Deum ipsum esse propheticus ibi sermo declarat . Ib. pag. 278. Magni Concilij Angelus , &c. Ib. pa. 280. Christus , qui Dominus & Deus ! Dei filius est , qui virtute prius apparuerat vt vir , & Angelus . Idem . Apol. 2. pa. 〈◊〉 . Epiphan . Haeres . 5. n. 5. 〈◊〉 Agust . 〈◊〉 Trin. li. 3. c. 9. propter annunciationem , paternae ac suae voluntatis a Proph. dictus est Angelus . b Palud . 3. d. 9. a Ribera . in Apoc . 19. v. 10. De adorationis genere 〈◊〉 dubium esse debet quin ita adorare Iohannes voluerit vt Angelum adoraripar 〈◊〉 , id est non vt creatorem , sed vt creaturam . Non enim ignorabat , aut soli Deo dandam esse adorationem Latriae , aut Angelum eum esse qui loquebatur , vt initio libri , & sae pe postea dixit . b Alchasar . ibid. 〈◊〉 capite saltem 22. Ioannes 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 , Angelum non esse Christum : 〈◊〉 ipsemet Angelus ille antea 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 tuus sum , & fratrum tuorum . Cum igitur tunc Ioannes , rursus ad eum adorandum aggrediatur , argumento est , principio non eum adorare voluisse , quod Christum reputaret . Nec est cur Iohannem deceptum fuisse 〈◊〉 , cum potius ex textu 〈◊〉 Ioannem agnouisse quisuam esset ille Angelus , ad cuius pedes procubuit : quippe de 〈◊〉 ficut sibi 〈◊〉 fuerat locutus dicens esse Angelum magnae potestatis . c. 18. 1. c Salmeron . in Apoc. praelud . 7. pag. 367. d Viegas . ibid. sect . 3. e Mendoza in li. 1. Reg. c. 2. num . 17. 〈◊〉 . 19. Sect. 2. Ea adoratio non fuit ex 〈◊〉 genere quae soli Deo debetur . a Franc. Sonnius . Demonstr . Relig. tr . 11. cap. 12. Apoc. 22. Cum Iohannes Apost . Vellet adorare Angelum , reuelantem , sibi mysteria respondit Angelus , vide ne faeceris . Conferuus enim 〈◊〉 sum , &c. Ecce recusat Angelus adorationem Iohannis , co quod conseruus noster sit , habens eundem Deum , eundemque Christum communem nobiscum Dominum . b Ambros. in Apoc. vis . 5. c. 19. Redemptio sanguinis Christi hoc 〈◊〉 contulit , vt filij Dei socijque Angelorum efficerentur , ideoque pertimescit Angelus adorari ab homine , qui super se adorabat hominem Deum . Quapropter conseruum se Iohannis , caeterorumque fidelium vocat . Greg. in 〈◊〉 . ho. 8. Rupert . sup . Apoc. 19. Glossa . Haimo . ibid. Pannonius . Hugo Card. c Ansbert . sup . 〈◊〉 . I. 8. Hinc certe agendae sunt gratiae Redemptori omnium , quia natura illa quae dudum Angelos adorabat , nec prohibetur , iam per eius aduentum ab eis & adorari renuitur , & in nullo inferior iudicatur : & ne hanc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lohanni crederemus , cum ei idem Angelus dixisset vide ne feceris conseruus tuus sum , statim 〈◊〉 ait , & fratrum tuorum habentium testimonium Iesu. a Epiph. haer . 59. & Graec. 79. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. b Cyprian . l. d. Bono . patient . readeth , Iesum Dominum adora . c Salineron . praelud . 7. in Apoc. Cum Angeli olim eiusmodi honorem sibi ab hominibus exhibeti solitum acceptare consueuissent , &c. ex quo natura humana , per Christum Dei filium 〈◊〉 exaltara & consors Diuinae naturae facta , caeperunt abstinere ab isto honore recipiendo . Matth. 11. 18. 1. Reg. 2. 30. Psal. 138.17 . a Chrys. Hom. d. profect . Euang. Vis dicere , quod etiam per nos ipsos orantes , apud Deū plus efficimus , quā dum alij pro nobis orant : 〈◊〉 Cananaea , & vt accesserunt Discipuli dicunt dimitte eam , quià clamat post nos : & ad illos quidem dixit , Non sum missus nisi ad oues domus Israel , quando ipsamet accessit , & perseuerauit clamans , Domini etiàm catelli edunt de mensa Dominorum , 〈◊〉 beneficium dedit , & ait fiat sicut tibi vis . Vides quomodo repulit quando alij 〈◊〉 vbi veto 〈◊〉 pro dono clamauit , annuit . Id. sup . Math. Hom. 53. b Aug. in Psal. 43. Quam caeleritèr accipiuntur orationes benè operantium . Idem d. Temp. ser. 226. a Paulus Nazarius in 1. p. Tho. q. 113. ar . 2. Consensus Patrum in aliquam veritaté , non conuincit eam esse Apostolicam Traditionē , nisi in eam ità consentiant , vt asserant eam esse Apostolicam Traditionem . b Peresius , d. Trad. p. 3. d. Cult . Sanct. Antè Cornelium martirem , nulla extat mentio ( quod ego viderim ) inuocationis & intercessionis Sāctorum . In causa fortè fuit modestia & humilitas Apostolica . c Aug. c. Don li. 5. ca. 26. Quod nos admonet , vt ad fontem recurramus , id est , ad Apostolicam Traditionem , & indè canalem in nostra tempora 〈◊〉 , optimum est , & sine dubitatione faciendum , &c. Basil. Hom. 28. c. Sabel . & Arian . Tho. Wald. Doctr. fid . lib. 2. ca. 19. Cassand . d. Offic. boni viri . Andrad . Def. Trid. fid . lib. 2. Quae totius antiquitatis consensu firmata sunt . Cen. 20. v. 8. Iob 42. v. 8. Math. 20.15 . a Peres . Ayala . d. Trad. p. 3. d. Cult . Sanct. pa. 140. Antè Cornelium Martirem , nulla extat mentio ( quod ego viderim ) inuocationis , & intercessionis Sanctorum . Horant . lo. Cath. lib 3. ca. 21. Sub Euangelio inuocatio Sanctorum explicitè praecepta non est . b Glossa . Interlinear . sup . Gen. 12. 〈◊〉 . sup . Gen. 18. Lauret . Sylu Allegor . ver . Abraham . c Bellar. d. sanct . Beat. li. 1. c. 19. Atquè hoc Argumentú Aduersarij nunquam soluere potuerunt . 1. Tim. 2.3 . Rom. 15. 30. Iob 42.8 . a Bellar. d. Sane . Beat. 〈◊〉 . c. 20. Postremo modo , etiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mediatores , inter Deum & eos pro quibus orant . Neque est curtimeamus , nomen mediatoris transferre ad Sanctos , 〈◊〉 ad eos transferrimus nomen Aduocati & intercessoris , quae Christo 〈◊〉 Rom. 〈◊〉 . & 1. Ioh. 2. Biel. in Can. 〈◊〉 . lect . 30. K. Non ergo frustra imploramus Sanctos quos non vt Creatores gratiae siue Beatificatoresinuocamus , sed vt Mediatores , quorum meritis & intuitu nobis Deus 〈◊〉 quam ex nostris accipere sumus minus digni . Jdem . Ex quibus patit preces nostras spem que consequendae 〈◊〉 per mediatores Sanctos in coelo , inanes non esse : sed ordine a Deo instituto , nos ad eorum auxilia 〈◊〉 debere , 〈◊〉 debita veneratione eos semper implorare , vt saluemur 〈◊〉 meritis , atque votis . a Chrys. d. Orat. li. 1. Vere cum Dco cōfabulamur , quoties vacamus deprecationi . Si qui cum Caesare miscent sermones , &c. Multo minus fieri potest vtqui Deum deprecantur , cum co familiariter colloquétes , &c. Aug. Psal. 85. Oratio tua locutio est ad Deum , &c. Chrys. in Genes . Ho. 30. Oratio Colloquium est cum Deo. b Palud . 4. d. 15. q. 5. n. 4. Gabr. Can. Miss . lect . 61. I. Antonin . Sum. Mor. p. 4. Tit. 5. c. 8. §. 2. c Cypr. d. orat . Dom n. 1. Aliter orare quam docuit , non ignoratio sola sit , sed & culpa : quando ipse posuerit & dixerit , reijcitis mandatum Dei , vt traditionem vestram statuatis . d Tertul. d. orat . c. 12. quibus merito vanitas exprobranda est , siquidem sine vllius aut Dominici , aut Apostolici praecepti authoritate fiunt . Heb. 7.25 . Act. 4.12 . a Cassand . Consult . d. Inuoc . Sanct. Homines non mali certos sibi sanctos tanquam Patronos & Turores delegerunt , in eorum 〈◊〉 atque Intercessione plusquam in Christi Merito fiduciam posuerunt , atque adeò vnico illo Aduocationis Christi Officio obscurato Sanctos , atque imprimis Virginem Matrem in illius locum substituerunt : 〈◊〉 non defuerunt viri etiam celebres qui assererent , id quod Hester , Assuero , 〈◊〉 se petenti dimidium regni daturum in Maria completum esse in quam Deus 〈◊〉 sui , quod iudicio & misericordia constat , dimidium hoc est 〈◊〉 transtulerit , altera regni parte sibi 〈◊〉 : hinc illi 〈◊〉 passim Virgini tributi Regina Coeli , 〈◊〉 est Mater misericordiae , vita spes nostra lux 〈◊〉 Aduocata & Mediatrix . 〈◊〉 etsi 〈◊〉 interpretationem admittant ca tamen non semper omnibus praesertim rudibus & imperitis 〈◊〉 . Quid quod totum Psalterium sublato vbique Domini nomine in nomen Dominae commutatum legitur . Sedul . 〈 ◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Traject . cap. 1. Casta Virgo Dei , Genitrix Maria , &c. vnica spes Patrum , 〈◊〉 Prophetarum , Praeconium Apostolorum , &c. Sub tua tutela & protectione toti sumus . Da verbum cordi quae mundo dedisti 〈◊〉 , da quod piè institui foeliciter exequi . Idem , cap. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Virgo in te Angeli 〈◊〉 , iusti gratiam , peccatores veniam inuenerunt in aeternum Mentò in te 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 totius 〈◊〉 , &c. Idem , cap. 21. Tu vnica apud Deum Christianorum , spes nostra es 〈◊〉 & sanctissima ; cui gloria & honor , decus atque imperium in sempiterna saecula saeculorum . Per te accessum habemus ad Filium , O benedicta 〈◊〉 gratiae , genetrix vitae Mater salutis : vt per te nos suscipiat qui per 〈◊〉 datus est nobis . tua culpam nostrae corruptionis : & humilitas Deo grata 〈◊〉 veniam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Charitas tua nostrorum cooperiat multitudinem peccatorum , & 〈◊〉 gloriosa foecunditatem nobis conferat Meritorum . Domina nostra , Mediatrix nostra , Aduocata nostra tuo Filio nos commenda , tuo Filio nos praesenta . a Corona . B. Virg. Mariae , c. 2. Sicut ergo Christus , est Mediator inter Deum & hominem , sic beata Virgo inter filium suum & hominem . Vnde in persona ipsius Salomon dixit Matri , 3. Reg. 2. Pete mater 〈◊〉 quod vis , neque enim fas est , &c. Item in Deuteronomio dicit Dominus , Ego percutiam & B. Virgo tanquam Mediatrix respondet , & ego sanabo . Iohn 15.1 , 5. a Vinc. Lir. c. Haer. c. 4. Quicquid non vnus aut duo tantùm , sed omnes 〈◊〉 vno 〈◊〉 consensu , apertè , frequenter , perseuerantèr , tenuisse , scripsisse , docuisse cognouerit . b Tertul. d. praescript . c. 21. Quod ecclesia ab Apostolis Apostoli à Christo , Christus à Deo suscepit . c Arist. Topic. lib. 8. ca. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Aug. Epist. 137. a Biel. in Can. Miss . Lect. 32. Etiàm in Sanctis verū est illud Virgilianum , Non omnia possumus omnes . Non enim omnia omnibus data sunt , sed diuersi diuersa receperunt : vt quod scribit Gerson . d. Orat . & valor . eius . n. 77. lit . Y. Ad aliqué Sanctorum te convertas , pro necessitatibus quibuslibet subleuādis , vel pro impetranda speciali quadam gratia , qua sanct ' vel sancta 〈◊〉 quoddam donū recepisse memoratur diuisiones enìm gratiarum sunt , sicut tradit Apostolus , quod verum est , nedum de viatoribus ; sed etiàm de beatis , sub quo 〈◊〉 canit Ecclesia de quolibet Sanctorum , non est inuentus similis illi . Salmeron . tom . 15. disp . 7. in 1. 〈◊〉 . 2. Sancti non opitulantur omnibus aequalitèr . Nàm sunt aliqui , qui in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , peculiaritèr opem ferunt , & 〈◊〉 etiàm quibus in hac vita ob accepta benificia , particulari ratione tenebantur . Hinc Hispani peculiaritèr colunt B. Iacobum ; Sebastianum , Lucitani ; Romani , 〈◊〉 & Paulum ; Florentini , Iohannem 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , Marcum ; Senenses , B. 〈◊〉 ; Galli , Dionisium ; Germani , Barbaram ; 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Ib. Haec multiformis munerum distributio , partìm à Deo inspirata , partim 〈◊〉 est per 〈◊〉 , partìm pijs coniecturis deprehensa , & praecipuè in illis rebus 〈◊〉 , quas ipsi 〈◊〉 sunt . Ità inuocamus Petrum in vinculis , Paulum in conuersione , vtrunquè in periculis maris ; Iohannem Bapt in natiuitate ; Euangelistam , in colenda Virginitate ; Sebastianum & 〈◊〉 , in peste depelienda ; Antonium , in igne abercendo , & rebus amissis inueniendis , & similibus alijs plerisquè . b Aug. Ep. 137. 〈◊〉 Presbiteri , proptereà non ausus sum de numero collegarum eius vel deprimere , vel delere , nè diuinae potestati , sub cui ' examine causa adhuc pendet , facere viderer iniuriam , si illius iudicium , 〈◊〉 vellem iudicio praeuenire . a Gerhard . loc . to . 8. d. Mort. n. 353. Germania venerabatur Martinum , & Georgium Cataphractū , Hispania , Iacobum ; Gallia , Michaelem & Dionysium ; Vngaria , Ludouicum ; Polonia , Stanislaam ; Moscouia , Nicholaum ; Heluetia , Virginem Mariam in Nigricante Silua Eremitarum locum habentem ; Anglia , Thomam & Gregorium ; Scocia , Andream ; Bohemia , Wenceslaum ; Suecia , Brigittam , &c. Franci colebant Cilianum ; Thuringi , Bonifacium ; Hassi , Elizabetham ; Misnici , Donatum , Bauari , Wolffgangum ; Austriaci , Florianum ; Carinthij , Rupertum , Borussi , Albertum ; Pomerani , Othonem ; Sueui , Conradum , &c. Magdeburgensi Episcopatui praefectus erat Mauritius ; Halberstadensi , Stephanus ; Saltzburgensi , Ruprechtus ; Herbipolensi , Cilianus ; Barmbergensi , Henricus , &c. Roma tutelares habuit patronos Petrum & Paul. Mediolanum , Ambrosium ; Colonia , Agrippina tres Magos vrsulam , & 11000. virgin . Augusta vindelicorum vtricum ; Lutetia , Genefiuam ; Argentoratum , Otiliam ; Brunswiga , Autorem , &c. A Nautis inuocabatur Nicolaus & Christopherus ; à studiosis 〈◊〉 & Catherina ; à pictoribus , Lucas ; à 〈◊〉 , Cosmas & Damianus ; à Iurisconsultis , Iuo ; à Theologis , Augustinus & Thomas , ab equitibus Georgius ; à Fabris , Eulogius ; à Sutoribus , Crispinus ; à Sartoribus , Gutmannus ; à Figulis , Goarus ; à Venatoribus , Eustachius ; à 〈◊〉 , Afra & Magdalena , &c. Contrà Grandinem inuocabantur Iohannes & Paulus ; contrà incendia ignis , Agatha & Florianus ; contrà vitium corruptelam , Vrbanus ; contrà Rubiginem , Iodocus ; contrà Bruchos , Magnus ; contrà Pestem , Sebastianus & Rochus ; contrà Febrem , Petronella ; contrà venenum , Iohannes Euangelista , & Benedictus Abbas ; contrà dentium dolores , Apolonia ; contrà occulorum vitia , Otilia ; contrà 〈◊〉 pudendorum , Appollinaris ; contrà calculum , Liberius ; contrà ignem sacrum , Antonius , &c. Contracti inuocabant Wolffgangum ; calculo laborantes , Liborium , Doemoniaci , Romanum ; Epileptici , Valentinum ; Captini , Leonardum ; Puerperae , Margaretam , &c. Anserum , cura commendabatur , Gallo , Ouium , Wendelino ; Equorum , Eulogio , Boum , Pelagio ; Porcorum , Antonio ; lgnis , Floriano , &c. Greg. Naz. in S. Sipr . Paulinus Epist. ad Cytherium . a Chrysoft . in 1. Cor. Hom. 36. Coelum Ecclesia tunc fuit , spiritu cuncta administrante , cuncta Ecclesiae capita moderante , afflatu suo vnumquenque corripiente . Nunc vero vestigia tantum rerum illarum tenemus , &c. Videtur Ecclesia hodie , mulieri quae veteri foelicitate exciderit similis . Quaeque symbola tantum foelicitatis illius referat , quaedam arcus & scriuia rerum praetiosissimarum adhuc seruans , thesauro destituto . b Vincent . Lir. c. Haer. cap. 39. Quicquid vel omnes vel plures , vno eodemque 〈◊〉 manifeste , frequenter , perseueranter , &c. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b Paul. in Carm ad Cither . to . 5. Biblioth . Col. pag. 225. Aiacentes pectori tanget suo Epistolas Apostoli . Hunc in pauore codicem , sed nesciens rebus relictis sumpserat . Aug. li. de Moribus Eccles. c. 10. a Cassand . Consult . 〈◊〉 mer. & Intercess . Sanct. pa. 970. Alter error est quod homines etiam non malicertos fibi Sanctos tanquam patronos , & tutores deligerunt , in eorum meritis atque intercessione , plus quam in Christi merito fidutiam posuerunt , atque adeo vnico illo aduocationis Christi officio obscurato , Sanctos 〈◊〉 inprimis virginem matrem , in illius locum substituerunt . Concil . Colon. Expl. Decal . 〈◊〉 fatemur pastorum dormitantium 〈◊〉 , error in Ecclesiam , quo vulgus verae pietatis non satis intelligens , singulorum morborum curam singulis Sanctis assignauit . Nulli Martyrū sed ipsi deo Martyrum quamuis in memorias Martyrum constituimus altaria . Aug. c. Faust. li. 20. c. 21. Epiph. haer . 78. Aug. d. Ciuit. Dei. li. 22. c. 8. Aug. ibid. Theodor. d. Cur. Graecorum Affect . lib. 8. a Epiphan . Haer. 59. Siue 79. Honoretur sane Maria , pater vero filius , & 〈◊〉 Sanctus adorentur . Mariam adorare nemo velit , &c. Quamuis Maria vel optima fuerit ac Sancta , & honore dignissima ; non idcirco tamen adoratio ne prosequenda . a Aug. Ib. visum est genero eius , vt 〈◊〉 ad memoriam Sancti Stephani , & illic pro ea quantum posset oraret , vt Deus illi daret mentem bonam , &c. b Tertul. Apol. c. 7. Cur malum fama ? Quia velox an quia plurimum mendax ? quae ne tunc quidem cum veri aliquid adfert , sine mendatij vitio est , detrahens , 〈◊〉 , de mutans , de veritate . c Aug. d. Ciu. Dei. lib. 22. cap. 8. Non tanta ea commendat 〈◊〉 vt sine difficultate vel dubitatione credantur . Atqui nos , O Graeci homines nec hostias Martiribꝰ nec libamina vlla deferimꝰ sed vt Sanctos homines deique amicissimos honoramus . Gratissime accipit eorum Dominus , qualiacunque sunt dona , &c. a Cypr. Epist. 74. Si ad diuinae Traditionis caput & originem reuertamur cessat error humanus , &c. Si canalis aquam ducens qui copiose prius & largiter profluebat subito deficiat nonne ad fontem pergitur vt illic defectionis ratio noscatur , &c. Quod & nunc facere oportet Dei Sacerdotes praecepta diuina seruantes , vt si in aliquo nutauerit & vaccillauerit veritas ad originem dominicam & Euangelicam & Apostolicam Traditionem 〈◊〉 & inde surgat actus nostri ratio vnde & ordo & origo surrexit . b Tertul. d. virg . vel . c. 1. Hoc exigere veritatem cui nemo prescribere potest , non spatium temporum , non patrocinia personarum , non priuilegium Regionum : Ex his enim fere consuetudo initium ab aliqua ignorantia vel simplicitate fortita in vsum per successionem corroboratur & ita aduer . sus veritatem vindicatur . Sed Dominus noster Christus veritatem se , non consuetudinem 〈◊〉 . Si semper Christus & prior omnibus aeque veritas sempiterna & antiqua res . Mag. cent . 4. cap. 4 a In Octau . Assumpt . Lect. Ecce quibus . b Breu. Rom. Hymno exultet Iaud . c Portif . Sar. in Tho. Did. d Lect. s. 〈◊〉 . in seruit . B. Virg. Mar. e Rom. Breu. 3. Die infra octau . Assumpt . Virg. Mar. Lect. 4. Iubilemus in arca Dom. f Breu. Rom. in Abdon & Senon . Iulij 30. g Rom. Miss . in Leone . h Aur. Litan . i Miss . sar . in memor . Prim. & Faelic . in . fest . Iunij . a Posseu . Apparat . verb. Bonauentura . Bulla . Sixti . 4. to . 2. Opusc. Bonau . Psalt . Bonauent . Miserere mei Domina , quae mater misericordiae numcuparis , & secundum viscera misericordiarum tuarum , munda me ab omnibus iniquitatibus meis . Essunde gratiam tuam super me , & solitam clementiam tuam ne subtrahas à me , quoniàm peccata mea confitebor tibi , & coram te me accuso de sceleribus meis , fructui ventris tui me reconcilia , & pacifica me ei qui me creauit . Domina in nomine tuo saluum me fac , & ab iniustitijs meis libera me , &c. Miserere mei Domina , miserere mei , quià paratum est cor meum , exquirere voluntatem tuam , &c. Eripe me de inimicis meis Domina mundi , exurge in occursum meum , Regina pietatis , &c. Deus misereatur nostri , & benedicat nobis per illam quae eum genuit , &c. Domina in adiutorium meum intende , & luce misericordiae tuae illustra mentem meam , &c. In te Domina speraui , non confundar in aeternum , in tua misericordia libera me , & eripe me , &c. Quam bonus Israel Deus his qui colunt matrem suam , & venerantur : ipsa est nempè solatium nostrum , in laboribus subuentio optima , obtexit caligine animam meam hostis , in visceribus meis Domina lumen fac , omnis auertatur à me ira Dei per te , placa eum meritis & praecibus tuis . In iuditio pro me asiste coram eo , suscipe causam meam , & mea sis aduocata . Domina venerunt gentes in haereditaté Dei , quas tu meritis tuis Christo confederasti , &c. Benedicta sis Domina , & mater Dei mei Israel , qui per te visitauit , & fecit redemptioné plebis suae , & erexit cornu Salutaris castitatis tuae , in domo Dauid pueri sui . Sicut locutus est per os Isaiae , & aliorum sanctorum Prophetarūeius , 〈◊〉 ex inimicis praesta , Virginum virgo , & de manu omnium qui nos oderunt pacem nobis tribue . Et fac misericordiam pro parentibus & nobis , vt memor sis testamenti omnipotents Dei , quod iurauit ad patres nostros Abraham , & semini eius in saecula . Sic sine timore de manu inimicorum nostrorum liberati , quiete seruiemus , illi in sanctitate & iustitia coram te , omnibus diebus nostris . Et tu Maria Propheta Dei vocaberis , quoniàm nouisti quod respexit humilitatem ancillae suae , per quam dedit scientiam salutis plebis eius , in remissionem peccatorum , per viscera misericordiae multitudinis tuae . Visita nos stella matutina oriens ex alto . Illumina tenebras sedentium in vmbra mortis , & eas luco dilectissimi filij tui digneris illustrare . Miserere misericordie mater nobis miseris peccatoribus , qui retro acta peccata poenitere negligimus , ac multa quotidiè poenitenda committimus . Quicunquè vult saluus esse , antè omnia opus est vt teneat de Mària firmam fidem , quam nisi quisquè integram inuiolatamquè seruauerit , absque dubio in 〈◊〉 peribit . Quam demùm ipse in Coelum assump 〈◊〉 , & seder ad dextram filij , non cessans pro nobis filium exorare . Haec est Fides de Maria Virgine , quam 〈◊〉 quisquè fidelitèr , firmiterquè crediderit saluus esse non poterit . a Baron . Anno Christi 49. n. 19. Bellar. d. Scriptor . Eccles. in Athanasio . Magdeb. Centur . 4. cap. 4. pa. 396. & 397. a Read sundrie formes of such prayers in Chemn . Exam . Concil . Trid. p. 3. pa. 145. Herbrād . c. Greg. Val. d. multipl . Papat . Idolom . Gerhard . loc . com . to . 8. d. Inuoc . Sanct. b Bernerdin . d. Senis . apud Benzon . in magnif . li. 1. cap. 18. Data est tibi ô Domina , omnis potestas in 〈◊〉 & in terra , vt quicquid volueris , valeas efficere . c Benzon . in Cant. Magnif . lib. 1. cap. 18. Sed iure haereditario mundi Monarchiam acquisiuisse , tempore mortis Christi filij eius iam demonstrandum est , &c. Nullus alius in terris fuit , qui de iure in 〈◊〉 haereditate succederet Christo. Ius naturale postulat , dictanteratione , vt mater , sicut 〈◊〉 in filium habet , ità quoquè habeat in 〈◊〉 quae sunt filij . a Coron . Mar. 7. Stel. 2. Coronae . lustus quiliber tradere cor suum ad vigilandum 〈◊〉 ad Dominam mundi , per quam redemptus est & reconciliatus . Stellar . Coron . B. Mar. lib. 12. pa. 1. ar . 2. Christus carnem pro nobis & sanguinem , Maria imolabat animam . b Benzon . in Cant. Magnif . lib. 1. ca. 18. Christus cum sit caput , per collum , id est , Mariam effundit in fideles benignitatem suam , Maria vero recipiens à Christo gratias , nobis liberahtèr , & benignè communicat . c Ib. Ipsa tanquam eius mater , ius , authoritatem , & dispensationem illius 〈◊〉 , constituit enim illam Dominus Dominam domus suae , & principem omnis possessionis suae . Bernerdin . d. Bust. Mar. p. 1. Serm. 5. d. concep . Mar. B. Virgo est Domina , & Imperatrix totius or bis , & omnium creaturarum . Primo namquè est Regina Coeli & Angelorum , &c. Dominatur quoquè inferno , dominatur etiam mundo , & hominibus habitantibus in eo . Jbid. p. 3. d. Nom. Mar. 4. Excell . Si ergo imperat filio , ratione maternalis iurisdictionis , qui fuit 〈◊〉 illi vt habetur , Luc. 2. Multo magis imperat omnibus creaturis filio subiectis . a L. 6. c. Gent. pa. 193. Nazian . Or. 18. d. laudib . Cypr. b 〈◊〉 . d. Imag . ca. 24. Suar. in 3. Tho. tom . 1. Disp. 54. Sect. 4. Si interdum oratio videtur fundi ad imaginem , vt 〈◊〉 dicit O crux , aue spes vnica , ange pijs iustitiam , &c. per Tropum & Prosopopeiam explicanda est . Sixt. Senens . Biblioth . lib. 6. annot . 151. 〈◊〉 monuimus non esse 〈◊〉 verba semper 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accipienda quo primum ad aures auditorum perueniunt , multa enim 〈◊〉 per hyperbolem 〈◊〉 enunciant & inculcant , vel occasione locorum temporum ac personarum adducti velaffectuum impetu & orationis cursu rapti . a Greg. Naz. orat . 〈◊〉 . in Laud. Gorgon . Si hoc praemij sanctis animis diuinitus contingit , vt ista sentiant , nostram quoque orationem , &c. Idem . orat . 1. c. Iulian . Audi haec etiam Constantij 〈◊〉 , si quis 〈◊〉 sensus est , &c. Ib. 〈◊〉 provehor , vt tecum 〈◊〉 cum presente atque audiente expostulem , &c. 〈◊〉 . 16.9 . Psal. 58. 18. a Iansen . Harm . Euang. ca. 〈◊〉 . Dicuntur autem illi recepturi Benefactores in coelum , simpliciterquidem quia propter illos Christus 〈◊〉 benefactores recepturus est , quia sibi imputat factū , quod illis impenditur . Qualescūque 〈◊〉 & quanquam non ipsimet ingrediantur aeternas mansiones , dicuntur rectè benefactores suos recipere in coelum , ob rationem prius dictam , quia propter beneficia eis impensa , Christus illos recipit in coelum . b Hugo . Card. in Luc. 16.9 . Recipiant vos pauperes , id est , sint causa vel occasio , quare recipiamini . c Dyonis . Carthus . sup . Luc. 16. Recipiant vos praefati amici , scilicet Deus & angli ac pauperes sancti . d Benzon . com . & disp in Magnis . li. 1. c. 18. Ipsa tanquam eius mater , ius , authoritatem , & 〈◊〉 illius obtinet : constituit enim illam Dominus , Dominam , domus suae , & principem omnis possessionis suae . Bernardin . Marial . d Nominat . Mar. Ser. 5. Praerog . 1. B. Virgo proprie misericordiae est Regina . e Stel. Cor. B. Virg Mar. li. 12. ar . 3. Beata virgo emit nos , & possedit , dando pretiosissimum Thesaurum pro nobis scilicet corpus sanguinem & animas filij sui . f Arnold . Carno . to . 6. Biblioth . Vieg . in Apoc. 12. Com. 2. Sect. 2. Constituta est super omnem creaturam , & quicunque Iesu curuat genu , matri quoque pronus supplicat : & filij gloriam , cum matre , non tam communem iudico , quam eandem . 〈◊〉 Deo remanente , cessit quodammodo misericordiam Dei matri , Sponsaeque regnanti . Itaque virginemdiuisum habere cum Deo imperium . g Carar . Sum. Canon . & Moral . Reg. 1. n. 3. punct . 5. n. 32. Quae haec quaeso preparatio ? certe nulla alia , nisi quod transeant per manus illius , nam qui 〈◊〉 nobis dedit per virginem , nostra vult illa mediatrice acciperc . Brigit . Reu. li. 1. ca. 50. Sicut calor procedit a sole , sic per 〈◊〉 omnis misericordia dabitur . Tu enim es quasi fons largissimus , de quo misericordia de miseris fluit . Biel. in Can. 〈◊〉 . lect . 32. Nihil nos Deus habere voluit , quod per manus Mariae non transiret . Osor. Conc. to . 〈◊〉 . in visit Mariae . Maria ex quo Dei mater effecta est , vniuersi curam suscepit , tanquam omnium mater , tanquam membra 〈◊〉 filij sui homines curat , tanquam haereditatem filij & illius domum . Foelix profecto hominum sors , quibus Christus pater , & Maria mater est , tanquam Aquila super pullos suos , tanquam pastor super gregem suam . Gregem patris pascebat Rachel , & eius causa Iacob amouit lapidem , quo puteus claudebatur , & adaquauit gregem . Gregem Dei Maria pascit ac propter ipsam Christus Dominus , gratiae aquam fidelibus tribuit . Idem . to . 4. d. Sing . Deuo. B. Virg. Sicut hanc habet in 〈◊〉 eminentiam coeleste corpus , qood omnis generatio , 〈◊〉 , & motus inferiorum ab co pendet : sic decreuit Deus omnia spiritualia dona hominibus concedere per Mariam , quae summa dignitas creaturae est . Omnis Gratia quae est in Christo , est in Maria , in Christo tanquam in capite influente , in Maria tanquam in collo transfundente : in Christo tanquam in fonte , in Maria tanquam in Canali . Opera Regia , Resp. ad Card. Peron . a Thom. Praefat. in Epist. Canon . Gorrhan . ibid. Gerson . Magnificata est ita hodiè B. Virgo , vt Regina Coeli , imo & mundi jure vocetur , habens praeeminentiam , & virtutem influxiuam , super omnes , principatum habet dimidij Regni Dei , si sic dici potest , sub Typo Esther & Assueri Regnum quippè Dei consistit in Potestate & Misericordia , semel locutus est Deus duo haec audiui , quia potestas Dei est , & 〈◊〉 Domine Misericordia . Potestate Domino remanente , cessit quodammodò Misericordiae pars Christi Matti Sponsaeque regnanti . Hinc ab Ecclesia tota Regina Misericordiae salutatur . Cassand . d. Offic. Bon. viri . An non apertè scribit Gabriel Biel , vir alioqui non indoctus nec ineptus , Patrem Coelestem dimidium Regni sui de 〈◊〉 beatissimae Virgini Coelorum Reginae , idque in Esther significatum fuisse , cui dictum sit ab Assuero , etiam si dimidium Regni 〈◊〉 petieris dabitur tibi : ita Patrem Coelestem cum habet Iustitiam & Misericordiam , tanquam potiora Regni sui bona , Iustitia sibi retenta , Misericordiam 〈◊〉 Matri consesisse . 〈◊〉 . Psalt . B. Virg. Deus luditium tuum Regi da , & Misericordiam tuam Reginae 〈◊〉 eius . a Benzo . in Cant. Magnif . lib. 1. c. 18. Regnum Dei vniuersum Iustitia & Misericordia duab ' quasi partibus constituitur , & ordinatur , iuxta illud Psal. 84. Misericordia & Veritas obuiauerunt fibi , Iustitia & Pax osculata sunt . Deus igitur vt honoraret Matrem sui Filij , quasi diuidens huiusmodi Regnum Iustitiam , sibi & Filio reseruauit , constituens illum Iudicem vniuersorum , arguentemque mundum , de Peccato , de Iustitia , & de Iuditio , &c. Alteram Regni partem , quae Misericordia regitur , & circundatur , Reginae 〈◊〉 concessit . Sic Assuerus , Reginae 〈◊〉 , dimidiam partem Regni obtulit dicens : Quid petis vt detur tibi , & pro qua re postulas ? Etiam si dimidiam partem Regni mei petieris , impetrabis , Esther 5. Quod si Raguel dimidiam partem de omnibus quae 〈◊〉 , concessit Tobiae , faciens hanc Scripturam , vt pars dimidia quae supererat post obitum eius , Tobiae 〈◊〉 deueniret , Tab. 8. Cur non Christus , Mariae ? Moyses , Exod. 24. Dimidiam partem sanguinis victimarum , quas Filij Israel imolauerant , accepit & misit in Crateras : partem autem residuam fudit super Altare : Sic Deus quasi dimidiam Regni , hoc est sanguinis Christi partem illam , nempè ex qua Misericordia emanat , in cratere & vase admirabili Mariae posuit , & conclusit : residuam partem , Iustitiae nempè , essusam super Altare , id est , Christum relinquens . b Vieg . in Apoc. cap. 12. Com. 2. Sect. 2. Illud quod Rex Assuerus obtulit Esther , Quid vis Esther Regina , quae est petitio tua ? Etiamsi dimidiam partem Regni petieris , dabitur tibi , Esther 5. Id completum fuit in Virgine . Cui nimirum Deus dedit dimidium Regni sui . Regnum quippe Dei , duobus ait contineri Potentia & Misericordia iuxta illud , Psal. 61. Duo haec audiui , quia potestas Dei est , & 〈◊〉 Domine Misericordia : Potestate igitur Deo remanente , cessir 〈◊〉 Misericordiam Dei 〈◊〉 , Sponsaeque regnanti . Itaque Virginem diuisum habere cum Deo imperium , & 〈◊〉 Ecclesiam appellare 〈◊〉 Matrem , ac Reginam Misericordiae . a Bernardin . Marial . p. 3. d. Nom. Mar. Ser. 2. Excel . 3. Beata virgo est Imperatrix coeli & terrae , &c. Imperat filio ratione maternalis iurisdictionis . b Osorius tom . 4. Conc. d. sing . Deuot . B. 〈◊〉 . Mater mea in regno meo principatur , non vt alij electi , sed tanquam mater & 〈◊〉 , ac Domina , & proinde potest dispensare in legibus à me latis , cum iusta intercesserit causa . Briget . Reuel . lib. 7. cap. 13. a Aug. d. Bapt. c. Don. l. 2. c. 3. b Athanas. c Clem. Alex. Strom. lib. 7. Non expextamus testimonium quod datur ab hominibus , sed voce Domini probamus quod quaeritur , quae est magis fide digna , quam quaeuis demonstrationes , vel potius quae est sola demonstratio : per quam scientiam , qui solum quidem gustauere Scripturas sunt fideles . Notes for div A15082-e119600 a Orig. c. 〈◊〉 lib. 8. Germane Christiani , nè vsitatis quidem in sacra Scriptura Dei nominib ' vtuntur intèr praecandum , sed Graeci Graecis , Romani Romanis , singuliquè praecentur propria lingua , Deumquè celebrent pro viribus , & omnium linguarū Dominus , omnib ' linguis praecantes exaudit , tàm variè loquentes , haud secus quam consonos ( vt ità dicam ) & vnius vocis homines intelligens . b Justin. Apol. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. c Tertul. Apol. c. 39. Coimus 〈◊〉 coetum & cogregationem , vt ad Deum quasi manufacta , praecationibus ambiamus orantes . d Clem. Alex. Strom. li. 7. e Cyp. d. Orat. Dom. n. 22. Quandò stamus ad orationem fratres dilectissimi vigilare & incumbere ad praeces toto corde debemus , &c. Ib. Quomodò te audiri à Deo postulas cum te ipse non audias ? &c. f Basil. li. Quest. ex Var. Script . loc . q. 278. Cum ignota fuerint praesentibus verba orationis , in fructuosa est mens orantis cum nemo vtilitatem capiat . g Chrys. 1. Cor. Hom. 35. h Ambros. sup . 1. Cor. c. 14. Quem potest habere 〈◊〉 qui ignorat quae loquatur &c. Imperitus audiens quod nòn intelligit , nescit finem orationis . Quid prodest vt quis lingua loquatur , quam solus scit , vt qui audit nihil proficiat . i Aug. sup . Psal. 18. conc . 2. k Aquin. sup . 1 Cor. 14. sect . 5. l Lira . in 1. Cor. c. 14. Caeterū hic consequentèr idem ostendit in oratione publica . Quià si 〈◊〉 intelligat orationēseu benedictioné Sacerdotis ; meliùs reducitur in Deum , & deuoti ' respondet amen , &c. Propter quod in Primitiua Ecclesia benedictiones & caetera communia 〈◊〉 in vulgari . m 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ca. 28. Canonicampraecem & imprimis Dominici corporis & sanguinis consecrationem ità veteres legebant , vt à populo intelligi , & Amen acclamari posset . n Bellarm. Recog . li. d. Verb. Dei , 2. ca. 16. Sunt inter Ruthenos & Armenos Catholici , vt etiàm intèr 〈◊〉 sunt Maronitae Catholoci , qui tamen diuina officia , non celebrant Graecè , vel Hebraicè , vel Latinè . o Petrus . Bellon . Obseru . li. 3. p 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Hist. AEthiop . q Eckius . Enchir. r Sigism . Baro. hist. Moscou . s Hosius . d. Sacr. Vernac . Apud Russos neque Graecae , neque Latinae linguae in sactis vsus est , t Ledesm . d. script . ling. vulg . ca. 33. u AEneas , Syluius Hist. Bohem. ca. 13. 〈◊〉 Cyrillum , cum Romae ageret , Romano pontifici supplicasse , vt Sclauorum lingua eius gentis hominibus , quam 〈◊〉 , rem diuinam faciens vti possit . De qua re dum in sacro Senatu disceptaretur , essentquè non patici contradictores , auditam vocem tanquam de Coelo in haec verba missam . Omnis Spiritus laudet Dominum , & omnis lingua confiteatur ei . 〈◊〉 datum Cyrillo indultum . a Decret . Gre. tit . 31. d. Offic. Iud. Ord. c. 14. Quoniā in plerisquè partibus intrà eandē ciuitatem atquè Diocesim , permixti sunt , populi diuersarum linguarum , habentes sub vna side , varios ritus & mores , districte praecipimus , vt Pontifices huiusmodi 〈◊〉 siue diocesium prouideant viros Idoneos , qui secundùm diuersitates rituum & linguarum , diuina illis officia celebrent , & Ecclesiastica Sacramenta ministrent . b Gabriel . in Can. Miss . lect . 62. B. Oporter quod vocalis oratio , innotes cat populo , pro quo offertur . Quod 〈◊〉 non potest , nisi sit vocalis . Debet nāquè se populus in hac Ministris Ecclesiae conformari . Ipsum Deūsecundū modum sibi possibilem deprecando . Et ideo rationabilitèr statuit Ecclesia , vt Ministri Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 orationes etiàm alta voce pronuncient , vt ad notitiam omnium poterint peruenire . The ends of vocall prayer set downe by Biel. 1. Excitatio interioris Deuotionis , 2. Mentis illuminatio . 3. Facilior recordatio rerum tempore orandi . 4. Mentis ab euagatione custodia . 5. Plenior debiti redditio , hoc est mente & corpore . 6. Redundantia quaedā ab anima in corpus , ex vehementi affectione , & deuotione . 7. Iustructio proximorū . Aquin. sup . 1. Cor. 14. Ille qui intelligit , reficitur & quantum ad intellectum , & quantum ad affectum : sed 〈◊〉 eius qui non intelligit , est sine fructu refectionis . Ib. Quantum ad fructum deuotionis spiritualis , priuatur qui non attendit ad ea , quae orat seu non intelligit . c Damasc. d. fid . lib. 3. cap. 24. Clem. Alex. 〈◊〉 lib. 7. d Aquin. 22. q. 83. ar . 1. e Caiet . Ib. ar . 1. Richard. 4. d. 15. art . 4. q. 1. Gabr. in Can. Miss . Lect. 61. Nauar. Enchir . c. 1. n. 8.13 . Azor. Moral . Instit. 1. li. 9. ca. 29. q. 3. Suar. d. Orat. c. 3. Nugnus . in 3. q. 85. ar . 4. Dub. 1. ad . 6. f Alex . 〈◊〉 . 4. q. 25. m. 1. ar . 1. Oratio est expressio desiderij , propter bonum adipiseendum vel malum remouendum , informata per verbum interius velexterius . Ib. Resol . Duo sunt necessaria oranti , consideratio propriae miseriae , & 〈◊〉 misericordiae , propria miseria consideranda est , ne pigritet implorare defectuum suorum supplementum . 〈◊〉 misericordia consideranda est , nè de obtinendo quod sibi necessarium est , 〈◊〉 . g Aug. Epist. 121. Fides , Spes , & Charitas ad Deum perducunt orantem , hoc est credentem , sperantem , 〈◊〉 , & quae petat à Domino in Dominica oratione considerantem . h Tert. lib. d. Orat. c. 13. Deus 〈◊〉 non vocis sed cordis 〈◊〉 , est , sicut conspector . i Aug Ep. 121. c. 11. Nobis ergo verba necessaria sunt , quibus 〈◊〉 , & inspiciamus quid petamus , non quibus Dominum seu docendum , seu flectendum esse credamus . a Ledesm . d. Scrip. Vern . ling. c. 13. Sicut enim qui aliquid à principibus petunt , nihil ad eos attinet , qua lingua mediatores ab eis constituti apud ipsum Principem negotium tractent , &c. Nequè etiā refert , qua lingua patronus , apud Iudicem causam clientis 〈◊〉 , &c. b Aug. Epist. 121. ca. 11. Nobis ergo verba necessaria sunt quibus commoneamur , & inspiciamus quid petamus , non quibus Dominum seu docendum seu flectendum esse 〈◊〉 . Idem . d. Magist. c. 1. Non opus est locutione cum oramus , id est sonantibus verbis , nisi fortè sicut Sacerdotes faciunt , significandae mentis suae causa , non vt Deus exaudiat , sed vt homines audiant , & consensione quadam per commemorationem , suspendantur in 〈◊〉 . Idem . d. Doctr. Chr. lib. 4. cap. 10. Quid prodest locutionis integritas , quam non sequitur intellectus audientis , cum loquendi nulla sit causa , si quod loquimur non intelligunt , propter quos vt intelligant loquimur . c Caiet . in 1. Cor. 14. v. 17. Ex hac Pauli Doctrina habetur , quodmelius ad aedificationé Ecclesiae est , Orationes 〈◊〉 quae audiéte populo dicuntur dici lingua communi Clericis & populo quam dici Latinè . d Lira . in 1. Cor. 14. Si populus intelligat orationem Sacerdotis , meliùs reducitur in Deum , & deuotiùs respondet , Amen . e Azor. Instit. Moral . tom . 1. lib. 9. c. 34. q. 8. Affectus 〈◊〉 intellectum , vbi autèm nullus earum 〈◊〉 quae petuntur vel dicuntur , habetur intellectus , aut general tèr tantùm , ibi exiguus assurgit affectus . 1. Cor. 14. 1. Cor. 14.16 . a Suar. 3. Disp. 83. Sect. 1. b Chrys. Sup. 1. Cor. 14. Hom. 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Oecumen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theod. 1. Cor. 14. Ambros. ibid. Primasius . ib. Sedulius . ib. Anselm . idiota est ineruditus , qui nihil scit , nisi quod proprietas naturae dat . Haimo . ib. Dicitur idiota , proptiam liuguam tantummodo sciens , in qua natus & nutritus est . Si igitur , talis astiterit tibi , dum aut mysterium Missae solemniter celebras , aut sermonem 〈◊〉 , aut benedictionem tribuis , quomodo 〈◊〉 Amen super tuam benedictionem ? c Aquin. in 1. Cor. 14. Ledesm . d. script . c. 〈◊〉 . idiotae graecè dicuntur plebei & ignari homines . a Explic. Cath. loc . Script . part . 3. Explic. 48. pa. 1155. Si peccatum est ab Ecclesia , potius peccatum est quia plcrique accersiti sunt qui neque intelligunt 〈◊〉 quae orant & fantur , neque hi quid respondent vel ad quid respōdent . Biel. Can. Mis. lect . 62. Ios. Angles in 4. Sent. Append . ad poenit . d. Attent . q. 5. Diff. 2. Concl. 2 Multi elerici & Religiosi : & moniales Graece vel latine orantes , nec sensum verborum intelligunt , nec intelligere possunt . b Math. Paris . Cronic . in Will. Conquest . pa. 7. Clerici quoque & ordinati adeo literatura carebant , vt caeteris esset stupori , qui Grammaticam didicisset . c Catherin . Annot. Caietan . sup . 1. Cor. 14. Qui supplent locum Idiotae , plerumque non intelligunr quid oretur , verum etiam saepenumero nec 〈◊〉 praesbyteri , aut Diaconi , qui orant , aut legunt . d Suares . 3. disp . 83. Sect. 1. Etiam nunc non est necesse , vt minister linguam intelligat , in qua Missa dici , tur , &c. e Ledesm . d. Scrip. Qua vis ling. legend . ca. 13. a Suar. in 3. 〈◊〉 3. Dis. 83. Sec. 1. Etiam nunc non est necesse vt minister linguam intelligat in qua Missa dicitur . b Ledesm . d. Diu. Script . ca. 13. nu . 1. 10 , 11 , 12. a Just. Mart. Apol. 2. 〈◊〉 . 2. Cor. Hom. 18. Basil. Hexam . Hom. 4. August . in Psal. 54. Ambros. Hexam . lib. 3. cap. 5. Leo de ieiun . 7. mens . Serm. 3. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Eccles. Offic. lib. 1. cap. 10. Justinian . Nouel . Const. de Eccles. diuers . cap. Constit. 123. a Azor. Instit. Mor. tom . 1. lib. 9. c. 34. q. 8. Qui priuatim ac libere orant , consultius facerent illi quidem , si ea lingua & sermone , mentem suam coram Deo effunderent , quam rectius callent . Affectus enim consequitur intellectum : vbi autem nullus rerum earum , quae petuntur , vel dicuntur , habetur intellectus , aut generalis tantum , ibi exiguus assurgit affectus . 795. August . Epist. 121. Qui 〈◊〉 orare cupit , verba quae intelligit conuenienter adhibet , vt seipsum ad Orationem internam excitet . Citat , Ledesma . de Sacr. vernac . cap. 14. pag. 102. Vid. Liturg. impress . Antuerp . an . 1560. Basil. in Liturg. fol. 34. Chrys. in Liturg. fol. 53. Basil. ibid. fol. 34.38.39.41.43 . 46. Chrys. Hom. 61. ad Sop. a Theod. Hist. Eccl. l. 5. c. 17. b Sosom . Hist. Eccles. lib. 7. cap. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Concil . 6. General . Can. 69. apud Caranz . Nulli omnium qui sit in Laicorum numero liceat intra sacrum Altare ingredi . Ab 〈◊〉 tamen nequaquam prohibita potestate & authoritate Regia , quandoquidem voluerit , &c. c Justin. Imp. 〈◊〉 No. Constit. 123. Iubemus vt omnes Episcopi pariter & Presbyteri , non tacito modo sed clara voce , quae a populo exaudiatur , 〈◊〉 oblationem , & praeces in Sancto Baptismate adhibitas celebrent , quo maiore exinde deuotione in depromendis Domini Dei laudibus , audientium animi efferantur . Ita enim & D. Apostolus docet dicens in 1. ad Cor. Epist. d Honor. in Gem. Animae . lib. 1. cap. 103. d. Canon . Fertur dum Canon primitus publice quotidie recitaretur , ab omnibus per vsum sciretur , & cum eum Pastoresin in agro super panem , & 〈◊〉 dicerent , repente carnem & sanguinem ante se inuenirent , atque inde diuinitus percussi interirent , vnde Synodali Decreto sub Anathemate praeceptum est , vt nullus Canonem dicat , nisi in libro , & in Sacris vestibus , & nisi super altare & super sacrificium . e Iohn Billet . d. diuin . Offic. Secreta dicitur , quia secreto pronunciatur , cum olim tamen alta voce diceretur , vnde & ab 〈◊〉 bus Laicis sciebatur . Contigit igitur vt quadam die Pastores super lapidem quendam ponerent panem , qui ad horum verborum prolationem , in carnem conuersus est , forsan transubstantiatus est panis in corpus Christi , in quos diuinitus facta est 〈◊〉 vindicta . Nam percussi sunt diuino iuditio caelitus misso , vnde statutum fuit , vt de caetero sub silentio diceretur , velideo ne vileseat , sicut & sacra Scriptura ne vilescat . a Read Phil. Morn . d. Miss . & part . lib. 1. cap. 6. pag. 88. tit . Liturgiae huius Saeculi . Claud. Espenc . d. Miss . Priuat . pag. 220. b Chrys. Hom. 61. ad pop . Antioch . Cum audieris oremus omnes communitèr , cum vela videris retrahi , tūc supernè Coelum aperiri cogita , & Angelos descendere . Sicut itaquè prophanorum fas est adesse neminem , ità nec vllum quidem Sacratorum & Sordidorum , &c. Indigni sunt & oculi 〈◊〉 hisce spectaculis , indignae sunt & aures , si bestia inquit tangat montem lapidabitur . c Idem . sup . Ephes. Ho. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hieron . praefat . in Paralip . Basil. d. Spir. sanct . cap. 29. Hieron . in proem . 2. li. com . ad Galat. Act. Apost . cap. 2. & 10. & 11. & 14. Hiero. 〈◊〉 viris 〈◊〉 . in Anton. Theoderit . in Histor. SS . Patr. Hist. 13. Aug. Epist. 57. & d. Doctr. Christ. lib. 2. cap. 13. Aug. in Psal. 123. & in Exposit. Epist. ad Rom. & li. 2. contrà 〈◊〉 . li. 83. a Reade Doct. Bilson of Christ , subiect . pa. 647. &c. Morn . d. Miss . lib. 2. cap. 6. b Orig. c. Cels. 〈◊〉 . 8. Theod. Hist. Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 27. 〈◊〉 . lib. 3. cap. 15. Basil. Epist. ad Neocaes . 63. Hier. ad Heliod . Epitaph . Nepotian . & Epist. ad Eustoch . Epitaph . Paul. Aug. Confess . lib. 1. cap. 14. Orig. in Leuit. Hom. 5. Basil. praef . in Psal 〈◊〉 . Epist. 18. Chrys. in Epist. ad Coloss. Hom. 9. Turselin . in vita Zauerij . a Antonin . sum . mor. Tit. 23. c. 9. §. 5. Praeces in ore Laicorum , qui ignorant sensum , tantū valent quantum in ore sacerdotum intelligentium : sicut Lapis praetiosus aequè valet in manu eius , qui ignorat virtutem . b Ledesm . Iesuita . d. Diu. Script . & Miss . Quauis Lingua , c. 1. Eorum temerariam , & impiam , tantoque ipsorum 〈◊〉 cósensu receptam cósuetudinem . Quoties execranda illa sua sacra peragunt . Cultum tam perniciosum , &c. De hac iam execranda , Sacrilega , & Apostolorum Traditioni contraria , vulgari Missae & Officiorum diuinorum celebratione , ac publicae Ecclesiae Orationis vernaculae Linguae , prophana recitatione . c 〈◊〉 . d. Orig. Error . lib. 2. cap. 8. Notes for div A15082-e124730 Luc. 18. v. 29. Isa. 6. Matth. 26. v. 4. Mar. 14.39 . eundem Sermonem dicens . Luc. 22. 42. a Suar. d. Orat. li. 3. ca. 9. Integrum Rosarium centum quinquaginta salutationibus virginis constat , interpositis pro quindecim denarijs , quindecem orationibus Dominicis : corona vero constat septuaginta 〈◊〉 Aue , & septem paternoster , quae a pijs hominibus inuenta 〈◊〉 in memoriam , & honorem totidem annorum , quos in hac vita virginem 〈◊〉 probabile est , & ideo 〈◊〉 est corona haec oratio , quia perfectum circulum vitae virginis representat . 〈◊〉 . d. Deipar . virg . lib. 3. c. 10. Quibusdam placit quinquagies duntaxat , alijs frequentius , virginem ex more 〈◊〉 , intermixta 〈◊〉 pecatione . b Suar. d. Orat. li. 3. ca. 9. In rudimentis fidei , solet poni Symbolum Apostolorum sed illud non continet formam orandi , sed confitendi fidem . c Canis . d. Deip. virg . li. 3. c. 10. Fatemur in hac salutatione vt ab Angelo recitata est , precationis formulam non extare . d Censur . Colon. Dial 6. Orationem Dominicam illis fundimus , non tam ipsos tunc alloquentes , quam Deum ad quem ipsorum manibus eam cupimus deferri , tanquam qui cum gratiores deo sint , facile quod cupimus impetrabunt . Iosep. Ang. Appen . in 4. q. 7. diff . 7. Hinc sequitur , orantes & offerentes eis pater noster , & Aue Maria , non errare : quia non offerunt verba sanctis , sed pater noster Deo , & Aue Maria virgini , ad honorem Sanctorum , quorum patrocinium postulant : & viri Idiotae quamuis actualiter non referant haec verba vt diximus , virtualiter tamen offerunt , quia si rogarentur de sua intentione , dicerent esse eandem cum intentione Doctorum virorum , & Ecclesiae . e Suar. d. Orat. li. 3. c. 5. n. 3. Ios. Angles . 4. Append. d. Orat. q. 5. Attendere est ad id quod dicitur , mentem habere praesentem , nempe vt hoc versetur in corde quod profertur in ore . f Iac. d. Graph. Decis . Aur. p. 1. li. 2. c. 52. &c. 53. Suar. d. Orat. li. 3. c. 4. n. 7. 8. 17. Non est de ratione orationis vt cogiter orans , de ipsa loqutione , sed satis est si cogitet de Deo , cum quo loquitur . Item non est necessarium , cogitare de re significata 〈◊〉 verba . g Ferus . Com. Matth. 6. Signanter dicit , nolite multum loqui , vt faciunt qui cum praeculas plures , aut Psalmos legerint , etiam sine assectu , putant sibi omnia salua , Deumque ipsis plurimum debere , cum tamen nihil minus faciant , quam orent . a Suar. d. Orat. lib. 3. cap. 9. n. 12. Mulci credunt incaepisse à B. Dominico , per diuinam Reuelationem ( quod est pium & probabile , & non parum antiquum , &c. a 〈◊〉 . Enchir . cap. 11. n. 24. Superfluus cultus est , &c. audiendi sacrum à Presbytero qui vocatur Iohannes , vel dicendi bis Halleluja , vel Pater noster , &c. quando semel tantum dicendum est . Pallad . Hist. Laufiac . c. 24. 25. Cent. 4. Col. 1329. Osiand . in Epitom . Cent. 4. p. 454. Sosomen Hist. lib. 6. cap. 29. b Hieron . Epist. ad Ctesiphon . c. Pelag. Idem . Epist. 60. Posseuin . Appar . Sac. verb. Palladius . a Sosom . Hist. Eccles . lib. 6. c. 29. In precibus ad solum se defixit , & in dies singulos trecentas orationes Deo velut Tributum quoddam reddidit . b Ibid. c. 34. Bathaeus tanta vsus est cōtinentia tantaque inaedia , vt vermes ex eius dentibus serperent . c Ibid. c. 29. Pior cum statuisset ab ineunte adolescentia , vitae monasticae se consecrare eo ipso temporis vestigio , quo ea de causa paternis aedibus egressus sit , spopondit Deo se de 〈◊〉 neminem ex suis aliquando oculis aspecturum . Post annos 50. soror , &c. Vbi vero fores crepare sensit , oculis occlusis , &c. d Ibid. c. 30. Cum à quibusdam comprehensus , Episcopus crearetur , quoniam illis qui ad se ea de re venerant precibus persuadere non poterat vt abirent , praecisa auricula dixit , &c. Se obstrinxit iureiurando si vim ei afferre 〈◊〉 , linguam quoque excisurum . Notes for div A15082-e126160 a Hilar. ad Constant . Aug. Fidem Imperator quaeris , audi eam non de nouis Chartulis , sed de Dei 〈◊〉 . a Aug. d. Ciuit. Dei , lib. 21. cap. 25. Qui mancucat carnem meam , & bibet sanguinem meum in me manet , & ego in eo : oftendit quid sit , non Sacramento tenus , sed reuerà corpus Christi manducare , & eius sanguinem bibere , hoc est enim in Christo manere vt in illo maneat & Christus . Prosp. sent . Aug. 339. Escam vitae accipit , & aeternitatis poculum bibit , qui in Christo manet , & cuius Christus habitator est . Nam qui discordat à Christo , nec carnem eius manducat , nec sanguinem bibit : etiàm si tantae rei Sacramentum , ad iudicium suae prae 〈◊〉 quotidiè indifferentèr accipiat . Origen . in Math. cap. 15. Si fieri possit vt qui malus adhuc perseueret 〈◊〉 verbum factum carnem , cùm sit verbum & panis viuus , nequaquam scriptum fuisset , Quisquis ederit panem hunc , viuet in aeternum . Hilarius , d. Trinit . lib. 8. Haec accepta atquè hausta , id efficiunt , vt & nos in Christo , & Christus in nobis sit . b Bandinus , sentd . Sacr. pa. 367. Sed siuè sic , siuè alitèr sit , tenendum est quod Aug. ait . Si quaerismodum quo id fieri possit , 〈◊〉 dico : Mysterium Fidei salubritèr credi potest , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potest . c Lombard . Sent. 4. Dist. 11. Si autem quaeritur qualis sit illa conuersio , an 〈◊〉 , an substantialis , vel alterius generis ? definite non sufficio . Tonstal . d. Euchar. lib. 1. pag. 46. De modo quo id fieret , satius erat curiosum quenquè relinquere 〈◊〉 coniecturae , sicut liberum fuit ante Concilium 〈◊〉 . d Cyril . in Iohan. li. 4. ca. 〈◊〉 Firmam fidem mysterijs adhibentes , nunquam in tàm sublimibus rebus , illud quomodo aut 〈◊〉 , aut proferamus . Ibid. ca. 24. Quomodo id fiat , nec mente intelligere , nec lingua dicere possumus , sed silentio & firma fide id suscipimus . Bernard . Epist. 77. Sacramentum Dei altissimi suscipiendum est , non ratione discutiendum , venerandum & admirandum non dijudicandum , aut ad rationis vel sapientiae humanae calculum reuocandum , &c. a Theoph. in Ioh. 6. Quando cogitationes incredulitatis ingrediuntur in animam , ingreditur simul quo modo , &c. Oportet igitur nos quum audiuerimus , nisi ederitis carnem filij , non habebitis vitam , in sumptionibus diuinorum mysteriorum , indubitatam retinere fidem , & non quaerere quo pacto . 〈◊〉 . Papa . Myst. 〈◊〉 . li. 4. c. 16. Si queratur vtrum Christus localitèr 〈◊〉 de Coelo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Coelum , quum 〈◊〉 aut subtrahit praesentiam corporalem , an aliter incipiat , vel desinat esse sub specie 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . non 〈◊〉 nos in talibus curiosos existere , ne plus quam possumus , praesumamus , & non comprehendamus . Salubre 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apostolus , Noli plus sapere quam oportet sapere , sed sapere ad sobrietaté . Ego nescio quomodo Christus accedit , sed & quomodo recedit ignoro , nouit ille qui nihil ignorat . b Cal. Com. Eph. 5. v. 32. Cum nobis in sacra Caena carné & fanguiné Christi exhiberi negant , modum inquiunt definias aut non persuadebis . At qui ego 〈◊〉 altitudine in stuporé abripeor : nequè verò me pudet , admiratione meá igncrantiá 〈◊〉 Paulo fateri . Quanto enim id satius , quam extenuare carnis meae sensu , quod paulus altum mysterium esse pronunciat ? Idquè docetipsa ratio . Quicquid enim supernaturale est , id 〈◊〉 captum ingenij nostri superat . Proindè 〈◊〉 vt Christum sentiamus potius in nobis viuentem , quam vt communicationis ratio nobis pateat . c Non affectualis vnitas sed secundū subsistentiam Synodus 5. general . Can. 4. d Qui non cófitetur Dei verbum substantialitèr vniri carni Anathema sit . Synod . Chalced. Act. 5. Synod . 5. general . Can. 5. e Con. Lateranense sub Martino . 1. Can. 6. a Ambr. 〈◊〉 li. 6. c. 2. Origen . Leuit . hom . 5. Chrys. 1. Cor. hom . 17. Greg. Mor. li. 20. c. 8. Tertul . d. Anima , ca. 1. Hefich . in Leuit. 6. b Chrys. in Math. Hom. 76. c Hier. ad Eustoch . d Aug. d. ver . Ap. ser. 7. e Iust. Expos. fid . f Athan. ad Serap . g li. 3. d. Prouid . Praesentiam credimus non minus quam vos veram haec fides Regis opera regia . Resp. ad Card. Peron . p. 399.400 . a Aug. in Ioh. tr . 26. Hoc est manducare illam escam , & illum bibere potum , in Christo manere , & illum manentem in se habere : Ac per hoc qui non manet in Christo , & in quo non manet Christus , procul dubio nec manducat spiritualiter carnem eius , nec bibit eius fanguinem , licet carnaliter , & visibiliter premat dentibus Sacramentum corporis & sanguinis Christi : sed magis tantae 〈◊〉 Sacramentum ad iuditium fibi manducat & bibit , quia immundus presumpsit ad Christi accedere Sacramenta , quae aliquis non digne sumit nisi qui mundus est . Caietan . Opusc. to . 2. tr . 2. d. Euchar. ca. 5. Manducatur verum Christi corpus in Sacramento , sed non corporaliter sed spiritualiter , Spiritualis manducatio , quae per animam fit ad Christi carnem in Sacramento existentem pertingit . b Idem . Opuse . 〈◊〉 . 2. tr . 2. d. Encharist . cap. 3. 〈◊〉 . Cath. 〈◊〉 carnem Christi , non solum significari , sed contineri in hoc Sacramento . a Vasques . in 3. p. Tho. to . 〈◊〉 . disp . 180. cap. 5. n. 51. Supponendū imprimis est , in Scriptura non solum inueniri verb a vera in proprio sensu , & non figurato veram etiam non raro in solo figurato & metaphorico , &c. Rupert . in Ioh. li. 6. pag. 131. figuratio locutionis , veritatem rei non perimit , quemadmodum in parabola seminantis , verba parabolica , rem non 〈◊〉 , vere seminantis . b Bellar. d. Eucharistia li. 1. cap. 11. Non negamus . In verbo Calix tropum esse . Tho. Aqui. pa. 3. q. 78. ar . 3. ad 1. Cum dicitur hic est Calix sanguinis mei est locutio figurata . Alex. Hal. 4. q. 10. nu . 4. ar . 2. §. 4. Nugnus . Sup. 3. Tho. q. 78. ar . 3. Coninck . d. Sacram. q. 75. ar . 1. nu . 38. pa. 194. Petigian . 4. d. 10. q. 1. ar . 1. ad 2. arg . Non excludimus omnes figuratas & improprias locutiones , a forma huius Sacramenti , nam aliquot , sunt fine dubio admittendae . Ruard . ar . 13. Non oportet hic excludere quemlibet tropum , nam consecratio Calicis necessario aliquem requirit . c Theod. Beza . c. Claud. d. Xaints . Apol. 〈◊〉 . Scito a nobis spiritualem preceptionem dici , non quae sit imaginaria , non quae cogitatione tantum fiat , cui veritas non subsit : sed cuius sit organon , Dei quidem respectu , vis illa diuini spiritus nobis plane inenarrabilis : nostra vero ex parte , animus noster , vera fide in oblatum fibi obiectum , Christum 〈◊〉 nostrum intueus , vt eum multo verius , certius , efficacius comprehendant , quam vel ipsa Symbola cernant oculi , tangant manus , lingua degustet , vel promissionis verba aures exaudiant . Itaque prorsus ridiculum te probas , qui haec duo , vere , & spiritualiter , inter se opponis , cum in rem minime fictam fides nostra feratur , & spiritu sancto duce praeeunte , falli spiritus noster non potest . Euthim. Panop . p. 2. Tit. 22. Theop. in Marc. c. 14. 〈◊〉 . Orthod . Fid. li. 4. ca. 14. Anastasius Sanaita . Gaudent . Tract . 2. in Exod. Chrys. in ca. 26. Math Hom. 83. De ijs qui myst . initiant . ca. 9. Epiphan . in Anchorat . Hilar. li. 8. d. Trinit . Cyril . Hierosol . Catechis . 4. a Gaudent . Trac . 2. Sup. Exod. Credamus cui credimus , nescit mendacium veritas . b Read. the next Section , without granting Transubstantiation the words of Christ cannot be true , taken in the literall sence , &c. Richard. 4. d. 11. in fine ar . 4. q. 6. Explic. Substantia panis nunquam est corpus Christi , quamuis conuertatur in ipsum . c Read. before pag. 396. Turrecremat . Sup. Decret . 3. pars . d. consecrat . Dist. 2. c. Panis in altari . Cum dicitur hic est Calix sanguinis mei est locutio figuratiua , & potest dupliciter intelligi , vno modo secundum Metonymian , quia ponitur continens pro contento , vt sit sensus , Hic sanguis meus in Calice de quo fit hic mentio , quia sanguis Christi in hoc Sacramento consectatur in quantum est potus fidelium , quod non importatur in ratione sanguinis , & ideo oportuit hic designari per vas huic vsui accommodatum : alio modo potest intelligi secundum Metaphoram , secundum quod , per Calicem intelligitur similitudinarie , passio Christi , quae ad fimilitudinē Calicis , inebriat & sua amaritudine quasi hominē extra se ponit . c Hieron . ad Hedib q. 2. Euthym. in Mat. 26. cap. 64. Chrys. in Mat. Hom. 83. d Aquin. 3. q. 〈◊〉 ar . 1. Suar. in 3. Th. q. 81 ar . 1. Com. Nugnus . ibid. Potrecta . Sup. Math. 26. Conclus . 3. Corrolar . 3. Vasques in 3 , Disp. 216. n. 81. Conclusio est affirmans , in qua omnes Catholici quos ego legerim plane conueniunt . a Aquin. 3. q. 81. ar . 3. Nec ipsu corpus Christi quod in specie Sacramenti dabatur , impassibile erat . Nugnus in 3. p Th. ibid. Corpus exhibitum Apostolis , & sumptum ab ipso Christo Domino , vere erat passibile . Bellarm. d. Euchar. li. 1. ca. 14. b Turrecremat . Sup. Decre . d. Consecrat . dist . 2. ca. Qui bene . Verum corpus Christi , manet adhuc sub speciebus , à brutis seu brutorum ore acceptis , & in ventrem traiectis , quamdiu species illae manent , hoc est quamdiu substantia panis maneret ficut etiam si proijccretur in Lutum . c Iustinian . Com. 1. Cor. 11. v. 24. Ingens est , non solum inter Haereticos , sed etiam Catholicos , de horum verborum sensu , controuersia . Vasques in 3. Tho. to . 3. disp . 101. n. 1. Circa pro nomina , non solum Haeretici , varie dogmatizant , verum etiam 〈◊〉 , in tanta opinionum varie tate sunt constituti , vt singulatim eas recensere nimis molestum esset Suares . in 3. p. Tho. q. 77. ar . 2. disp . 58. Sect. 8. Vasq. ibid. to . 3. disp . 181. ca. 1. nu . 1. d 〈◊〉 . Sup. Decret . d. Consecr . Dist. 2. ca panis in Altari . Resp. quod circa hoc multiplex fuit opinio , Quidam n. dixerunt , quod in hac locutione , hoc est corpus meum haec dictio ( hoc ) nullam demonstrationem facit . Fauent . in 4. Sent. Dist. 8. q. 2. Disp. 34. Citat pro hac opinione Jnnocent . d. Myster . Miss . li. 4. cap. 17. Durand . in 4. D. 8. q. 2. Ad. 1. Gabr. in Can. Miss . lect . 48. e Godfied . Alex. Hal. 4. q. 10. m. 4. ar . 2. §. 3. Bonavent . 4. d. 8. ar . 1. Pronomen demonstrat , panis substantiam , sub Accidentibus quae oculis conspici potest . f Read. Suares in 3. p. Tho. Disp. 58. Sect. 6. Henriq . Sum. d. Euchar. li. 8. ca. 19. Coninck . d. Saeram . q. 78. ar . 5. num 41. Ruard . ar . 13. Caietan . Opuse . to 2. tr . 2. d. Euchar. c. 7. Indiuiduum substantiae absque determinatione naturae tam panis quam Corporis Christi . a Aquin. 3. q. 75. ar . 8. & q. 78. ar . 2. & 5. Bellarm. refert d. Euchar. lib. 1. cap. 11. & Argentin . 4. d. 8. ar . 2. b Ibid. 4. d. 8. ar . 2. c Richard. 4. d. 8. ar . 3. ad . 7. Marsilius 4. q. 6. ar . 1. Bonauent . 4. d. 8. ar . 1. q. 1. Gabr. in Can. Miss . Lect. 48. d Durand , 4. Dist. 10. q. 2. e Occham . 4. Dist. 10. q. 4. f Bellarm. d. Euchar . lib. 3. cap. 4. & l. 1. c. 2. & 14. g Ibid. lib. 1. ca. 2. & cap. 14. 〈◊〉 . Opusc. to . 2. tr . 2. c. 5. h Thyreus d. Appar . Sacram. Petigian . 4. d. 10. ar . 4. Viguerius . Instit. c. 16. v. 7. i Suar. in . 3. p. Tho. Disp. 52. Sect. 3. Capreolus 4. Dist. 10. q. 4. ar . 3. Petig . 4. d. 10. q. 1. 〈◊〉 . 4. dub . 1. Aquin. 3. q. 76. ar . 2.3 . Soto 4. d. 10. q. 1. ar . 2.3 . 〈◊〉 . Ab 〈◊〉 . Dial. 4. §. 244. Victoria d. 〈◊〉 . n. 64. Viuald . d. Euchar. c. 7. n. 15. Vasques 3. disp . 88. c. 3. Greg. Val. to 4. disp . 6. q. 4. punct . 2. Bonacin . d. Sacram. d. Euchar. disp . 4. q. 3. punct . 5. prop. 3. Christus quoad substantiam & accidentia , non solum existit sub qualibet specie , verum etiam sub qualibet parte specierum . k Theoph. sup . Marc. c. 14. l Euthim. sup . Math. 26. cap. 64. 〈◊〉 vidit Iesaias : carbo autem non simpliciter lignum , sed lignum ignitum . a Chrys. ad Caesar . Monach. Antequam sanctificetur panis , panem nominamus , diuina autem illum sanctificante gratia , mediante 〈◊〉 liberatus est , ab appellatione panis , dignus autem habitus est , dominici corporis appellatione , Etsi Natura panis in ipso permansit . Euthim. in Math. 26. c. 64. Non corrum puntur 〈◊〉 , neque in secessum abscedunt , 〈◊〉 in substantiam coassumuntur spiritualem eius qui 〈◊〉 . Naturalis cibus est & potus panis ac vini , quae proponuntur , supernaturalis vero efficax eorum operatio . 〈◊〉 . Tract . 2. in Exod. cum panem consecrarum & vinum discipulis suis porrigeret sic ait hoc est corpus meum , &c. b Chrys. in Math. ho. 83. Reipsa nos corpus suum efficit . Theoph. in Ioh. c. 6. Qui manducat me viuit propter me , dum quodammodo miscetur mihi , & 〈◊〉 in me , &c. Cyprian . d. caena . Dom. n. 18. Greg. 〈◊〉 . Orat. Chat. 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Aug. in Psal. 3. Aug. contra Adamant . cap. 12. Tertul. l. 4. Contra Marcionem . Tertull. Contra Prax. c. 29. a Chrysost. in Math. Hom. 83. & in Epist. Heb. Hom. 17. Gelasius c. Eutich . Theod. Dial. 2. Dionis . Hierarch . cap. 3. Gregor . Nazian . Apolog. Macar . Hom. 27. Ambros. Offic. lib. 1. cap. 48. Hieron . sup . Math. 26. de Consecrat . Dist. 2. c. Accipite . Dionis . Hierarch . c. 2. & 3. Aug. lib. 83. q. 61. b August . de Doctr. Christ. lib. 3. cap. 16. Figura est precipiens passioni Domini esse communicandum , & suauiter atque vtiliter recondendum in memoria quod caro eius pro nobis crucifixa & vulnerata sit . c August . in Psal. 98. d Orig. in cap. 15. Math. e Ambros. d. Sacram. lib. 4. cap. 5. f 〈◊〉 . Imperf . Math. Hom. 11. g Gratian. d. Consecrat . Dist. 2. §. Hoc est Prosper . h Beda in 〈◊〉 . 22. i Druthmar . sup . Math. c. 26. k Bertram . l. d. corp . & sang . Dom. Paschas . 〈◊〉 . Sacram. Corp. Dom. cap. 12. l Tertul. c. Marc , l. 1. c. 14. m Ibid. l. 3. c. 19. & l. 4. c. 40. a Aug. c. Adimant . c. 12. b Non enim Dominus dubitauit dicere , Hoc est corpus meum cum signum daret corporis sui . c Tertul. c. Marc. li. 4. c. 40. Acceptum panē & distributū Discipulis , corpus suum illū fecit , hoc est corpus meū dicendo , id est figura corporis mei , panē corpus suum appellat . d Idem . c. Marc. li. 1. c. 14. Nec panē quo ipsum corpus suum representat , li. 3. ca. 19. Deus in Euangelio reuelauit panem corpus suum appellans . Jdem . c. Iud. c. 10. Whitaker de sacris Scriptur . Cyril . Hierosol . Catech . Mysta . 4. Caluin . in Ep. 1. ad Cor. c. 11. Institut . li. 4. ca. 17. §. 32. a Aug. d. Doctr. Christ. li 3. c. 16. Figura est , praecipiens passioni Domini esse communicandū , & suauitèr 〈◊〉 vtilitèr recondendum in memoria , quod pro nobis caro eius 〈◊〉 & vulnerata sit . Id. d. verb. Dom. Ser. 33. Nolite 〈◊〉 fauces sed 〈◊〉 . Id. in Ioh. 〈◊〉 . 25. Vt quid 〈◊〉 dentem & ventrem , crede & manducasti . a Ambros. d. Sacram . li. 5. ca. 4. Non iste panis est qui vadit in corpus , sed ille panis vitae aeternae qui animae nostrae substantiā fulcit . Id. in Lu. l. 6. c. 8. Fide tangirur , fide videtur , nō tāgitur corpore nō occulis comprehenditur . d. Consecrat . Dist. 2. c. Quià corpus , Sacrū Dei tui , corpus & sanguinem fide respice , honora , mirare , mente continge , cordis manu suscipe , & maximè haustu interiore assumè . b Aug. Ep. 23. Si Sacramenta quandam similitudinem 〈◊〉 rerum quarum Sacramenta sunt , non haberent , omninò Sacramenta non essent . Ex hac autem similitudine plerumquè etiàm ipsarum rerum nomina accipiunt . Sicut ergo secundum quendam modum , Sacrametum corporis Christi , corpus Christi est Sacramentum sanguinis Christi , sanguis Christi est : Ita Sacramentum fidei fides est . Bernard . Serm. d. Coena Dom. Sacramentum dicitur sacrum signum , siuè sacrum secretum . Multa quidem fiunt proptèr se tantum , alia vero proptèr alia designanda , & ipsa dicuntur & sunt signa , vt enim de vsualibus sumamus exemplum , datur annulus proptèr annulum absolutè , & nulla est significatio ; datur etiam ad inuestiendum aliquem de hereditate & signum est . Ità vt iàm dicere possit qui accepit annulum , annulus non valet quicquam , sed haereditas est quam quaerebam , in hunc itaquè modum appropinquans passioni Dominus , de gratia sua inuestiri curauit suos vt inuisibilis gratia , signo aliquo visibili praestaretur . Ad hoc instituta sunt omnia Sacramenta , ad hoc Eucharistiae participatio , & Chrysma , ad hoc deniquè ipse Baptismus , initium omnium Sacramentorum , in quo complantamur mortis eius similitudini . Sicut enim in exterioribus diuersa sunt signa , vt què in coepto immoremur exemplo , multa sunt inuestiturae , per quas inuestimur : verbi gratia inuestitur Canonicus per librum , Abbas per bacculum , Episcopus per bacculum & annulum , sicut in eiusmodi rebus est sic & diuisiones gratiarum diuersis traditae sunt Sacramentis . Ambros. d. eis qui initiantur , c. 9. Post consecrationem sanguis nuncupatur , &c. c Turrecrem . sup . Decret . 3. pars d. consecrat . Dist. 2. cap. Corpus . Attribuitur Spiritu sancto , &c. est enim amor patris & filij . Aug. d. Trin. li. 3. ca. 4. Aug. c. Aduers . legis & Prop. ca. 9. Fideli corde & ore suscipim ' Christum Iesum . Cypr. d. Lapfis . 〈◊〉 . li. d. Resurr . carnis , caro corpore Christi vescitur . Iren. li. 5. ca. 2. Nyss. cat . Chrys. ho. 83. irr Math. Theod. in ca. 11. 1. ad Cor. Leo , ser. 6. de Ieiunio septimi mensis . Quod side creditur ore sumitur . a Turrecrem . sup . Decret . 3. pars d. Consecrat . dist . 2. ca. Quid sit . Corpus Christi , non est in Sacramento circūscriptiuè , quià non est ibi secundum commēsurationem propriae quantitatis ad locum , nec est ibi definitiuè cū non sit ibi ita quod non alibi est . b Estius 4. d. 1. §. 5. Virtus atquè efficientia quā patres sacramētis tribuunt , intelligi potest efficax ordinatio alicuius ad aliquid , vt videlicet illo posito , hoc quoquè ad quod ordinatumest , certo ponatur . Fauent . 4. d. 1. q. 4. disp . 2. c. 5. &c. 6. Exhibita illa exteriori ceremonia & signo externo , recordatur Deus pacti sui , & suā promissionem implet . a Caietan . Opusc . 〈◊〉 . 2. 〈◊〉 . 2. d. Euchar. cap. 1. Manducare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sacramentum , est per fidem formatam in charitate , in Christo manere , & è conuerso Christum in ipso 〈◊〉 . Jbid. c. 2. Caro Christi vera spiritualiter concludenda est in hoc Sacramento , & comesta 〈◊〉 in hoc Sacramento , dat vitam aeternam . Et vsque adeo spirituali 〈◊〉 , hoc 〈◊〉 , vt 〈◊〉 , quod quantum 〈◊〉 Christi 〈◊〉 in Sacramento , nisi spiritualiter manducetur non prodest 〈◊〉 . b Tertull. d. Resur . Carn . cap. 8. & cap. 48. a Aug. d. Ciu. Dei l. 21. c. 25. & in 〈◊〉 . tr . 27. Huius rei Sacramentum &c. Sumitur à quibusdam ad vitā à quibusdā ad exitiū . Res vero ipsa cuius & Sacramentum est , omni homini ad vitā nulli ad exitium , quicūque ei ' particeps fuerit . b Id. in Ioh. tr . 59. c Cypr. d. Coena Dom. n. 22. d Bern. in Cant. Ser. 33. e Beda , sup . Exo. d. Agno Paschali . f Hilar. d. 〈◊〉 . l. 8. a Cyril . in Ioh. lib. 4. cap. 14. Impij cum non viuant , nec reformentur ad immortalitatem , non manducant illam carnem . b Orig. in Matth. cap. 15. pag. 17. Ambros . d. Sacram. lib. 5. cap. 1. Bibit populus Dei , qui gratiam Dei consecutus est . Et cap. 5. Qui manducauerit hoc corpus fiet ei remissio peccatorum . c Chrysost. ex var. in Matth. Hom. 9. d August . contra Adimant . c. 12. Non dubitauit Dominus dicere , Hoc est corpus meum , cum signum daret corporis 〈◊〉 . Tertull. c. Marc. lib. 4. c. 40. August . in Leuit. q. 57. Solet res quae significat eius rei nomine quam significat nuncupari . Idem , epist. 23. Exhac similitudine plerumque etiam ipsorum retum nomina accipiunt . e Idem , d. verb. Apost . Serm. 2. Ambros. d. Sacram . li. 4. ca. 4. Similitudinem praetiosi sanguinis bibis . f August . in Psa. 98. Ambros. d. Sacram. li. 5. c. 4. Non iste Panis est qui vadit in corpus , sed ille Panis vitae aeternae , qui animae nostrae substantiam fulcit . Mat. 19. v. 24. & 26. 1 Cor. 15. 44. Math. 15. 26. Luc. 4. 30. Ioh. 20. Dan. 3. 30. a Aug. Serm. d. Mont. c. 9. Corpora quae non possunt esse nisi in loco in Ioh. 〈◊〉 . 31. Christus homo secundum Corpus in loco est & de loco migrat , & cum ad alium locum venerit in eo loco vnde venit non est . Epist. 57. Spatia locorū tolle corporibus & nusquam erunt & quia nusquam erunt nec erunt . Sup. Psal. 86. Angustias omnipotentiae corpora patiuntur , nec vbique possunt esse nec semper : Diuinitas autem vbique presto est . b Hier. Mat. 19. Hoc dicto oftenditur non disficile esse , sed impossibile . Si enim quomodo Camelus non potest intrare per foramen acus , sic diues non potest intrare in regna coelorum nullus Diuitum saluus erit . Sed etsi legamus Esaiam , quomodo Cameli Madian & Cepha veniant Hierusalem cum donis 〈◊〉 muneribus ; & qui prius curui 〈◊〉 & vitiorum prauitate distorti , ingrediantur 〈◊〉 Hierusalem ; videbimus quo modo & isti Cameli , quibus Diuites comparantur , cum deposuerint grauem Sarcinam peccatorum , & 〈◊〉 corporis 〈◊〉 , intrare possunt per angustam portam & arctam viam quae ducit ad vitam . Aug. q. Euang. li. 2. ca. 〈◊〉 . c Athanas. c. Arian . orat . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Ambros. Ser. 4. Caiet . in Math. cap. 19. b Theoph. Marc. 10. Dicimus Deus verax est , facere autem id quod factum est , quod non sit factum est mendacium , quo pacto faciet verax mendacium ? Prius 〈◊〉 perderet naturam suam : & ita qui sic loquuntur 〈◊〉 loquuntur : ac si 〈◊〉 . Num potest Deus non esse Deus . c Tertul. d. car . Chri. c. 23. Etsi virgo concepit , in partu suo nupsit , ipsa patefacti corporis lege in quo nihil interfuit de vi masculi admissi , an emissi , id est , illud sexus resignauit . Haec denique vulua est propter quam & de alijs Scriptum omne masculinum adaperiens vuluam Sanctum vocabitur Domino . Orig. Hom. 14. in Luc. Ambros. in Luc. lib. 2. cap. 2. Vid. Suar. in 3. to . 2. Disp. 5. Sect. 2. & Ib. Disp. 16. Sect. 1. Chrys. Ambros . Origen . Greg. Niss . &c. Sentiunt 〈◊〉 singulari modo 〈◊〉 vuluam matris . d Durand . 4. d. 44. q. 6. Palud . 4. d. 44. q. 3. ar . 3. e 〈◊〉 . Com. Dan. 3. Potuit Deus , &c. pa. 178. Cornel. d. Lap. in Daniel . 3. v. 49. Hij pueri abigne seruati sunt . 1. Quia Angelus excussit ignem , eumque ab eis abegit , &c. 2. Quia auram quasi ventum 〈◊〉 loco & vice ignis supernaturaliter induxit , &c. 3. Deus huius venti actionem scilicet refrigerationem continuauit , ac consequenter ignis vicini si quis erat actionem in eam partem vbi tres pueri erant , vel habetauit vel 〈◊〉 , vel omnino suspendit , concursum suum ei subtrahendo . a Petig . 4. d. 10. q. 2. ar . 2. Occhagauia . d. Sacramentis d. Euchar. tr . 1. q. 22. n. 6. Tribarn . 4. d. 10. q. 2. Disp. 33. b Iren. c. Haer. lib. 5. Amb. l. 4. d. Sacr. c. 4. Vbi accesserit consecratio de pane fit Caro Christi . Aug. Ser. Qui citatur a Beda in c. 10. 1. ad Cor. Nyssen . Or. Catechetica . a Reade before , pag. 396. b Bellarm. d. Euchar . lib. 1. cap. 12. In Mysterio Eucharistiae , fractio idem est quod immolatio siue Oblatio . Aquin. Com. 1. Cor. 11. Lect. 5. Corpus Christi non attingitur ab huiusmodi fractione . c Bellarm. d. Euchar . lib. 1. cap. 11. Aquin. sup . 1. Cor. 11. Lect. 5. d Reade before , pag. 398. a Scotus , 4. d. 11. q. 3. lit . B. Circà hoc erant tres opiniones : vna quod panis 〈◊〉 , & tamē cum ipso vere est corpus Christi : alia , quod panis non manet , & tamen nō conuertitur sed desinit esse , 〈◊〉 per annihilationem , vel per resolutionem in materiam , vel per corruptionem in 〈◊〉 tertia , quod Panis transubstantiatur in corpus , & Vinum in sanguinem Christi . At ( inquit ) 1. Veritas Eucharistiae saluari potest sine ista Transubstantiatione . 2. Substantia Panis sub speciebus 〈◊〉 est nutrimentum , quam accidentia , ergo magis representat Christi corpus in ration e nutrimenti spiritualis . 3. Iste intellectus , quod non sit 〈◊〉 substantia Panis , videtur difficilior ad sustinendum , & ad ipsum sequuntur plura inconuenientia , quam ponendo ibi esse substantiam Panis . 4. Mirum videtur , quare in vno articulo , qui non est principalis articulus fidei , debeat talis intellectus asseri , propter quam , fides pateat contemptui omnium sequentium rationem . Et posteà , nihil est tenendum tanquam de substantia fidei , nisi quod potest expressè haberi de Scriptura , vel expressè declaratum est per Ecclesiam , vel euidentèr sequitur ex aliquo planè contento in Scriptura , velplanè determinato ab Ecclesia , &c. Nunc autem non videtur expressè haberi non esse ibi substantiam Panis . Nam Ioh. 6. Vbi multum probatur veritas Eucharistiae , planum est , vbi Christus dicit , Ego sum panis viuus , 1. Cor. 11. Paulus . Panis quem frangimus , nonnè communicatio corporis Christi ? Necinuenitur vbi Ecclesia istam veritatem determinet solemniter , nec 〈◊〉 qualitèr 〈◊〉 possit ab 〈◊〉 manifesto credito euidentèr inferri . Durand . 4. d. 11. q. 1. Occham . Centilog . Theol. Con. lib. 4. q. 6. & 4. Sent. d. 11. q. 6. Camerac . 4. d. 11. q. 6. ar . 1. Biel. Can. Miss . lect . 40. H. b Suares . refert . in 3. tom . 3. disp . 50. sect . 1. c Caietan . 3. q. 75. ar . 1. Impress . anno 1528. Dico autem ab Ecclesia , quoniam non apparet ex Euangelio , coactiuum aliquod , ad intelligendum haec verba propriè . Ex subiunctis siquidem verbis à Domino , scilicet quod pro vobis tradetur in Remiss . peccatorum , non potest concludi euidentèr , praemissa verba esse intelligenda propriè , quià litera quod , non refert coniunctionem praedicati cum subiecto , licet refert praedicatum , scilicet corpus meum . Cum cuius relationis veritate stat praeiacentem esse veram solum in sensu Metaphorico , vt patet in 〈◊〉 , Petra autem erat Christus , &c. Jbid. Quod Euangelium non explicauit expressè , ab Ecclesia accepimus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Panis in corpus Christi , &c. Alph. 〈◊〉 . c. Haeres . li. 8. v. Indulgentia . De Transubstantiatione Panis in corpus Christi , rara est in antiquis scriptoribus mentio . a Fauentin . in 4. Sent. Disp. 45. ca. 4. Signato Marsupio verè dicitur hoc est aurum , licet aliquid argenti sit admixtū : Et hoc 〈◊〉 est , seruata omni proprietate verborum . b Scot. 4. d. 11. q. 3. c Durand . ib. q. 1. n. 14. d Palud . ib. q. 2. n. 24. Petig . 4. d. 11. q. 3. ar . 2. Doctores ramen hic & Durand . q. 1. huius d. & Paludanus q. 2. & Occham . quod . 4. q. 29.30 . & Thom. ab Arg. in 4. d. 11. q. 1. ar . 2. & Gab. in Can. lect . 41. Dicunt ex his verbis non concludi necessario , conuersionem seu Transubstantiationem Panis in corpus Christi , quamuis enim sub speciebus maneret substantia Panis , dummodo cum illa simul adesset substantia corporis Christi , verè & propriè potuisset à Christo dici . Fauentin . 4. disp . 45. ca. 4. e Cyprian . d. vnct . Chrys. n. 7. Dedit itaque Dominus noster in mensa in qua vltimum cum Apostolis participauit conuiuium , proprijs manibus Panem & Vinum , in Cruce vero manibus militum corpus tradidit vulnerandum , vt in Apostolis secretius impressa sincera veritas & vera sinceritas , exponeret gentibus quomodo Vinum & Panis Caro esset & sanguis , & quibus rationibus causae effectibus conuenirent , & diuersa nomina vel species ad vnam reducerentur essentiam , & significantia & significata eisdem vocabulis censerentur . f Bertram d. corp . & sang . Dom. Nec ideò quoniamista dicimus putetur in mysterio Sacramenti corpus Domini vel sanguinem ipsius non à fidelibus sumi , quando fides non quod occulis videt , sed quod credit accipit . Concil . Rom. sub . Nicolao 2. Lateranens . sub Inocentio 3. a D. Andr. BB. of Winchester , c. Apolog. Bellarm. c. 1. pag. 11. De hoc est , firma fide renemus , quod sit . De hoc modo est ( nempè Transubstantiato in corpus Panc ) de modo quo fiat vt sit , per siuè in , siuè con , siuè sub , siuè trans , nullum inibi verbum est . Et quià verbum nullú , 〈◊〉 à fide ablegamus procul : Intèr scita Scholae fortasse , intèr fidei articulos non ponimus . a Suares . in 3. p. Tho. to . 3. Disp. 50. Sect. 2. Hoc totum pendet ex Principijs Metaphysicis & Philosophicis & ad fidei Doctrinā non est simpliciter necessarium . b Tertul. c. Marc. l. 5. c. 19. Omnes Haereses subtiloquentiae viribus & Philosophiae regulis constant . c De Consecrat . Dist. 2. ca. Ego Berengarius , verum corp ' & sanguinem Domini nostri , &c. Sensualiter , non solum Sacramento , sed in veritate manibus Sacerdotum tractari frangi & fidelium dentibus atteri . d Gloss. ibid. Nisi sane intelligas verba Berengarij , in maiorem incides Haeresin , quam ipse habuit . Tartaret . 4. d. 10. q. 1. Non 〈◊〉 corpus , Christi , neque dentibus atteritur . Cassand . Consult . d. Transubst . Prudenter vidit & admonuit Author Glossae super Decret . Haec verba nisi sane intelligas , in maiorem incides haeresin quam ipse Berengarius habuit , 941. Caietan . Opusc. to . 2. d. Euchar. c. 3. a Conc. Trid. Ses. 13. Persuasum sēper in Ecclesia Dei fuit , idque nunc denuo sancta haec Synodus declarat , per consecrationem panis & vini , conuersionem fieri totius Substantiae panis , in substantiam corporis Christi Domini nostri , & totius substantiae vini , in substantiam sanguinis eius . Quae 〈◊〉 conuenienter & proprie à Sancta Catholica Ecclesia Transubstantiatio est appellata . Catech. Trid. d. Euchar. vt tota panis substantia diuina virtute , in totam Corporis Christi substantiam , totaque vini substantia , in totam sanguinis Christi substantiam , sine vlla Domini nostri mutatione conuertatur . Bonacin . d. Sacram . d. Euchar. Disp. 4. q. 3. p. 6. prop. 1. Transubstantiatio est conuersio , 〈◊〉 transitus , totius substantiae in aliam . Dicitur conuersio totius substantiae , ad distinctionem conuersionis partialis , per quam non tota substantia , sed sola forma 〈◊〉 , ad positionem alterius formae , quae dicitur generario , 〈◊〉 transformatio . Dicitur substantiae , ad distinctionem conuersionis accidentalis , qua vn um accidens desinit , ad position em alterius accidentis , vt quando desinit calor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Rubeo . 4. d. 11. q. 1. Conuersio vt hic accipitur , non est aliud , quam rei totalis transitio in rem totalem : sic intelligendo , quia nihil eius quod transire seu conuerti dicitur maneat post conuersionem , nec aliquid eius in quod conuertitur praefuerit ante ipsam , nisi conuersio ipsa esset in rem aliquam praeexistentem . b Henriq . Summae li. 8. ca. 23. Coninch . d. Sacram. part . 3. q. 75. Nugnus . in 3. q. 77. ar . 1. Bellar. d. Euchar. Greg. Val. to . 4. Suar. to . 3. Vasques . Tapia . in . 3. Th. d. Euchar. q. 3. ar . 10. c Occhagau . d. Sacram. tr . 1. q. 17. n. 6. Haec desitio non est dicenda annihilatio , sed pleno ore dicenda est corruptio . d Bonacin . d. Sacram . d. Euchar. disp . 4. q. 3. punct . 6. §. Secundum . Cum autem per conuersionem , non solum constituatur Christus praesens sub speciebus , verum etiam producatur aliquis modus accidentalis ' , quo Christus habens iam suum esse substantiale , vnitur per modum contenti cum speciebus , sicut antea substantia panis sub illis continebatur , sequitur actionem conuersionis non modo dici adductiuam , verum etiam productiuam . e Aquin. 3. q. 76. ar . 1. Facta conuersione panis in corpus Christi , vel vini in sanguinem , accidentia vtriusque manent . Concil . Bitur . cap. 6. negantes accidentia panis & vini in sacramento Eucharistiae sine substantia panis & vini manere , anathemate feriantur , & haeretici censeantur . f Bel. d. Euchar. li. 3. c. 23. sicut diuino miraculo , manent sine subiecto , ita etiam nutriunt vt Theologi docent . g Suar. in 3. Th. Disp. 50. Sect. 1. Tartaret . in 4. d. 10. q. 1. Non est necesse ad saluandum hoc , videlicet praesentiam corporis Christi in Sacramento , fugere ad conuersionem panis in corpus Christi , quia à principio institutionis huius Sacramenti , fuit necessarium 〈◊〉 corpus Christi esse sub illis speciebus , quia in hoc consistit veritas , & tamen non fuit in principio ita manifeste dictum , quod panis conuertatur in corpus Christi . Ioh. Yribarn . in 4. l. 11. q. 3. Disp. 42. Sect. 1. Jn primitiua Ecclesia , de substantia fidei erat , corpus Christi sub speciebus contineri : tamen non erat de fide , substantiam panis in corpus Christi conuerti & facta consecratione illinc recedere . a Chrys. in Mat. Hom. 83. Ipsum vides , ipsum tangis , ipsum comedes . Cyprian . d. Coena , Dom. n. 10. 〈◊〉 haeremus , sanguinem sugimus , & intra ipsa redemptioris nostri vulnera , figimus linguam . b Chrys. in Math. Hom. 83. Nos se cum in vnam massam reducit , & reipsa nos corpus suum efficit . Leo. Ep. ad Cler. Const. in mystica distributione spiritualis alimoniae , hoc impartitur & sumitur , vt accipientes virtutem coelestis cibi in carnem ipsius qui caro nostra factus 〈◊〉 , transeamus . Rabanus . d. Instit. Cler. li. 1. c 31. Sicut illudin nos conuertitur dum id manducamus & bibimus , fic & nos in corpus Christi conuertimur , dum obedienter & pie viuimus . Orat. Cateche . ca. 37 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Greg. 〈◊〉 Orat. Catech. 37-Corpus à Deo morte affectū , cum fuerit intra nostrum , totum ad se transmutat , & transfert , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Corpus immortale cum fuerit intra eum qui sumpsit , vnluersum quoque transmutat in suam naturam . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Ib. Per suae gratiae dispensationem , se per carnem inserit omnibus credentibus , commistus & contemperatus corporibus credentium , &c. Nisi per cibum & potum visceribus inseratur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d Theophylact. in Ioh. 6. 56. Qui manducat me viuit propter me , dum quodammodo miscetur mihi & transelementatur in me , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e Vasq. in 3. Tho. 〈◊〉 . 3. Disp. 180. ca. 3. n. 〈◊〉 Cyrillus Alexandrinus in Epistola ad Calosyrium , quae inter eius opera non habetur , illius tamen testimonium citat S. Tho. in Catena . in illud . Luc. 〈◊〉 . & acc epto pane . b 〈◊〉 . li. 4. ca. 32. Aug d. fid . ad Petrum . ca. 19. Sacrificium panis & vini , in fide & charitate , sancta Ecclesia Catholica , per 〈◊〉 orbem terrae , offerre non cessat . c 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , siue 〈◊〉 , sed mutat 〈◊〉 . d Aureol . 4. d. 11. q 1. ar . 1. virtute transubstantiationis , nō accipit corpus Domini esse post non esse , quoniam prius erat . e Scot. 4. d. 11. q. 3. Fauentin . in 4. Disp. 35. ca. 6. Quaero quis sit terminus formalis huius actionis ( Transub . ) & conuersionis ? non est corpus Christi . quia illud est terminus materialis , ergo terminus erit Christi panis . Hoc autem totum est accidentale , & nihil addit in re nisi 〈◊〉 realem sub 〈◊〉 . f 〈◊〉 . Corpus Christi in Eucharistia respicit accidentia omnino 〈◊〉 , ergo non potest 〈◊〉 illorum 〈◊〉 aliquem modum essendi substantialem , 〈◊〉 ab 〈◊〉 , quem habebat antequam fieret 8. 〈◊〉 conuertitur in corpus Christi , quod nulla sit mutatio in ipso , nec habet aliquid ad species quae est accidens . Petigian . 〈◊〉 . Theol. in 4. d. 11. q. 3. ar . 7. Terminus nouae actionis accipit esse per ipsam actionem , sed per Transubst . quae 〈◊〉 actio noua , non accipit corpus Christi esse substantiale , sed presentialitarem ad species . Ergo corpus Christi non est terminus Transubst . secundum esse substantiale , sed solum secundum 〈◊〉 . g 〈◊〉 . in 4. d. 11. q. 4. Disp. 44. Sect. 2. Grando & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adducuntur è coelo in terram , & secuudum quid 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 in esse presentis in terra . Ibid. Tota ipsa Trausubst . est 〈◊〉 . Ioh. d. colon ex Scoto q. 11. 〈◊〉 corporis Christi in Eucharistia , est tantum respectus extrinsece adueniens . h 〈◊〉 . 4. d. 11. q. 1. ar . 3. Vbiatio est quando aliquid de vbi non , transit ad aliud vbi . a Aureol . 4. d. 11. q. 1. ar . 1. Praecise vnum succedit alteri , non est verum dicere quod illud , cui succeditur , accedat & conuertatur in 〈◊〉 quod succedit , imo è conuerso 〈◊〉 accedit ad illud cui succedit . Idem . ar . 2. Illud non transit in aliud , quod desinit , antequam perueniat ad illud , sicut non transit 〈◊〉 qui desinit esse antequam perueniat illuc . b Bonacin . d. Sacram . d. 〈◊〉 . Disp. 4. q. 3. p. 6. §. 2. Greg. Val. 〈◊〉 . 4. Disp. 6. q. 3. punct . 2. & 3. 〈◊〉 mutationis illius non est simpliciter non esse , sed esse substantiale corporis Christi , non quasi de nouo productum , sed 〈◊〉 succedens substantiae panis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 substantialem intimae cuiusdam coniunctionis substantiae suae , cum ijsdem illis 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 antea erat quoque per suam substantiam 〈◊〉 coniunctus panis , & quidem 〈◊〉 etiam , quodam naturae & rationis ordine , quam ab illis informaretur . c Bellarm. d. Euchar . lib. 3. cap. 18. Conuersio panis in corp ' Domini , non est productiua nec conseruatiua , sed adductiua . Nam corp ' Domini preexistit ante conuersionem , sed non sub speciebus panis , conuersio 〈◊〉 non facit vt corpus Christi simpliciter esse incipiat , sed vt incipiat esse sub speciebus panis . Greg. Val. to . 4. Disp. 6. q. 3. punct . 2. & 3. d Fauentin . 4. Dist. 11. q. 3. Disp. 45. ca. 7. Scotus 2. d. 2. q. 1. ad 1. Conseruatio est continuatio esse prehabiti , non tamen est 〈◊〉 causationes & actiones , sed est actio vna & eadem , qua Deus primo creauit creaturam , quae respectu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 temporis , quo creatura ponitur in esse dicitur creatio : respectu vero aliorum sequentium dicitur 〈◊〉 . Vasques 3. Tho. to . 3. Disp. 181. cap. 5. Si ali qua actio fuerit , vel , res aliqua cuius ipsa 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 causa , ca non potest esse Transubstantiatio aut terminus illius : atqui conseruatio Christi , non est actio proceedens à verbis 〈◊〉 , neque esse Christi permanens est 〈◊〉 ipsorum . Ergo talis actio non potest esse Transubstantiatio , neque esse Christus terminus illius . Porro autem talem actionem & terminum , non posse à verbis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab 〈◊〉 patet , quia Deus etiam sine illis verbis , 〈◊〉 prorsus modo Christum 〈◊〉 in suo esse : 〈◊〉 , cum conseruat illis prolatis , 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed per accidens & concomitanter cum 〈◊〉 se habet . a Vasques in 3. Tho. to . 3. Disp. 181. cap. 3. Vnio cum illis , quocunque modo fiat non potest non esse accidentaria . b Suar. to . 3. in 3. part . Tho. Disp. 50. Sect. 4. Per solam actionem adductiuam , reuera non explicatur vera conuerfio substantialis & Transubstantiatio , sed solum translocatio quaedam , quando vna substantia solum succedit loco alterius , non potest proprie dici vna conuerti in aliam . Nihil substantiae remanet nihil superfluit , Chrys. Ho. d. Euch. in Encaen . c Chrysost. tom . 3. Hom. d. Euchar. in Encaen . Quemadmodum si cera igni adhibita illi assimilatur nihil substantiae remanet nihil superfluit : sic & hic puta mysteria consumi corporis substantia . d 〈◊〉 4. d. 11. q. 4. Maior . ib. q. 1. Gabr. ib. q. vnic . & in Can. Lect. 40. & 41. Occham . 4. q. 6. dub . 7. Dicunt panis substantiā non desinere esse per illam actionem qua efficitur corpus Christi . Vasq. in 3. Tho. to . 3. Disp. 181. cap. 6. Fatentur & substantiam corporis & sanguinis suapte natura cum 〈◊〉 panis & vini non pugnare vt eam destruat . e Ne putetis quod accipitis Diuinum corpus non ab hoc , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ambr. de initian . Mysterijs , c. 9. Non hoc quod natura formauit , sed quod benedictio consecrauit . Benedictione enim ipsa natura mutatur . a Amb. d. Sacr. l. 4. c. 4. Vt sint quae erant & in aliud commutentur . a Ambros. d. Sacram . lib. 4. cap. 4. Tu ipse eras sed eras vetus creatura , postea quam consecratus 〈◊〉 , noua creatura esse coepisti : vis scire quam noua creatura ? Omnis is inquit in Christo noua creatura . Accipe ergo quemadmodum sermo Christi , 〈◊〉 omnem mutare consueuerit & mutat quando vult instituta naturae . b Duraeus c. Whitaker . 〈◊〉 . pa. 59. Col. 2. Aquarius Formal . verb. Natura . Cyprian . d. Coena Domini . Panis non effigie , sed natura mutatus omnipotentia verbi factus est Caro. Cyril . Orat. 4. Mystagog . Gaud. Tract . 2. in Exod. a Bell. d. Script . Eccles. Et li. 6. ca. 2. d. Amiss . gratiae . Et d. Sacr. Confirm . li. 2. ca. 6. b Hessel . d. Com. sub vna specie , p. 62 c Lib. d. Card. Oper. d. Vnction . Chrys. n. 7. Dedit Dominusnoster in mensa , in qua vltimum cum Apostolis participauit conuiuium , proprijs manibus panē & vinū : In cruce vero ma. nibus militum corpus tradidit vulnerandū , vt in Apostolis secretius impressa veritas , & vera sinceritas , exponeret gentibus , quomodo Vinum & Panis Caro esset & Sanguis , & quibus rationibus causae effectibus 〈◊〉 : 〈◊〉 nomina vel species , ad vnam reducerentur essentiam , & significantia & significata , eisdem vocabulis 〈◊〉 . d Leo serm . 4. d. 〈◊〉 . Christus dedit aquae , quod dedit 〈◊〉 . Virtus enim altissimi , & obumbratio Spiritus Sancti , quae facit vt Maria pareret saluatorem , eadē fecit , vt vnda regeneret credentem . Cyprian . d. Chrysm . Sanctificatis elementis iam non propria natura praebet effectum , sed virtus diuina potentius operatur effectum . e Cyprian . d. Coen . Dom. n. 6. Panis iste quem Dominus 〈◊〉 porrigebat , non effigie sed natura mutatus , omnipotentia verbi factus est caro : Et sicut in persona 〈◊〉 , humanitas videbatur & 〈◊〉 diuinitas , ità Sacramento visibili , 〈◊〉 diuina se infudit essentia . a Ib. n. 2. Sed immortalitatis alimonia datur , à cōmunib ' cibis differens , corporalis substantiae retinens speciem . Sed virtutis diuinae inuisibili essentia probās adesse praesentiam . b Ambros. d. eis Qui. Myst. initiant . cap. 9. c Gaud. Brix . to . 4. Biblioth . Col. tr . 2. Exod. d Gaud. ib. Figura non est veritas , sed imitatio veritatis . Ambrosius de ijs qui Mysterijs conuertuntur . c. 9. Ambros. lib. 4. d. Sacram . ca. 4. a Leo d. Natiu . Christi , Serm. 4. Ambros. d. eis qui Myster . initiantur , ca. 3. Hier sup . Eia . li. 17. Prooem . Vox Domini super aquas , &c. Aug. sup . 〈◊〉 . Tract . 8. Cyril . sup . Ioh. lib. 2. ca. 42. Chry. in Mat. ho. 83. b Chrys. to . 3. d. Fid. & Leg. Naturae . Lanae cùm tinguntur naturae suae nomen amittunt , & tincturae nomen accipiunt , &c. Si igitur tinctio naturae nomen transformat , cur Dei natura non transformat hominem , 〈◊〉 vt is qui antè pulueris gerebat imaginem , post tincturam imaginem gerat fulgidam & plusquam coelestem ? 〈◊〉 . in . c. 4. 26. Math. Cyril . Hierosol . Catech . Mystag . 4. a Iren. li. 4. cap. 32. Eum quiex creatura Panis est accepit , & gratias egit , dicens hoc est corpus meum . Et calicē similitèr , qui est ex creatura . Ib. li. 4. ca. 34. Quemadmodum qui est è terra panis percipiens vocationē Dei , iam non communis panis est , sed Eucharistia ex duabus rebus constans terrena & coelesti , &c. li. 5. ca. 1. Eum Calicem qui est creatura , &c. b Iustin. Martyr . Apol. 2. Quae mutata nutrit carnes nostras . Cyril . in Ioh. li. 3. c. 34. Vt panis hic terrestris facit , imbecilitatem carnis nostrae sustinens atquè conseruans : ità & ipse per spiritum sanctum , spiritum nostrum viuificat , & corpus ipsum à coruptione liberat . c Iren. li. 5. ca. 1. Et per creaturam nutrimur , ex quibus augetur carnis nostiae substantia . d Cyprian . Epist. 63. Quemadmodum grana multa in vnum collecta , &c. Idem . Epist. 76. Quando Dominus corpus suum panem vocat , de multorum granorum adunatione congestum populum nostrum quem portabat indicat adunatum : Et quando sanguinem suum vinum appellat , de botris atquè acinis plurimis expressum , atque in vnum coactum , gregem item nostrum significat commixtione adunatae multitudinis copulatum . Chrys. in 1. Cor. hom . 24. Quemadmodum panis ex multis granis vnitur , &c. Aug. in Ioh. tr . 26. Dominus noster Iesus Christus corpus & sanguinem suum in 〈◊〉 rebus commendauit , quae ad vnum aliquid rediguntur ex multis . Namquè aliud in vnum ex multis granis conficitur & constat , 〈◊〉 in vnum ex multis 〈◊〉 confluit . a Bellarm. de 〈◊〉 . Theophilactus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tempore Alexandri Papae 2. &c. Circa annum Dom. 1071. b Chrysost. in Ioh. Hom. 45. Non se tantum videri permittit desiderantibus , sed & tangi , & 〈◊〉 , & dentes carni suae infigi . Id. Ad Pop. Antioch . Hom. 61. Lingua 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Chrysost. 1. Cor. Hom. 24. August . d. verb. Dom. Serm. 33. & sup . Ioh. Tract . 25. Ib. tr . 50. Tertul. d. Resur . Car. cap. 37. d Habent veteris Ecclesiae exemplum 〈◊〉 . Caluin . Instit. lib. 9. c. 17. Sect. 39. Fulke against Heskins Saunders , & p. 77. Chemnit . in Exam. Concil . Trid. pa. 2. p. 102. Iustin. Apolog. 2. fine Dionys. Alexand. Ep. ad Fab. apud Euseb. Ep. 6. ca. 36. Chrys. Ep. 1. ad Innocent . Tertullian . li. 2. ad vxorem Greg. Nazian . Orat. in Gorgon . Ambros. Orat. in Obitu . Fratris Satyri . Symeon . Metaphr . vitae Sancti Steph. Pap. & Martyr . c. 17. Vsu Ord. in Martyrol . Guismundus de corpore & sanguine li. 2. Cyprian . Serm. de lapsis . Cyril . Alexand. Epist . ad Calosyr . b Origen . vel Cyril . in Leuit. Hom. 5. Dominus panem quem discipulis dabat , non distulit nec seruauit in crastinum , &c. Hesich . in Leuit . li. 2. c. 8. Quicquid reliquum fuerit de carne & panibus , ignis absumet , &c. quod nunc videmus 〈◊〉 in Ecclesia sensibiliter fieri , ignique tradi quaecunque remanere contingerit inconsumpta . Niceph. Eccles. Hist. li. 17. ca. 25. 〈◊〉 . Eccles. Hist. li. 4. c. 35. Concil . Matiscon . 2. can . 6. Humbert . c. lib. Nicetae apud Cassand . Liturg. c 30. pa. 69. c Iustin. Apol. 2. d Iren. ap . Euseb. Hist. Eccles. li. 5. c. 24. e Vide Cyprian . li. d. lapsis . f Toletan . Concil . 1. ca. 14. Caesar 〈◊〉 . Concil . 1. cap. 3. a Read Chemnitius , Exam. Concil . Trid. p. 2. pag. 97. Doct. Fulk . ag . Heskins Parliam . p. 78. Gerhard . loc . Com. to . 5. d. Sacra . Coen . ca. 17. Politian . Sophist . Bellarm. d. permanentia Corp. Christi , pag. 44. &c. Froeresen . Scrutin . Panopliae . Bellarm. d. Euchar. Disp. 9. Herbrand . Disp. 32. d. Fest. Corp. Christi , pag. 550. Theodoret. Dial. Inconfusus . Gelasius , d. duabus naturis aduers. Eutichet . Hom. d. Natiu . Saiuatoris , in Concil-Eph . pa. 3. c. 9. Beda de Mysterio Missae , apud Thom. Waldens . to . 2. c. 8. 2. a 〈◊〉 . d. fid . lib. 4. ca. 14. Quemad . naturaliter panis per comestionem , & vinum per potum transmutatur in 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 comedentis : ita per inuocationem & aduentum Sp. Sancti , substantia panis , & vini supernaturaliter transit in corpus & sanguinem Christi . Now from hence Durand 〈◊〉 , Est autem manifestum , panis materiam manere in 〈◊〉 per mutationem naturalem , Ergo , similiter in conuersione supernaturali , panis & vini 〈◊〉 manet cum corpore Christi . Theoph. sup . 〈◊〉 . 6. b Theod. Dial. 2. cap. 24. Nequaquam enim post 〈◊〉 mystica symbola 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 figuram , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Manent 〈◊〉 in priore substantia & 〈◊〉 & specie : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. c Gelas. c. Eutich . & 〈◊〉 . Biblioth . 〈◊〉 to . 4. pa. 565. d Bertram . d. corp . & sang . Dom. pa. 38. e Iren. lib. 4. cap. 34. f Chrysost. ad Ca 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Sicut ante quam 〈◊〉 , panem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 autem illum 〈◊〉 gratia mediante Sacerdote , liberatus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab appellatione panis , dignus autem habitus est dominici corporis appellatione , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 panis in ipso permansit , &c. g 〈◊〉 . Orth. Fid. lib. 4. cap. 14. a Theod. Dial. 2. cap. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b Jren. lib. 5. c. 1. Justin. Apol. 2. Cyprian . Epist. 63. & 76. Chrys. 1. Cor. Hom. 24. Cyril . in Ioh. lib. 3. cap. 34. Aug. in Ioh. tr . 26. c Theod. Dial. 1. cap. 8. & 2. cap. 24. Gelasius li. c. Nestor . & Eutich . Theod. Dialogo 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Field , of the Church , lib. 3. a Chrys. in 2. Tim. ca. 1. ho. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 August . d. Temp. ser. 147. Si argumenta 〈◊〉 difficilè soluimus , illud quod demonstratū est in Domino sinè difficultate fidei teneamus , illi garriant , nos credamus . Idem . d. Ciuit Dei , lib. 12. ca. 17. b Tertull. d. Resur . car . cap. 3. Hieron . Proaem . in Dan. Hilar. d. Trinit . lib. 1. Respuit captiosas & inutiles Philosophiae quaestiones fides constans , nequè humanarum ineptiarum fallacijs succumbens , spolium se praebet veritas falsitati . Aug. d. Trinit . lib. 1. cap. 1. Fidei contemnentes initium , immaturo & peruerso rationis amore falluntur . Idem . d. Ciuit. Dei , lib. 18. cap. 40. Aug. d. Doctrin . Chrst. lib. 2. cap. 18. a Aug. in Psa. 3. Idem . d. Doctr. Chr. lib. 3. cap. 16. Idem . in Leuit. q. 57. Idem c. Adimant . cap. 12. b Tertull. cont . Marc. c Theod. 〈◊〉 . 1. d Orig. c. 〈◊〉 . Dial. 3. d. 〈◊〉 , hom . pa. 552. e Bertram . d. Corp. & San. Dom. 〈◊〉 . sup . Mat. 26. ca. 65. pa. 305. f Busherus . Exercit . d. Eucha . pars 2. Sect. 2. Inusitata praedicatio est in qua duae res disparatae vocibus proprijs affirmate 〈◊〉 vnumque dicitur 〈◊〉 , proptèr arctissimam cōiunctionem & realem , 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 praesentiā . g Melanchton . Chemnicius . h Innocent . 3. Myst. Miss . lib. 4. cap. 9. Post consecrationem accidens est sinè subiecto , quià existit 〈◊〉 per se. Transit enim substantia , sed remanent accidentia : nec dicitur accidens in 〈◊〉 participij , sed accipiendum est in vi nominis . Non solum accidientales verum etiàm naturales proprietates remanere videntur vt paneitas quae saturando famem expellit , & vinitas quae satiando sitim extinguit . i Ibid. ca. 8. Verum an partes in partes , & 〈◊〉 transeat in totale , nouit ille qui facit . Ego quod 〈◊〉 est , igni comburo : nam credere iubemur discutere prohibemur . Ibid. Licet corpus Dominicum sit in loco locale , quaeritur tamèn vtrum in Sacramento sit locatum localitèr , id est vtrum faciat localem distantiam , & an habeat localem situm , vt dici debeat quià sedet , iacet , aut 〈◊〉 , sed & 〈◊〉 multa circà praesentem articulum possunt inquiri , quae melius est intacta relinquere , quam temere definite , nàm bestia qua tetigerit montem lapidabitur . Ibid. cap. 12. Ego , diuina Sacramenta magis veneranda quam discutienda profiteor . Ibid. cap. 16. Si quaeratur vtrum 〈◊〉 localitèr 〈◊〉 de Coelo , vel ascendat in Coelum , cum exhibet 〈◊〉 praesentiam corporalem an alitèr incipiat vel 〈◊〉 esse 〈◊〉 specie 〈◊〉 . Respondeo non oportere nos in talibus curiosos existere , ne plus quam possumus praesumamus , & non 〈◊〉 , salubre concilium dedit Apostolus , Noli plus sapere quam 〈◊〉 , &c. Ego nescio quomodo Christus accedit , sed & quomodo recedit ignoro , nouit ille qui nihil ignorat . Concil . Alexan. apud Athanasium , Apolog. 2. Epist. Iulij apud Athanas . Apol 2. a Concil . Carth. 4. cap. 84. Episcopus nullum prohibeat ingredi in Ecclesiā , & audire verbum Dei siuè Gentilem , siuè Iudaeum , siuè Haereticum , vsque ad Missam Catechuminotum , d. Consecrat . Dist. 1. ca. 67. Durant . d. Rit . Eccl. Cath. li. 2. ca. 1. n. 2. b Dionis . Hierarch . ca. 1. Obserua diligentius , ne sancta sanctorum esseras , nec prophanis luminibus violanda 〈◊〉 , verum reuereber is magis . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 ; Dei mysteria , mysteria spiritatibus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 honorabis , atquè intemerata seruabis , nequè ea passim 〈◊〉 trades , sed sanctis solis , sanctarum rerum intelligentias sacratius pandens . Ib. lpsi quoquè sanctissimi principes nostridum sacra publicè agenda 〈◊〉 , non 〈◊〉 & patulis 〈◊〉 sed 〈◊〉 augustioribus tradiderunt . Ib. ca. 2. d. Baptismo . Nullus qui rudimentis 〈◊〉 careat , pergat ad videndum : Nam nequè infirmis pupillis , aduersam solaribus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intendere tutum est . a Aug. in Ioh. tr . 26. Visibilem cibum spiritualiter intellexerunt , spiritualiter esurierunt , spiritualiter gustauerunt , vt spiritualiter 〈◊〉 : Nam & nos hodie 〈◊〉 visibilem cibum , sed aliud est Sacramentum , aliud est virtus Sacramenti . b Ib. tr . 27. Res ipsa 〈◊〉 est Sacramentum , omni 〈◊〉 ad vitam , nulli ad exitium , quicunque eius particeps fuerit . c Aug Sup. Ioh. tr . 26. Hoc est manducare illam escā , & illum bibere 〈◊〉 , in Christo manere & illum manentem in se habere . Ac per hoc qui non manet in Christo , & in quo non manet Christus , procul dubio nec manducat spiritualiter carnem 〈◊〉 , nec bibit eius sanguinem , licet carnaliter & visibiliter premat dētibus Sacramentum corporis & sanguinis Christi , sed magis tantae rei Sacramentum ad 〈◊〉 sibi manducat & bibit . Ibid. 〈◊〉 . 27. Non ita est in hac esca , quam sustentandae huius corporis vitae causa sumimus , nam qui eam non sumpserit non viuet . Nec tamen qui eam sumpserit 〈◊〉 . Fieri enim potest vt senio vel morbo , vel aliquo casu plurimi & qui eam sumpserint moriantur : in hoc vero cibo & potu , id est corpore & sanguine Domini , non ita est . Nam & qui eam non sumit , non habet vitam , & qui eam sumit , habet vitam & hanc 〈◊〉 . Ibid. Vt quisquam viuat propter me , participatio facit , qua manducatum , &c. a Aug. d. Trin. li. 4. ca. 6. Contra rationem nemo sobrius , &c. Ibid. li. 3. ca. 11. Extat authoritas diuinarum Scriprurarum , vnde mens nostra deuiare non debet , nec relicto solidamento diuini 〈◊〉 , per suspicionum suarum abrupta precipitari , vbi nec sensus corporis regit , nec perspicua ratio veritatis elucet . a Bel. d. Euchar. li. 1. ca. 2. & ca. 14. & li. 3. ca. 4. b Scotus . 4. dist . 11. q. 3. Fauentin . 4. d. 11. Disp. 45. ca. 3. Neque enim plura credita ponidebent , quam conuinci possit ex veritate creditorum . c Aug. c. Faust. li. 26. d AEgid . Rom. in 1. Sent. d. 42. q. 4. Cum quaeritur , vtrū aliquid sit deo possibile , quod naturae fit impossibile , distinguendum est de impossibili , quia si huiusmodi impossibile dicitur , quia repugnat ipsi esse , prout est verificatio contradictoriorum , sic quod naturae impossibile est , est Deo impossibile . Ibid. Secundum quod aliqua implicanit contradictonem , sic effugiunt rationem Potentiae . e Greg. Armin. in 1. Sent. d. 42. q. Aquin. 1. q. 25. art . 5. Suar. d. Attrib . Dei. li. 3. ca. 9 n. 18. Caietan . 1. q. 52. ar . 2. Non quaerimus in hac re quid potentia Dei possit absolute , sed quid 〈◊〉 ordo habet . Aug. tract . 26. 〈◊〉 10. & 59. Caeteri Apostoli māducauerunt panem Dominum Iudas autem panem Domini . a August . de Genes . ad lit . lib. 12. cap. 7. Resurget corpus spiritale , eo quod miris modis , ad omnem facilitatem & incorruptionem , spiritui subdatur , & sine 〈◊〉 indigentia corporalium alimentorum , solo viuificetur spiritu , non quod incorpoream substantiam sit habiturum . Id. Epist. 111. Ita futurum sit spirituale corpus , vt propter ineffabilem quandam facilitatem , spirituale dicatur , seruet tamen substantiam corporalem . Id. Enchir. c. 91. Id. Ep. 56. a Aug. d. Fid. & Simb . ca. 6. Non ità dictum est , quasi corpus vertatur in spiritum , & spiritus fiat : quià & nunc corpus nostrum quod animale dicitur , non in animam versum est , & anima factum , sed spirituale corpus intelligitur , quià ità coaptandum est , vt coelesti habitationi conueniat , omni fragilitate ac labe terrena in coelestem puritatem & stabilitatem mutata & conuersa . b d. Consecrat . Dist. 2. c. Ego Berengarius . Panem & Vinum quae in altari ponuntur , post consecrationem non solum Sacramentum , sed etiàm verum corpus & sanguinem Domini nostri Iesu Christi esse , & sensualitèr non solum Sacramento , sed in veritate manibus Sacerdotum , tractari , frangi , & fidelium dentibus atteri . c Aquin. 22. q. 173. ar . 3. August . d. Gen. ad lit . li. 12. ca. 26. & ad Simplician . q. 1. Greg. Mor. li. 5. ca. 22. & li. 32. c. 7. d Cyril . in Ioh. li. 4. ca. 14. e Aug. in Ioh. 〈◊〉 . 27. f Read before pag. 407. Aug. Epist. 3. ad Volutian . Gre. Nissen . in orat , d. Pasch. Caiet . 1. p. q. 52. ar . 2. Ferrar. 3. c. Gent. 〈◊〉 . 65. Marcil . in 2. q. 2. ar . 2. Dion . Cysters . in 2. dist . 6. q. 1. ar . 1. conclus . 6. a Hugo Victor . d. Sacram. li. 1. pa. 3. ca. 18. Omne quod definitū est , secundum aliquid locale est , 〈◊〉 in eo ipso quod finem & terminū habet locum habet , & determinatlocū , sicut determinatum est in loco . 〈◊〉 corpus dimensionē habens , loco circumscribitur : quoniā ei secundum locum , principiū , medium , & finis 〈◊〉 . Spiritus vero quoniā demensionem non capit , sed definitione sola terminatur , circumscriptionē quidē non recipit loci , & tamèn loco quodammodo concluditur , quoniam cum hic alicubi praesens sit totus , alibi non inuenitur . Aquin. p. 1. q. 52. ar . 2. Ib. Caiet . Marsil . 2. q. 2. ar . 1. Angeli sunt in loco definitiuè , quià sunt sic in vno situ , quod non sunt in alio quolibet . 〈◊〉 . in li. 3. c. Gent. ca. 68. Dicitur de mente sancti Thomae , quod vnus Angel ' non potest esse simul in pluribus locis , vt plura sunt , id est , in quantū accipiuntur , vt duo loca , totalitèr distincta , quià ab vna 〈◊〉 finita , non potest nisi vna operatio 〈◊〉 simul , & consequenter nisi vnus effectus , sed benè potest esse in pluribus locis , per modum vnius loci vt 〈◊〉 . vnum totalem locum constituant . Bannes . in 1. p. Tho. q. 52. ar . 2. 〈◊〉 . 3. a Malon . in 〈◊〉 . sent . lib. 2. d. Angelis disp . 9. sect . 2. b Bannes . in 1. p. Tho. q. 52. ar . 2. conclus . 〈◊〉 . Aristoteles dixit , quod non possum ' simul pluta intelligere per modum plurium . a Porphyr . Isagog . cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Accidentis esse est inesse . b Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. 35. cap. 10. Cum ille ( Xeuxis ) detulisset vuas pictas tanto successu , vt in scenam aues aduolarent , &c. Chrys. Hom. 83. in Math. Li. 12. in Ioh. ca. 52. Aug. li. 22. d. Ciuit . Dei. ca. 11. a 〈◊〉 . Walsinghā . Hist. Anglor . in Rich. 2. pag. 281. In diebus istis in ore cuiuslibet bonum fuit argumentum tenens tam de forma quam de materia . Hic est frater ergo est mendax , sicut est illud . Hoc est album ergo est coloratum . Roiard . prefat . Hom. d. Fest. Sanct. Insertis passim fabulis , ac meris nugamentis , ipsam labefactarunt veritatem . b Durand . 4 d. 11. q. 1. Temerarium est dicere , quod corpus Christi , diuina virtute non possit esse in hoc Sacramento , nisi per 〈◊〉 panis in ipsum . Posset Deus facere quod corpus Christi esset de nouo in Sacramento Altaris , absque mutatione sui , & absque mutatione alterius in ipsum , facta tamen aliqua mutatione circa panem vel aliquid aliud . c Aug. c. Faust. Man. li. 2. 〈◊〉 . 49. Vbi hoc legerit nescio , nisi forte in corde suo , tanquam in libro nefariarum fallatiarum . a Aquin. 3. q. 75. ar . 2. ad 3. In hac conuersione sunt plura , difficiliora quam in creatione . Durand . 4. d. 11. q. 1. nu . 15. Scot. 4. d. 11. q. 3. Vasq. 2 in 3. Tho. to 3. disp . 183. ca. 1. n. 1. Audito nomine Transubstantiationis , tanta inter recentiores aliquos scholasticos , de natura illius exorta fuit controuersia , vt quo magis se ab ea extricare conati sunt , eo maioribus difficultatibus seipsos implicarunt . b Read before pag. 〈◊〉 . c Henriq . Sum. li. 8. c. 23. Scotus negat Dectrinam de conuersione & Transubstantiatione esle antiquam . Idem . Gabriel in Can. Miss . lect . 41. d Bellarm. d. Euchar. li. 3. ca. 1. Durandus docuit partem vnam essentialem id est formam panis conuerti , partem alteram id est materiam non conuerti . ca. 13. Sententia Durandi est haeretica etsi ipse non sit dicendus Haereticus , quia paratus fuerit iuditio Ecclesia acqui ; escere . e Read. B B. Morton . Appeale . li. 2. ca. 2. Sect. 24. n. 81. pa. 124. f Vasq. in 3. Th. to . 3. disp . 181. c. 1. n. 7. Cum ex sola veritate verborum , conuer 〈◊〉 quae fit in hoc Sacramento colligenda sit ; neque aliunde Ecclesia illam deducere potuerit ( hoc enim vnicum fuit Ecclesiasticae Traditionis fundamentū , &c. ) g 〈◊〉 . d. Colonia . ex 〈◊〉 . Deus potest corpus suam praesens cum pane facere , manente substantia panis , & non per aliquam mutationem quae sit ad 〈◊〉 vt per se terminum : & tamen per illam acquiritur presentia eiusdem rationis , cum illa quae nunc habetur . Notes for div A15082-e144890 a Yrebarn . 4. d. 8. Disp. 28. Sect. 3. Corpus , &c. est substantia includens omnes partes , quae corpus organicum quoquo modo integrant , siue sint animabiles siue non , & hoc sensu sanguis ingreditur integritatem corporis . b Ruard . Tapper . ar . 15. Species panis solum significant corpus pro nobis in cruce oblatum , cum iam esset exangue , & species vini , sanguinem effusum , & quasi à corpore separatum . Yrebarn . in 4. d. 8. q. 1. Disp. 28. Sect. 3. Corpus stricte sumptum , signatum per se , à speciebus panis nihil sanguinis fignati includit . Tartaret . 4. d. 8. q. 1. Bassolis . 4. d. 8. q. 1. ar . 1. a Fauentin . 4. d. 8. Disp. 29. Non est vnum vnitate Indiuisibilitatis , quia sunt plura signa , &c. tamen est vnum vnitate integritatis , quia ambae species integrant vnū perfectum & totale sacramentum . b Greg. Dial. li. 4. cap. 58. Ambros. d. poenit . lib. 2. cap. 3. Chrys. tom . 1. in Psal. 22. Quotidie in similitudinem corporis & sanguinis Christi , panem & vinum secundum ordinem Melchisedech , nobis ostendit in Sacramento . Aug l. 83. q. 61. Ipse est sacerdos noster in aeternum , secundum ordinem Melchisedech , qui semetipsum obtulit , Holocaustum pro peccatis nostris , & eius sacrificij similitudinem celebrandā in suae passionis memoriam commendauit . Holocausti cius imaginem ad memoriam passionis suae in Ecclesia celebrandam 〈◊〉 . Id. d. fid . ad Petrum . c. 19. In isto sacrificio , 〈◊〉 Actio atq , commemoratio est carnis Christi , quam 〈◊〉 obtulit , & quam pro nobis idem Deus effudit . Justin. Martir . Colloq . cum Tryph. in hac Prophetia , & de pane quem nobis noster Christus tradidit , ad commemorationem corporis assumpti , propter credentes in eum , propter quos & passibilis natus est : & de poculo quod in memoriam sanguinis sui , cum gratiarum actione sumendum dedit , fit manifesta mentio . c Ambros. in 1. Cor. 11. Testamentum in sanguine constitutum est , quia 〈◊〉 Diuinisanguis testis est . In cuius typum nos 〈◊〉 misticum sanguinis ad tuitionem corporis & animae nostrae percipimus , quia sanguis Domini , sanguinem nostrum redemit , id est totum hominem saluum fecit . Caro 〈◊〉 saiuatoris prosalute corporis , sanguis 〈◊〉 anima nostra effusus est . 1. Ioh. 4.3 . a Aquin. in 1. Ioh. 4. Qui soluit , id est , diuidit Iesum , velseperans diuinitatem ab eo , vt Arius , vt Appollinaris , qui 〈◊〉 diuinitatem pro anima , vel carnem , vt Manicheus , qui ponit quod Christus assumpsit phantasiam , & non veram , vel 〈◊〉 vnitatem , vt Nestorius , &c. B. Iustinian . Ib. ratione dissuere , aut dissoluere conatur , &c. a Ambros. in 1. Cor. 11. Quia morte Domini liberati sumus , hui ' rei memoriam in edendo & potando carnem & sanguinem , quae pro nobis oblata sunt , significamus nouum testamentū in hijs consecuti . b Vasq. in 3. Tho. tom . 3. disp . 215. cap. 2. nu . 13. Diuinitas quae est 〈◊〉 causa , ità assumpsit vt 〈◊〉 , ad producendam gratiam , 〈◊〉 Sacramenta , vt suam efficacitatem significationi eorum accommodaret , sicut reuera accommodare potuit . c Ibid. nu . 9. Vnaquaequè species huius Sacramenti , quatenus Sacramenti pars est , suam habet signisicationem diuersam . Cumquè significationem in Sacramentis nouae legis , consequatur efficacia , quià id 〈◊〉 quod significant , sequitur vnamquamquè speciem in hoc Sacramento , suum effectum per se operari , sicut etiàm suum refectionis modum per se significat . Ruard . Tapper . ar . 15. Quià per diuersa hic operatur instrumenta variè significantia , 〈◊〉 , videlicet , & corpus suum , quae sunt causae immediatae effectus Sacramentalis , ipse etiàm diuersos operatur effectus , donaquè sua diuidit , idem ipse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Cyprian . Ep. 63. Quotiescunquè ergo Calicem in commemorationem Domini , & passionis eius offerrimus . Aug. c. Faust. lib. 20. cap. 18. Christiani peracti huius sacrificij memoriam celebrant , sacrosancta oblatione , & participatione corporis & sanguinis Domini , Ep. 23. ad Bonifac. Nonnè semel immolatus est Christus in semetipso ? & tamen in Sacramento non tantum per omnes Paschae solennitates , sed etiàm omni die , populis immolatur , nec vtiquè mentitur , qui interrogatus , eum responderet immolari : si enim Sacramenta quandam similitudinem earum rerum quarum Sacramentasunt , non haberent omnino Sacramenta non essent . contr . Faust. lib. 20. cap. 21. Huius sacrificij caro & sanguis , antè aduentum Christi per victimas similitudinum promittebatur , in passione Christi per ipsam veritatem reddebatur , post ascensum Christi per Sacramentum memoriae celebratur . Quest. 83. cap. 61. Christus qui semetipsum obtulit holocaustum pro peccatis nostris , huius sacrificij similitudinem , & holocausti eius imaginem in passionis suae memoriam celebrandam dedit , & commendauit . In lib. Sent. prosper . Sicut coelestis panis , qui verè Christi caro est , suo modo vocatur corpus Christi , cum reuera sit Sacramentum corporis Christi , illius videlicet , quod visibile , palpabile , mortale , in cruce suspensum est , vocaturquè ipsa immolatio carnis quae Sacerdotis manibus fit , Christi passio , mors , crucifixio , non rei veritate sed significante mysterio . Chrys. in Heb. 10. Hom. Quid ergo nos , nonnè per singulos dies offerrimus , &c. offerrimus quidem sed recordationem facientes mortis eius , &c. Hoc quod facimus in commemorationem fit eius quod factum est . Hocenim facite inquit in mei commemorationem . Non aliud Sacrificium sicut Pontifex sed id ipsum semper facimus , magis autem recordationem Sacrificij operamur . Theoderet . in cap. 8. Hebr. Cur noui Testamenci Sacerdotes my sticam Liturgiam seu Sacrificium peragunt , Cum Christus qui est Sacerdos secundum ordinem Melchisedech , offerens Sacrificium , efficit vt alia Sacrificia non essent necessaria ? Resp. clarum est ijs qui sunt eruditi in rebus diuinis , nos non aliud offerre , sed illius vnius & salutaris memoriam peragere . Hocenim nobis praecipit ipse Dominus , hoc facite in meam recordationem : vt per figurarum contemplationem , earum quae pro nobis susceptae sunt perpessionum recordaremur , & in benefactorem beneuolentiam conseruemus , & futurorum beneficiorum perceptionem expectemus . Theophilact . in Heb. 10. Ipsum quidem semper offerrimus , imo vero potius memoriam illius oblationis facimus , qua seipse obtulit . b Lombard . Sent. lib. 4. Dist. 12. Quaeritur si quod gerit Sacerdos propriè dicatur Sacrificium , vel immolatio , & si Christus quotidiè immoletur , vel semel tantum imniolatus sit ? ad hoc breuitèr dici potest , Illud quod offertur & consecratur à Sacerdote , vocari Sacrificium & oblationem , quià memoria est , & representatio veri Sacrificij , & sanctae immolationis factae in ara crucis . Idem . Semel Christus mortuus est in cruce , ibiquè immolatus est in semetipso . Quotidiè autem immolaturin Sacramento , quià in Sacramento recordatio fit illius , quod factum est semel . c Enchir. Coloniens . d. Euchar. Patres non dubitarunt hoc Christi corpus in altari , Sacrificium & salutarem victimam appellare , non ratione Sacrificij , quod est situm in actione Sacerdotis , &c. sed ratione Sacrificij quod in cruce oblatum est semel . a Lesseus , d. iust . & iure li. 2. c. 38. n. 11. Quinquè ad perfectum & propriè dictum sacrificium requirūtur . 1. Ex parte ministri vt sit Sacerdos . 2 Ex parte materiae res aliqua sensibilis externa , &c. 3. Ex parte formae , illius rei peremptio , vel aliqua alia conueniens mutatio , hoc enim potissimum differt sacrificium ab oblationibus . 4. Ex parte finis vt 〈◊〉 ad honorem Dei. 5. Ex parte loci , Altare , &c. b Soto . d. iust . & iur . lib. 9. q. 2. ar . 1. Hac negata veritate Catholica , palàm 〈◊〉 consequens , mysterium altaris non esse sacrificium . c Nugnus . in 3. Tho. q. 78. ar . 4. In verbis nihil producitur supernaturale , nisi sola eleuatio & motio diuina . Caluin . li. 4. 〈◊〉 . ca. 7. nu . 35. Ibid. nu . 74. a Ambr. l. 〈◊〉 qui init . In illo Sacramento Christus est . Hilar. l. 8. d. Trinit . Nos vere verbum carnem cibo Dominico sumimus . Cyrill . Alexand . l. 4. in Ioh. c. 15. Per hanc benedictionē Mysterij ipsum filium Dei suscipimus . Cyrill . Hierosol . Catech. Myst. 5. Chrys. Hom. 83. in cap. 26. Math. & Hom. 24. in 1. ad Cor. a Arist. d. part . Animal . lib. 2. cap. 2. Partium simularium aliae molles & humidae , &c. sanguis , sanies , adeps . b Cyprian . d. Coen . 〈◊〉 . Lex esum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vt 〈◊〉 . a 1. Cor. 10.21 . cap. 11.23.26 . b 〈◊〉 . Hierarch . cap. 3. 〈◊〉 Calicem omnibus impartiens . Iustin. Martir . A polog . 2. Distribuunt vnicuique praesentium vt participet eum in quo gratiae actae sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 panem vinum & aquam . 〈◊〉 Epist. ad Philadelph , vnus panis omnibus confractus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & vnum poculum omnibus distributum . Tertul. d. Cor. mil. cap. 3. 〈◊〉 . Epist. 54. & 56. & 63. in Calice Dominico sanctificando & populo ministrando , &c. Aug. in 〈◊〉 57. — à cuius Sacrisicij sa nguine in alimentum sumendo , non solum nemo prohibetur sed ad bibendum omnes exhortantur qui volunt habere vitam . 〈◊〉 . 1. Cor. hom . 11. & sup . 2. Cor. hom . 18. 〈◊〉 sup . soph . cap. 3. Sacerdotes qui Eucharistiae seruiunt , & sanguinem Domini populis diuidunt . Hist. Trip. lib. 9. cap. 30. 〈◊〉 . d. Octau . Pasch. Quid sit sanguis agni noniam audiendo sed bibendo didicistis . Gen. 1. 28. Theologi omnes communiter cum D. Tho. 3. p. quaest . 3. art . 3. Ioh. 6. v. 58. 〈◊〉 v. 55. & 59. Gen. 2.9 . Exod. 16.15 . a Aquin. p. 1. q. 75 ar . 4. Scheibler . Metaphys . l. 1. c. 6. p. 2. in habentibus materiam , materia est pars essentiae . Suar. Metaph. disp . 36. sect . 2. Pererius lib. 6. nat . Phil. cap. 6. 7. 8. Iandun . Metaph. 7. q. 12. a Aug. Ep. 90. & Epist. 157. Greg. Nyssen . Orat. d. Bapt. Chrysoft . in Gen. Hom. 40. Ambros. Apol. Dauid . cap. 13. b August . d. Ciuit. Dei. lib. 13. cap. 7. Quicunque non recepto regenerationis lauacro , pro Christi consessione moriuntur tantum eis valet ad dimittenda peccata quantum si ablucrentur , sacro fonte Baptismatis . Lembard 4 d. 4. D. Aquin. 3. q. 68. ar . 2. & q. 87. ar . 1. Bellarm. d. Bap. lib. 1. cap. 6. Greg. Val. Suares , Nugnus , Henriques , lib 2. cap. 34. Petigian . in . 4. d. 4. q. 3. ar . 1. 〈◊〉 . d Sacrament . d. Bapt. Disp. 2. punct . 2. Yrebarn . Cabrer . Fauentin . & aiij . a Aug. Epist. ad Bonifac. citatur à 〈◊〉 in 3. p. Tho. d. Euchar. q. 27. ar . 5. pa. 371. Nulliest aliquatenus ambigendum , tunc vnumquenque fidelium corporis sanguinisque Domini participem fieri , quando in Baptismate membrum Christi corporis efficitur , nec alienari ab illius panis calicisque consortio , etiamsi antequam panem illum comedat , & calicem bibat , de hoc saeculo , in vnitate corporis Christi constitutus abscedat . b Alex. Hal. 4. q. 10. m. 4. ar . 1. §. 1. In quantum efficacia respicit signatum , & non contentum vtraque ( species ) est de integritate : quia sumpto hoc Sacramento digne , in vtraque specie , 〈◊〉 est effectus , vnionis corporis mystici cum capite quam sumptio sub altera . Concil . Constant . sess . 13. a Ambros. in 1. Cor. 11. Indignū dicit esse Domino , qui alitèr mysterium celebrat , quam ab eo traditum est . Non enim potest deuotus esse , qui alitèr praesumit , quam datum est ab Authore . Concil . Constant. Can. 13. pag. 349. col . 2. Licet Christus post coenā instituerit , & suis Discipulis administrauerit sub vtraque specie panis & vini hoc venerabile Sacramentū : tamen hoc nō obstante , &c. Licet in Primitiua Ecclesia huiusmodi Sacramentū reciperetur , à fidelibus sub vtraque specie , tamen haec consuetudo , &c. Dicere quod hanc consuetudinē & legē obseruare sit sacrilegū , aut illicitū censeri debet , erroneū , & pertinacitèr asserentes opositū praemissorū , tanquā Haeretici arcendi sunt , & grauitèr puniendi , &c. a Cassand . Consult . 22. In Ecclesia Latina , mille amplius annis tenuit , vt tam populo quam clero , in celebratione missarum post mysteriorum consecrationē seorsum corpus & seorsum sanguis Domini preberetur . Gerard. Lorich . d. public . miss . prorog . Ruard Tapper , ar 15. pag 218. Aquinas . Com. Ioh. 6. Secundum antiquam Ecclesiae consuetudinem , omnes sicut communicabant corpori , ità communicabant & sanguini : quod etiàm adhuc in quibusdam Ecclesijs seruatur Arboreus . Com. in Ioh. 6. Nec addubito , quin in Primitiua Ecclesia communicarent omnes tum Laici tum Sacerdotes sub vtraquè specie . b Gerson d. com . sub vtraquè . Denar . 2. Primum , periculum in effusione . Secundum , in deportatione de loco ad locum . Tertium , in vasorum sordidatione , &c. Quartum , in longis barbis laicorum . Itèm , quod tanta esset dignitas laicorum circà sumptionem corporis Christi , sicut & Sacerdotum . to . 1. pag. 528. vid. plura . a Accursius . praef . sup . Instit. Instinian . Institutiones sunt praeceptiones quibus instituuntur , & docentur homines , &c. b Aug sup . Ioh. tr . 80. Accedit verbū ad elementum , & fit sacramentū . c Aquinas . 3. q. 66. ar . 1. Sacramētum no 〈◊〉 in ipsa a qua , sed in applicatione a quae ad hominem , quae est ablutio . d Inchoatiuè vel inceptiuè Sacramentum antè vsum . Consummatiuè & perfectiuè non est Sacramentum antè vsum . a Aug. ad Maximin . lib. 3. cap. 22. Lombar . 4. d. 1. Sacramentum est inuisibilis gratiae visibilis forma . Hugo . lit . F. b Idem . dist . 4. lit . F. Iren. lib. 4. ca. 32. Tertull. d. Resur . carn . ca. 8. Iustin . Mart. colloq . cum Tryph : & Apol . 2. Aug. in psal . 3. Cypr. Ep 63. c Bonacin . d. Sacra . d. Euchar. disp . 4. p. 4. propos . 1. In Sacramento Eucharistiae est diuersitas & pluralitas materiae & formae , cum alia sit materia & forma corporis Christi , & alia 〈◊〉 materia & forma sanguinis . Alex. Hall. 4. q. 10. m. 3. ar . 2. Aug. Tract . 18. in Ioan. a Palud . 4. d. 9. q. 1. ar . 1. Caiet . 3. q. 80 ar . 12. Suares . to . 3. disp . 43. sect . 3. Reginald . d. poen . li. 29. nu . 13. Chamerot . d. Euchar. cap. 6. Dub. 1. Nugnus . in 3. q. 74. ar . 1. Conclus . 2. Aug. Epist. 23. ad Bonifac. Aug. Epist. 23. Rom. 12. 4. & 5. 1. Cor. 12. 12. 1. Cor. 10. v. 17. 1. Cor. 11. v. 14 , 15. a Ferus . in Ioh. 6. In institutione huius Sacramenti Christus imperatiue loquitur , accipite commedite , hoc facite . b Alex. Hal. 4. q. 10. m. 3. ar . 2. Etsi Christus homo naturali quadam similitudine representatur vtraque specie : non tame ex institutione , signatur vtraque : sed secundum carnem specie panis , secundum sanguinem specie vini . c Greg. Dial. li. 4. ca. 58. Eius sanguis in ora fidelium funditur . c Cyprian . ep . 63. in Calice Dominico & plebi ministrando , non hoc faciunt , quod Iesus Christus Dominus & Deus noster huiua Sacrificij Atuhor & Doctor , fecit & docuit . a Cyprian . li. 2. ep . 3. siue epist. 63. Calix Dominicus sic bibentes inebriat , vt sobrios faciat , vt mentes ad spiritalem sapientiam redigat , vt a sapore isto saeculari , ad intellectum Dei vnusquisque resipiscat . Chrys. in Ioh. Hom 45. Hic sanguis facit , vt imago in nobis regia 〈◊〉 : Hic sanguis pulchritudinem atque nobilitatem animae quam semper irregat & notrit , languescere non sinit , &c. Hic mysticus sanguis Daemones procul pellit , Angelos & Angelorum Dominum ad nos allicit Daemones enim cum Dominicum sanguinem in nobis vident , in fugam vertuntur , Angeli autem procurrunt Iren. li. 5. ca. 1. Ruits . Contr. Theol. 32. pa. 152. Species panis sola non significat gratiam vt reficientem animam , 〈◊〉 , sed partialiter . Alex. Hel. 4. q. 10. m. 4. ar . 1. §. 1 Reade 〈◊〉 , b Arboreus Sap Ioh. 6. Caro Christi 〈◊〉 animam , sed sanguis viuisicat animam , & emundat conscientiam nostram ab operibus mortuis . Ioan. 6.55 . a Hilar. d. Trin. lib. 10. se panem hic dicit , &c. Chrys. in Ioh. Ho. 45. Panem vitae seipsum appellat , &c. Ferus in Ioh. 6. Hic panis de quo Christus hic loquitur , nihil aliud est quā Incarnatio , Passio , & Meritū Christi , atque adeo Christus ipse , cum omnibus quae habet quae fecit & passus est . Caietan . Ioh. 6. Primo tractat de seipso vt est panis vitae : Deinde de Passione sua futura , secundum quam est cibus & potus vitae . Ibid. Sermo formalis non est de Sacramento , sed de re Sacramenti , de Fonte Sacramenti . Ibid. Non est ad literam sermo de manducare & bibere Sacramentum Eucharistiae , sed de manducare & bibere Mortem Christi . b Ferus , in Ioh. 6. Dicere quod sine corporali perceptione Sacramenti , nulli possit contingere vita , admodum durum , imo temerarium , & falsum est . Ibid. Manducatur corpus Christi in Sacramento : & haec quidem manducatio non simpliciter necessaria est vt prior , plures enim etiam sine hac saluati sunt , & saluantur : sed tamen ita necessaria est , vt non contemnatur vel negligatur suo tempore . Iustin. Apol. 2. pa. 76. & 77. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Chrys. sup . 1. Cor. 11. & sup . 2. Cor. Hom. 18. b Haimo . sup . 1. Cor. 10. pa. 109. c Paschas . Ratbert . d. corp . & sang . Dom. ca. 19. Nec caro sine sanguine vtique , nec sanguis sine carne iure communicatur , &c. Non recte caro sine sanguine communicatur , &c. Ibid. cap. 15. Quapropter 〈◊〉 homo quotiescunque bibis hunc calicem , &c. c Ochagauia . d. Sacram. tr . 2. d. Euch. q. 18. Graeci suis Laicis distribuunt vtranque speciem panis & vini . d Gerson . d. com . sub vtraque . pag. 526. Sumptio talis est temeraria , presumptuosa , scandalosa , seditiosa , & Ecclesiastici ritus turbatiua , & ex consequenti aeternae damnationis inductiua , pag. 529. Aduersus haeresin nouam de necessaria communicatione Laicorum , sub vtraque specie , pag. 528. Rex Rom. acciperet potestatem , à sacro Concilio ( Constantiensi ) factum illud 〈◊〉 , sicut alias haereses in Bohemia , cum potentia brachij secularis . August . Ep. 118. a Aug. Ep. 118. ca. 2. Totum hoc genus rerum , liberas habet obseruationis , &c. 1. Cor. 11. Math. 26. . a Gerard. Lorich . in 7. par . Can. Sunt Pseudocatholici qui reformationem Ecclesiae quoquo modo remorari non verentur . Hij ne Laicis altera species restituatur , nullis parcunt blasphemijs . Dicunt enìm Christum solis Apostolis dixisse bibite exhoc omnes . A 〈◊〉 verba Canonis habent , accipite & manducate ex hoc omnes . Hic dicant oro , nū & hoc ad solos dictum sit Apostolos . Ergò Laicis & a specie panis est abstinendum ; quod dicere est haeresis & blasphemia pestilens & execrabilis . Cōsequitur ergò , vtrumquè verbum dictum esse ad omnem Ecclesiam . b Aug. tom . 7. d. nupt . & concupis . lib. 2. cap. 2. c Caietan . in Math. 26. Hinc habetur Eucharistiam non esse tribuendam insfantibus , quibus non 〈◊〉 dici accipite comedite , sicut enim quià Dominus dixit nisi quis natus fuerit denuò ex a qua & spiritu , negatur Baptismus infantibus in materno vtero , quià non potest denuo nasci qui non est natus , ità dicente Domino in Communione Eucharistiae , accipite commedite , negatur Eucharistia illis , qui adhuc non possunt accipere , qui adhuc non possunt commedere . a Hierom. com . sup . 1. Corin. 11. Chrys. in 1. Cor. 11. Hom. 24. Quod dominicū est priuatum fecerant , Coena enim Domini debet esse communis , nam quae Domini sunt , non huius sunt serui , non alterius , sed omnibus communia . Quod enim dominicum est idem & commune est . Nam si Domini est , non debes tanquam proprium tibi assumere , sed tanquam res Domini communiter omnibus proponere Siquidem hoc est Dominicum . Nunc autèm non sinis esse commune sed tibi comedis . Durand Rational . Diu lib. 4 cap. 1. In Primitiua Ecclesia singulis diebus omnes qui celebrationi missarum intererant communicare solebant , eo quod Apostoli omnes , de Calice biberunt , Domino dicente bibite ex co omnes . a Henriq . sum . 〈◊〉 . 5. c. 1. nu . 2. b Aquin. 3. q. 80. ar . 11. Homo tenetur hoc Sacramentum sumere , non solum ex statuto Ecclesiae , sed ex mandato Domini , dicentis , Luc. 22. Hoc facite . a Bellarm. d. Euchar . li. 1. ca. 11. 〈◊〉 ab 〈◊〉 stomachum , per instrumenta humana & naturalia , id est linguam & palatum . b Caietan in Mat. 26. 〈◊〉 ego , quod sicut vnum Calicem cōmunem omnibus tradidit , ita in vna 〈◊〉 panem in duodecim 〈◊〉 fractum , manibus 〈◊〉 tradiderit 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . li. 9. ca. 30. Quomodo manus extendes de quibus adhuc sanguis stillat iniustus ? Quomodo huiusmodi manibus accipres sanctum Domini corpus ? Qua temeritate ore tuo 〈◊〉 sanguinis pretiofi percipies , &c. Euseb. Eccles. Hist. 〈◊〉 . 7. ca. 9. cum & gratiarum actionem in Ecclesia audisset , & ad illam vna cum alijs Amen accinuisset , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , manum ad suscipiendum Sanctum cibum extendisset . Chrys. in Eph. Hom. 3. Quomodo comparebis ante Tribunal Christi , qui manibus & labijs immundis , ipsius audes contingere corpus , &c. Niceph. li. 13. 〈◊〉 . 7. 〈◊〉 . li. 8. ca. 5. Aug. Cont Petil. li. 2. ca. 23. 〈◊〉 illum commemoro , &c. Cui pacis osculum inter Sacramenta 〈◊〉 , in cuius manibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Rhenanus Annot. in 〈◊〉 . d. Cor. 〈◊〉 . Satis liquet ex Antiquorum lectione , Eucharistiam olim manibus 〈◊〉 attactum fuisse . Synod . 6. can . 〈◊〉 . Et 〈◊〉 . ibid. pa. 491. Cyprian . d. Laps . n 64. Plus modo in Dominum manibus atque ore delinquunt , &c. Ib. n. 〈◊〉 . Et quod non statim Domini corpus 〈◊〉 accipiat , aut ore polluto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. Math. 26.27 . Luk. 22. v. 18. Ioh. 6.54 . Math. 28.23 . Ad Tit. 3. c. 54. Ibidem v. 59. Act. 3. 6. 1. Cor. 11.29 . Ioan. 3.5 . a Bellarm. d. Euchar . l. 1. c. 5. 〈◊〉 tholici fere 〈◊〉 volunt , huius capitis verba de Sacramento ipso Eucharistiae , siue de Sacramentali manducatione corporis Domini in Eucharistia . b Biel. Can. Miss . lect . 48. c Cusau . Epist. 7. ad Bohem. d Caietan . in 3. q. 80. ar . vlt. & sup . Ioh. 6. e Ruard . Art. 15. f Hessel . lib. d. Com. sub vna specie . g Iansen . Concord . cap. 59. h Bellarm. ib. Caeteri Scriptores Ecclesiastici , quos in maximo numero citat Nicholaus Sanderus in lib. d. 6. cap. Ioh. summo consensu docent , in hoc capite agi de manducatione Sacramentali , quod sine dubio verissimumest . i Suares . in 3. to . 3. Disp. 46. Sect. 2. k Vasq. in 3. Disp. 179. cap. 5. l Greg. Val. to . 4. Disp. 6. q. 1. punct . 5. a Innocent . Papa . d. Offic. Miss . l. 4. c. 21. Nec sanguis sub specie panis , nec corpus sub specie vini bibitur , & comeditur , quia sicut nec sanguis comeditur , nec corpus bibitur , ita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 specie panis bibitur , aut sub species vini comeditur . Alex. Hal. 4. q. 10. m. 4. ar . 1. §. 1. Christus quantum ad corpus non signatur 〈◊〉 in specie vini 〈◊〉 quantum 〈◊〉 sanguinem 〈◊〉 , in specie panis , praeterea in hoc Sacramento signatur Christus , 〈◊〉 cibus perfecte manducantes reficiens Sacramentaliter & spiritualiter : perfecta autem refectio , non est in pane tantum , necin vino tantum , sed in vtroque . b Claud. Saint . d. Euchar. Repet . 10. cap. 1. c Innocent . Papa . d. Offic. Miss . li. 4. ca. 21. Est modus sumendi corpus & sanguinem , quo neutrum manducatur & bibitur . Ad bibendum poculū Domini iure communicationis admittimus Cypr. l. Ep. 2. f Cyprian . Ep. 54. Quomodo docemus aut prouocamus eos , in confessione nominis Christi , sanguinē suum fundere , si eis militaturis Christi sanguinem denegamus , aut quomodo ad Martyrij poculum idoneos facimus , si non eos prius ad bibendum in Ecclesia poculum Domini iure communicationis 〈◊〉 . Id. Epist. 63. Quomodo possumus propter Christum sanguinem sundere , qui sanguinem Christi 〈◊〉 scimus bibere . a Reade before , pag. 482. b Cyprian . serm . d. Caena . Dom. & Epist. 63. A Domino praecipitur , & ab Apostolis eius idem confirmatur , & ab Euangelicis praeceptis omnino recedendū non esse , & eadem quae magister docuit & fecit , Discipulos quoque obseruare & facere debere , cum in claritate sua , & Maiestate coelesti , venire caeperit , inueniat nos , tenere quod monuit , obseruare quod docuit , facere quod fecit . c Occhagauia . d. Sacram. d. Euch. vsu & effect . tr . 2. nu . 14. Cyprianus vt legenti 〈◊〉 non habet verba illa , & plebi ministrando . d Cyprian . ll . 2. Ep. 3. In the beginning of the Epistle Printed at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 542. e Pammel . Cypr. Epist. 63. 〈◊〉 . de Heres . 46. 〈◊〉 . Ser. 4. d. Quadrages . Gelas. apud Gratian . d. Consecrat . Cap. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 appeale , li. 2. ca. 4. 140. 〈◊〉 . de Coena Domini . a Prateol . d. Haer. li. 11. Manichaei à manete quodam , &c. dicti sunt qui circa annum 273 , &c. a Floruit ( Cyprianus ) an . 250. Bell. d. Scriptor . b Lev , Serm. 4. d. Quadrag . Cum ad tegendum infidelitatem suā nostris audent interesse mysterijs , ità in Sacramentorū Communione se temperāt , vt interdum tutius lateāt , ore indigno Christi corpus accipiunt , sanguinem autem redemptionis nostrae , haurire omnino declinant . Quod ideò vestram 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vt vobis huiusmodi homines , & his manifestentur 〈◊〉 , & quorum 〈◊〉 . fuerit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notati & 〈◊〉 à Sanctorum societate 〈◊〉 Sacerdotali authoritate . c Vasques . in 3. disp . 216. cap. 4. nu . 42. Ego existimo nequè proptèr Manicheorum , Haeresin , commendatum fuisse ab Apostolis , aut à Leone primo vsum Calicis , &c. Leo non commendauit vsum Calicis contrà Manichaeos , fed admonuit vt diligentèr obseruarent quosdam Manichaeos , qui vt se Catholicos simularent , ità sumebant Calicem , vt sanguinem non haurirent in altera specie . d Gratian. d. Consecrat . Dist. 2. cap. Comperimus autem , quod quidem sumpta tantummodo corporis sacri portione à Calice sacti cruoris abstineant . Qui proculdubio ( nescio qua superstitione dicuntur astringi ) aut integra Sacramenta percipiant aut ab integris arceantur , quià diuisio vnius , eiusdemquè mysterij sine grandi sacrilegio , non potest prouenire . e Vasques Disp. 216. cap. 6. nu . 76. Quidam probabilitèr explicant de Laicis Manichaeis , qui communicabant sub altera specie tantum , &c. Verum haec explicatio , licet reliquis verbis 〈◊〉 accommodari possit , extremis tamèn quibus causam reddit , non potest conuenire . Ill is enim denotat , tale esse my sterium secundum se , vt sine grandi sacrilegio diuidi nequeat , nempè intelligere 〈◊〉 ratione suae significationis & institutionis . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Confess . fid . Cath. ca. 19. Hospin . Hist. sacra . pa. 2. fo . 112. 〈◊〉 . in 2. Edit . loc . com . Impress . Argent . ann . 1525. fol. 78. 〈◊〉 . de Captiu . Babilon . ca. d. Euchar . Hospin . Histor. sacr . 1. 2. fo . 12. a Luther . Edit . Wittenberg . anno 1546. d. Captiuit . Babil . d. Euchar. pa. 95. col . 2. Sivtra species potest negari Laicis poterit & eis pars Baptismi & poenitentiae tolli . Sivini speciem potest Ecclesia tollere Laicis , potest & panis speciem tollere , &c. Melancth . Loc. Edit . 1561. Lipsiae pa. 188. Iuel . Replie . ar . 2. These godly learned men , when they saw that through the malice of their 〈◊〉 , they could not obtaine , that Christs Institution might vniuersally be receiued , yet they defired at least , it might be left free without restraint , for euery Church to do therein as they should think good , and that without murmure or offecne of others , &c. Not that they thought Christ had not ordained the Sacrament to be administred vnto the people in both kinds , or that in it selfe it is indifferent , but as the godly Fathers at the beginning , when they could not persuade the princes of the world , and their people to receiue the 〈◊〉 yet they thought they were 〈◊〉 when they might haue place and libertie for themselues , surely and with quiet conscience to meet together , and to preach the Gospell . Concil . Floren. in decreto Eugenij . 41. Concil . Basilien . sess . 30. Concil . Constantiens . sess . 13. a Const. Concil . sess . 4. Basil. sess . 33. decree , That the Pope is inferiour to the Councell , and fallible in his iudgeme nt . Halens . 4. p. q. 11. 〈◊〉 . 2. a. 4. 55 : 3. Beda , Hist. Gent. Anglic. lib. 2. c. 5. & lib. 4. c. 14. a 〈◊〉 before , pag. 482. b Vasq. disp . 216. cap. 3. nu . 38. Negare nō possumus 〈◊〉 in Ecclesia Latina fuissevsum vtriusque speciei , & vsque ad tempora Sancti Thomae durasse . c Alex. Hal. 4. q. 10. m. 4. §. 1. Sumpto hoc Sacramento dignè in 〈◊〉 specie , maior est effectus vnionis corporis Mystici cum capite quàm sumpto sub altera . Ibid. q. 11. m. 2. ar . 4. §. 3. Sumptio sub vtraque specie ; quem modum fumendi tradidit Dominus , est maioris efficaciae , & complementi . Item , Licet illa sumptio quae est in accipiendo sub vna specie sufficiat , illa tamen quae est sub duabus , est maioris meriti , tum ratione augumentationis deuotioris , tum ratione fidei dilatationis actualis . d Beda , Hist. Anglorum , lib. 4. c. 14. pa. 132. Expectare habes , donec Missae celebrantur , ac viatico Dominici corporis & sanguinis , accepto sic infirmitate simul & morte absolutus , ad aeterna in coelis gaudia subleueris . Euseb. li. 6. Histor. ca. 36. ex Epist. Dionis . Alex. ad Fabium . Genebrardus . Paulinus in vita Ambrosij . Eus. Hist li. 6. c. 36. a Particulā puer quam apportarat 〈◊〉 siue intinctam in 〈◊〉 senis 〈◊〉 . b Burchard . & Iuo . 〈◊〉 vt Eucharistia quae in viaticum ex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reseruatur , 〈◊〉 sit in sanguinem Domini , vt veraciter presbyter 〈◊〉 possit , corpus & sanguis Domini Iesu Christi , prosit tibi in vitam aeternam . c Erasm. Censura ante opera Ambr. Idē est Artifex qui tam multa contaminauit in scriptis Hieronimianis & Augustinianis natus ad hunc ludum . d Paulin. 〈◊〉 Ambr. Qui descēdens 〈◊〉 Sancti Domini corp ' quo accepto vbi glutiuit emisit spiritū . Tertul. li. 2. ad 〈◊〉 . ca. 5. Basil. Epist. ad Caesar . 〈◊〉 . Pratum 〈◊〉 . ca. 〈◊〉 . a Hier. tom . 1. Ep. 4. Nihil Exuperio ditius , qui corpus Domini canistro vimineo , saguinem portat in vitro . Chrysost. to . 6. Ep. ad Innocent . Etiā sanguis Domini in Sacrario seruatur . Niceph. Hist. Ecclesiast . lib. 13. cap. 19. b Greg. Naz. Or. 11. in Laud. Gorgon . pag. 187. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Conc. Laodicen . Conc. 49. & Trullan . Can. 52. a 〈◊〉 . Graec. Biblioth . sanct . Patr. Sacerdotem postquā sanctificauerit Panē , infundere Vinū in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & A quam , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. a Genebrard . Liturg . Myst. 〈◊〉 consecrat . ex Cretensi codice . Ecce immaculatum corpus ipsius , & 〈◊〉 . Sanguis hac nunc hora ingredientia in hac mēsa mystica sunt , qua multitudine celestis exercitus inuisibiliter 〈◊〉 , quorum communionem innocuam tribue nobis . b Balsam . Synod . 6. can . 52. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Baron . Anno. 404. Haeretici negant asseruandam 〈◊〉 Sacratissimam Eucharistiam , quam videmus non sub specie panis tantum , sed etiam sub specie vini olim recondi consueuisse . Habes id quoque probatum authoritate B. Gregorij , dum ait , in naui portasse nauigantes corpus & sanguinem Christi . Dialog . li. 3. ca. 36. Leo. Serm. 4. d. Quadrag . d Leo. d. Quadrages . serm . 4. pa. 173. ore 〈◊〉 Christi corpus 〈◊〉 , sanguinem autem Redemptor is nostri haurire , omnino 〈◊〉 . a Vasq. in 3. Disp. 216. c. 4. n. 42. vt se Catholicos simularēt , ita sumebant Calicē , vt sanguinem non 〈◊〉 in altera specie . Acts 2. 42. Luc. 24. Accepit Panem & benedixit & fregit . August . lib. 3. d. Consensu Euangel . cap. 25. Bede & Theoph. in Luc. Hieron . in Epitaph . Paulae Isych . lib. 2. in Leuit. cap. 9. a Greg. Euang. Hom. 23. 〈◊〉 . in Act. 2. 42. Eusebius Emissen . ho. 2. Feria . 2. Pasch. b Lyra. in Luc. 24. Accepit panem , benedixit ac fregit , & porrigebat illis . Sicut consueuerat facere ante passionem : sic enim frangebat panem , ac si scinderetur cum cultello . Dionis . Carth. in Luc. 24. Accepit panem & benedixit , non tamen in suum corpus conuertit , sicut in 〈◊〉 , sed vt moris est benedicere cibum , in quo instruxit nos , vt ante refectionem benedicatur cibus & potus . Caietan . sup . Luc. 24. Quatuor actiones Iesu circa panem describuntur , acceptio , benedictio , fractio , & porrectio , & tamen in sola fractione agnitus dicitur inferius : vt intelligamus , fractionem 〈◊〉 miraculosam , hoc est quod frangebat panem manibus , sicut alij incidunt cultello . Solitum autem hunc frangendi modum 〈◊〉 credimus , & propterea Discipuli ex consueto Iesu modo , cognouerunt eum . Gagneus . sup . Luc. 24. Cum viderunt assuetam panis 〈◊〉 , agnouerunt eum . 〈◊〉 . Harm . cap. 146. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . to . 4. lib. 8. cap. 12. Respondet Iansenius & alij , Christum non prebuisse his duobus Discipulis 〈◊〉 , erantenim imparati , neque tunc nouerant quid esset Eucharistia , non enim 〈◊〉 extremae interfuerant . Willielm . Wids . c. Wiclif . Hie dico quod non habetur ex textu , vel exglossa , Luc. 24. vel per antiquos doctores , quod ille panis quem Christus fregit post resurrectionem , fuit consecratus vel Sacramentalis . 〈◊〉 . d. Sacram. d. Euchar. Disp. 4. q. 2. p. 3. Ad factum Christi in castello Emaus responderi potest , primo , non constare , Christum confecisse corpus suum , cum Discipuli non essent dispositi , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in fide . Notes for div A15082-e157910 a Fauent . 3. sent . d. 18. Disp. 42. ca. 2. Meritū . d. Condigno est aliquid , cui ex rigore iustitiae , debetur merces & praemium , 〈◊〉 quod si illi non reddatur fit iniuria . Scot. 1. Dist. 17. q. 1. ar . 1. Caiet . 1.2 . q. 114. ar . 4. Andrad . Orth. Explicat . lib. 6. pag. 599. Ipsum congrui nomen indicat , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 meritum esse , cui 〈◊〉 iure debeatur , sed quod Dei misericordia , magis quam iustitia nititur . Bellarm. d. Iust. li. 1. cap. 21. Fatemur omni merito respondere mercedem , sed sicut meritum quoddam esse dicimus ex congruo , ità mercedem quandam esse dicimus ex congruo , quae magis debeatur ex gratia quam ex iustitia . Vega. d. Iustif. lib. 8. cap. 10. Quandoquè strictè & in rigore hoc verbum capitur , & meritum appellatur actio libera , cui debetur ex iustitia praemium aliquod , seu merces . A lias vero meritum , largè dicitur , actio libera acceptata ad aliquod praemium , vel ex debito , vel ex pacto , seu conditione vel conuentione , aut simplicitèr ex gratia , & generalitèr quodcunquè opus , quod impetrat apud aliquem mercedem aliquam , vel praemium , & causa est collationis ipsius . a Reade before pag. 172. Durand . 2. d. 27. q. 2. nu . 12. Quod redditur potiùs ex liberalitate dantis , quam ex debito operis , non cadit sub merito de condigno strictè & propriè accepto , vt expositum est . Sed quicquid à Deo accipimus , siuè sit gratia siuè 〈◊〉 gloria , siuè bonum temporale , vel spirituale ( praecedente in nobis proptèr hoc quocunque bono opere ) potius & principalius accipimus ex liberalitate Dei , quam reddatur ex debito operis , ergo nihil penitus cadit sub merito de condigno sic accepto . a Aug Ep. 106. Pauperego & dolens , qui adhuc terrenae imaginis squalore concretus sum , & plus de primo quam de secūdo Adam carnis sensibus & terrenis actibus refero , &c. Jdem . d. Ciuit. Dei , lib. 19. ca. 27. Ipsa quoquè nostra iustitia quamuis vera sit proptèr veri boni finem ad quem refertur , tamen tanta est in hac vita , vt potius peccatorum remissione 〈◊〉 , quam perfectione virtutum . b Rhem. Annot Heb. 6. n. 4. These words make it most cleere to all not blinded in pride and contention , that good workes be meritorious , and the very cause of saluation , so far that God should be vniust if he rendred not heauen for the same . Altisiod . sum . li. 3. tr . 12. q. 2. Mereri de condigno est facere de debito debitum , vel de debito magis debitum , ità quod iniustè agitur cum eo nisi reddatur ei quod meruit , Ergo , Deus iniustè ageret cū eo , nisi reddatur ei quod meruit . Bell. d. Iust. li. 5. c. 16. Res. Non esse temerarium nec blasphemū sed pium & sanctum dicere , Deum fore iniustum si non seruaret promissa . a Ibid. cap. 12. 21.22 . b Andrad . Orthod . Explic. lib. 6. pag. 518. Paulus cum demonstrare statuit Abraham fide fuisse instificatum , & non ex operibus , hac vna potissimum id ratione efficit , ei qui operatur merces non imputatur secundum gratiā , sed secundum debitum , Ergo si iustitia Abrahae esset operum , illius merces , debitum sanè potius , quam gratia dici debuisset . c Gregor . Arimin . 2. Sent. d. 17. q. 1. ar . 2. d Durand . 2. d. 27. q. 2. nu . 3. Inter opera meritoria maximè videntur esse meritoriae Sanctorū passiones , & tamen illae non sunt meritoriae de condigno . Dicitenim Apostolus ad Romanos . 8. Non sunt condignae passiones huius temporis ad futuram gloriam . e Origen . Sup. Rom. 4. Vix mihi suadeovllum opus esse posse , quod ex debito remunerationem Dei deposcat . Chrys. in 2. Cor. Hom. 23. Deus hoc in mercedem imputat ; non quod iustis nobis debeat , sed quod misericors est , & pius . f August . tr . 3. in Ioh. Non pro merito quidem accipies vitam aeternam , sed tantum pro gratia . g Vega. Opusc. quest . 4. h Gregor . 〈◊〉 . 1. d. 17. q. 1. ar . 2. i Durand . 1. d. 17. q. 2. & lib. 2. d. 27. q. 2. & lib. 3. d. 18. q. 2. k Marsil . 2. q. 18. ar . 3. l Waldensis . d. Sacram. tit . 1. cap. 7. nu . 5. Pelagiana Haeresis quod Deus secundum mensuram operum meritoriorum praemiabit hominem sic merentem , &c. Reputo igitur saniorem Theologum , fideliorem Catholicum , & Scripturis Sanctis magis concordem , qui tale meritum simplicitèr abnegat , & cum modificatione Apostoli & Scripturarum concedit , quia simplicitèr quis non meretur regnum Coelorum sed ex gratia Dei , aut voluntate largitoris . m 〈◊〉 sup . Psal. 35. n Eckius . Centur. d. Praedest . a Dionis . Cistert . lib. 3. Sent. Dift . 1. q. 2. ar . 3. & li. 4. d. 43. q. 3. ar . 1. Cum dicitur iste puta Socrates 〈◊〉 vitam aeternam , duplex potest esse Sensus , primus . Illi ex valore operis sui debetur illud praemium vltimum , scz . vita 〈◊〉 . Secundus , Socrates meretur vitam aeternam , id est , Socrati gratiose praeparauit Deus , non solū opus quod vocatur meritum , sed etiam pro illo opere praeparauit 〈◊〉 ( licet merè 〈◊〉 ) aliud 〈◊〉 longe melius , 〈◊〉 vitam aeternam , sicut dicit Apostolus ad Rom. 6. Gratia Dei vita aeterna , Quià non solum secundum opera sed secundū propositum , & gratiam quae est data nobis in Christo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nos 〈◊〉 . 2. Tim. 1. b Brulif . 2. d. 27. q. 6. 〈◊〉 purus viator mereri coelestem gloriam de condigno , 〈◊〉 meretur tantum meretur illam de congruo . Et ista opinio est valde deuota & fulcitur multis authoritatibus . c 〈◊〉 . d. lib. Arbit . lib. 5. pag. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 . in Math. 20 voca 〈◊〉 , &c. e 〈◊〉 . Aduert in 8. to . Aug. 〈◊〉 . 13. Scotus negat meritum de condigno , & tenet quod vltra gratiam tale opus acceptaturad gloriam . f 〈◊〉 . in 1. 2. 〈◊〉 . 213. cap. 6. nu . 31. Qui 〈◊〉 equum pro obsequio , 〈◊〉 pecunia 〈◊〉 valoris , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praetium & valorem 〈◊〉 , aut 〈◊〉 , pro quo illum esset pollicitus , sed eodem modo 〈◊〉 quod daretur ex promissione illud minimum praetium & , & 〈◊〉 non intercessissent . g 〈◊〉 . in 1. 2. q. 114. ar . 10. Meritum de congruo , non est meritum simplicitèr sed impropriè & secundum quid , 〈◊〉 Orth. Explic. lib. 6. pag 509. Vasques . 1. 2 disp . 214. ca. 5. h. 26. 〈◊〉 . d Praedest . & Reprob . § 3. pag. 299. Sicut si magnus Monarcha alicui propter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 promitteret & daret statum Regium , quis non dixerit hoc totum esse gratiam Principis ? h 〈◊〉 . 1. d. 17. ar . 1. Posito tali habitu ( Charitatis ) adhuc meritum est multo infirmius & minus 〈◊〉 quàm 〈◊〉 , nulla autem iustitia nec commutatiua , nec distributiua exigunt , vt pro minori bono reddatur magis bonum . i Durand . 2. d. 27. q. 2. n. 18. Qui totum habet ab alio , totum ei debet , nec potest eum debitorem constituere quod requiritur ad meritum de condigno . k Durand . ibid. Meritum hominis apud Deum non potest esse meritū simplicitèr , de cōdigno sed 〈◊〉 secundū 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diuinae ordinationis : 〈◊〉 scilicet , vt homo id consequatur à Deo per suam operationem quasi praemium vel 〈◊〉 . a 〈◊〉 . d. lib. 〈◊〉 . Si 〈◊〉 appellentur ca quae 〈◊〉 nostra merita , . Ephes. 1. 3. & 7. b 〈◊〉 . d. Colonia . Quest. Magistral . q. 363. Satisfactio est redditio eius quod debetur secundum iustitiā . Rom. 8. 26. a Bellar. d. Iustif. li. 1. ca. 21. Speaking of the merit of congruitie or impetration . 〈◊〉 meritum inchoatum & imperfectum , & habet aliquam dignitatem & proportionem ad suum finem , sed non tantam quantam requirit meritum de condigno . b Vasq. 1. 2. Disp. 214. ca. 7. 〈◊〉 . 44. Cum opera nostra non alia ratione tribuantur Christo , tanquam capiti mystico , nisi quia ab eo accipimus gratiam , iustitiam & auxilia omnia , nequaquam autem sicut elicienti illa , fit vt minime accipiant dignitatem , neque dignitatis incrementum à Christo , sed solum à persona ipsa eliciente suam 〈◊〉 iustitiae & Sanctitatis . Alioquin 〈◊〉 nostra opera esse infiniti valoris , &c. Tapia . d. Incarnat . Christ. q. 21. ar . 10. Vt recte docet Caietanus quamuis ea satisfactio capiti Christo innitatur ; non tamen recipit eandem cum satisfactione Christi aequalitatem , sicut imperfecta participant quidem a perfectis esse , & posse , non tamen illis aequantur Nec veto digitus , quamuis 〈◊〉 influxum à 〈◊〉 , plenam eius vim & perfectionem recipit , & quidem si satisfactio hominis iusti vt est membrum Christi , est perfecta simpliciter , & 〈◊〉 , & omnis 〈◊〉 est membrum Christi : Sequitur quod cuiuseunque hominis iusti 〈◊〉 est in 〈◊〉 perfecta , & quidem pro omni culpa , & poena quod est vehementer falsum . 〈◊〉 ergo debemus quod aliud est aliquam operationem 〈◊〉 Deo , vt personae propriae & non mystice loquendo , earum operatio erit infiniti valoris , & 〈◊〉 ac meriti : aliud vero & longe diuersum est aliquam operationem vniri Deo vt causae vniuersali , atque personae mysticae . Tunc enim 〈◊〉 operatio pro 〈◊〉 influentis 〈◊〉 vim & efficaciam . b Bonauentur . 3. d. 20. q. 4. Vicium humanae originis nunquam seperatur a carne peccati . c Greg. in 2. Psa. Poenitential . Sancti viri licet magnis iam virtutibus polleant habent tamen adhuc de culpae obscuritate quod 〈◊〉 , & licet iam magna vitae claritate luceant , aliquas tamen peccati nebulas velut quasdam noctis reliquias trahunt . Hieron . in 〈◊〉 . 13. Aug. Enchir. ca. 64. Bernard . in 〈◊〉 . Omnium 〈◊〉 . Ser. 1. Vega. d. 〈◊〉 . li. 11. ca. 〈◊〉 . Cassal . d. Quadrup . Iust. li. 3. ca. 23 Reade before Pag. 171. 172. Tertul. d. Anima . ca. 23. In optimis nonnihil est pessimi , solus enim Deus sine peccato . a Chrys. in Genes . ho. 22. Talis est spiritualis debiti natura , quod quanto magis 〈◊〉 , tanto 〈◊〉 debetur . b Greg. in 1. 〈◊〉 . Poenit. Non de meis meritis confidens , vt me saluum non de meis meritis spero . a Durand . 2. d. 27. q. 2. n. 15. Promissio diuina in Scripturis sanctis , non 〈◊〉 in aliquam obligationem , sed 〈◊〉 meram dispositionem 〈◊〉 diuinae . 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 non ex debito precedentis operis , sed 〈◊〉 promissione pre cedente non quidem 〈◊〉 ex merito operis de 〈◊〉 sed solum 〈◊〉 principaliter ex promisso . Bassol . 2. d. 27. ar . 4. Sicut si alicuj promitteretur regnum pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 leuaret festucam deberetur 〈◊〉 , non ex condignitate actus leuandi 〈◊〉 , sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 d. 20. q. 1. Quilibet obligatur ex promisso , Deus autem promisserat , &c. 〈◊〉 quod verba Scripturae , &c. non insinuant promissionem ex parte Dei , sed simplicem eius 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 & sic non est ibi aliquod 〈◊〉 . d Greg. Papa Moral . li. 9. ca. 27. Si remota pietate discutimur , opus nostrum poena dignum est , quod remunerari praemijs postulamus . b 〈◊〉 . Quod. lib. 17. 〈◊〉 . 2. Talis dignitas in Actu nihil est nisi acceptatio passiua , voluntatis diuinae . c Greg. Arimin . 1. d. 17. q. 1. ar . 2. Huic etiam concordat commune dictum Doctorum dicentiū quod Deus praemiat 〈◊〉 condignum . e Vasques 1. 2. Disp. 214. c. 5. n. 23. Doctores , &c. bonis operibus secūdum se dignitatem negantes , totam dignitarem nostrorum operum referunt in Dei 〈◊〉 & acceptationem per Christi merita , quod quidem nihil aliud est , quam veram & perfectam rationem meriti , solis Christi operibus ascribere . a Cyprian . d. oper . & Eleemos . n. 24. Praeclara & diuina res est salutaris operatio , solatium grande credentiū , securitatis nostrae salubre praesidiū , munimentū spei , tutela fidei , medela peccati . Chrys. 〈◊〉 . Math. 〈◊〉 . 15. Sicut oleum accendit Iumen Eucernae : ita & bona opera excitant fidem cordis & dant confidentiam animae : Idem . in . 2 , Cor. Hom. 2. At nos optamus 〈◊〉 benefactis habeas fiduciam . Bernard . in Cant. ser. 3. Quantum crescis in gratiam , tanto dilataris in fiduciam . Greg. Mor. l. 10. c. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 minus iudicem formidat , quanto in bonis actibus solidius stat . b Bern. serm . 1. fest . om . sanctor . Quid potest esse omnis iustitia 〈◊〉 coram velut pannus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 districtè iudicetur , iniusta inuenietur omnis iustitia nostra & minus habens . 〈◊〉 ergo de peccatis erit , quando ne ipsa quidem per se poterit respondere iustitia ? Proprerea 〈◊〉 cum Propheta clamantes , ne intres in 〈◊〉 cum seruo tuo Domine , tota humilitate ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae sola potest saluare animae nostras . a Aug. Psal. 149. Est quidam modus in conscientia gloriandi , vt noueris fidē tuam esse sinceram , noueris spem tuam esse certain noueris charitatem tuam esse sine simulatione . b Aug. 〈◊〉 : lib. 9. cap. 13. Vae etiam 〈◊〉 vitae , si remota misericordia discutias eam , &c. Psal. 142. Noli mecum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iudicium Domine Deus mi. 〈◊〉 rectus mihi videar , producis tu de thesauro tuo regulam , . c 〈◊〉 . 2. d. 27. q. 2. n. 10. Et 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 1. 2. Disp. 214. c. 1. n. 〈◊〉 . Eo quod merita & opera 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicantur semen vitae aeternae ac proinde metaphoricè solum dicenda sint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 ratione nisi 〈◊〉 Deus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vt 〈◊〉 vitam 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 3. d. 20. q. 1. Nulla 〈◊〉 obligationis , tenetur Deus cuicunq , 〈◊〉 Ib. q. 2. Hoc est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sibi debitum & debitorem . a Reade Vega d. Iustif. l. 8. c. 6.7.8 . And my Defence of my Brother D. Iohn White , pa. 40. & 41. 〈◊〉 words are these onely : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Verum 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , si 〈◊〉 indulgere . a August . d. Fid. & Oper. cap. 7. & 14. & contra Iulian. lib. 4. cap. 3. &c. 2. Epist. Pelag. lib. 3. cap. 5. & d. perf . Iust. Resp. ad Rat. 16. b 〈◊〉 . serm . 2. Vigil . Natiu . Proptereà mandata sua mandauit custodire 〈◊〉 , vt videntes imperfectionem nostram deficere , & non posse impleri quòd debet , fugiamus ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 super 〈◊〉 , & qui non possumus in vestitu Innocentiae seu 〈◊〉 , apareamus vestiti confessione . a Aquin. 22. q. 44. ar . 4. ad . 2. Duplicitèr contingit ex toto corde Deum deligere , vno quidem modo in actu , id est , vt totum cor hominis semper actualitèr in Deum feratur , & ista est perfectio patriae : Alio modo , vt habitualitèr totum cor hominis in Deum feratum , &c. b Aug. d. Doctr. Christi , lib. 1. cap. 22. Haec regula dilectionis constituta est , Diliges inquit proximum tuum sicut teipsum : Deum vero ex toto corde , & ex tota mente , vt omnes cogitationes tuas , & 〈◊〉 vitam & intellectum in illum conferas , à quo habes ea ipsa quae confers . Cùm autem ait toto corde , tota anima , tota mente , nullam , vitae nostrae 〈◊〉 , quae recare debiat , & quasi locum dare vt alia re velit frui , sed quicquid aliud 〈◊〉 venerit in animum , illuc rapiatur quo totius dilectionis impetus currit . Nullum extrà se riuulum duci patiatur , cuius deriuatione minuatur . 〈◊〉 . lib. d. Praef. lust . Resp. ad Rat. 16. Cùm est adhuc aliquid carnalis concupiscentiae , quod vel continendo frenetur , non omnimodo ex tota anima deligitur Deus . 〈◊〉 . in Cant. Serm. 20. Greg. sup . Reg. lib. 3. cap. 1. Bernard . in Cant. Serm. 50. In affectu quis ità se habet vt mandatur . c Rom. 6. 17. Heb. 11. 33. Gen. 6. 9. Luc. 1. 67. Concil . Arausic . cap. 25. Hocetiàm secundum fidem Catholicam credimus , quod accepta per baptismum gratiae omnes baptisati , Christo 〈◊〉 & cooperante , quae ad salutem pertinent , possint ac debeant ( si fidelitèr laborare voluerint ) adimplere . Hieron . Expos . Fid. Cath. & ad . Celant . Epist. 14. Aug. d. Natura & Grat. ca. 68. d Rom. 7.18 . Phil. 3.12 . 〈◊〉 . Ioh. 1. 9. Chrys. d. Paenit . Serm. 8. Hieron . c. Pelag. lib. 2. pag. 130. & sup . Ierem cap. 17. Aug. d. Grat. & lib. Arb. ca. 16. & d. pecc . mer. & remiss . li. 2. cap. 16. Bernard . Serm. 2. vigil . Notal . Dom. & in Cant. Serm. 50. Ergò mandando impossibilia , &c. Aug. d. Spiritu & Litera , ca. vlt. Bernard . Serm. 50. in Cantica . a Aug. d. Spir. & Lit. ca. 36. Verū etiàm in istis leuioribus , &c. b Bernard . in Cant. Serm. 50. c August . ibid. Sed ideò nobis hoc etiàm nunc praeceptum est . Idem . Epist. 200. Bernard . Ibidem . Nec laterit praeceptorem praecepti pondus , hominum excedere vires , &c. Ergò mandando impossibilia , non praeuaricatores homines constituit , sed humiles , &c. Accipientes quippè mandatum , & sentientes defectum , clamabimus in . 〈◊〉 , & miserabitur 〈◊〉 Deus , & sciemus in illa die , quià non ex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed secundum suam misericordiam , saluos nos fecit . d Stapleton . d. 〈◊〉 . lib. 6. ca. 10. pa. 190. 〈◊〉 . d. Monach. li. 2. ca. 13. e Vasques . d. paenit . disp 94. ar . 1. du . 2. n. 3. Deus 〈◊〉 punit , qui iàm dignus non est poena : Ergò dicendum est illum manere dignum ex se etiàm post iustificationem . f Aug. Ep. 29. Quamdiucharitas augeri potest , profecto illud quod minus est quā debet , ex vitio est : ex quo vitio non est iustus in terra , qui 〈◊〉 & non peccet propter quod vitium , si dixcrimus quod peccatū non babemus , mendaces sumus , &c. 〈◊〉 quod etiàm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 necessariū est nobis dicere , dimitte nobis debita nostra , cum 〈◊〉 omnia dicta , facta , cogitata , dimissa 〈◊〉 . Id. d. verb. 〈◊〉 . Ser. 2. Id. Ep. 26. ad . Hieron . Propter 〈◊〉 imperfectionis vitiū si dixenmus 〈◊〉 non habemus , nos ipsos fallimus , & veritas in nobis non est , profecerimus necessarium est nobis dicere , dimitte nobis debita nostra , cū 〈◊〉 omnia in Baptismo dimissa sunt : ex quo vitio non 〈◊〉 in conspectu 〈◊〉 omnis viuens . a Bern. Serm. d. Quadrupl . debito . Cum ei donauero , quicquid sum , quicquid possum , nonneistud est sicut stella adsolem , gutta ad fluuium , lapis ad montem , granum ad aceruum . a BE. Moreton Appeal . lib. 5. c. 4. Sect. 3. n. 11. Not but that wee allow the distinction of Precept , and Counsell . M. Hooker , Eccles . Policie , lib. 2. n. 8. p. 122. BB. Andrewes , c. Apol. Bellar. ca. 8. p. 196. Muscul. in 1. Cor. 7. Hiperius , in 1. Cor. 7.25 . 〈◊〉 . ibid. b August . Enchirid . ca. 121. Greg. Nazianz contr . Iulian . Orat. 1. Chrys. in Math. Hom. 2. & in Rom. Hom. 14. & in 1. Cor. Hom. 22. c Aug. in Psalm . 140. Cū in Scripturis sanctis contemplatus fueris normam iustitiae , quantūcunq , profeceris 〈◊〉 te peccatorem . d August . sup . Psal. 137. timeo ne cum inspexeris , inuenies plura peccata , quam merita . Idem , d. Cinit . Dei , lib 14. cap. 9. Sine 〈◊〉 qui viuere se existimat , non id agit vt peccatum non habeat , sed vt veniam non accipiat . Concil . 〈◊〉 . ca. 6. & 7. e Constantin . apud Socrat. Hist. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cyprian d. Oper. & Eleemos . n. 3. Quisquis se inculpatum dixerit , aut superbus , aut stultus est . 〈◊〉 in Euang. Dom. 14. post 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , in cap. 〈◊〉 . Luc. a Ambros. Apol. Dauid . ca. 2. Vnusquisque nostrum per singulas horas , quam multa delinquit ? 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Serm. 7. Quis 〈◊〉 ita immunis à culpa , vt in co non 〈◊〉 , vel . 〈◊〉 quod arguat , vel 〈◊〉 quod remittat . Basil. li. d. Poenit. Non Angeli sumus , sed homines , et cadimus & resurgimus , idque saepius cadem hora. August . in Psalm . 137. Timeo ne cum 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 peccata quam merita . Chrysost. in Galath . ca. 6. sicut aurum , &c. Greg. 1. 26. Mor. c. 20. Fulgent . Prolog . in lib. contra Monimum . Paulin. Ep. 2. ad Seuerum . August . lib. 2. 4. Euang . c. 30. Idem , ibid. cap. 19. August . d. Adulterin . Coniug . lib. 1. cap. 14. Optat. li. 6. c. Parmen . Hieron . aduers. Iouin . ca. 7. li. 1. Chrysoft . Hom. 8. d. Poenit. Greg. Nazianzen . Orat. 3. Cyprian . de habitu Virginum , prope finem . Origen . in ca. 15. ad Rom. 1. Cor. 7. 25. Ambros. d. viduis vltra medium . Luc. 17. vers . 10. Matth. 19. vers . 17. Ibid. vers . 12. a Greg. Mor. li. 26. ca. 21. Aliud est quod per Sacram Scripturam omnibus generaliter precipitur , aliud quod specialiter perfectioribus Imperatur . Plus exhibere appetunt , quam preceptis generalibus audire potuerunt . b Greg. Mor. lib. 5. cap. 7.8 . & lib. 8. cap. 13. 20. 21. 23. & lib. 9. cap. 14.27.28 . Quantumlibet rectis operibus insudemus , veram munditiam nunquam apprehendimus , sed imitamur . Et lib. 24. cap. 18. & lib. 29. cap. 9. & lib. 32. cap. 1. & lib. 35. cap. 3.26 . & sup . Ezech. hom . 9. & Prolog . in Psal. poenitential . c Idem . in 1. Psal. poen . Non de meis meritis confidens , vt me saluum facias supplico , sed de sola misericordia tua presumens impetrare , quod non de meis meritis spero . Duplex forma mandati , vna praeceptiua , alia voluntaria . Hoc non omnibus Imperatur . Greg. Naz. in Sent. a P. Martir . sup . Rom. 8. Si quis recte intelligat nostram assertionem , facile videbit , nos non docere mandata Dei prorsus esse impossibilia , nisi tantum quod ad eos 〈◊〉 , qui à Christo sunt alieni , pa. 457. b August . d. pecc . mer. & remiss . lib. 2. cap. 16. Iubet Deus , omnibus hominibus vt non faciant vllum peccatum , quamuis sit prescius neminem hoc impleturum : vt quicunque impie & damnabiliter eius precepta contempserint , ipse faciat in 〈◊〉 damnatione quod iustum est : Quicunque autem in eius preceptis obedienter & pie proficientes , nec tamen omnia quae precepit implentes , sicuti sibi dimitti volunt , si alijs 〈◊〉 dimiserint , ipse faciat in eorum mundatione quod bonum est . a Nugnus . Addit . in . 3. pa. Tho. q. 25. ar . 1. dif . 2. Fides est ità vt 〈◊〉 sit haeresis 〈◊〉 , esse thesaurum In Ecclesia , constans ex satisfactiomb superabundantibus Christi Domini , & fides est ità vt oppofitum sit erroneum , hunc thesaurum etiam cōstare ex satisfactionibus Sanctorum . b Id. Ibid. Thesaurum dici metaphoricè , &c. ad Sgnificandum cumulum & 〈◊〉 meritorum Christi & Sanctorum , in quantum constat ex satisfactionibus Christi & Sanctorum , quae bona modo in terris non habent Dominum , quià nulli sunt applicata in particulari . c Antonin . sum . Mor. p. 1. tit . 10. cap. 1. Claues istius thesauri , ad ipsum erogandum 〈◊〉 habet Papa . d Ibid. Possunt autem valere indulgentiae , secundum Thomam & Richardum in 4. nen solum viuis , sed etiàm existentibus in purgatorio . e 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 in 3. Tho. q. 25. 〈◊〉 . 1. dif . 1. 〈◊〉 mihi videtur melius esse ex genere secundum se , illas ( pecunias ) conferre ad lucrandas indulgentias , &c. pa. 447. a 〈◊〉 . sum . lib. 4. d. Relax . per Claues . Ecclesia non solum meretur remissionē culpae alicui , sed etiā remissionē poenae . b 〈◊〉 . Annal . tom . 14. anno 1300. n. 4. Dictorū 〈◊〉 ( Petri & Pauli ) meritis , omnes animae in purgatorio , non 〈◊〉 à poenis fuissent liberatae , sed aeternam quoquè gloriā consecutae . c Zerula . d. Indulg li. 1. ca. 18. q. 6. An viuus satisfaciat , vel impetret , vel meretur per viam iustitiae , &c. Resp. Dico secundò quod etiam per viam iustitiae 2. Tim. 4. Et sicut viuus pro viuo potest mereri & satisfacere per viam iustitiae , sic etiàm pro defunctis , &c. d Vid. Iacob . d. Graph. Decis . Aur. p. 1. li. 1. ca. 31. nu . 3. a Cornel. 〈◊〉 . sup . Rom. 6. pag. 279. Vigebat spinosa & molesta nescio quae Theologia , de instantibus , relationibus , de quidditatibus , de formalitatibus , itemquè baec omnia Sillogismis arte contortis , & humanis duntaxtat argutijs , quae proculdubio , qua authoritate recipiuntur , refelli possunt 〈◊〉 tota 〈◊〉 in hominum decretis , quae inter se pugnantia semper nullo tempore reconcilianda , alunt perpetuam per secula litem , &c. Is sublimis Theologus habebatur , qui maiora portenta pro suis 〈◊〉 effingere sciat , praetijque pars erat gloriolae inanis non intelligi , grandia illa verba 〈◊〉 alto 〈◊〉 inter 〈◊〉 de sacris Philosophantes trutinabant . Iurauerunt vniuersi in 〈◊〉 verba . Hinc 〈◊〉 sectae , Thomistae , Scotistae , Occhamistae , Albertistae , Egidiani , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , posthabebantur Euangeliae , Epistolae , Christiana Sapientia delitescebat , a paucissimis tradebatur , sed frigidè , non dicam in sincerè . Ecce nunc in hoc seculo bonarum literarum 〈◊〉 occasione accepta ab impijssima hac Haereticorum secta , diuina gratia , emergit Christus , Moses , Paulus , Petrus , quot hominum pigritiam excussit Deus , quot spiritus suscitauit , vt occurrat lupis his , qui 〈◊〉 Dominicae oues mactare venerunt , quot abdita Scripturarum loca , enucleauit labor eorum assiduus ? a Extra . d. poen . & Remiss . Clemens 6. ca. Vnigenitus . Ad cuius quidem thesauri cumulū beatae Dei genitricis , omniumque Electorum à primo iusto vsque ad vltimum merita , adminiculum praestare noscuntur , &c. 〈◊〉 . 4. d. 20. q. 4. n. 10. In hoc conueniunt Sancti cum Christo , in his quae fuerunt Supererogationis , quod aliquid ponunt in thesauro Ecclesiae sicut Christus . Al. Hal. 4. q. 23. ar . 2. n. 3. Capreol . 4. d. 20. q. 1. ar . 3. Aureol . 4. d. 20. pa. 148. Salmer . in Coloss. cap. 1. disp . 3. pa. 351. Panormit . 5. Decretal . d. poen . & Remiss . ca. Quod autem . n. 8. Scire debes quod ex effusione sanguinis Christi , & multis meritis martyrum , & aliorum sanctorum , constituitur Thesaurus Ecclesiae , cuius potestatem habet Vicarius Christi , & claudit & aperit cui vult : nam minima gutta sanguinis Christi fuisset sufficiens , ad redimendum totum mundum . Item Martyres fuerunt hic puniti vltra quod eorum delicta meruerunt , vnde eorum merita manserunt in Ecclesia vniuersali , quia sicut nullum malum impunitum ita nullum bonum irremuneratum : Ille ergo qui concedit Indulgentias , intendit communicare illa bona irremunerata , compensatione quadam . b Antonin . Sum. Moral . p. 1. Tit. 10. cap. 3. Palud . 4. d. 20. q. 4. n. 51. Potest , vt videtur per indulgentiam , in quantum habetrationem cuiusdam absolutionis , remitti veniale quoad culpam . Viguer . Instit. cap. 16. §. 6. vers . 22. Plenissima ( Indulgentia ) quia non solum remittuntur poenae mortalium & venialium , sed etiam ipsa culpa venialis remittitur . a Chrys. in Matth. Hom. 10. Non est aliquod omnino peccatū quod non cedat poenitentiae virtuti imo gratiae Dei , cum ad 〈◊〉 ora conuertimur . b Tertull. lib d. Poenit. cap. 9 Cyprian . d. Lapsis . a Prosp. Sent. 5. Misericorditèr tēporalē adhibet seueritatem . Id. Sent. 231. Cum facit vt aliqua tribulatione vexemur , etiā tunc misericors est . b Aug. sup . Psal. 31. Sitexit peccata Deus , noluit aduertere noluit animaduertere , si noluit animaduertere , noluit punire , noluit agnoscere , maluit ignoscere . c Greg. Mor. li. 4. ca. 18. d Cassiodor . sup . Psal. 84. e August . sup . Psal. 50. Aliquando Deus cui ignoscit in futuro seculo , corripit eum de peccato in isto seculo . Nam & ipsi Dauid cui dictum iam fuerat per Prophetam , dimissum est peccatum tuum , euenerunt quidam quae minatus 〈◊〉 , Deus propter ipsum peccatum . Nam filius eius Absolon 〈◊〉 eum cruentum Bellum gessit , & in multis humiliauit patrem suum . Ambulabat ille in dolore , in tribulatione humiliationis suae : ita subditus Deo , vt omnia iusta ei tribuens , confiteretur , quod 〈◊〉 pateretur indigne , habens iam rectum cor , cui non displicebat Deus . f Vasq. 1. 2. Disp. 208. ca. 5. nu . 25. Si Deus vellet aliquem torquere , non 〈◊〉 macula , nec 〈◊〉 , malum quod ei infligeret , non haberet rationem poenae . Nam poena est malum 〈◊〉 propter 〈◊〉 , sed Deus tanquam Author 〈◊〉 , & mortis posset ipsum affligere , sicut etiam fecit cum Sancto Iob. Bernard . in Cant. Serm. 16. Etsi quandoque feriat vt emendet , nunquam tamen vt 〈◊〉 . a Aug. in Psa. 98. Illi Deus irascitur , quem peccantem non flagellat . Nam cui verè propicius est , non solum donat peccata ne 〈◊〉 ad futurum seculum , sed etiam chastigat ne semper peccare delectet . Orig. sup . Genes . Hom. 16. Quod iustis exercitium virtutis est , hoc iniustis poena peccati est . August . Epist. 87. Quid non misericorditer . praestaretur hominibus à Deo , à quo etiam tribulatio beneficium est . Res prosperae , donum sunt consolantis : res aduersae , donum admonentis Dei. Idem , c. Faust. Manich. lib. 22. ca. 67. Reade the Margen , pa. 547. c. August . c. Faust. li. 22. ca. 20. Nullus hominum est , tanta iustitia praeditus , cui non sit necessaria tentatio tribulationis , vel ad perficiendam , vel ad confirmandam , vel ad probandam virtutem . b Suar. 〈◊〉 . 4. in 3. p. Tho. Disp. 48. Sect. 3. qui citat . Gabriel . Adrian . Nauar. 〈◊〉 . Soto . 〈◊〉 , Addit . ad . 3. p. Tho. q. 20. Difficult . 2. Conclus . 2. Si satisfactio consideretur secundū omnia quae habet , quia scilicet , simul est ab homine & à Deo , simpliciter est satisfactio condigna . Vasq. tom . 4. in 3. p. Tho. q. 94. Dub. 3. Omnes Doctores antiqui supponere videntur , esse nostra opera satisfactoria de condigno pro poena , &c. Ibid. Dub. 5. Si in operibus meritorijs concedimus condignitatem ad vitam aeternam , & ad augmentum sanctitatis , cur non etiam ad poenae remissionem ? , a 〈◊〉 . d. poen . ca. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instituer at Deo satisfacere . ca. 7. Habes 〈◊〉 satisfacias . Cyprian . Epist. 10. Deo patri misericordi , praecibus & 〈◊〉 suis satisfacere . Epist. 27. Deo satisfacere debent . Epist. 40. Dominus 〈◊〉 , & continua satisfactione 〈◊〉 est . Idem . Epist. 55. & epist. 64. Et. 〈◊〉 . Et Eleemos . 〈◊〉 li. d. lapsis . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Aug. li. 50. Hom. vit . ca. 4. Leo. Epist. 79. ad Nicet . ca. 5. Et epist. 〈◊〉 . ca. 〈◊〉 . & 92. ca. 2. b Cypra . Epi. 26. Eluendae sunt impio Sacrificio manus inquinatae , operibus bonis , & nesario cibo or a misera polluta , poenitētiae sunt verae sermonibus expianda , & in secretis cordis fidelis nouellandus & 〈◊〉 est animus : crebri poenitentium gemitus audiantur . Et iterum sideles ex oculis lachrimae 〈◊〉 , vt illi ipsi oculi , qui male simulachra conspexerunt , quae 〈◊〉 commiserunt , satisfacientibus Deo 〈◊〉 deleant . 〈◊〉 . li. a. Lapsis . Qui sic Deo 〈◊〉 , qui poenitentia facti sui , qui pudore delicti plus virtutis & sidei , &c. Ambros. ad Virg. Laps . ca. 8. Chrys. d. Lazaro . Hom. 4. Aug. li. 50 Hom. 5. Non sufficit mores in melius commutare , & à factis malis recedere , nisi etiam de his , quae sacta sunt , satisfiat Deo , per poenitentiae 〈◊〉 , per humilitatis 〈◊〉 , per contriti cordis Sacrificium , cooperantibus Eleemosynis . c Ambr. ad Virg. corrupt . Si futuras poenas 〈◊〉 perpetuas , in hoc 〈◊〉 vitae spacio compensauerit , &c. Tertul. d. poen . ca. 9. Temporali 〈◊〉 aeterna supplicia non dicam frustretur , sed expungat . Cyprian . Epist. 52. Pro 〈◊〉 & purgando delicto tuo , &c. Ep. 55. Datur opera ne satisfactionibus & lamentationibus iustis delicta 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . in Psal. 118. ( exitus Aquarum , &c. ) Nunc quoque non desinit verae poenit entiae 〈◊〉 , veteris facti crimen abluere . Pacian . Paroen . ad Poen . Hieron . Epist. 30. ca. 2. Cassian . collat . 23. ca. 〈◊〉 . Quisquis post Baptismum , & scientiam Dei , in illud mortis corpus 〈◊〉 , hoc est in aliquod capitale 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 se non quotidiana gratia Dei , id est facili remissione , &c. sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 afflictione 〈◊〉 . ac poenali dolore purgandum , aut certe pro his 〈◊〉 futuro aeterni ignis supplicijs addicendum . Eucherius . Hom. 5. ad Monach. Non leui agendum est contritione , vt debita illa re dimantur , quibus 〈◊〉 aeterna debetur . Nec transitoria opus est satisfactione pro malis 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 quae paratus est ignis aeternus . d Vasques in 3. part . Tho. to . 4. d. poen . q. 94. ar . 1. dub . 3. Si 〈◊〉 opera iustorū esse de condigno satisfactoria , illud asserere debemus ex 〈◊〉 ipsorum 〈◊〉 , quae in homine iusto ex auxilio dei facta sunt 〈◊〉 , atque adeo non ex Dei benigna acceptatione , qua 〈◊〉 ipsis operibus contentus esse , etiamsi illa minus condigna sunt : hoc vero dixerim de latisfactione extra 〈◊〉 , illa enim debet esse condigna absque condonatione 〈◊〉 , alias non 〈◊〉 latisfactio , nec debet concedi in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 applicationem meritorum Christi , additam ipsi 〈◊〉 satisfactorio . Cornel. d. lap . in Daniel 4. v. 24. 〈◊〉 culpa , meretur ex condigno remissionem poenae reliquae . 〈◊〉 . Harmon . Euang. li. 2. ca. 1. Theoria . 10. 〈◊〉 satisfactionem esse de condigno & iustitia . e Dur and. 4. d. 15 q. 1. nu . 6. arqualitas proprie dicta , &c. vel secundum acceptationem eius 〈◊〉 sit emenda , & haec est aequalitas interpretatius solum . 〈◊〉 in 3. dist . 19. §. 1. Sciendum satisfactionem non aliud esse , quam debiti 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 satisfactionis nomen latius quandoque patet , vt etiam is satisfacere dicatur , qui vel se , vel alium quacunque ratione debitis apud creditorem liberat . Exigit 〈◊〉 aliquando creditor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rigorem debitum est , aliquando autem contentus est accipere quantum satis est misericordiae . Vbi quidem sola prior illa perfecta est , & proprij nominis satisfactio : posterior vero non , ex iusta 〈◊〉 aestimatione , 〈◊〉 ex creditoris indulgentia inter satisfactiones 〈◊〉 . Coenick . d. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Disp. 10. dub . 3. no. 19. Satisfactio decongruo non potest absolute dici satisfactio , sed tantum secundum quid . 〈◊〉 . 3. d. 20. q. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est secundum acceptationem 〈◊〉 cui fit , vocatur satisfactio de congruo . a Cassand . Consult . d. 〈◊〉 . De hac satisfactione non 〈◊〉 erit conquet endilocus , si ex Ecclesiae sententia , hunc in modum doceatur , quod sola passie & mors vnigeniti filij Dei , sit satisfactio & 〈◊〉 pro peccatis nostris , siue eo quod ex Origine contraximus , fiue ijs quae ante , vel post regenerationem , ex carnis infirmitate commisimus quae satisfactio offertur & applicatur nobis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est verbi , & Saeramentorum . b Cypr. Epist. 40. Quibus Dominus longa & continua 〈◊〉 placandus est . Tertul. d. poenit . ca. 5. Qui per delictorum poenitentiam instituerat Domino 〈◊〉 . c Euseb. hist. Eccles . li. 3. ca. 17. Et. li. 5. ca. 27. Et. li. 6. ca. 35. Iren. li. 1. ca. 9. Ambros. d poen . li. 1. ca. 16 Sosomen . hist. Eccl. li. 7. c. 16. d Cassan. Consult . d. 〈◊〉 . In veteri Ecclesia , vt segniores excitarentur . poenitentibus ob grauiora 〈◊〉 certa tempora & officia definita fuerunt , quibus non solum coram Deo interiorem animi 〈◊〉 excitarent , & exercerent , sed etiam Ecclesiae vere se atque ex animo peccatī poenitere , declararēt , atque ita manus impositione Episcopi & cleri , Ecclesiae reconciliarentur , & ius communicationis acciperent , atque 〈◊〉 prescripta officia , 〈◊〉 satisfactiones feu poenae vocabantur , quae vt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Episcoporum & Pastorum in abusū , ita quoque negligentia & signitia 〈◊〉 pastorum 〈◊〉 populi 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 venerunt . B. Rhenanus . Annot. in Terr . d. poenit . e August . 〈◊〉 . ca. 65. Recte constituuntur ab eis qui praesunt Ecclesiae tempora poenitentiae , vt fiat etiam satis Ecclesiae , in qūa remittuntur peccata . f Marsi . 4. quae . 〈◊〉 ar . 2. Satisfactio sacramentalis potest capi 〈◊〉 , vno modo 〈◊〉 vim vocis , & sic satisfactio diceretur omnes illi actus voluntatis eliciti & imperati , quibus anima satisfacit deo , pro commisso crimine . Et hoc modo contritio , & 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 este partes satisfactionis quia sunt actus eliciti : vt contritio , electio 〈◊〉 . confessio , interior , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 exterior actus imperatus quibus satisfacimus Deo. Et hoc modo satisfactio non est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 poenitentiae scilicet , 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 Sacramentum . Alio modo satisfactio capitur restricte 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elicitis & imperatis 〈◊〉 contritionem & confessionem , & sic est pars Sacramenti poenitentiae , 〈◊〉 est contritio 〈◊〉 pars , vel etiam confessio : sed ab ea presupposira . a 〈◊〉 Con. 〈◊〉 d. 〈◊〉 . ar . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 etiá ex ordine 〈◊〉 , non familiarem siue priuatam poenitentiam , neque quamuis publicam , sed solennem tantū Sacramentū dici affirmant . b Greg. Val. l. d. Satisfact . cap. 1. 〈◊〉 . d. Instruct. 〈◊〉 . lib. 3. cap. 11. Victoria . sum . d. Sacram. d. poenit . nu . 109. 〈◊〉 . 4. d. 15. q. 1. 〈◊〉 . tom . 4. disp . 49. sect . 1. Cardub . lib. 5. d. Indulg . q. 2. Medina . d. 〈◊〉 . per quinque prima capita . c Cassand . Consultd . Confess . ar . 12. Si ex motu & afflatu Spiritus Sancti 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 remissionem peccati faciunt . Cyprian . d. Laps . Sect. 24. 〈◊〉 fletibus , planctibus Dominum 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . ex var. in Math. Hom. 16. Pro omnibusillis accepit poenitentiam comitem , quae Aduocati locum 〈◊〉 . d Nazarius . in 3. p. Thom. q. 1. ar . 2. contr . 7. pa. 113. Si tamen accipiatur , vt satisfactioni Christi 〈◊〉 , vnum babebit cum ea vaiorem , ac proinde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 satisfactionis Christi , esse de rigore iustitiae . e Ibid. Contr. 6. Satisfactio Christi licet sit 〈◊〉 , & ex hac parte vberior & abundantior quam satisfactio hominisiusti pro suo 〈◊〉 veniali , tamen cum istius satisfactio ex auxilio gratiae efficacior sit ad 〈◊〉 maculam 〈◊〉 venialis , sequitur non esse perfectiorem satisfactionem Christi , quam sit satisfactio hominisiusti , pro suo 〈◊〉 veniali , in genere satisfactionis ad effectum delendi peccatum , & extinguendum debitum illius , licet satisfactio Christi in ratione operationis & meriti 〈◊〉 sit . Suares . tom . 4. disp . 48. sect . 3. f Cassand . ibid. vt hac disciplina 〈◊〉 homines ad 〈◊〉 dignos fructus faciendos 〈◊〉 . g Aug. Ap. Grat. d. poen . dist . 1. c. 63. Non sufficit mores in melius commutare & à preteritis malis 〈◊〉 , nisi etiam de his quae facta 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 fiat Deo per 〈◊〉 dolorem , per humilitatis 〈◊〉 , per contriti cordis Sacrificium , cooperantibus 〈◊〉 & ieiunijs . h Bellarm. d. poen . l. 4. c. 13. Lioet sententia sit 〈◊〉 probabilis , 〈◊〉 , Durandi ; Paludani , &c. Non 〈◊〉 satisfieri per opera alias debita . 〈◊〉 . in Confess . ca. 48. Dare operam 〈◊〉 placatum tibi reddas , non 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 , verum etiam in debita quaedam opera faciendo , &c. Palud . 4. d. 15. q. 1. 〈◊〉 . 2. 〈◊〉 . v. satisfactio q. 8. 〈◊〉 . 4. d. 15. q. 2. du . 1. 〈◊〉 . ib. d. 15. q. 1. ar . 7. not . 1. a Cassand . Consult . d. Confess . Hoc autem interest inter Actionem poenitentiae seu exomologesin veteribus vsitatam , & cam quae nunc vsu recepta est , quod olim nisi his operibus ab Ecclesiae praefecto iniunctis rite peractis , absolutio , & reconciliatio , & communionis ius , per manus impositionem non concedebatur , vt ex multis Tertulliani & Cypriani locis constat , &c. Hodie vero statim à facta consessione , manus poenitenti imponitur , & ad communionis ius admittitur . Math. 25. 34. a Vet. 〈◊〉 . Fihj merces fructus ventris . b 〈◊〉 . Cod. d. poen . tr . 3. d. Satisfact . q. 2. pa. 292. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nomine mercedis Scriptura vtatur , nòn tamèn inde fit vt debito , & ex iustitia proprie sumpta Regnum AEgipti illi Regi fuerit traditum , sed 〈◊〉 , illic largè accipitur , & ad omnem remunerationem etiàm gratiosam se extendit . Daniel . 4.24 . a Peccata tua Eleemosinis redime , &c. b Hieron . sup . Esa. 14. Omnes animae apud Inferos , aliquam requiem accipient , tu solus in extremas tenebras religaberis , omnium enim operieris sāguine & vniuersorū cruor te premet velut obuolutum sanie mortuorum . c Bellarm. d. Indulg . lib. 2. cap. 1. Poena quarum fit mentio , Psal. 88. Heb. 11. &c. Ad forum externum pertinent , 〈◊〉 enim à Deo tanquam Iudice in externo & criminali 〈◊〉 , nam si non potest ldulgentia tollere poenam qua Pretor aliquem mulctauit ob furtum vel homicidium , quantò minus 〈◊〉 poterit cam quam Deus ipse alicui decreuit . a Bellar. in Simbol . A post . ar . 9 pa. 123. Ecclesia quae est in terris communicat suffragia Ecclesiae quae est in Purgatorio : Et Ecclesia quae est in Coelis communicat orationes , & merita sua cum Ecclesia quae est in terris . b Aug. contra Faust. lib. 22. cap. 67. Nequè praetermissa est in illo , secundum Dei comminationem flagelli paterni Disciplina , vt & confessus in aeternum liberaretur , & afflictus temporaliter probaretur . Chrys. Hom. 25. in Act. Apost . Cyprian . Serm. d. Eleemosyna . a Cyprian . d. Opere . & Eleemos . nu . 5. Nequè promereri misericordiam Domini poterit , qui misericors ipse non fuerit , aut impetrabit de diuina misericordia aliquid in praecibus , qui ad praecem pauperis non fuerit humanus . Ibid. Nec pro defuncto suis vocibus , sed ipsius operibus 〈◊〉 , &c. b Aug. in Psalm . 143. Tanquam vnda misericordiae , peccati ignis extinguitur . Math. 6.6.7 . Aug. Enchir. ca. 71. c Aug. Enchir. ca. 71. Delet & illa , à quibus vita fidelium sceleratè etiam gesta , sed paenitendo in melius mutata discedit . d Aug. e. duas Epist. Pelag. lib. 4. cap. 7. Ionae cap. vlt. Cyprian . Serm. d. Laps . a 〈◊〉 in Addit . 3. p. Tho. q. 20. ar . 3. dif . 2. Simplicitèr est dicendū , quod ista satisfactio est condigna & infallibilis . Suar. in 3. p. Tho. to . 4. disp . 48. sect . 3. Bell. d. Indulg . li. 2. c. 9. b Cyprian . d. Laps . sect . 28. Iustis operibus incumbere , quibus peccata purgātur . Eleemosynis frequentèr insistere , quibus à morte 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Nec Dominum grauiter offensum , longa & 〈◊〉 paenitentia deprecetur . Ib. sect . 24. Iejunijs , fletibus , planctibus , Dominum deprecari , 〈◊〉 ad Dominum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 criminis , 〈◊〉 doloribus exprimentes ; 〈◊〉 deprecemur . Ambros. Serm. vlt. in Psal. 118. Aug. d. Nat. & Grat. c. 36. Luc. 1. v. 8. Greg. in ca. 2. Iob. Ad Hebr. 11.38 . 1. Cor. 4. 2. Cor. 18. Cypr. li. 4. Epist. 2. Aug. tract . 84. in Iohan. Bernard . Serm. 4. in Cantica . a August . Enchir. ca. 64. Quamuis de illis sit vera citer dictum , Quotquot Spiritu Dei aguntur , hi filij sunt Dei : sic tamen Spiritu Dei excitantur , 〈◊〉 tanquam filij Dei proficiunt ad Deum , vt etiam 〈◊〉 suo , maximè aggrauante corruptibili corpore , tanquam filij hominum , quibusdam motibus humanis deficiant ad 〈◊〉 , & ideo 〈◊〉 . Idem , d. Ciuit. Dei , li. 14. ca. 9. Tunc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ista erit , quando peecatum nullum in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nunc verò satis benè viuitur , si sine crimine , sine peccato autem qui viuere se existimat , non id agit vt peccatum non habeat , sed vt veniam non accipiat . Idem , sup . Psal. 44. c. 2. Maria ex Adam mortua est propter peccatum , &c. Idem , d. Pecc . Merit . li. 2. ca. 30. 〈◊〉 indeclinabilem fidei sententiam , solus vnus est , qui sine peccato mortuus est , &c. a Idem , c. duas Epist. Pelag. lib. 4. cap. 4. Pati mortem sine meritis mortis de vno solo Mediatore Catholica fides est . Calu Institut . li. 3. ca. 5. Clemens Sextus in Constit. vnigenit . a 〈◊〉 . Sum. li. 5. d. Remiss . & Disp. Filius Dei non solum guttā , sed totum sanguinem fudit pro peccatoribus , & praeterea Martyres pro fide & Ecclesia sanguinem suum fuderunt , & vltra quod peccassent puniti fuerunt , restat quod in dicta effusione , omne peccatū punitum est , & 〈◊〉 sanguinis effusio , est Thesaurus , in 〈◊〉 Ecclesiae repositus , cuius claues Ecclesia inde , quando vult potest scrinium aperire & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cui voluerit communicare remissiones & indulgentias fidelibus faciendo , & sic peccatum non remanet impunitum , quia punitum fuit in Filio Dei , & Martyribus sanctis suis. b Antouin . Sum. p. 1. Tit. 10. ca. 3. Potest vt videtur per Indulgentiam in quantum habet rationem cuiusdam absolutionis , remitti culpa 〈◊〉 . Palud . 4. d. 20. q. 4. Viguer . Instit. c. 〈◊〉 . vers . 22. c Nazarius , in 3. p. Tho. q. 1. ar . 2. contr . 7. Praemittendum est , Christum esseveluti Hypostasin 〈◊〉 corporis mystici , quod est Ecclesia , &c. Constat autem , Actiones & Passiones , tam capitis quam membrorum , eidem Hypostasi tribui , cuius sunt caput & membra . Ibid. Quia per gratiam ex Christi capitis influxu receptam , constituimur illius viua membra , quorum membrorum , Christus non solum est Caput : sed etiam suppositum , vt ante diximus : ideò hoc ipso , quod nos meremur , & satisfacimus , vt membra Christo Capiti vnita , & vt existentia in Christo , tanquam in communi supposito , dicimur mereri , & satisfacere de toto rigore iustitiae ; quia secundum 〈◊〉 considerationem non tam nos meremur & satisfacimus in Christo , quàm Christus vt Caput , & vt mysticum suppositum , meretur & satisfacit in nobis . Ibid. Si mystici corporis Ecclesiae membra considerentur , quatenus simul cum Christo capite , vnum integrum & perfectum Ecclesiae corpus constituunt , dici verè & absolutè potest , corpus hoc mysticum per suum caput satisfecisse , de toto rigore justitiae , & superabundasse : non ob eam tantum causam , quod Christus qui Caput est mystici corporis , sufficienter & de toto rigore 〈◊〉 pro membris satisfecerit , fed ea etiam ratione , quod membrorum satisfactiones Christi Capitis satisfactioni conjunctae , & vt vna completa satisfactio , cum ea consideratae perfectionem accipiunt , ita vt considerata satisfactione ex parte Christi , cum extensione secundum suae virtutis participationem , ad omnes & singulas membrorum satisfactiones à Christi satisfactione dependentes , dicatur Christus , tam 〈◊〉 se , quàm in membris suis satisfacere , mereri , jejunare , &c. consideratis verò membrorum satisfactionibus , vt satisfactione Christi conjunctis , dicantur membra sufficienter , & ex toto rigore justitiae 〈◊〉 pro peccatis , quatenus sunt offensa Dei. Sic enim quasi consequenter , satisfactio Christi membris tribuitur , & ex parte membrorum se tenet , & cum eorum satisfactionibus computatur . a Durand . 3. Dist. 20. q. 2. Potuisset si voluisset reparare humanam naturam , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & reparando per satisfactionem potuisset pro satisfa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , puri hommis , &c. 〈◊〉 . 3. d. 20. q. 2. 〈◊〉 , quod non est 〈◊〉 Deo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , 3. d. 19. 〈◊〉 20. 〈◊〉 . 4. Conclus . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Redemptione , quod bonitas illius 〈◊〉 cuius 〈◊〉 detinetur : Sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 homo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Diabolo potuit acceptare pro offensa illata per hominem , 〈◊〉 modi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Et 〈◊〉 intelligenda 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christi sufficere potuit pro 〈◊〉 totius humani generis . b Extra . d. Poen . & Remiss . 〈◊〉 6. Non guttam sanguinismodicam quae tamen propter vnionem ad verbum , pro Redemptione totius humani generis 〈◊〉 . Angelus , 〈◊〉 . Sum. v. Indulgentia , n. 9. Cuius minima gutta 〈◊〉 , vel sudoris , sufficeret ad Expiationem omnium peccatorum , quae vnquam fuerunt perpetrata , vel perpetrabuntur , quia eius 〈◊〉 nihil sunt omnia . c Nugnus , in Addit . 3. part . Tho. q. 20. ar . 3. dif . 1. d 〈◊〉 . Paris , in Henrico 3. Romanorum loculos impregnare . Ibid. pag. 316. Magister Otto Papae Nuntius , Literas recitauit , in quibus Papa allegauit Scandalum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae , & opprobrium vetustissimum , notam scilicet Concupiscentiae , quae radix dicitur omnium malorum , &c. Sed quoniam Scandali huius & infamiae , Romana paupertas causa est , debent boni filij matris inopiam subleuare , &c. e Angelus 〈◊〉 . Sum. 〈◊〉 . Indulg . nu . 2. Qui plus dat & magis laborat , caeteris paribus , plus habebit . Illi qui plus dat , & plus laborat , correspondet annus efficacieoris Poenitentiae . 〈◊〉 , Bologninus , tr . d. Indulg . n. 85. Sanctissimus Dominus Innocentius , concessit Indulgentiam , quod quicunque dederit Decem pro constructione Ecclesiae remittatur ei quinta pars peccatorum suorum : aut si quis offerat vno ictu quadraginta , sint remissa omnia peccata . 〈◊〉 , d. Indulg . lib. 1. cap. 16. Si quis visitat Ecclesiam , tamen ob paupertatem non facit Eleemosynam , an lucretur ? Resp. Quod non lucratur , & ista ( Opinio ) est communis . Lucratur augmentum gratiae vel gloriae , sed non remissionem Poenae , seu adeptionem Indulgentiae . 〈◊〉 . v. Indulg . n. 19. Nauar. 〈◊〉 . Hist. Italiae , lib. 13. pag. 489. Leo. Laurentij Puccij quatuor Sanctorum Cardinalis , secutus Concilium , nullo temporum & locorum habito delectu , per vniuersum Orbem amplissima priuilegia , quibus non modo viuis delictorum veniam consequendi , sed & defunctorum animas eius ignis in quo delicta expiari dicuntur , poenis eximendi facultatem pollicebatur , promulgarat : quae quia pecunia tantum à mortalibus extorquendi gratia concedi notum erat , & à quaestoribus huic negotio praefectis impudenter administrabantur , magnam plerisque in locis indignationem , offensionemque concitarant , & 〈◊〉 in Germania vbi à multis ex eius ministris huiusmodi mortuos poenis liberandi facultas , paruo praetio vendi , vel in Cauponum Tabernis aliae subijci cernebantur . a August . c. Faust. lib. 22. cap. 20. Nullus hominum est tanta 〈◊〉 preditus , cui non 〈◊〉 necessaria tentatio tribulationis , vel ad perficiendam vel ad confirmandam vel ad probandam virtutem nisi forte nec Paulum , &c. b Greg. Mor. lib. 3. cap. 1. Ex dolore verberis aucta est gloria remunerationis . a Bernard . Quadrag . Serm. 5. Nemo vestrum fratres parui pendeat Orationem suam , dico enim quod ipse ad quem oramus , non paruipendet eam , & vnum è duobus sperare possumus , quoniam aut dabit quod petimus , aut quod nobis viderit esse vtilius . Psal. 118. v. 63. Col. 1.12 . 1. Cor. 8.14 . Collos. 1.24 . 2. Cor. 12.15 . Origen . Hom. 10. in Num. Aug. in Psal. 61. a Aug. d. Temp. Serm. 181. cap. 13. a 〈◊〉 . in Com. AEqūe ego inquit , atque illi te timeo , 〈◊〉 etiam mandata tua obseruo . Vnus e. nim ex illorum numero egosum , qui te maximè venerantur atque obseruant . b Reade before the Iesuits words , Pag. 505. c Caietan . in Com. Sors Sanctorum , haereditas est Sanctorum , & est sensus ad habendam partem Haereditatis Sahctorum , hoc est ad participandum haereditatem Sanctorum , quae appellatur sors , quia non ex proprio consilio , non ex proprijs meritis , sed velut sorte , hoc est diuino munere obtigit ita illis , quod non alijs . Dyonis . Carthus . ib. Sortis Sanctorum id est haereditatis Electorum , &c. Lyra , 〈◊〉 Card. &c. d Caietan . Sup. 2. Cor. 8.14 . Ecce aequalitas , vos abundatis temporalibus facultatibus , Sancti in Hierusalem indigent , ad aequalitatē res reducitur , si vestra abundantia sucurrit illorum indigentiae Dioni . Carthus . ibid. e AEstius . in Com. Ea quae reliqua sunt passionum , id est quae posterius adhuc restant persoluenda . a 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Col. 1. Pro vobis id est pro confirmatione vestri . Aug. d. Gen. ad . lit . li. 3. ca. 15. Et exempla Demonstranda sunt patientiae ad exempla aliorum . b Lira . Col. 1. Licet non predicauerit cis 〈◊〉 , predicauit tamen eis per suos Discipulos . c Lira . ib. Passiones Christi dupliciter dicuntur , vno modo in corpore proprio , in quo suftinuit famem , sitim , & mortem , & fic accipiendo , nihil erat ibi ad implendum : alio modo prout patitur in membris suis , qui sunt fideles , secundum quod dicit Act. 9. Saulê , Saulê , quid me persequeris . Leo. serm . vlt. d. Pass . Domini . Passio Domini inquit vsque ad finem perducitur mundi , & sicut in Sanctis suis ipse honoratur , ipse diligitur , & in pauperibus ipse pascitur , ipse vestitur : ita in omnibus qui pro iustitia aduersa tollerant , ipse compatitur , &c. Aug. d. Agon . Christi . ca. 7. Cruciatus corporis , malas animas miserabiliter affligit , bonos autem fortiter purgat . Anselm . in Coloss. 1.29 . In carne Christi quam virgo peperit , nihil passionum deest , sed omnes in illa passiones sunt impletae : sed adhuc restat pars passionum eius in mea carne , quas quotidiè tollero pro vniuersali corpore eius quod est Ecclesia . Si enim ab eruditione fidelium cessarem , has passiones ab infidelibus non sustinerem . d Theodor Sup. Colos. ca. 1. Diuinus quoque Apostolus varias perpessiones pro ipso tollerauit , & lubenter sustinuit Gaudio enim inquit in passionibus pro vobis , sciebat enim vitam ex ijs procurari . Dixit autem se adimplere ea quae desunt afflictionum Christi , vt qui quod restat impleat & pro ijs perpessiones sustineat . Restabat autem vt predicaret gentibus & munificum solutis suppeditatorem ostenderet . e Aug. in Psal. 30. Conc. 1. Totus Christus , caput & corpus , caputille saluator corporis , qui iam a scendit in coelum , corpus autem Ecclesia quae laborat in terra . Hoc autem corpus nisi connexione Charitatis adhaereret capiti suo , vt vnus fieret ex capite & corpore , non de Coelo quendam persecutorem corripiens diceret : Saulê , Saulê , quid me persequeris ? Idem . Psal. 140. Vos inquit Apostolus estis corpus Christi & membra . Si ergo illi caput , nos corpus , vnus homo loquitur , siue caput loquatur , siue membra , vnus Christus loquitur , & capitis est proprium loqui etiam in persona membrorum . f Greg. Praef. Moral . ca. 11. Redemptor noster vnam se personam cum sancta Ecclesia quam assumpsit exhibuit . Theophil . Com. Coloss. 1. 24. Adeo diligit vos , vt tanquam non sufficiant priores passiones & afflictiones , post mortem etiam patiatur in meo corpore , nondum enim contentus est morte , sed adhuc inmumera facit . Non igitur seipsum 〈◊〉 Paulus 〈◊〉 dicit , sed monstrare volens quod Christus etiamnum pro ipsis curam gerat . a Aquin. 3. q. 48. Art. 5. ad . 2. Dicendum quod 〈◊〉 Sanctorum proficiunt Ecclesiae , non quidem per modum redēptionis , sed per modum exempli , & 〈◊〉 secundum illud , 2. Cor. Siue tribulamur pro vestra exhortatione & salute . Lira . in Colos. 1.24 . 〈◊〉 . ib. Adam Sasbot . in Epist. Paul ad Col. cap. 1. Christus non omnia perfecit in corpore suo : non enim sufficit passio ipsius ad cōuersionem gentium , si non praedicetur Euangelium : Quod ergo hic deest passionū Christi , ego adimpleo monendo scilicet , docēdo , praedicando , quod dū sedulo studeo facere , multa patior dura & grauia , imo vincula & carceres . Illud ( pro corpore eius ) hunc habet sensum , vt corpus ipsius quod est Ecclesia perficiatur : hic videtur germanus esse sensus huius loci . B Iustinian . ibid. Paulutius . ibid. Guilliand . sup . Hebr cap. 10. b Estius . in Com. ibid. Hinc Theologi quidam putant , ostendi Sanctorum passiones fidelibus prodesse ad remissionem paenarum , quae vocatur indulgentia . Quae quidem Doctrina , Etsi Catholica & Apostolica sit , atque aliunde satis probetur : Ex hoc tamen Apostoli loco , nobis non videtur admodum solide statui posse . c Estius . Com. 2. Cor. 12.15 . Equidem inquit , lubentissime non solum , vt pater quaecunque habeo vobis impendam , id est impendere paratus sum , tantum abest vt quae vestra sunt quaeram : verum etiam si sit opus , pro vita , & salute vestra , ipse expendar , hoc est , meipsum in consumptionem , & mortem dare paratus , iuxta illud Saluatoris , bonus pastor animam suam dat pro ouibus suis. d Origen . sup . Num. Hom. 10. Quomodo autem & filij eius auferunt peccata Sanctorum , id est Apostoli & Martyres , si poterimus ex Scripturis diuinis probare tentabimus . Audi primo Paulum dicentem , libenter enim ( inquit ) expendam & expendar pro animabus vestris . Pro ijs ergo quibus scribebat expendi se , & immolari dicit Apostolus . Hostia autem cum immolatur ad hoc immolatur , vt corum pro quibus iugulatur peccata purgentur . De Martyribus artem scribit Iohannes Apostolus in Apoccalipsi , quiá animae eorum qui iugulati sunt propter nomen Domini Iesu adsistant Altari : qui autem adsistit Altari ostenditur fungi Sacerdotis officio . Sacerdotis autem officium est , pro populi Supplicare peccatis : vnde ego vereor ne , forte ex quo Martyres non fiunt , & hostiae Sanctorum non offeruntur pro peccatis nostris , peccatorum nostrorum remissionem non mereamur . a Zerula . d. Indulg . lib. 1. cap. 11. Per Indulgentiam nō remittitur culpa peccati , nec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in temporalem , sed sola temporalis remittitur , tota vel pars . Aquin. Quodlib . 2. ar . 66. & 1.2 . q. 87. ar . 3.4 . & 4. sent . d. 46. q. 1. ar . 3. Caietan . Opusc. to . 2. q. 4. a Aug. super Psalm . 61 Sed debemus intelligere personam nostrā , personā Ecclesiae nostr̄ae , personam corporis Christi . Vnusenim homo cum capite & corpore suo Iesus Christus saluator corporis & membrorum corporis , duo in carne vna , & in voce vna , & in passione vna , & cum transierit iniquitas in requie vna , passiones itaque Christi non in solo Christo , imò passiones Christi non nisi in Christo. Si enim Christum intelligas caput & corpus passiones Christi non nisi in Christo. Si autem Christum intelligas solum caput , passiones Christi , non nisi in solo Christo , imo in solo capite , vnde dicit quoddam membrum eius Paulus Apostolus , vt suppleam quae desunt pressurarum Christi in carne mea ? Si ergo in membris Christi es quicunque homo , Quisquis haec audis , quisquis haec non audis , sed tamen audis si in membris Christi es quicquid pateris ab eis qui non sunt in membris Christi , deerat passionibus Christi . Ideo additur quia 〈◊〉 , mensura implens non supersundens . Tantum ergo pateris quantum ex passionibus suis inferendum erat vniuersae passioni Christi , qui passus est in capite nostro , & patitur in membris suis , id est , in nobis ipsis ad communem hauc quasi Rempublicam . Nam quisque pro modulo nostro exoluimus quod debemus & pro posse virium nostrarum quasi canonem passionum inferimus . Cypr. li. 3. ep . 15. 〈◊〉 . lib. d. pudicitia cap. 22. a Concil . Ancyran . Concil . 1. Nicen. Burchard . lib. 19. Gratian. d. 28. c. Presbiter . & 35. q. vlt. & 24. q. 1. & 16. q. 5. &c. b Concil . Ancyran . can . 5. Concil . Nicen. 1. Can. 11. c Cassand . Consult . ar . 12. d. Indulg . 〈◊〉 paenarum Canonicarum imminutio & relaxatio , indulgentia dicebatur . d Durand . 4. d. 20. q 3. De indulgentijs pauca dici possunt per certitudinem , quia nec Seriptura expresse de 〈◊〉 loquitur , &c. Sancti etiam , Ambrosius , Hilarius , Augustinus , Hieronymus , minime de eis loquuntur . e Antonin . Sum. Moral . p. 1. tit . 10. cap. 3. De indulgentijs nil expressè habemus in Sacra Scriptura , &c. Nec etiam ex dictis Anti quorum Doctorum seu modernorum . a Maior 4. d. 20. q. 2. Difficile est modum indulgentiarū fundare authenticè 〈◊〉 Scriptura Sacra . In signum cuius , tres primi Doctores Ecclesiae , parum de isto modo Indulgentiarum loquuti sunt . b Roffens . c. Luther . ar . 18. Nemo iam dubitat Orthodoxus an purgatorium sit , de quo tamen apud priscos , nulla vel quam rarissima 〈◊〉 mentio . Sed & Graecis , ad hunc vsque diem , non est creditum purgatorium esse , legat qui velit Graecorum veterum Commentarios , & nullum quantum opinor vel quam 〈◊〉 de purgatorio sermonem inueniet ; sed neque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnes ac censim huius rei veritatem conceperunt . Cum ita que purgatorium tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 receptum vniuersae Ecclesiae fuerit , quisiam de Indulgentijs mirari potest quia in principio nascentis Ecclesiae nullus fuerit earum vsus . c 〈◊〉 v. Indulg . n. 18. d Cassand . Consult . ar . 12. d. Indulg . e Maire . 4. Dist. 19. Alph. Castro . c. 〈◊〉 . li 8. v. Indulg . Inter omnes res de quibus in hoc opere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est , quàm minus apertè 〈◊〉 literae prodiderunt , & de qua minus vetusti scriptores dixerint . Apud 〈◊〉 nulla mentio Indulgentiarum . f Sum. Angel. v. Indulg . n. 9. Ego teneo cum Franci . d. Mairo in tractatu de Indulgent . quod cum 〈◊〉 Sanctorum sunt vltra condignum remunerata à Deo & sic exhausta , quod solum dantur ex merito Christi & passionis eius , cuius minima 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel sudoris sufficeret ad expiationem omnium peccatorum quae vnquam fuerunt perpetrata aut perpetrabuntur . g 〈◊〉 . Medin . d. Indulg . ca. 14. Caietanus dixit Indulgentias dari tantam de impositis poenitentijs Caiet . Opusc. to . 1. tr . 8. q. 1. Ex hac opinione sequitur quod qui ab Hispania imo ab altero orbe Romam aut Hierosolymam indulgentiae plenariae lucrandae gratia profisiscatur non aliud habebit quam non dicendi tricies 〈◊〉 Angelicam , aut nummum tribuendi pauperibus libertatem , ita vt iam priori illi obligationi non astringatur , videmus hac illius opinione non minus Sacras indulgentias quibus nunc Ecclesia vtitur , risui Haereticorum exponi , quam si omnino earum conferendarum potestas apertè negaretur . h Albert. 4. d. 20. Ar. 17. i Gand. Quodlibet . 15. Altisiodor . Sum. li. 4. d. Relap dicunt quidam quod relaxatio non valet quantum Ecclesia promittit : sed facit vt excitentur fideles ad dandum , & decipit eos Ecclesia . k Cypr. Epist. 15. li. 3. l Li. 3. 16. & 18. Epist. m 〈◊〉 . in 4. d. 21. q. 1. ar . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Duran . Caietan , &c. Fatentur indulgentiarum vsum esse rem nouam quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Augustini , 〈◊〉 , &c. aut id genus diuorum patrum connitatur , sed solum pontificum 400. retroannis . a 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Eccles. 〈◊〉 . Sequuntur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 orationes , & primò oratio Sancti 〈◊〉 de singulis articulis passionis Domini , quam Anastasius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicentibus 〈◊〉 dies indulgentiarum . Jbid. Innocentius Papa 〈◊〉 , concessit 〈◊〉 hanc orationem sequentem denotè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 milia dienum 〈◊〉 . Auevulnus lateris nostri 〈◊〉 , &c. Ibid. 〈◊〉 orationem sequentem deuotè dixcrit 〈◊〉 vndecima milia annorum Indulgentiarum . Et per tot dies videbit beatam virginem Mariam , antè diem exitus sui , per quot annos 〈◊〉 . Aue Domina Sancta Maria mater Dei Regina coeli , porta Paradisi , Domina 〈◊〉 Lux sempiterna imperatrix inferni : singularis & pura tu es virgo tu concepisti Iesum Christum sine 〈◊〉 : tu peperisti Creatorem Redemptorem ac Saluatorem mundi in quo non dubito , libera meab omnibus malis : & ora pro peccatis meis . Gerson . to . 2. d. Indulg . Consid. 10. Indulgentiarum concessio per tot milia 〈◊〉 dierum sed & annorum videtur difficulter sanabilis post remissionem aeternae poenae & commutationem in temporalem . Constat 〈◊〉 quod nec homo singularis in hac vita potest , aut debet ad tot annos 〈◊〉 poenitentiam agere cum non victurus sit per millessimam partem tot annorum & nemo ad impossibile obligatur : constat 〈◊〉 quod dum mundus finem habebit cessabit purgatorium & ex consequenti dies poenarum suarum . b 〈◊〉 . 4. d. 21. q. 2. ar . 1. 〈◊〉 verum habet quod indulgentiae valeant ad remissionem poenarum purgatorij ? Fateor 〈◊〉 cum varie de hoc 〈◊〉 Doctores nullibi quod plenesatisfaciat me legisse . c Taxa . Sacrae poenitentiariae . 〈◊〉 . Sarisbur . Hanc orationem edidit Sixtus . pa. 4. & Concessit 〈◊〉 dicentibus coram imagine B. Mariae Virginis in sole 40000. annorū Indulgentiarum . d Pammel . Annot . in Tertull. d. pudicitia . ca. 22. nu . 192 , e Tertul. ib. Cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & fornicatoribus à Martyre expostulas veniam . a Delicti , culpae , Of the sinne , crime , and fault it selfe , and not onely of the temporall punishment . b Vide Soto 4. d. 21. q. 1. ar . 3. Magister autem sententiarum , &c. Neque Hugo eius coaetaneus qui de Sacramentis scripsit de illis meminit . Sunt qui arbitrentur indulgentiarum concessiones caepisse à tempore Gregorij . m. de hoc autem nulla extat historia , &c. Sub 〈◊〉 ergo innocentij . 3. 〈◊〉 , Alexandri , Alberti , & S. Thomae , de indulgentijs scribere orsi sunt . 〈◊〉 . to . 4. disp . 53. sect . 1. n. 5. a 〈◊〉 . Sup. Coloss. 2. De legc siquidem Moy si loquitur , quae lex mandatorum , decretorum , & factorum appellatur . Adam . Sasbot . ibid. Legemautē Moysi siue Decalogum , Chirographū appellauit , quod accusaret & contestaretur aduersus nos . Eph. 2.15 . Lex enim iudicabat nosreos , dum non praestabamus quod precipiebatur , vnde etiam dicit Chirographum ipsum fuisse contrarium nobis . Hoc Chirographum deleuit Christus , quia ipsius beneficio iam amplius non tenemur lege . AEstius . ibid. vult enim docere Apostolus , legem veterem per Christum abolitam esse , totamque eius obligationem cessare , introducta lege Christi . a Greg. Val. Opusc . li. d. Satisfac . ca. 3. Cogitandum est Christum non solum suam , sed etiam nostram simul satisfactionē aeterno patri acceptandam obtulisse , vt ex vi etiam satisfactionis noftrae , debitum illud , quod ad poenam quidētemporalem attinet solueretur . b Nugnus . Addit . in 3. p. Th. q. 20. ar . 3. dif . 1. Quod autem fuerit diuina institutio , licet non possit , manifeste probari , quia non constat ex sacris literis , neque ex concilijs , tamen loca supra adducta , precipuè Pij quinti , sufficienter illud probant . c Bzouius . Annal . Tom. 14. Anno . 1300. n. 4. Insuper publicè clamabant , quia dictorum Apostolorum ( Petri & Pauli ) meritis , Omnes animae in Purgatorio , non solum à poenis suissent liberatae , sed etiam aeternam quoque gloriam consecutae . d Onus . Eccles. ca. 15. Papa non mortuorum sed viuentium terrestris est Deus . Gabriel . in Can. Miss . lect . 57. Dicit Sanctus Bonauentura , si quis contendat vicarium Iesu Christi , habere iudiciariam potestatem super eos qui sunt in Purgatorio , non est ei multum resistendum , dummodo hoc dictet ratio vel authoritas manifesta . Rubeo . 4 d. 19. q. 2. Indulgentiae non proficiunt nec dari possunt existentibus in Purgatorio , &c. quia existentes in Purgatorio , non sunt de foro Papae . Gerson . to . 4. ser. 2. d. Defunct . q. 9. d Viguer . instit . cap. 16. §. 6. vers . 22. Videtur dicendum quod valet ad totannos , ad quot secundum diuinam ordinationem , pro peccatis preteritis , haberet sustinere in Purgatorio , si ante Indulgentiae consecutionem , in gratia decessisset . Petud . 4. d. 20. q. 4. n. 18. Negas . 〈◊〉 . to . 4. disp . 50. sect . 5. n. 11. 12. Saepè conceduntur mille vel decem mille anni Indulgentiae cum tamen poenae Purgatorij ordinariè non sint tanto tempore duraturae . Est igitur communis sententia , diem vel annum in huiusmodi Indulgentijs proxime significare , durationem poenitentialis satisfactionis in hac vita exhibitae pro peccatis , per Indulgentiam autem remitti non solum satisfactionem poenitentialem , sed tantam poenam Purgatorij , quanta per poenitentiam vnius diei vel anni remitteretur . 〈◊〉 4. d. 21. q. 2. ar . 1. Cordube d. Indulg . q. 11. 〈◊〉 . d. Sacram. Disp. 6. q. 1. punct . 2. pa. 661. 〈◊〉 . sup . Decret . dist . 1. d. poenit . in Leuitico . q. 24. n. 25. 26. 27. &c. a Zerula . d. Indulg . l. 1. c. 21. q. 8. Octauo quaeritur quanto tempore anima potest stare in Purgatorio ? Resp. breuiter ex Sot. loc . cit . dist . 21. q. 2. ar . 1. col . 4. & dist . 19. q. 2. ar . 2. In fine : vbi ait animam non detineri in Purgatorio spatio viginti imo nec decem annorum . Aureol . 4. d. 20. ar . 1 b Reade before in the Margen , pag. 564. Rubeo 4. d. 19. q. 1. Aliquando pro vno denario vel obolo , quinquaginta vel centum anni de Indulgentia conceduntur . c Jac. d. Graph. Append. d. Indulg . cap. 1. n. 24. Poeua Purgatorij etsi aeterna non sit , miro tamen modo est grauis , excedit enim omnem poenam quam vnusquisque vnquam passus est in hac vita : vnde nunquam in carne inuenta est tanta poena licet mirabilia pasci sint Martyres tormenta , &c. Notes for div A15082-e175250 a Greg. li. 4. ep . 60. Nullus praedecessorum meorum Pontificū Romanorum vniuersalis Episcopi nomen sibi assūpsit , quod si assump erit Typhum esse dico arrogantiae , vocabulum superbum nouum , pompaticū , peruersum , stultū , temerarium , superstitiosum , prophanum , impium , sceleratum , nomē singularitatis , nomen erroris , nomen Hypocriseos , nomen vanitatis , nomen blasphemiae , eumquè qui se appellauerit , aut appellari desiderauerit illo arrogantissimo vocabulo , in elatione sua Antichristum praecurrere , illiusquè quietam & gratam vsurpationem , fidei vniuersalis Ecclesiae calamitatem esse . Read also lib. 4. ep . 32.36 . 37. 38. 39. & lib. 6 ep . 24.30 . 37. & li. 7. ep . 3. Paul. Cararia . sum . Canon & Mor. q. 3. ar . 7. p. 2. n. 40. Ex nimia humilitate se vniuersalem Papam negat ( Gregorius . ) b Concil . Chalced. Act. 16. c Greg. lib. 1. ep . 24. Sicut sancta Euangelij quatuor Libros , sic quatuor 〈◊〉 suscipere , & venerari me fateor . d Concil . to . 1 Surij , pa. 601.603.604 . Cyprian . ep . 67. & 72. Greg. in 〈◊〉 . saepissimè . e Euseb. Hist. lib. 5. cap. 23. Socrat. li. 5. ca. 21. 〈◊〉 . ap . Cyprian . ep . 75. Onus Ecclesiae , cap. 19. n. 3. Si Christus super alios Apostolos Petrum , & fortè eiusdem Petri successores super alios Sacerdotes praeposuerit quemadmodum proditur in Dialogo Catha Senen . Tamen hoc fecit ob Petri Praecipuam 〈◊〉 humilitatem , & charitatem , Ideo successoribus Pontificibus nisi essent eiusmodi , talen Praeeminentiam non praesumitur attribuisse , neque super eos aèdificasse suam Ecclesiam vniuersalem , quae simpliciter pendet à Christo , qui est angularis lapis , & fundamentum ipsius Ecclesiae . f Gerson . d. potest . Eccles. Lect. 11. Apostoli miserunt in Samariam Petrum & Iohannem , tanquam subditos Ecclesiae . g Cypr. d. vnit Eccles . Hoc erant vtique & caeteri Apostoli , quod fuit 〈◊〉 , pari consortio praediti , & honoris & potestatis . Chrys. sup . Gal. 1. ( Paulus ) honore par illi erat . Hieron . epist. ad Euagrium . a Dist. 40. ca. Si Papa . b Math. Paris . Chron. in Henrico 3. pa 844. Nonne Rex Anglorū noster est vassallus . c Aug. Triump . Sum. d. Eccles. p. 1. q. 1. ar . 1. Omnis potestas Imperatorum & Regum est subdelegata respectu potestatis Papae . Naucler . Generat . 37. Consurgit ex aduerso blandiens adulatio susurrans ô quanta est sublimitas Ecclesiasticae potestatis . Nam sicut Christo collata est omnis potestas in coelo & in terra , ità Christus omnem potestatem dedit successoribus suis. Vndè nec Constantinus quicquam dedit Syluestro Papae quod non esset prius suum , sed reddidit iniuste detentum Porrò sicut non est potestas nisi à Deo , sic nee aliqua potestas Imperialis aut Regalis haberi potest , nisi à Dei Vicario , in cuius femore scriptum est , Rex Regum , Dominus Dominantium . Ipse est Monarcha supremus nedum in spiritualibus sed in temporalibus , à quo alij Reges & Principes immediatè suam accipiunt Dominationem , & solum mediate à Deo. Bernard . ep . 34. a Read the B. of Rochester , d. potest . Papae , ca. 8. Qui multos citat Authores . b Marta d. Iurisdict part 1. cap. 19. n. 7. 〈◊〉 . d. Cath. Iustit . tit . 46. n. 73. 74. 75. 〈◊〉 . d. Sig. Eccle. lib. 17. ca. 4. Baron . Annal. to . 11. Anno 1026. n. 26. & Anno 1027. n. 51. Sander . d. Monarch . lib. 2. ca. 4. 〈◊〉 . Pontif. Rom. ca. 46 pa. 621. Carerius . d. Rom. Pontif. li. 2 ca. 17. Paulus Cararia . Sum. Mor. & Can. q. 3. ar . 7. p. 2. n. 10. c Bellar. d. Pontif . li. 5. ca. 1678. Gretsar . def . Bellar. d. Pontif. Driedo . d. li. Christ li. 2. ca. 2. Victoria . d. potest . Eccle. q. 2. Caietan . Apol. ca. 13. ad . 6. Soto . 4. dist . 25. q. 2. ar . 1. Turrecrem . sum . li. 2. cap. 113. Pighius Apol. cap. 13. d Policarp . ap . Euseb. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 15. Tertull. c. Scap. cap. 2. & d. Idol . cap. 15. & Apol. cap. 30. &c. Marc. lib. 1. Orig. lib. 9. Ep. ad Rom. cap. 13. Chrysost. in Ep. ad Rom. Ser. 23. Optat. Mileuit . c. Parmen . lib. 3. Ambros. Apol. Dauid . cap. 10. & 16. Aug. Ep. 166. & sup . Psal. 124. & Expos. Ep. ad Rom. Greg. Rom. lib. 3. Ep. 61. & 64. 〈◊〉 . Expof Pelus . lib. 1. Ep. 48. Damian . lib. 4. ep . 9. Concil . Toletan . 4. Otho Frising . Chron. lib. 6. c. 35. Gerson . d. Potest . Eccles. Lect. 11. Occham , Aliaco , 〈◊〉 . Maier . Waldensis , Doctores Parisienses . e Carerius . d. Pot Rom. pont . li. 2. ca. 3. Boskier . Legat . Apostol Con 14. pa. 35. Grtaian . Caus. 15. q. 6. cap. Arius . Zacharius Regem Francorum non tam pro suis iniquitatibus quam pro 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 potestati erat inutilis à regno deposuit . f Marta . Simancha . Baronius . Tho. Bosius . Fanc . Bosius . Carerius . Paulus Cararia . g Bellarm. ibid. cap. 6. Dummodo non obsint fini spirituali , aut non sint necessaria ad eum consequendum , si autem tale quid accidat , spiritualis potestas potest aut dobet coercere temporalem omni ratione ac via quae ad id necessaria videbitur . Idem , lib. contra Barclaium , pag. 37.40.48.49.149.177 . a Bellar. d. Rom. Pontif. lib. 5. ca. 6. Quantum ad personas non potest Papa , vt Papa ordinariè temporales Principes deponere , etiam iusta de causa , eo modo quo deponit Episcopos , id est tanquam ordinarius Iudex , tamen potest mutare regna & vni auferre , atque alteri conferre tanquam summus Princeps Spiritualis , si id necessarium sit ad animarum salutem . Idem , cap. 7. Quod si Christiani olim non deposuerunt Neronem , & Dioclesianum & Iulianum Apostatum , ac 〈◊〉 Arianum , & similes , id fuit quie de erant vires temporales Christianis . Nam quod alioqui jure potuissent id facere patet ex Apostolo , 1. Cor. 6. a Bellar. c. Barclaium , enumerat Synodos , Beneuentanum sub Victore 3. Placentinum sub Vrbano 2. Romanum sub Paschali 2. Coloniense sub Gelasio 2. Rhemense sub Calixto 2. Lateranense sub Innocentio 3. &c. b Extra . d. Major . & Obed. ca. vnam Sanctam . c Greg. 7. lib. 1. Ep. 63. Ap. Baron . Annal. to . 11. anno 1074. nu . 56. Quem Dominus Iesus Christus Rex gloriae , Principem super regna mundi constituit . Idem , lib. 2. Ep. 13. Quod si verum est , qualiter gratiam Beati Petri , aut nostram Beneuolentiam sperare debeas , tu ipse , si justitiam vis attendere non ignoras , videlicet , te non aliter eam habiturum , nec sine Apostolica animaduersione diu regnaturum , nisi Sceptrum Regni quod tenes , correcto errore tuo , Apostolicae , non Regiae Majestatis beneficium recognoscas . Idem , lib. 4. Ep 23. Alteri autem , qui nostrae jussioni humiliter paruerit , & Obedientiam vniuersali Matri , sicut decet Christianum Regem exhibuerit , Conuocato Concilio omnium Clericorum & Laicorum , quos aduocare poteritis , Concilium & Adjutorium in omnibus Praebete , & in Regia Dignitate per Authoritatem Beatorum Apostolorum Petri & Pauli nostra vice confirmate , omnibusque Episcopis , Abbatibus , Clericis , & Laicis , in omni regno habitantibus , vt sibi fideliter & sicut oportet Regi obediant & deserunant , ex parte Omnipotentis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d Bonifac. Ap. Platinam , in vita eius . e Baron . Annal. to . 11 anno 1075. n. 2. In quos rursus audiat ipse vocem Clamantis , Surge & occide & manduca , Act. 10. Ibidem , anno 1089. n. 11. ex Iuo . part . 10. cap. 54. Non eos Homicidas arbitramur , qui aduersus excommunicatos Zelo Catholicae Matris ardentes , eorum quoslibet trucidasse contigerit . f Bosius , d. Sig. Ecclesiae , lib. 17. cap. 4. In quo elucescit Authoritas Papae , qui potest justis de causis , vel sine culpa , ab alijs in alios jura maxima , qualia sunt imperia summa , Decreto suo transferre . Atque ita quatuor causas habemus , ex quibus Papa & Episcopi , possunt regna , illis quidem auferre , his vero adjudicare , quarum prima est in scelere aliquo admisso posito , quae multis exemplis illustrari potest . Secunda est in socordia . Duae postremae respiciunt aetatem ad regendum ineptam , & tranquilitatem communem Reipublicae Christianae . g Aluares , Pelag. d. Planct . Eccles. lib. 1. ar . 37. Apud illum residet Regalis siue Imperialis Dignitatis plenitudo , cui de jure competit Imperium transferre . Ibid. Vnde verè & proprie Papa Monarcha est Occidentis . Jbid Sicut 〈◊〉 fidelis dubitat quando Christus suerit Rex & Sacerdos , & Rex Coeli & Terrae , &c. Sic nullus Catholicus dubitare debet , quin summus Vicarius Generalis in Terris , pariter vtramque habeat potestatem : imò non longè esset ab Haeresi , contrarium pertinaciter affirmare . h August . ab Anchona . Sum. d. Eccles. q. 1. ar . 1. Immediata potestas Iurisdictionis omnium Spiritualium & Temporalium est Solum in Papa . i Panormitan . Cap. Sicut de jure . Idem , ca. per Venerab . Ext. Qui sint filij Legitimi . 〈◊〉 . Terran . lib. d. Monarchia . Et ego si exaltatus fuero omnia traham ad 〈◊〉 id . est 〈◊〉 regna & Imperia Mundi recuperabo , & Principibus auferam . Boter . Comment . lib. 13. pa. 303. Refert . Baron . Sent. d. Excom . Venetor . Duplex est B. Pater Ministerium Petri , pascere & occidere . Dixit enim ad eum Dominus , pasce Oues meas . Audiuit è Coelo vocem , Occide & manduca , pascere Oues , est suscipere curam obsequentium fidelium Christianorum , mansuetudine , humilitate , ac pietate , Oues & Agnos prae se ferentium , cum vero non cum Ouibus sed refractarijs & aduersantibus agendum est , jubetur Petrus eas occidere , obsistere scilicet pugnare , & expugnare , ne tales sint penitus , sed quod hujusmodi occisio , non esse debeat , nisi ex summa Charitate , quod occidit jubetur manducare . Nempè per Charitatem intra sua viscera recondere , in seipsum condere , vt simus vnum & idem cum Christo , quod dicebat Apostolus , Cupio vos in visceribus Christi Iesu. Sic igitur non est occisio ista crudelitas , sed Pietas , atque sinceritas , cum sic occidendo saluatur , quod verè perierat . a Auentin . Annal . lib. 6. pa. 446. Romani sibi Diuinū vsurpant honorem , rationem Actorum reddere nolunt , nec sibi dici 〈◊〉 animo ferunt cur ita agis ? Illud Satyricum inculcant , Sic volo sic jubeo sit proratione voluntas . Idem , lib. 7. Dictum Eberhardi . Flamines illi Babylomiae , soli 〈◊〉 cupiunt , ferre parem non possunt . a Abbas . Vsperg . Chronic. Anno Dom. 1171. Et vt creditur , de Authoritate Alexandri Papae , spretis iuramentis , coeperunt rebellare . * To vs particularly our Generall in a Letter 〈◊〉 thus , Prae omnibus 〈◊〉 sibi habeant vt rebus politicis & à nostra professione alienis ( alioqui licitis ) ne se immisceant . Nam ab 〈◊〉 quae Principem offendere possunt vel Reipublicae statum perturbare certum est non modo ipsis abstinendum sed vbi commode possunt & etiam alij id praestant curandum . Ita Claudius Aquauiua in literis datis 9. Ian. 1607. a Bannes . in 22. q. 1. ar . 10. p. 169. Non omnia quae ad Catholicam fidem pertinent in libris Canonicis continentur neque aperte neque obscurè . Ibid. pa. 170. Orationes esse ad Sanctos faciendas , venerandas esse eorum Imagines , memoriasque eorundem in Ecclesia celebrandas solenniter , Sacramenta Ordinis & Confirmationis non esse iteranda , neque etiam im presse & inuolute sacrae literae docent . Canus . loc . li 3. ca. 3. fundam . 3. Sanctorum Martyrum auxilium precibus implorandum , eorumque memorias celebrandas , imagines venerandus esse , In sacrificio Eucharistiae simul cum corpore sanguinem sacerdotibus esse conficiendum & sumendum : Sacramenta confirmationis & ordinis non iteranda , Sacrae literae nusquam forte tradiderunt . b Ireneus lib. 3. cap. 2. Euenit itaque , neque Scripturisiam , neque traditioni consentire eos . c Lancellet . Conrad . Temp. om . Iudic. lib. 2. cap. 1. d. Pontif. §. 3. n. 5. Sacrosancta Rom. Ecclesia fas de omnibus habet iudicandi , neque cuiquam licet , de 〈◊〉 iudicare iudicio . Cap. Cuncta per mundum . & ca. fi . 9. q. 3. cum fini . a Ireneus . li. 3. ca. 2. More serpentum lubrici vndique , &c. b Gerson . tom . 1. potest . Eccles. Leet . 11. Cum sūmus pontifex sit peccabilis , & possit potestatem in destructionē conuertere : similiter Sacrum Collegium quod eidatum est & 〈◊〉 , non est in gratia confirmatum : superest vt aliqua sitrelicta nobis inobliquabilis & indeuiabilis regula à Christo , secundum quam possit abusus huiusmodi , reprimi , dirigi , ac moderari . Haecautem regula , vel est Ecclesia , vel Concilium generale . Idem . d. Exam. Doctr. Consid. 1. Finalis judex doctrinarum fidem tangentium est generale Concilium . a 〈◊〉 . li. d. Exam. doctr . p. 2. Consid. 1. Attendendum est in examinatione doctrinarum primò & principaliter , si doctrina sit conformis Sacrae Scripturae , tam in se quam in modi traditione . Declaratur ex authoritate B. Dyonisij , dicentis , nihil audendum dicere de Diuinis , nisi quae nobis à sacra Scriptura tradita sunt . Cuiusratio est , quoniam Scriptura nobistradita est , tanquam regula sufficiens & infallibilis , pro regimine totius Ecclesiastici corporis , & membrorum vsque in finem seculi . Est igitur talis ars , talis regula , vel exemplar , cui se non conformans alia doctrina , vel abijcienda est vt haeretica , aut suspecta , aut impertinens ad religionem est 〈◊〉 . b Chrys. in Mat. Hom. 7. Prestat proba ignoratione detineri , quam falsa opinione 〈◊〉 . Aug. in 6. Psalm . Nos quod nescire nos Dominus voluit , libentèr nesciamus . Tertul. d. Anima . ca. t. Quis reuelabit , quod Deus texit ? vnde sciscitandum est ? Vnde & ignorare tutissimum est . 〈◊〉 per Deum ignorare quia non reuetauerit , quam per hominem feire , quia iple presumpserit . Aug. d. ver . Ap. ser. 7. Mehor est fidelis fidelisignorantia , quam temeraria Scientia . Idem . d. Genes . ad lit . li. 8. ca. 5. Melius est dubitare de occultis quam litigare de incertis . Idem . Enchir. ca. 59. Cum ista queruntur & ea sicut potest quisque 〈◊〉 , non inutihter exercentur ingenia , si adhibeatur disoeptatio moderata , & absit error opinantium se scire quod nesciunt . Quid enim opus est , vt haec atque alia 〈◊〉 , affirmentur vel negentur , vel definiantur cum disermine , quando sine crimine nesciantur . a Concil . Trid. Sess. 6. ca. 6. Neque homo ille nihil omnino agit , inspirationem illā recipiens quippe qui illam abijcere potest . Ib. Can. 4. Nec posse dissentire si velit . Aluares . d. Auxil . li. 3. disp . 18. Suares . Opuse . 〈◊〉 . Auxil . li. 3. ca. 9. b Trid. Concil . ca. 8. Omnis gloriatio nostra in Christo est , in quo viuimus , in quo maeremur , in quo satisfactionis , &c. Suares . d. grat . part . 3. li. 12. ca. 19. In quo modernus quidam grauis . Vasq. 1.2 . Disp. 204. n. 68. Quod aiunt Trid. Concilium , &c. non possum satis mirari viros doctos ex hoctestimonio , &c. c Otho Frising . Chron. li. 6. ca. 36. Quāta mala , quot bella , bellorumoque discrimina , inde secuta sunt , quoties misera Roma obsessa , capta , vastata , &c. Denique tot mala , tot Schysmata , tot tam animorum quam corporum pericula , huius tempestatis turbo inuoluit , vt solus ex persecutionis immanitate ac temporis diuturnitate ad humanae miseriae infoelicitatem , sufficeret comprobandum vnde à quodam Ecclesiastico Scriptore , densissimis AEgipti tenebris comparatur . Ibid. ca. 33. Quos dum Leo papa , cum militia ad vrbem rediens Ecclesiae & imperij finibus coercere vult commissio praelio caesis multis fugere Beneuentum compellitur . Tanta verò strages vtrorumque ibi facta fuit , quod a ceruus ex ossibus mortuorum compactus , hactenus ab Indigenis illic monstratur . Auentin . Annal . li. 6. pa. 480. Per triginta tres annos à Gregorio & vrbano continenter sanguine ouium belligeratum est . Ibid. li. 7. pa. 547. Confunditur omne ius , & leges pereunt . Non fides in hominibus , non pax , non humanitas , non pudor , non veritas , atque ita neque securitas , neque regimen , nequerequies a malis vlla est . Omnis terra tumultuatur , fremunt vndique bella , omnes gentes in armis sunt , & se inuicem oppugnant Ciuitates finitimae inter se praeliantur , euertuntur Regna Ciuitates funditus intereunt ferro atque igne . Lambert . 〈◊〉 . Hist. Germanorum Anno. 1064. Parmensis Episcopus armata multitudine non modica Luccensem Episcopum , sede Apostolica per vim deturbare aggressus est , è contra fautoribus illius ad arma impigrè 〈◊〉 , congressio facta est , multique hinc & inde vulneribus acceptis corruerunt , sic deprauta Ecclesiastici Rigoris censura , homines non vt quondam vt praeossent Ecclesiae Dei injecta manu trahebantur ; sed ne non praeessent armata manu praeliabantur , fundebantque mutuò sanguinem , non pro ouibus Christi , sed ne non dominarentur ouibus Christi . Tho. Walsing . Hist. Anglor . in Henric. 4. pa. 420. Ducenta millia occisa in bellis quae paparum schysma sequuta , &c. a Cyril . Chat. 4. d. Spir. Sanct. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. N mihi quidem ea tibi proferenti simpliciter fidem adhibeas nisi de Diuinis Scripturis eorum quae dicam demonstrationem accipias . Nam fidei nostrae salus & conseruatio , non orationis facundia nititur , sed Scripturarum diuinarum comprobatione . Aug. c. Don. li. 7. c. 48. Quia nullam rationem vel authoritatem Scripturarum attulit , diu nos tenere non debet . Field of the Church , in the Preface . a Gerson . part . 1. d. potest . Eccles. Consid. 13. Considerari debet Ecclesia prout instituta est à Christo , supra 〈◊〉 Petram fidei ad finem supernaturalem , secundum legem Euangelicam & Sacrae Scripturae diuinitus reuelatae , secundum quam regulati debet iudicium de fide , & motibus subditorum , quoniam rectum index est sui & obliqui . Idem . d. Exam. Doctr. part . 1. Consid. 2. Determinatio solius Papae in hijs quae sunt fidei non obligat praecise vt 〈◊〉 ad credendum . Idem . d. pot . Eccles. Lect 11. Cum summus Pontifex sit peccabilis , &c. Similiter Sacrum Concilium quod ei datum est & coasistit , non est in gratia confirmatum , &c. a Binnes . 22. q. 1. ar . 10. pa. 135. Quod si inter eos sit dissensio simplices fideles excusabuntur iuxta communes regulas sequendo sententiā cuiuslibet partis : non tamen inde sequitur , quod vel fides deficiat nam aliqui eorum veram fidem tenebunt . b Cusan . Exercit. li. 6. Obedientia irrationalis , est consummata obedientia & perfectissima , scilicet quando obeditur sine inquisitione rationis , sicut iumentum obedit Domino suo . a Chrys. Praefat. in Epist. ad Rom. & vos si lectioni cum omni alacritate volueritis attendere , nullo alio praeterea opus habebitis . Verusenim est sermo Christi cum dicit querite & inuenietis , pulsate & aperictur vobis . b Orat. P. Corbarij . apud Auentin . Annal. li. 7. pa. 616. Sicuti pastor est personatus , ita mysticus est Antichristus : canis pellicula tectus , in gregem Christi lupina rabie grassatur . Vendit scelera , in feros , superos , beneficia caelestia cauponatur , &c. Monstrum biceps , mundanus & spiritualis esse contendit . c Gerson . d sig . Ruinae . Eccl. signo . 8. Fabulae & non sanae doctrinae sunt , &c. Quae non in Reuelatione Spiritus Sancti , sed secundum traditionem hominum consistant . a Cypr. Ep. 74. Quae ista obstinatio quaeue praesumptio humanā Traditionem diuinae dispositioni anteponere . b Chrys. Sup. Gen. Hom. 5. Diuinae Scripturae testimonia sequamur , neque feramus eos qui temere quiduis blatcrant . Ibid. Nos quibus donatū est , solis justi tiae radiis illustrari , diuinarum Scripturarum doctrinis auscultemus , & hunc canonem sequentes , salubres doctrinas in mentis nostrae promptuaria reponamus . Cyril . lib. Ep. 45. a 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . d. Gestis Concil . Basil. lib. 1. Nec considerant miseri , quia quae praedicant tantopere verba , aut ipsorum summorum Pontificum sunt , suas fimbrias extendentium , aut illorum qui eis adulantur . a Platina . in Syluest . 2. Gilbertus ambitione Diabolica dominandi cupiditate impulsus largitione , &c. Idem . in Syluest . 3. Eo tum Pontificatus deuenerat , vt qui plus largitione & ambitione valeret , is tantummodo dignitatis gradum bonis oppressis & reiectis obtineret , quem morem vtinam aliquando non retinuissent nostra tempora . Idem . in Benedict . 4. Peperit nobis tanta licentia peccandi nullo Principe flagitia hominum tum coercente haec monstra , haec portenta , à quibus ambitione & largitione sanctissima Petri sedes occupata est , potius quam posessa . Sabellic . AEnead . 9. lib. 2. Mos inoleuerat Apostolicae sedis , per vim & Dolum occupand . &c. Boter . Comment . lib. 12. pa. 407. Iulius 2. cum pecunia & largitionibus pontificatum adeptus esset , apud familiares iactare , hunc apicem , pluris aestimandum , qnam quae vendi aut emi à curiosis consueuisset . Math. Paris . Chron. in Henr. 3. pa. 702. Cum Papa qui forma & exemplum totius tenetur esse Religionis , vsurarius sit manifestus , fomes Symoniae , pecuniae sititor acraptor , ipsiusque curia forum institorum , imò potius meretricale prostibulum . b Russin . Hist. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 11. 〈◊〉 Dolis apud ignorantes iocus est , scientibus vero dolum intendere , non aliud est quam risum mouere . c Cyprian . d. Disciplin . Flos ille Ecclesiastici germinis , decus atque ornamentum gratiae spiritualis , Illustrior portio Dominicigregis . a Cyprian . Ep. 52. Graues viros & semel super Petram solida stabilitate fundatos non dico aura leui sed nec vento aut turbine commoueri . Idem . d. vnit . Eccles. Triticum non rapit ventus nec arborem solida radice fundatam procella subuertit . Inanes paleae tempestate iactantur , inualidae arbores turbinis incursione euertuntur . b Ireneus lib. 5. cap. 20. Ab omni ligno Paradisi escas manducabis ait spiritus Dei , id est , ab omni Scriptura Dominica manducate . c Cyprian . Ep. 40. Qui mandatum Dei reijciunt & Traditionem suam statuere conantur fortiter à vobis & firmiter respuantur . Idem . Serm. d. lapsis , Nec Ecclesiae iungitur qui ab Euangelio seperatur . Notes for div A15082-e185620 a May 24. 1622. b And the Rom. Court , the great misleader in all this . For in Iul. 3. time , the 〈◊〉 of Trent not dissolued . Ru. Tapper in the presence of Lindan with griefeacknowledges , Abusus Ro. Curiae enexcusabiles , Inexcusable abuses of the Court of Rome . Orat . 10. c And hee that hath hard Bowells is a stranger to God , who in other things , ( and so in the distractions and sufferings of his Church , much more ) is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bonorum viscerū Deus . S. Iaco. 5. 11 Et Hypol. Orat de cōsummat . Mund. Pia Mosis viscera . S. Aug. ser. 18. de verb. Dom. c. 21. d. Phil. 2.21 . Notes for div A15082-e186550 * These are M. Fishers owne words , in the Paper by him spread ; as also all that follow the Letter F. † Longiore morâ opus est , vt soluas quaestionem , quam vt proponas . Sen. Ep. 48. a 1. Cor. 10. 15. Quis non sine vllo Magistro aut interprete , ex se facile cognoscat , &c. Nouat . de Trin. c. 23. ( & loquitur de mysterio Passionis Christi . ) a De 〈◊〉 Cred. cap. 2. a Non ex 〈◊〉 sed Spiritum 〈◊〉 esse dicimus . Damascen . Lib. 1. Fid. Orth. c. 11. Et Patris per Filium . Ib. b Pluralitas in voce saluataê vnitate in re , non repugnat vnitati fidei . Durand . lib. 3. d. 25. q. 2. c Magist. 1. Sent. D. 11. d. Sane sciendum est , quod licet in praesenti articulo a nobis Graeci verbo discordent , tamen sensu non differunt , &c. Bandinus , l. 1. de Trin. d. 11. & Bonauent . in 1. Sent. d. 11. A. 1. q. 1. §. 12. Licet Graecis 〈◊〉 , quùm dixit Graecos obijcere 〈◊〉 Romanis addendo ( Filioque ) quia sine huius Articuli professione salus erat , non respondet negando salutem esse , sed dicit tantum , opportunam fuisse determinationem propter periculum . Et postea , §. 15. Sunt qui volunt sustinere opinionem Graecorum & Latinorum , distinguendo duplicem modum procedendi . Sed fortè si duo sapientes , vnus Graecus , alter Latinus , vterque verus amator veritatis , & non propriae dictionis &c. de hac visa contrarietate disquirerent , pateret vtique tandem ipsam contrarietatem non esse veraciter realem , sicut est vocalis . Scotus , in 1. Sen. d. 11. q. 1. Antiquorum Graecorum à Latinis discrepantia in voce potius est , & modo explicandi Emanationem Sp. S. quam in ipsaê re &c. Iodocus Clichtouaeus in Damasc. L. 1. Fid. Orth. c. 11. Et quidam ex Graecis concedunt , quod sit à Filio , vel ab eo profluat . Thom. p. 1. q. 36. A. 2. C. Et Thomas ipse dicit Sp. S. procedere mediatè à Filio . Ib. A 3. ad 1. saltem ratione personarum spirantium . Respondeo cum Bessarione & Gennadio Damascenum non negasse Sp. S. procedere ex Filio quod ad rem attinet , quum dixerit 〈◊〉 esse imaginem Filij & per Filium , sed existimasse 〈◊〉 dici per Filium , quam ex Filio , quantum ad 〈◊〉 Ioquendi , &c. Bellarm. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 Christo , c. 27. §. Respondeo igitur , & Tollet . in S. Ioh. 15. Ar. 25. & Lutheran . Resp. ad Resp. 2. Ieremiae Patriarchae . a Eadem penitus Sententia , vbi supra Clichtou . b Bellaram . 4. de Notis Eccl. cap. 8. c Lib. 3. contra Haeres . fol. 93. A. d Iunius Animadin Bellarm. Cont. 2. l. 3. c. 23. † F. First righting the Sentence of S. Austine , Ferendus est disputator errans , &c. * F. By which is prooued , That all Points defined by the Church , are fundamentall . a Your owne word . b Inconcussâ fide ab omnibus . Thom 2.2 . q. 1. Art. 10. C. c Scotus , 1. sent . d. 11. q. 1. d Ecclesiae voces etiam extra Scripturam . Stap. Relect. Con. 4. q. 1. Ar. 3. Quae maturo iudicio definiuit , &c. solidum est , & etiamsi nullo scripturarum aut euidenti , aut probabili testimonio cōfirmaretur . Ibid. e Et penes Cercopes victoria sit . Greg. Naz. de differen . vitae . Cercopes 1. Astutos & veteratoriae improbitatis Episcopos , qui artibus suis ac dolis omnia Concilia perturbabant . Schol. ib. f Quum enim vna & eadem fides sit , neque is qui multum de ipsa dicere potest plusquā oportet dicit ; neque qui parum , ipsam imminuit . Iren. li. 1. aduers. Haer. c. 3. a Resolutio Occham est , quod nec 〈◊〉 , nec 〈◊〉 Generale , nec summus Pontifex potest facere Articulum , quod non suit Articulus . Sed in dubijs propositionibus potest Ecclesia 〈◊〉 an sint Catholicae , &c. 〈◊〉 sic determinando non 〈◊〉 , quod sint Catholicae quum prius essent ante Ecclesiae determinationem , &c. Almain . in 3. D. 25. q. 1. b Regula fidei vna 〈◊〉 est , sola illa immobilis & irreformabilis . Tertull. de 〈◊〉 . vel . cap. 1. In hac fide , &c. nihil tran . mutare , &c. Athan. epist. ad Iouin . de fide . c Occham , Almain . 3. sent . D. 25. q. 1. d Thom. 2.2 . q. 1. Ar. 7. C. e Scotus , in 1. Sent. d. 11. q. 1. a Bellarm. l. 2. de Conc. Auth. cap. 12. Concilia quùm definiunt , non faciunt aliquid esse infallibilis veritatis , sed declarant . Explicare , Bonauent . in 1. D. 11. A. 1. q. 1. ad finem . Explanare , declarare , Th. 1. q. 36. A. 2. ad 2. & 2. 2. q. 1. A. 10. ad 1. b Sent. 1. D. 11. c Aib. Mag. in 〈◊〉 Sent. D. 11. Art. 7. d Nos semper nec quicquam praetereà . Vin. Lir. c. 32. e In noua haeresi veritas prius erat de fide etsi non ita declarata . Scotus , in 1. D. 11. q. 1. in fine . Haeretici multa quae erant implicita fidei nostrae compulerunt explicare . Bonauent . in 1. D. 11. A. 1. q. 1. ad finē . Thom. 1. q. 36. A. 2. ad 2. f Deut. 4.2 . Tho. Suppl . q. 6. A. 6. C. a August . Serm. 14. de verb. Apost . c. 12. Fundata res est . In alijs quaestionib ' non diligenter digestis , nondum plenaê Ecclesiae authoritate 〈◊〉 ferendus est disputator errans : ibi ferendu ; est Error , non tantum progredi debet , vt etiam fundamentum ipsum Ecclesiae quatere moliatur . b Ibid. cap. 20. c Origine 〈◊〉 . d Ex eaê re vnde nulla erat quaestio , 〈◊〉 est exorta quaestio . e Hoc de Fundamento Ecclesiae sumpfit ad confirmandum Lapidem nutantem . f Concil . Mileuit . c. 2. g Rom. 5.15 . h Vt Fundamentum ipsum Ecclesiae quatere moliatur . i 1. Tim. 3.15 . a Mos fundatissimus . S. Aug. ep . 28. b Stapl. Relect. Cont. 4. q. 3. A. 1. c Ezech. 13.11 . d Plenaê 〈◊〉 Authoritate . e Lib. 2. de Aut. Conc. c. 5. A solis particularibus . f Can. 1. & 〈◊〉 . a Concil . Mileuit . Can. 2. b Nay , if your owne Capellus bee true , De Apell . Eccl. Afric . c. 2. n. 5. It was but a Prouinciall of Numidia , not a Plenarie of Africke . c Tertull. Apol. contra gentes , c. 47. de 〈◊〉 . Virg. cap. 1. S. August . Serm. 15. de Temp. cap. 2. 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 . apud Cyprianum , p. 357. d Alb. Mag. in 1. Sent. D. 11. A. 7. e Concil . Trid. Sess. 3. f 〈◊〉 . ibid. Dub. 2. & 3. in Literam . g Thom. 2. 2. q. 1. A. 7. C. h 4. de verb. Dei , non Scrip. cap. 11. i Ibid. Thom. k 1. Ioh. 4. 2. a Heb. 11.6 . b Art. 3. c In 1. D. 11. q. 〈◊〉 . d Rel. Con. 5. q. 5. A. 1. e 4. de Christo , c. 6. & 12. Scripturae passim hoc docent . f 2.2 . q. 1. A. 9. ad 1. g Epist. 99. h Th. p. 3. q. 52. A. 2. C. per 〈◊〉 essentiam . i Dur. in 3. d. 22. q. 3. k L. 4. de Christo , c. 16. l Recogn . p. 11. m Sequuntur 〈◊〉 Tho. p. 3. q 52. A. 2. a In 3. D. 22. q. 3. n. 9. b Cont. 5. q. 5. A. 1. c Matth. 16.19 . d Ioh. 21.15 . e Luc. 22.32 . f Rogers , in Art. Eccl. Angl. Art. 3. g Ibid. a S. Bas. l. de vera & pia fide . Manifesta defectio fidei est importare quicquam eorum quae scripta non sunt . S. Hilar. l. 2. ad Const. Aug. Fidem tantum secundum ea , quae scripta sunt desiderantem , & hoc qui repudiat , Antichristus est , & qui simulat Anathema est . S. Aug. lib. 2. de Doctr. Christian. c. 9. In ijs quae apertè in Scripturaê posita sunt , inueniuntur illa omnia quae continent fidem moresque viuendi . And to this place , Bellarm . l. 4. de verbo Dei non scripto , c. 11. saith , That S. Augustine speakes de illis dogmatibus quae necessaria sunt omnibus simpliciter ; of those points of Faith which are necessarie simply for all men . So farre then he grants the Question . And that you may know it fell not from him on the suddaine , he had said as much before in the beginning of the same Chapter , and here he confirmes it againe . a Scotus . Proleg . in Sent. q. 2. Scriptura sufficienter continet Doctrinam necessatiam viatori . Thom. 2. 2. q. 1. A. 10. ad 1. In Doctrina Christi & Apostolorum veritas fidei est sufficienter explicata : & loquitur ibi de verbo scripto V. & N. Testamenti . b Scripturam Fundamentum esse & Columnam fidei fatemur in suo genere , i. in genere testimoniorum , & in materia credendorum . Relect. Con. 4. q. 1. Ar. 3. in fine . a Vox Ecclesiae non est formale obiectum fidei . Stapl. Relect. Contr. 4. q. 3. A. 2. Licet in Articulo Fidei ( Credo Ecclesiam ) fortè contineatur hoc totum , Credo ea quae docet Ecclesia , tamen non intelligitur necessariò , quod Credo docenti 〈◊〉 tanquam testi infallibili . Ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reijcit 〈◊〉 Durandi & Gabr. Et Waldens . lib. 2. Doctr. Fid. Art. 2. c. 21. Testimonium Ecclesiae Catholicae est obiectum Fidei Christianae , & Legislatio Scripturae Canonicae , subijcitur tamen ipsi sicut 〈◊〉 Iudici , & Testimonium veritati , &c. Canus , Loc. lib. 2. c. 8. Nec si Ecclesia aditum nobis praebet ad huiusmodi 〈◊〉 sacros cogn oscendos , protinus ibi acquiescendum est , sed vltra oportet progredi , & solida Dei veritate niti , &c. Et Scolus , in 3. Dist. 23. q. 1. a Hook. l. 3. §. 9. b Stapl. Relect. Contr. 4. q. 3. A. 1. & 2. c Hook. l. 2. §. 4. a Isai. 44. & passim . b Act. 28.25 . c 2. Thess. 2. 15. Iud. vers . 3. d In your Articles deliuered to D. W. to be answered . e Vt testimonia Scripturae certam & indubitatam fidē praestent , necessarium videtur oftendere , quod ipsae diuinae Scripturae sint Dei Spiritu inspiratae . Orig. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f 1. Cor. 12.3 , 4. S. Aug. in Psal. 87. a Nec eum Ecclesiae testimonium aut 〈◊〉 praed . 〈◊〉 Dei Spiritum , vel ab 〈◊〉 docente , vel à 〈◊〉 bis audientious excludimus , sed vtro . iq disertè in ludimus , &c. 〈◊〉 . Tript . 〈◊〉 . Whitak . c. 3. b Fides quae caepit ab Ecclesiae Testimonio 〈◊〉 proponit & 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 in Deo intus 〈◊〉 , & intus 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Stapl. 〈◊〉 . Contr. 4. q 3. a. 2. When graue and learned men doe sometimes hold , that of this Principle there is no proofe , but by the Testimonie of the Spirit , &c. I thinke it is not their meaning , to exclude all outward 〈◊〉 , &c. but rather this , That all other meanes are vneffectuall of 〈◊〉 to worke Faith , without the speciall grace of God , &c. Hock . lib. 3. §. 8. c De habitu Fidei quoad fieri 〈◊〉 & generationem quum à Deo immediatè solo Dono gratuito infusus est , 〈◊〉 ad quaestionem , nisi quoad hoc quod per 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , &c. Henr. a 〈◊〉 . Sum. a. 10. q. 1. D. d Stapl. Rel. Cont. 4. q. 3. a. 2. doth not onely affirme it , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too , à paritate 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , case of necessitie , where there is no contempt of the externall meanes . e Quid cum singulis agitur Deus , scit qui agit , & ipsi cum quibus 〈◊〉 sciunt . Quid autem agatur cum genere humano , per historiam commendari voluit , & per 〈◊〉 . S. Aug. L. de Vera Relig. c. 25. f Gal. 1. 8. a Animalis homo non percipit . 1. Cor. 2. 14. b Si 〈◊〉 Rationi & veritat . 〈◊〉 videntur , in precio habete , &c. de Mysterijs Religionis 〈◊〉 . Martyr . Apol. 2. 〈◊〉 si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rationis , &c. Tertull. li de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , c. 18. Rationabile est 〈◊〉 Deum esse Autorē Scripturae . Henr. a Gand. Sum. q 9. q. 3. c Hook. lib 3. §. 8. Si Plato ipse 〈◊〉 , & me 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 , &c. S. Aug. de vera 〈◊〉 . c. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ratio potest progredi à 〈◊〉 ad inuisibilia , &c. Ibid. c. 29. a Si vim spectes , Deus valentissimus est . Aristot. de Mundo , c. 7. Don. ini & moderatores omnium . Cic. 2. de Leg. b Ipse Saturnus , & 〈◊〉 , & Iupiter , & quicquid 〈◊〉 colitis , victi dolore quod sunt 〈◊〉 . Nec vtique in turpitudinē sui nonnullis praesertim vestrorū assistentib ' ment untur . Ipsis testib ' esse eos Daemones de se verum confitentib ' credite . 〈◊〉 enim per 〈◊〉 verum & solum inuiti &c. Arnob. 8. contra Gent. c S. Matth. 12.22 . d S. Matth. 16.17 . e Si Libri quoquo modo se habent , sancti tamen Diuinarum rerum pleni propè totius generis humani confessione diffamantur , &c. S. Aug. de Vtil . Cred. c. 7. Scriptura summa dispositione prouidentiae super omnes omnium gentium literas , omnia sibi genera ingeniorum humanorum Diuina Excellens authoritate subiecit . S. Aug. 11. de Ciuit. Dei , c. 1. At in omni Orbe terrarum in omni Graecia & vniuersis Nationibus , innumeri sunt , & immensi qui relictis Patrijs , Legibus , &c. ad obseruantiam Mosis & Christi , &c. Origen . 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cap. 1. a Irridere in Catholicae fidei disciplina , quod iuberétur homines credere non autem , &c. S. Aug. 1. 〈◊〉 . c. 14. b And therefore S. Aug. 2. de Doctr. Christ. c. 8. would haue men make thēselues persect in reading the letter of the Scripture , 〈◊〉 before they vnderstood it . Eas notas habeat , etsi nondum intellectu , tamé 〈◊〉 duntaxat ; No question , but to make thē readie , against they vnderstood it . a L. 1. contr . Epis. Fund . c. 5. Ego vero non crederē Euangelio , nisi me Catholicae Ecclesiae cōmoueret autoritas . b 〈◊〉 , Dial. p. 1. l. 1. c. 4. 〈◊〉 solum de Ecclesia quae fuit tempore Apostolorum . c Biel , Lect. 22. in C. Missae . A tempore Christi & Apostolorum , &c. And so doth S. Aug. take , Eccles cont . Fund . d Siue Infideles , siue in fide Nouitij . Can. loc . lib. 2. cap. 8. 〈◊〉 omnino nescienti Scripturam . Stap. Relect. cont . 4. q. 1. A. 3. a Et ibid. Quibus obtemperaui dicētibus Credite Euangelio . Therefore he speaks of himselfe when he did not beleeue . b Psal. 119.105 . Sanctarum Scripturarum Lumen . S. Aug. L. de Vera Relig. c. 7. Quid Lucem Scripturarum vanis vmbris ? &c. S. Aug. L. de Mor. Eccl. Cathol . c. 35. c 1. Cor. 2.14 . d Orig. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , c. 1. went this way , yet was he a great deale neerer the prime Tradition , than wee are : for being to prooue , that the Scriptures were inspired from God , be saith , De hoc assignabimus ex ipsis diuinis Scripturis , quae nos cōpetenter mouerint , &c. a Principaliter tamen ( etiam & hic ) credimus propter Deum non Apostolos , &c. 〈◊〉 . à Gand. Sum. A. 9. q. 3. Now , if where the Apostles themselues spake , vltimata resolutio fidei , was in Deum , not in ipsos per 〈◊〉 , much more shall it be in 〈◊〉 , than in praesentem Ecclesiam ; and into the writings of the Apostles , than into the words of their Successors , made vp into a Tradition . b Calu. Instit. 1. c. 5. §. 2. Christiana Ecclesia Prophetarum , Scriptis , & Apostolorum praedicatione initio fundata fuit , vbicunque reperietur ea Doctrina , &c. a 1. Cor. 2.14 . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Heb. 11. 1. c Henr. à Gand. sum . A. 10. q. 2. d Heb. 11.1 . e 1. Cor. 13.12 . a Lib. 3 de Eccl. c. 14. Credere 〈◊〉 esse Diuinas Scripturas non est omninò necessarium ad salutem . I will not breake my discourse , to 〈◊〉 this speech of Bellarmine ; it is bad enough in the best sense that fauour it selfe can 〈◊〉 it . For if he 〈◊〉 by omninò , that it is not altogether , or simply necessarie to beleeue there is Diuine Scripture , and a written Word of God ; that 's false , that being granted which is among all Christians , That there is a Scripture : And God would 〈◊〉 haue giuen a supernaturall vnnecessarie thing . And if he meanes by omninò , that it is not in any wise necessarie , then it is sensibly false : For the greatest vpholders of Tradition that euer were , made the Scripture verie necessarie in all the 〈◊〉 of the Church . So it was necessarie , because it was giuen ; and giuen , because God thought it necessarie . Besides , vpon Roman Grounds ( if I haue skill enough to stand firme vpon them ) this I thinke will follow : That which the Tradition of the present Church deliuers , as necessarie to 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 omninò , necessarie to saluation : But that there are Diuine Scriptures , the Tradition of the present Church deliuers as necessarie to beleeue : therefore , to beleeue there are Diuine Scriptures , is omninò ( be the 〈◊〉 of the word what it can ) necessarie to saluation . So Bellarmine is foule , and vnable to stand vpon his owne ground . b Lib. 1. §. 14. c Protest . Apol. Tract . 1. §. 10. n. 3. d Lib. 2. §. 4. e Lib. 2. §. 7. & lib. 3. § 8. f S. Ioh. 5. 31. De seipso homine loquitur , nam aliter S. Ioh. 8.13 . a Lib. 2. §. 7. b Lib. 3. §. 8. c Nec ijs principaliter credendum 〈◊〉 propter authoritatem Christi , & Dei in Christo. Heur . 〈◊〉 Gand. sum . a. 9. q. 3. a Lib. 13. contr . Faust. c. 5. Probat per internum argumentum impletionem Prophetarum . Scriptura quae fidē suā rebus ipsis probat , quae per temporum successiones haec impleri , &c. Et Hen. à Gand. sum . a. 9. q. 3. citat S. Aug. L. de Vera Relig. in quo L. haec quatuor simul posita non leguntur , sed adimplent scopum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b Duplici modo munire fidem , &c. primò diuinae Legis 〈◊〉 , tum deinde Ecclesiae Catholicae traditione , contr . Haer. cap. 1. c S. Ioh. 4. d Henr. à Gand. sum . a. 10. q. 1. Sic quotidie apud illos qui foris sunt intrat Christus per 〈◊〉 , i. Ecclesiam & eredunt per istam famā &c. in Glos. in S. Ioh. cap. 4. e Jbid. Plus vebis Chrsti in Scriptura credit , quam Ecclesiae testificanti . Quia propter illam iam credit Ecclesiae , & si ipsa quidem 〈◊〉 Scripturae diceret , ipsi non crederet , &c. f In sacra Scriptura ipse immediatè loquitur fidelib ' . Ibid. g S. Ioh. 10.4 . h Quod autem 〈◊〉 posterioribus circa quos non apparent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est , quae illi in Quae 〈◊〉 medios 〈◊〉 nullo fuisse 〈◊〉 ex consensione concordi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 succedentium vsque ad tempora 〈◊〉 . Henr. à Gand. 〈◊〉 . A. 〈◊〉 . q. 3. Et argumenta , quae 〈◊〉 ex antedicto 〈◊〉 S. Aug. 〈◊〉 Dei 〈◊〉 , sufficientia debent esse indicia , non solum pro tempore Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 , sed etiam pro 〈◊〉 Ecclesiae decursu vsque in 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 de caetero non 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 . & Calu. Lib. 1. Instit. cap. 5. §. 2. 〈◊〉 a Scripturas habemus ex Traditione . S. Cyril . Hier. Catech. 4. Multa quae non inueniuntur in Literis Apostolorum &c. non nisi ab illis tradita & commēdata creduntur . S. Aug. 2. 〈◊〉 Baptis . contr . Donat . c. 7. b Non aliunde Scientia Coelestium . S. Hilar. lib. 4. de Trin. Si Angelus de Coelo annunciauerit praeterquam quod in Scripturis , &c. S. Aug. l. 3. contr . 〈◊〉 . c. 6. c Quum sit perfectus Scripturarum Canon sibique ad omnia satis 〈◊〉 sufficiat , &c. Vinc. Lir. cont . Haer. c. 2. And if it be sibi ad omnia , then to this , To prooue it selfe , at least aster Tradition hath prepared vs to receiue it . a Dixi sicut ei congruebat ad qué Scribebam , &c. S. Aug. 1. Retrac . c. 13. De subiecto enim quaeritur semper , non subiectum ipsum quam 〈◊〉 in propositione . b Lib 4. de verb. Dei , cap. 4. c Lib. 3. §. 8. a 〈◊〉 . p. 1. q. 1. A. 5. 1. colligitur inde . b Hook. l. 3. §. 8. a Hoc modo sacra Doctrina est Scientia , quia procedit ex principijs notis lumine superioris Scientiae , quae scilicet est Scientia Dei & Beatorum . Th. p. 1. q. 1. a. 2. b Non creditur Deus esse Author huius 〈◊〉 , quia homines hoc testati sunt in quantum homines nudo Testimonio humano , sed in quantum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diuina , & ita Deus ijs & sibi ipsi in eis Testimonium perhibuit . Hen. à Gand. sum . A. 9. q. 3. c S. Ioh. 9.29 . d Maldon . in S. Ioh. 9. Itaque non magis errare posse eum sequentes , quā si Deum ipsum sequerentur . e Hom. 57. in S. Ioh. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a 2. Pet. 1.19 . b S. Chrys. vbi supra . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Tanta hominū & temporum consensione firmatum . S. Aug. L. de Mor. Eccl. Cath. c. 29. Ij Libri quoquo modo se habent , sancti tamen Diuinarū rerū pleni propè totius generis humani 〈◊〉 diffamātur , &c. S. Aug. de vtil . Cred. c. 7. & lib. 13. cont . Faust. c. 15. d Super omnes omniū gentiū Literas . S. Aug. 11. de Ciuit. Dei , c. 1. a Incertum esse non potest hos esse libros Canonicos Wald. Doct. fid . l. 2. a. 2. c. 20. b Canus , Loc. l. 2. c. 8. Facit Ecclesiam causam sine qua non . c Inter omnes penè constat , aut certe id quod satis est , inter me & illos cum quibus nunc agitur conuenit hoc &c. Sic in alia causa cont . Manichaeos . S. Aug. l. de Mor. Eccl. Cathol . cap. 4. d Vin. Lir. cont . Haer. c. 2. a Contr. Epist. Fund . c. 5. b Pamel . in Summar . Lib. Videns disputationibus nihil aut parum profici . c Act. 6. 9. d Act. 9. 29. e Act. 17. 17. f Debilitatur generosa indoles coniecta in argutias . Sen. Ep. 48. a Integritatis custodes & Recta sectantes . De vera Relig. c. 5. b Hook. lib. 3. §. 1. Iunius , lib. de Eccles. cap. 17. Fallantur qui Ecclesiam negant quia Papatus in ea est . Reynold . Thess. 5. Negat tantum esse Catholicam , vel sanum eius membrum . Nay , the verie Anabaptists graunt it . Fr. Iohnson in his Treatise called , A Christian Plea , printed 1617. pag. 123. &c. c Si tamen bono ingenio Pietas & Pax quaedam mentis accedat , fine qua de sanctis rebus nihil prorsus intelligi potest . S. August . de vtil . Cred. cap. 18. a Grauè omninò crimen , sed defensionem longinquā non 〈◊〉 , satis est enim negare , sicut pro Ecclesia olim . S. Aug. de vtil . Cred. c. 5. b Hanc quae respectu hominū Ecclesia dicitur obseruare eiusq , communionem 〈◊〉 debemus . Calu. 4. Inst. c. 1. §. 7. c S. 〈◊〉 . 18. 7. Modo ea quae ad Cathedram pertinent recta praecipiant . Hier. ep . 236. d Lib. 4. c. 1. §. 13. &c. e Ep. 48. A malis piscib ' corde semper & moribus seperantur , &c. Corporalem separationem in litore Maris , hoc est , in fine seculi expectat . f Vix vllū peccatū ( solâ Haeresi exceptâ ) cogitari potest , quo illa sedes turpiter maculata non fuerit , maximè ab an . 800. Relect. Cont. 1. q. 5. A. 3. a In Can. Miss . Lect. 23. b In S. Luc. c. 22. L. 3. D. 24. q. 1. c Eph. 1.23 . d Ep. 50. c 3. Reg. 12.27 . a Hos. 4. 15. b Super Haereticis prona intelligentia est . S. Hier. ibid. c 3. Reg. 17. sub Achabo . d 4. Reg. 3. sub lehoram , filio Achabi . e 3. Reg. 19.18 . f Hos. 9. 17. g 4. Reg. 9.6 . h Non oportuit ad hoc eos vocare quum authoritas fuerit publicandi apud Ecclesiam Romanam , praecipuè quum vnicuique etiā particulari Ecclesiae liceat , id quod Catholicum est promulgare . Alb. Mag. in 1. D. 11. A. 9. a Non errare conuenit Papae vt est caput . Bell. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 3. b Li. 2. de Christo , c. 21. So you cannot find 〈◊〉 of your 〈◊〉 Truths , which are farre more likely to be kept : but when Errors are crept in , we must be bound to tell the 〈◊〉 , and the Time , & I know not what , of their Beginnings , or else they are not Errors . As if some Errors might not want a Record , as well as some Truth . c De Appel . Eccl. 〈◊〉 . cap. 2. num . 12. a Etiamsi 〈◊〉 cōfirmetur ne probabili Testimonio Scripturarū . Stapl. Relect. Cont. 4. q. 1. Ar. 3. Leo 10. Bull. Iun. 8. 1520. a Stapl. passim . sed aliter patres . Quae extra Euangelium sunt non defendam ? Hilar. lib. 2. ad Const. b Literarū diuinit ' inspiratarū testimonijs , L. 2. in Syn. Nic. To. 1. per Nicolinum . Ib. in Osij sententia , p. 517. Parati ex S. Spiritus arbitrio per plutima Diuinarū Scripturarum testimonia demonstrare haec ità se habere . a Ecclesia est vnum corpus mysticum per similitudinem ad Naturale . Durand . 3. D. 14. q. 2. n. 5. Biel , Lect. 23. in Can. Miss . b Omnem veritatem infallibiliter docendi , &c. Stapl. Relect. praef . ad Lector . c S. Ioh. 16.13 . d S. Ioh. 14.16 . e S. Matth. 28.20 . f S. Matth. 16.18 . g S. Luc. 22.32 . h Prosp. de vocat . Gent. lib. 1. c. 10. i Bellarm. 2. de Conc. c. 8. §. Respondeo quidam . a Dubium est an 〈◊〉 docebit 〈◊〉 , S. Ioh. 14. 26. referendum sit ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dixi 〈◊〉 quasi non aliud docturum 〈◊〉 . Sanct. dicat , quam quod ipse antea docuisset , non repugnabo si quis ita velit interpretare , &c. 〈◊〉 . in S. Ioh. 14. b S. Ioh. 16.14 . c S. Ioh. 14.26 . d Bellarm. 2. de Conc. c. 9. §. alteram . 〈◊〉 Sp. Sancti , non est propter Concil . sed vniuersam Ecclesiam . e S. August . Tr. 50. in S. Ioh. Isidor . 1. Senten . cap. 14. f S. Hilar . in Psalm . 124. Iustine Martyr . Dial. cum Triphone . Prosp. Epist. ad Demetriadem . g S. Hilar. in Psalm . 124. Prosper , lib. 2. de vocat . Gent. cap. 2. 〈◊〉 . Serm. 2. de Resurrect . Dom. cap. 3. Isidor . in Ios. cap. 12. h S. Cyril , lib. 7. Dial. de Trin. Prosp. Epist. ad 〈◊〉 . i S. Hilar. in Psalm . 124. S. Cyril , lib. 7. Dial. de Trin. S. August . 6. de Gen. ad Lit. c. 8. S. Leo. Serm. 10. de Natiu . Dom. c. 5. Isid. in Ios. c. 12. In all which places , Vobiscum is either interpreted cum suis , or fidelibus , or vniuersa Ecclesia . k Hoc colligitur , sed quaeritur non quid colligitur , sed quid dicere voluit . 〈◊〉 . in S. Matth. 28. l 1. Cor. 3. 11. m Ephes. 2.20 . a S. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 . Qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ecclesiam super Petram aedificatione spirituali . S. Hilar. l. 6. de 〈◊〉 . Super hanc 〈◊〉 Confessionis Petram Ecclesiae aedificatio est . Et 〈◊〉 post , Hec Fides 〈◊〉 fundamentum est . S. Greg. Nyss. de Trin. aduers. 〈◊〉 . Super 〈◊〉 Petram 〈◊〉 Ecclesiam meam , super 〈◊〉 , videlicet , Christi . S. Isid. Pelus . Epist. lib. 1. Ep. 235. Vt hac ratione 〈◊〉 omnibus Confessionem traderer , quam ab 〈◊〉 inspiratus Petrus tanquā basin ac fundamentum iecit , super quod 〈◊〉 Ecclesiam suam exstruxit . S. Cyril . Alex. de Trin. lib. 4. Petram opinor per agnominationem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quam inconcussam & firmissimam Discipuli Fidem vocauit , in quâ Ecclesia Christi ita fundata , & firmata esset , vt non laberetur , &c. B. Theodor. in Cant. Petram appellat Fidei pietatem , veritatis professionem , &c. Et super hanc Petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam . S. Greg. Ep. 〈◊〉 . 3. Ep. 33. In vera fide persistite , & vitam vestram in Petram Ecclesiae , hoc est in Confessione 〈◊〉 Petri Apostolorum Principis solidate . Theophilact . in Matth. 16. Super eum aedificauit Ecclesiam ; quia enim confessus 〈◊〉 , &c. quod haec confessio fundamentum erit , &c. S. Aug. in 1. Ep. S. Ioh. tract . 10. Quid est super hanc Petram ? Super hanc Fidem , super id quod dictum est , Tu es &c. S. 〈◊〉 . Orat. 25. Hanc confessionem cum nominasset Christus Petram , Petrum nuncupat eum , qui primum illam est confessus , donans illi hanc appellationem 〈◊〉 insigne & monumentum huius confessionis . Haec enim est reuerà pietatis Petra , haec salutis basis , &c. S. Jacob . Liturgia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; p. 26. &c. And some which 〈◊〉 the person of S. Peter , professe it is propter robur Confessionis . Iustin Martyr , Dial. cum Triph. S. Chrys. Hom. 2. in Psal. 50. S. Amb. lib. 10. in S. Luc. c. 24. And S. Greg. giues it for a Rule , when Petra is read in the singular number ( and so it is here ) Christus est , Christ is signified . b Non deficit . S. Bern. Ser. 79. in Cant. And Bellarmine himselfe going to prooue Ecclesiam non posse deficere , begins with this verie place of Scripture . Lib. 3. de Eccl. c. 13. c Lib. 3. de Ecclesia , cap. 14. d Lib. 4. 〈◊〉 Pontif . Rom. cap. 3. e 2 2. q. 2. A 6. ad 3. f Causa . 24. q. 1. C. A Recta . a 〈◊〉 . 16.18 . b Ecclesia 〈◊〉 fidem habet 〈◊〉 , &c. non quidem in Generali Synodo congregata , quam aliquoties errasse 〈◊〉 , &c. Wald. lib. 2. Doct. Fid. Ar. 2. c. 19. §. 1. c 2. Bapt. contr . Donat. cap. 3. a Ipsaque plenaria 〈◊〉 priora à posteriorib ' emendari . b Vox Ecclesiae talis 〈◊〉 , vt non de eâ iudicemus 〈◊〉 ne an secus docuerit . So Stapl. Rel. Cont. 4. q. 1. Ar. 1. c De Regulis Morum & Disciplina . 〈◊〉 . Con. 6. q. 3. A. 4. d Lib. 2. de Concil . 〈◊〉 . 2. Princip . e Ib. cap. 7. §. Potest etiam . f Quando aliquo rerum experimento quod clausam erat aperitur . g Ib. c. 4. Nebulis inuoluta . h Sensus est quod Concilia posteriora emēdant , id est , perfectius explicant fidem in semine antiquae Doctrinae latentem , &c. a Quâ in re nihil erroneum vllum Concil . docuit , &c. b Saepè . c Not vsed , but either for conigere , or auferre . And so S. Augustine vses the word , l. 20. cont . Faust. c. 21. and Bellarmine , though he interprete it in matter of fact , yet equals the word with correxit . 2. de Conc. ca. 8. §. Respond . Quaest. d Reprehendi . e Si quid in ijs fortè a veritate deuiatum est . f Cedere . g Quum cognoscitur quod latebat . a Ibid. a Praefat. p. 29. b Dialogus dict' Deus & Rex . c Cordatus Protestans . d Praef. p. 29. e Praef. p. 28. f 2. De Bapt. cont . Don. cap. 4. g Vni verū dicenti , & demonstranti . h Cont. Fund . c. 4. i Quae quidem si tam manifesta mōstratur , vt in dubiū venire non potest , praeponēda est omnib ' illis reb ' quib ' in Catholica teneor : Ita si aliquid apertissimū in Euangelio . Ib. c. 5. a Lib. 2. de Concil . c. 8. nisi manifestissimè conster intcllerabilem Errorem committi . b Stapl. Relect. Cont. 4. q. 3. Ar. 1. c Diuina suo modo . Ibid. d In altiori genere , viz. in genere causae efficientis , atque adeò aliqua ex parte formalis . Ib. q. 4. Ar. 3. a Relect. Cont. 4. q. 2. b Ib. Not. 4. a Propherae audiebant à Deo interiùs inspirante . Thom. 2. 2. q. 5. A. 1. ad 3. b Venit ad me Verbum Domini . c Stapl. Rel. Cont. 4. q. 2. p. 473. d Propheticam reuelationem nullo pacto haberi 〈◊〉 , vel ope naturae , vel studio , Contra Auicennam , Algazalē , Aueroem , &c. Fran. Picus , 2. Prenot . c. 4. e 1. Cor. 12.10 . f L. 2. de Conc. c. 12. g Concilia non habent , neque scribunt immediatas reuelationes &c. sed deducunt , &c. h Stapl. ib. p 474. a Cont. Fund . c. 4. b Th. p. 1. q. 2. a. 2. ad 1. Nihil prohibet illud quod secundū se demonstrabile est & scibile , 〈◊〉 aliquo accipi vt Credibile qui 〈◊〉 non capit . c Lib. 3. 〈◊〉 & vbique diffusa . d Omnia genera ingeniorum subdita Scripturae . S. Aug. lib. 22. cont . Faust. 〈◊〉 . 96. e Almain . 3. D. 24. q. 1. f Concilium Nicaenū 〈◊〉 Conclusionem ex Scripturis . Bellar. 2. 〈◊〉 Conc. c. 12. a 1. S. Pet. 3.15 . b Rel. Cont. 4. q. 2. p. 468. a L. 2. 〈◊〉 Conc. c. 12. b Sub autoritate Generalis Cōcilij . 〈◊〉 . Doct. Fid. lib. 2. A. 2. c. 20. c Petrus personam 〈◊〉 Catholicae sustinet , & huic datae sunt claues quum Petro datae . De Agon . Chr. c. 30. d 〈◊〉 . Cont. 6. q. 3 A. 5. Sed propter Primatum quē gerebat Ecclesiae : ideoque etsi finaliter Ecclesia accepit , tamen formaliter Petrus accepit . a Many of these were potent at Ariminum , and Seleucia . b Determinationibus quae à Concilio , vel Pontifice summo fiūt , super ijs 〈◊〉 quae substantiā fidei concernunt , necessario credendum est , quod dum vniuersalis Ecclesia non reclamet . Fr. Pic. Mirand . Theor. 8. c Artic. 21. d Sess. 13. e S. Matth. 26. 1. Cor. 11. 23. f Returne of vntruths vpon M. Iewel , Ar. 2. g 4. de Eucharist . c. 26. h Bell. 〈◊〉 . a S. Matth. 26. 1. Cor. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Liturg. S. Chrysoft . b Licet Christus post Coenam instituerit , & suis Discipulis administrauerit sub vtraque specie Panis & Vini hoc venerabile Sacramentum , tamen hoc Non obstante , non debet confici post Coenam , nec recipi nisi à ieiunis . ( Here Bellarmine 〈◊〉 , and goes no further , but the Councell goes on . ) Et similiter quòd licet in Primitiua Ecclesia Sacramenta reciperentur sub vtra que specie à Fidelibus , tamen haec Consuetudo , vt à Laicis sub specie Panis tantum suscipiatur , habenda est pro Lege , quam non licet reprobare : Et asserere hanc illicitam esse , est Erroneum . Et pertinaciter asserentes sunt 〈◊〉 tanquam Haeretici . Sess. 13. a Act. 15. In Nouo Testamento exemplum celebrationis Conciliorum ab Apostolis habemus , &c. Iob. de 〈◊〉 , sum . de Ecclesia , l. 3. c. 2. b This is more reasonable a great deale than that of Bel. 〈◊〉 . de Con. cap. 18. Pontificē non posse se subijcere sententiae coactiuae Conciliorum . a 〈◊〉 , lib. 6. de Locis , cap. 8. §. & quidem in . b Rel. Cont. 6. q. 3. A. 5. & ibid. Quià ad compescēdos importunos Haereticos , Concilij Generalis Definitio illustrior est , &c. & vulgo hominum magis satisfacit . c 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 3. a Luther . lib. de 〈◊〉 arbitr . Mornay . Tract . de Ecclesia , c. 9. G. Abbot . nunc Archiepiscopus 〈◊〉 . Answ. to Hill. ad Rat. 1. §. 30. & ad Rat. 3. §. 5. Hooker , lib. 3. §. 1. & Conc. in Abac. 1. 4. Field , l. 3. c. 47. &c. 6. Though some of these put in some Exceptions . b 1 de Bap. cont . Don. c. 3. Grauiter peccarent in rebus ad salutem animae pertinentibus , &c. 〈◊〉 solo quod certis incerta praeponerent . a Esse verò apud Donatistas Baptismum , & illi asserunt , & nos concedimus , &c. Lib. 1. de Bap. cont . Don. c. 3. b Spiritualis māducatio quod per animam fit , ad Christi carnem in Sacramento pertingit . Caiet . To. 2. Opusc. de Euchar. Tr. 2. c. 5. a And Daughter Sion was Gods owne 〈◊〉 of old , of the Church . Isai. 1. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Hyppol . Orat. de Consum . Mundi . Et omnis Ecclesia Virgo appellata est . S. Aug. Tr. 13. in S. Ioh. b Returne of vntruths vpon M. Iewel , Ar. 4. fol. 67. Rom. 14.4 . a Caeteram turbam non intelligēdi viuacitas sed credendi simplicitas tutissimam facit . S. August . cont . Fund . c. 4. b Ipsis Magistris pereuntibus : nisi fortè ante mortem resipuerint . Luth. de Seru. Arb. c De vtil . Cred. c. 1. Si mihi videretur vnus & idem Haereticus & Haereticis credens homo , &c. 1. Cor. 3.12 . S. Ioh. 12.48 . 1. Cor. 2. 11. a 3. De Eccl. Mil. c. 14. b Waldens . Doct. Fid. l. 2. A. 2. §. 23. 
A67908	----	The history of the troubles and tryal of the Most Reverend Father in God and blessed martyr, William Laud, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. vol. 1 wrote by himself during his imprisonment in the Tower ; to which is prefixed the diary of his own life, faithfully and entirely published from the original copy ; and subjoined, a supplement to the preceding history, the Arch-Bishop's last will, his large answer to the Lord Say's speech concerning liturgies, his annual accounts of his province delivered to the king, and some other things relating to the history. Laud, William, 1573-1645. 1695 Approx. 2115 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 321 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). 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A67908) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54614) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 106:9, 500:10, 74:8) The history of the troubles and tryal of the Most Reverend Father in God and blessed martyr, William Laud, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. vol. 1 wrote by himself during his imprisonment in the Tower ; to which is prefixed the diary of his own life, faithfully and entirely published from the original copy ; and subjoined, a supplement to the preceding history, the Arch-Bishop's last will, his large answer to the Lord Say's speech concerning liturgies, his annual accounts of his province delivered to the king, and some other things relating to the history. Laud, William, 1573-1645. Wharton, Henry, 1664-1695. Prynne, William, 1600-1669. Rome's masterpiece. 2 v. : port. Printed for Ri. Chiswell ..., London : 1695-1700. An introduction to the following "History containing the diary of ... William Laud" and "The history of the troubles and tryal of ... William Laud" each have special t.p. with imprint date: 1694. "Rome's masterpiece" by William Prynne has special t.p. with imprint date: 1695. Vol. 2 has title and imprint: The second volume of the remains of the most reverend father in God, and blessed martyr, William Laud ... Collected by the late learned Mr. Henry Wharton, and published according to his request by the reverend Mr. Edmund Wharton, his father. London : Printed for Sam. Keble [etc.], 1700. Preface, v. 1, signed: Hen. Wharton. Copies at reel 74:8 and 106:9 are volume 1; copy at 500:10 is volume 2. Imperfect: H2188 has p. 1 of the introduction lacking on film. Reproduction of originals in the Huntington Library and the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Church of England -- Controversial literature. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-12 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-02 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ARCH-BISHOP LAUD's HISTORY . Effigies Reverendissima et Sanctissimi Praesulis Willelmi LAUD Archepiscopi Cantuariensis , Qui pro Christi Ecclesiā Martyrium passus est , Anno : 1644 / 5 Ianuar : 10 : AEtatis suae : 72. — . THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRYAL OF The Most Reverend Father in God , and Blessed Martyr , WILLIAM LAUD , Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . Wrote by HIMSELF , during his Imprisonment in the Tower. To which is prefixed THE DIARY OF HIS OWN LIFE Faithfully and entirely Published from the Original Copy : And subjoined A SUPPLEMENT to the Preceding HISTORY : The Arch-Bishop's Last Will ; His Large Answer to the Lord SAY's Speech concerning Liturgies ; His Annual Accounts of his Province delivered to the King ; And some other Things relating to the History . IMPRIMATUR , Martij : 7 : 1693 / 4. JO : CANT . LONDON : Printed for Ri Chiswell , : at the Rose and Crown in St : Paul's Church-Yard , M DC , XCV . THE PREFACE . THAT the Reader may be satisfied , how it came to pass , that an History wrote of , and by , a Person of so great a Character in this Nation , and by him designed for the Publick , hath lain hid , and been suppressed for near Fifty Years ; through whose Hands it hath passed ; and by what means , and by whose Labour it is at last Published ; he may be pleased to take the following Account . The Most Reverend Arch-Bishop , the Author and Subject of this History , was very exact and careful in keeping all Papers , which concerned himself , or any Affairs of Church and State , passing through his Hands ; not only kept a Journal of his own Actions , but from time to time , took minutes of whatsoever passed at Council-Table , Star-Chamber , High-Commission-Court , &c. Digested all his Papers in most exact Order ; wrote with his own Hand on the back or top of every one , what it Concerned , when it was Received , when Wrote or Answered , &c. This his Enemies knew full well ; and therefore , when after they had caused him to be Impeached of High Treason , of endeavouring to introduce Popery and Arbitrary Government , and to be Imprisoned upon the Impeachment in the end of the Year , 1640. and had now in vain laboured for two Years and an half , to find out Evidence to prove this their Accusation ; but the more they sought , they found to their confusion , so much the greater Evidence of the contrary : After they had in vain ransacked all Papers left by the Arch-Bishop in his Study at Lambeth , and Examined all his Intimate Friends and subaltern Agents upon Oath ; when nothing did appear , they hoped to find somewhat against him , either in his private Journal of his Life , which they knew to be kept by him , or in those Papers , which he had carried with him from Lambeth at his first Commitment , in order to his future Defence . Vpon these hopes , they with great privacy 〈◊〉 an Order , for the searching his Chamber and Pockets in the Tower , in May 1643. and committed the Execution of it , to his inveter ate Enemy , William Prynne ; who thereupon took from the Arch-Bishop Twenty One Bundles of Papers , which he had prepared for his Defence ; his Diary , his Book of Private Devotions , the Scotch Service-Book , and Directions accompanying it , &c. And although he then faithfully promised Restitution of them within three or four days , yet never restored any more than three Bundles ; employed such against the Arch-Bishop at his Trial , as might seem prejudicial to his Cause ; suppressed those , which might be advantageous to him ; Published many , Embezzeled some ; and kept the rest to the day of his Death . As soon as Prynne was possessed of the Arch-Bishop's Papers , he set himself with eager Malice to make use of them to his Defamation , and to prove the charge of Popery and abetting Arbitrary Government , by the Publication of many of them . His first Specimen in this kind , was a Pamphlet , which came out in August following , Entituled , Rome's Master-piece , in Five Sheets in Quarto , containing the Papers and Letters relating to the Plot , contrived by Papists against the Church and State then Established in England , and discovered by Andreas ab Habernfeild . But never did Malice appear so gross and ridiculous together , as in this case . For from this Plot , if there were any Truth in it , it appeared , that the Life of the Arch-Bishop was chiefly aim'd at by the Plotters , as the grand Obstacle of their Design , and one who could by no Arts be wrought to any connivance of them , much less concurrence with them . This Pamphlet being , after the Publication of it , carried to the Arch-Bishop in the Tower , he made several Marginal Annotations on it , in Answer to Prynne's Falsifications and Malitious Calumnies intermixed therein . Which Copy , coming afterwards into the Hands of Dr : Baily , the Arch-Bishop's Executor , was by him given to the Learned Antiquary , Mr : Anthony Wood , and by him Transmitted to me , in order to be placed among the other Papers and Memorials , which are to follow this History , according to the Arch-Bishop's own Direction . But Prynne's Malice could not be abated by the shame of one Miscarriage . In the next place , he bethought himself of Publishing the Arch-Bishop's Diary , as soon as his Trial ended , wherein it had been often produced as Evidence against him . This then he Published in the beginning of September , 1644. in Nine Sheets in Folio , with this Title , A Breviat of the Life of , &c. ( intending it , as he saith , for a Prologue to the much desired History of his Tryal ) but neither entire , nor faithfully , as far as he did Publish it ; but altered , mangled , corrupted , and glossed in a most shameful manner ; accompanied with desperate Untruths , as the Arch-Bishop complains in this History ; and therefore addeth : For this Breviat of his , if God lend me Life and Strength to end this ( History ) first ; I shall discover to the World , the base and malitious Slanders , with which it is fraught . This the Arch-Bishop wrote , when he despaired that ever his Diary should be recovered out of those vile Hands , in which it then was ; and be Published faithfully and entirely , which would be the most effectual discovery of the Baseness and Malice of Prynne therein . Yet notwithstanding so vile and corrupt an Edition of it , all those who have wrote any thing of this Excellent Prelate , have been forced to make use of it ; not being able to gain the sight of the Original , nor perhaps so much as suspecting any such fraud in the Edition of it . Particularly , it is much to be lamented , that Dr. Heylin , who wrote the History of the Arch-Bishop's Life with great Care and Elegance , was forced , in most things , to borrow his Account from this corrupted Edition of his Diary , and hath thereby been led into many and great Errors . Others also have , since him , taken up and divulged many false Opinions concerning the Diary it self ; as that it was wholly wrote in Latin by the Arch-Bishop , that it was by himself Entituled A Breviat of his Life , and that it was Translated and Published entire 〈◊〉 Prynne . The True and Faithful Publication of it , which I have made from the Original , now in my Hands , will not only supply the defect of what the Arch-Bishop intended in the words before related , but never effected ; but will also undeniably assert his Innocence from those greater Accusations 〈◊〉 brought against him , and will farther clear 〈◊〉 from many later Aspersions of lesser moment . I will name but one , which is to be found in the Life of Arch-Bishop Williams , wrote by Bishop Hacket , and lately Published : Therein ( pag. 63 , 64. ) Dr. Laud is taxed of high Ingratitude against Williams , who is there in a long Relation represented as his great Benefactor , and who particularly gained of King James the Bishoprick of St. Davids for him , by his great and restless importunity , when the King had determined not to Promote him , as unworthy of his Favour , for Reasons there expressed . I question not Bishop Hacket's Veracity , or that Arch-Bishop Williams did indeed relate this to him . But then Williams will be found strongly to have prevaricated , when he pretended that Laud owed that Preferment to his Kindness , and thereupon taxed him of Ingratitude . For from what is related in the following Diary , at June 29 1621. it appears indeed , that Williams stickled hard to gain the Bishoprick of St. Davids for Laud , not out of any Kindness to him , but for his own ends , that so himself might retain the Deanry of Westminster , with the Bishoprick of Lincoln , ( to which he was then Nominated ) which otherwise had slipped from him ; the King having designed to give it to Dr. Laud , upon the avoidance of it by the Promotion of Dr. Williams to the See of Lincoln . But whatever may be in this Matter alledged against Dr. Laud ; I am sure , no Art or Colour can defend that bitter Revenge of Arch-Bishop Williams , related in this History ; which prompted him to move earnestly in the House of Lords , that the Jurisdiction of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ( then a Prisoner in the Tower ) might be Sequestred , and put into the Hands of his Inferiour Officers ; which by his importunity he obtained , to the great Prejudice of the Church , and no small Infamy of himself . I do not pretend to justifie the whole Proceeding of Arch-Bishop Laud , during the whole course of his Power and Government , against Arch-Bishop Williams . I do rather lament it , as the great Misfortune , both of themselves , and the Church at that time ; that two such Eminent Prelates , equally endued with extraordinary Learning , Wisdom , and Greatness of Mind , should be engaged in constant Opposition and Enmity to each other , at first raised by mutual Distrust and Emulation , and ever after kept up and fomented by reciprocal Injuries , and false Representations on each side . But that the blame of this Misfortune should be cast wholly on the one side ; that unworthy Reflections should be made and Published in prejudice of Arch-Bishop Laud ; that he should be accused of base Ingratitude , of impotent Malice , of insatiable Revenge ; while the other is represented as the most Calm , most Innocent , and most Heroical Person imaginable ; I cannot without some Indignation observe in the before mentioned Historian , otherwise of Eminent Worth and Character ; who to approve his Gratitude to his Patron and Promoter , hath grosly neglected the Laws of History ; and cared not how injuriously he treated the Memory of Arch-Bishop Laud , that he might justifie the Quarrel , and heighten the Encomium of Arch-Bishop Williams . Vpon this Account , and with this design , Williams is pretended to have been the great Patron and Benefactor of Laud , to have procured him his first Rotchet , &c. that so the latter might appear guilty of the highest Ingratitude against the other . Hence these Reflections are frequently repeated . Of all Men , Bishop Laud was the Man , whose Enmity was most tedious and most spightful against his great Benefactor Williams . This dealing of Laud is past Excuse , and can bear no Apology . And the Cause of his ( Bishop Williams's ) incessant molestations for Twelve Years , was his known Enemy Bishop Laud. Could he so soon forget him , that first made him a Bishop ? &c. — The undoing of his Brother was so much in his Mind ; that it was never out of his Dreams . In other places Laud is represented , as utterly implacable and irreconcilable in his Malice against Williams ; is accused of impotent Malevolence ; and his implacable spight against a Bishop , his Raiser , and now ( by being a Prisoner in the Tower ) become a spectacle of pity , said to be unpardonable . Again he is Traduced to have been possessed with a Revengeful Mind . Whereas to the other , this lofty Encomiam is beslowed ; that , There did not Live that Christian , that hated Revenge more than he , or that would forgive an Injury sooner . These and many like Passages , are as far remote from Truth and Justice , as they are from that Sincerity and Impartiality , which become an Historian . I had intended to have said no more upon this Head. But I cannot prevail with my self to pass by an heinous Accusation , formerly brought against Arch-Bishop Laud , concerning his having altered the Oath Administred to King Charles I : at his Coronation , in favour of the Crown , and prejudice of the People . Which Accusation , it hath pleased an Honourable , Reverend , and Learned Person , very lately to renew in a Publick Speech , in these words — The striking out of that part of the Ancient Oath in King Charles his time at his Coronation , by Arch-Bishop Laud ( that the King should consent to such Laws , as the People should choose ) and instead of that , another very unusual one inserted , Saving the King's Prerogative Royal. — And I could tell you of somewhat more of that kind , done since , in the time of the late King James ; at the time of his Coronation , there was much more struck out of the Coronation Oath : which might well be worth the enquiring , how it came about . I must not presume to oppose any thing delivered by an Oracle of the Law , in a Court of Judicature , to a great Auditory , upon a Solemn Occasion . However , I beg leave to acquaint the Reader , that a full and undeniable justification of Arch-Bishop Laud from this Charge , may be found in this History , cap. 33. I may farther presume , that the Author of this Speech , is too Just and Honourable , to intend by the latter Clause , any 〈◊〉 upon another Arch-Bishop , who Administred the Coronation Oath to King James II. Or if any Reader should be so ill informed , as to mis-conceive his Lordship herein ; I hope it will be no offence to say , that it would be no difficult matter , to justifie in this Case the Proceeding of the one Arch-Bishop , as clearly , as this History doth the other . I might farther add , that the entire Publication of this Diary , contributes very much to Illustrate the History of those Times ; and that both it , and the following History , discover many Secrets ( before unknown ) in Matters of Church and State , and correct many Errours , commonly taken up and received in Relation to either . To give one particular instance ; I know a certain 〈◊〉 , who would fain be esteemed , and is generally accounted by these of his Party , to know more of the Secret History of the Transactions preceeding and accompanying the Grand Rebellion , than the whole 〈◊〉 besides ; who hath confidently Related , that when the Earl of Strafford enter'd into the Service of King Charles I. and began to be employed as Chief Minister of State , he covenanted with him , that no Session of Parliament should be called or held during his Ministry . Now the 〈◊〉 of this Report appears from what the Arch-Bishop hath wrote in his Diary at Dec. 5. 1639. that the first movers for calling a Parliament at that time , were the Earl of Strafford and himself . Nothing also can reflect more Honour upon the Memory of any Person , that what the Arch-Bishop ( in the following History , cap. 9. ) relateth of the Earl's rejecting the unworthy Proposition made to him , by Mr. Denzell Hollis , in the Name of the Leading Men of the House of Commons ; a matter wholly unknown before . But to proceed with Prynne , soon after the Martyrdom of the Arch-Bishop , whether prompted by his unwearied Malice , or by his eternal itch of scribling , or incited by the Order of the House of Commons , made March 4. 1644 / 5. desiring him to Print and Publish all the Proceedings concerning the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Trial : He immediately set himself to Defame the Arch-Bishop , and justifie the Proceedings of the Rebel Parliament against him , more at large . To which purpose , he Published in 1646. in 66 Sheets in Folio , his Necessary Introduction to the History of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Trial : Which in the Preface , he calleth A New Discovery of sundry Plots , and hidden Works of Darkness : Containing bitter Invectives and Accusations against the whole Proceedings of the Court , from the time of the Treaty about the Spanish Match , to that day ; and labouring to prove , that both King James and Charles designed to overthrow the 〈◊〉 Religion , and to introduce Popery , using Arch-Bishop Laud as their chief Instrument in that bad Design : An Accusation , which neither himself , nor any other Man in his Wits , ever believed . Soon after this , in the same Year 1646. was Published by the same Author , Canterbury's Doom , or the First Part of a compleat History of the Trial of the Arch-Bishop , in 145 Sheets in Folio , containing ( as himself acknowledgeth ) only the History of the Preliminaries of the Trial till the commencement of it , together with the Commons Evidence , his Answers to it , and their Replies upon him , in maintenance of the first general Branch of their Charge of High Treason against him , to wit , his Trayterous endeavours to alter and subvert God's True Religion by Law Established among us , to introduce Popery , and to reconcile the Church of England to the Church of Rome . The remaining part of the Trial he engaged ( by Promise made both in the beginning and end of that Book ) to Compleat and Publish with all convenient speed ; but never made good his Vndertaking ; nor , as I believe , ever did intend it . For he well knew , that however what was urged against the Arch-Bishop at his Trial in this matter , and was largely amplified in his History , in proof of the Arch-Bishop's endeavour to subvert the Established Religion , carried with it some shew of Truth in the Judgment of a then miserably deluded People ; who were cheated into a Belief ( cursed be the wilful Authors of that Cheat , which in great measure yet continueth ) that good Works , Building , Repairing , Consecrating and Adorning Churches , bowing at the Name of Jesus , prosiration to God in Prayer , wearing Copes , retaining the use of Canonical Hours in Prayer , and such like Decent Vsages and Ceremonies , were downright Popery ( for these and such like were the Proofs of that Accusation brought against the Arch-Bishop ) Yet that all which they did or could produce in confirmation of their other Heads of Accusation against the Arch-Bishop , carried not with it the least appearance of proof . For which Reason , Prynne began the History of his Trial with the Charge and Proofs of Popery ; although that was not the first , but the last , Head of Accusation , brought against him , and canvassed in the course of his Trial. However , the Godly Cheat , once begun , was by any means to be continued ; and therefore it was pretended by Prynne , and other Adversaries of the Arch-Bishop ; that although , to give him his due ( for such are Prynne's own words , pag. 462. ) the Arch-Bishop made as full , as gallant , as pithy a Defence of so bad a Cause ; and spake as much for himself , as was possible for the Wit of Man to invent ; and that with so much Art , Sophistry , Vivacity , Oratory , Audacity and Confidence , without the least acknowledgment of Guilt in any thing , &c. yet that after all , the Crimes objected being undeniably proved against him ; and himself thereupon despairing of being able to justifie and clear his Innocence , either to the then present or to succeeding times , did burn all the Notes of his Answers and Defence before his Death , of purpose to prevent their publication after it . Which Calumny Prynne hath twice ( in Epist. Dedic . and pag. 461. ) repeated , pretending to have received the knowledge of it from the Arch-Bishop's own Secretary Mr. Dell. The falsity of this base Report appears sufficiently from this History , wrote by the Arch-Bishop , and now Published . He had begun to compose it before the end of the Year 1641. and continued it from time to time , till the 3d of January 1644 / 5. which was the seventh day before his Execution . For on the 4th of January , being acquainted that Sentence had passed upon him in the House of Lords , he conveyed the Original Copy of his History into safe hands , and prepared himself for Death . That he had begun it before the end of 1641. and augmented it from time to time ; appears evidently from several places of it . And although in the Narration of his Trial , many things said or alledged in the Recapitulation on the last days , be interwoven with the History of every days Trial ; yet all those passages were added by him afterwards on the blank pages , which he had for that purpose left over-against every written page in the Original Copy ; and from thence were according to his directions transcribed in the other Copy into one entire Narration . Hence it comes to pass , ( which the Reader will easily observe ) that the Arch-Bishop writing down the Transactions of every day , as they happened , hath left so many plain Indications of haste , and sometimes of heat . Some things seem to have been wrote , while his Spirits had not yet recovered a sedate Temper ; many improprieties of Language committed ; and other defects admitted : which the Arch-Bishop himself being sensible of , had wrote in the first leaf of his Book : Non apposui manum ultimam . W. Cant. That the most Reverend Author wrote this History for the publick Vindication of himself , cannot be doubted . Nay himself more than once affirmeth , that he intended it for the Vindication of himself to the whole Christian World ; and chiefly indeed for the defence of himself and the Church of England in Foreign parts ; where wrong Notions are generally entertained of the Constitution of our Church , as being for the most part taken from the Writings of some Puritanical Divines among us . For this Reason the Arch-Bishop earnestly desired ( which desire is thrice in this Work expressed ) that it might be carefully and exactly Translated into Latin , and Printed ; that he might thereby appeal to the Judgment of the Learned in all parts of Christendom . To this end himself had procured the Liturgy , which he had composed for the Church of Scotland , to be turned into Latin , that it might be Published with it . To the end ( saith he ) that the Book may be extant , and come to the view of the Christian World , and their Judgment of it be known , I have caused it to be exactly Translated into Latin ; and if right be done me , it shall be Printed with this History . This Latin Translation of the Scotch Liturgy , as also the English Original Copy of the first draught of it , are now in my Hands ; and shall one or both of them be hereafter ( God willing ) published in the Collection of Memorials . It should seem , that when the Arch-Bishop designed a Latin Edition of his History , he despaired that the generality of this Nation , then miserably distemper'd in Matter of Religion , would ever so far regain the use of their Wits , as to be able to pass an impartial Judgment upon his Cause . But , God be thanked , the Church , for which he suffered , and which was ruined with him , was in a short time after beyond hope Re-established ; and therewith Sobriety returning into the minds of Men , no place is now so fit for the publication of this History , as our own Island ; and no Language more proper for it , than our own , which is the Original , wherein it was wrote . It should seem , that what was already wrote of this History , in May 1643. when Prynne searched the Arch-Bishop's Chamber in the Tower , and seized his Papers found there , escaped his ravenous Hands . Whether after the Arch-Bishop's death , and the completion of it , the Copy of it came into his hands , I cannot certainly affirm ( the Reason of my uncertainty I shall relate presently ) but do believe , that it did . Which if it did , I suppose he having got notice of it , seized it by Vertue of an Order of the House of Commons , March 4. 1644 / 5. empowering him to send for all Writings , &c. relating to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Trial. To proceed , all the Arch-Bishop's Papers taken from him by Prynne , either out of his Study at Lambeth soon after his Commitment , or out of his Chamber and Pockets in the Tower , or seized after his Martyrdom , remained in Prynne's hands until his Death . When Arch-Bishop Sheldon , well knowing that the Papers of his Predecessor Arch-Bishop Laud had been unjustly seized and detained by him ; procured an Order of the King and Council , deputing Sir William Dugdale , and some others , to view his Study , and taking thence all the Books and Papers formerly belonging to Arch-Bishop Laud , to deliver them into his hands . This was accordingly done ; and the Books and Papers being seized , brought to Arch-Bishop Sheldon ; although very much diminished in number , and embezeled , since they had come into Prynne's hands . For he seems either to have Printed many of them from the Originals , to save the labour of transcribing them ; or to have burned them , or otherwise employed them to common uses , when once Printed . So that very few of those Papers , which Prynne had published in the several Pamphlets and Books before named , came into Arch-Bishop Sheldon's hands . And not a few , even of those which had not been Published , were found wanting . Particularly the Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud , concerning the Conversion of his Godson , Mr. William Chillingworth ; which the Arch-Bishop saith were taken away from him by Mr. Prynne , and being by him produced at the Committee for drawing up his Charge , were there Examined . Whether the Copy of this History was seized at this time in Mr. Prynne's Study , or came to Arch-Bishop Sheldon by other means , I cannot certainly affirm . But this I am assured of , that Arch-Bishop Sheldon having about this time got into his Hands the Copy of this History , and having now gained also the other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud ; sent for the truly Reverend and Learned Dr. William Sancroft , then Dean of St. Pauls , and delivered both to him ; ordering him to Publish the History , with such Papers as were necessary to it , with all convenient speed . This Dr. Sancroft willingly undertook ; but upon Reading of the History , found the Copy to be so very vitious ; that it would not be sit to be Published , till the Original might be recovered , whereby the defects of it might be supplied and corrected . Hereupon they set themselves to search after the Original ; which at last they found in St. John's Colledge in Oxford , having been deposited there ( as I suppose ) by Dr. Richard Baily , formerly President of that Colledge , and Executor to the Author . After this was done , a new scruple was started concerning the Language , wherein it should be Published . Arch-Bishop Sheldon was desirous it might be Translated into , and Published in Latin , in complyance with the Desire and Intention of the Author . The Dean of St. Pauls on the other side was of Opinion ; that it would be more useful to the Publick , and serviceable to the Memory of the Author , to Publish it in English. This difference of Opinion protracted the Edition of it from time to time ; until at last Arch-Bishop Sheldon continuing resolved in his Opinion , the Dean yielded to his Authority ; and only desiring that some Learned Civilian might be joyned with him , who might render the Forms of Pleading in apt Latin Expressions , prepared himself for the undertaking . But in the interim Arch-Bishop Sheldon dying , the Dean was most deservedly chosen to succeed him in the Arch-Bishoprick . Whereby being involved in constant Publick Business both of Church and State , he was forced to lay aside his design of publishing this History , yet not without hopes of finding at some time or other opportunity to perform it : for which Reason he devolved not the care of it upon any other ; but kept it by him , and in the mean time endeavoured to get into his Hands all other Papers relating to Arch-Bishop Laud or his Cause . But in vain did he hope to find so much leisure , while the Administration of the chief Office in the Church took up his whole care and thoughts . What he could not then do , he hoped to accomplish after his Retirement into Suffolk , in August 1691. Yet neither then did he set about it , until the middle of the Year 1693. when opening his Papers , he began to collate the Copy with the Original , to divide the History into Chapters , to examine the Citations , to write down several Directions and Memoranda's for his own use in preparing the Edition , to Note what places deserved to be amended or considered , to write several Observations on the 〈◊〉 , to draw up a Catalogue of the Memorials to be added as an Appendix to the History , to Note which of them were in his Hands , and which being wanting to him , were to be sought elsewhere . He was earnestly employed about this Matter ; and the Original and Copy , with many of the Papers belonging to it , lay on his Scrutoire before him ; and himself was then writing certain Quaeries , Memoranda's and Directions for his use therein in a 〈◊〉 paper ; when a violent 〈◊〉 seized him , August 25. which having 〈◊〉 him to his Bed full thirteen weeks , he at last surrendred up his Pious Soul to God , the 24th : of November , on Friday , early in the Morning , in the 77th Year of his Age. As soon as he had Reason to apprehend , that his Sickness would prove mortal ; remembring what he was last employed about , the Edition of this History , he was desirous to see me , that so he might commit the care of it to me . But so it was , that I hearing of his Sickness , and not knowing any thing , either of this History being in his Hands , or of his Intentions about it , took a Journey into Suffolk , to wait upon him , as in Duty bound , ( having the Honour and the Happiness to be his Chaplain ) whither I came on the last day of October . He was then pleased to acquaint me with his Design ; related to me , how the History with the other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud came into his Hands , how he had often prepared himself for the perfection of this Edition , and was at last hindred by his present Sickness . In fine , he laid his Commands upon me , to perfect what he had begun , and to Publish the History , as soon as might be ; and then immediately caused to be delivered to me the Original and Copy of the History , with the Diary , and all other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud , or his own , relating to them , which then laid upon or about his Scrutoire , or could be found in his Study . His Voice was then very weak , and his Spirits faint ; so that he could not give to me that perfect account , by what means the Copy came into Arch-Bishop Sheldon's Hands , which I had desired of him . For he having omitted to tell me that distinctly , and I desiring satisfaction in that and some other Questions about this Book ; he could only answer me : These are material Questions ; but I am weary with speaking , and my Spirits are faint . I cannot make to you any farther Answers herein . After which , I never presumed to trouble him with the Question . However , having observed , upon Reading the Book , and looking over the Papers , that many even of those Memorials were wanting , which I found that my Most Reverend Patron had in his written Notes marked to be in his Hands ; I took the boldness , when I next waited on him ( on November 22. following ) to acquaint him with this defect . Whereupon , he immediately ordered me to search all his Papers , ( the greater part of which had not been opened , nor put in order , since his removal from Lambeth ) which I began forthwith to do ; and thereby found many Papers relating to this History , or other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud , scattered and divided among several parcels of other Writings . But before I had searched half way , evident signs of approaching Death appearing in him , I quitted the search at that time ; and renewed it not again , till several weeks after his Death ; when I looked over the remaining part of his Papers , and , with the leave of his Executors , took thence whatsoever related to , or might be subservient to this Design . In this latter search I found many things ; but neither first nor last could find several Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud , of great moment ; which I am well assured were in the Hands of my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft ; because I find them testified so to be in the Catalogue of Arch-Bishop Laud's Papers in his hands , drawn by himself . Among these , is a large Answer of Arch-Bishop Laud , to a Speech made by William Lord Viscount Say and Seal against the Civil Power of Bishops , and Printed by him , London , 1642. His Answer to the Speech of the same Lord against the Liturgy , and Printed London 1641. I found , and have published in the end of this Volume ; as well because it contains many Historical passages of the Arch-Bishop's own Life and Actions ; as for that , it is no where referred to in this History , and so could not well be placed among the Memorials intended for the Second Part. Arch-Bishop Laud had also wrote a large and elaborate Answer to the Speech of Nathaniel Fiennes , Son to the Lord Say , against the new Canons , made in the end of the Year 1640. and Printed London , 1641. which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to in this History . This also was in the Hands of my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft ; as I find as well by the written Catalogue before mentioned , as by a particular Paper of Observations made by him upon it , toward the completion and illustration of it ; whereby it appears to consist of above fifty Pages in Folio . But this , after a tedious and diligent search , I could not find . Which will not appear incredible to those , who know what a vast multitude of Papers and Collections my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft left behind him ; and therein more perhaps wrote with his own Hand , than any Man , either of this or the last Age , ever did write . Having obtained all the Papers , which could be found , I set my self to perfect the Edition of this History ; which I have at last performed , yet with greater trouble and labour , than can easily be imagined . I caused the Diary to be exactly Transcribed , adjoined an English Translation to the Latin part of it , diligently collated the Copy of the History with the Original , the Articles and other Memorials with the Printed Copies , if any such were ; added what Observations I thought necessary , in the Margin ; have every where Religiously retained the Author 's own words and expressions throughout , ( although therein , I must confess , against the Judgment of my most Reverend Patron expressed in his written Notes ) have only amended the Orthography ( which both in Original and Copy was monstrously vitious ) inserted some words , where the Sense was imperfect , but have always included such in Crotchets ; and in some places substituted Greek words instead of Latin , in Citations out of Greek Fathers or Authors . So that the Reader may be assured , this History is faithfully conveyed to the Publick . I have retained all my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft's Observations , whether wrote in the Margin of the Book , or elsewhere , if considerable ; subjoyning to them the Letters : W : S : A : C : I have subjoined to many of my own Observations of greater moment , the Letters , H. W. And where Arch-Bishop Laud had added any thing in the Margin , I have adjoyned the Letters , W : C : As for the Collection of Memorials and other Papers , which by the Author's Direction should have accompanied this History ; finding that they could 〈◊〉 be Published in the same Volume without swelling it to too great a bulk ; I have reserved them for a Second Part ; and ( if God grant me Life and Health ) will cause them shortly to follow ; and therewith give to the Publick what farther Account of them I shall then judge necessary . The Originals , both Diary and History , I intend at my Death to leave to St : John's Colledge in Oxford , where the Authour the Arch-Bishop was bred , to which place he ever bore so great a Love , and where his Body now remaineth . Which Intention of mine I chose here to mention ; that the 〈◊〉 and Fellows of that Colledge may hereafter , if they shall think so 〈◊〉 , demand them from my Executors . To conclude , although Private and Personal Matters or Affections , ought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be admitted to accompany a Work of such a publick Nature ; yet I cannot forbear to say , that it is an inexpressible satisfaction to me , that in the Edition of this Work , I have been able to serve the Illustrious Author of it , and my most Reverend Deceased Patron , and the Church of England , at the same time : And more particularly , that I account it the most Fortunate Transaction of my whole Life , to have contributed herein to the vindication of the Memory and the Cause of that most Excellent Prelate and Blessed Martyr , to whom I have always paid a more especial Veneration , ever since I was able to form any Judgment in these matters ; as firmly believing him to have taken up and prosecuted the best and most effectual Method ( although then in great measure unsuccessful , through the malignity of the Times ) and to have had the Noblest , the most Zealous , and most sincere Intentions therein , towards Re-establishing the Beauty , the Honour , and the Force of Religion , in that part of the Catholick Church ( the Church of England ) to the Service of which I have entirely devoted my Life , my Labours , and my Fortunes . Feb : 2. 1693 / 4. Hen. Wharton . THE CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME . ARch-Bishop Laud's Diary of his Life ; wrote by himself , and published from the Original . Pag. 1 His Account of matters of Piety and Charity , projected to be done by himself . 68 His large History of his own Troubles and Tryal , divided into CHAPTERS . 71 CAP. I. An Account of his first Accusation and Commitment . 73 CAP. II. Of the Original Causes and Occasions of his Troubles . 75 CAP. III. The Articles exhibited against him to the Parliament by the Scottish Commissioners , with an Answer to them . 87 CAP. IV. The Additional Charge of the Scots exhibited against him , with an Answer to it . 137 CAP. V. An Account of what passed in relation to him or his Cause , from his Commitment to Febr. 26. 〈◊〉 . 144 CAP. VI. An Account of what Passed at the Bar of the House of Lords , when the Commons brought up their Charge against him . 148 CAP. VII . The first Articles of the Commons exhibited against him , with an Answer to them . 〈◊〉 CAP. VIII . An Account of his Commitment to the Tower , and what passed 〈◊〉 thence , to March 13. 〈◊〉 . 174 CAP. IX . Of what passed from thence to May 1. 1641. Pag. 176 CAP. X. Of what passed from thence to September 23. 1641. 181 CAP. XI . Of what passed from thence to January 4. 〈◊〉 . 183 CAP. XII . Of what passed from thence to February 24 , 〈◊〉 . 187 CAP. XIII . Of what passed from thence to March. 6 〈◊〉 . 190 CAP. XIV . Of what passed from thence to March 24. 〈◊〉 . 192 CAP. XV. Of what passed from thence to May 16. 1642 194 CAP. XVI . Of what passed from thence to January 6. 〈◊〉 . 196 CAP. XVII . Of what passed from thence to May 27. 1643. 200 CAP. XVIII . Of the Search made upon him in the Tower , and his Papers taken away from him , May 31. 1643. 205 CAP. XIX . Of what passed from thence to October 3. 1643. 207 CAP. XX. Of what passed from thence to March 9. 1643 / 4. 211 CAP. XXI . An Account of the Preliminaries and Preparation to his Tryal , which began March 12 〈◊〉 . 216 CAP. XXII . An account of his First Day 's Tryal , March 12. 1643 / 4. 220 CAP. XXIII . Of the Second Day 's Tryal , March 13 〈◊〉 . 229 CAP. XXIV . Of the Third Day 's Tryal , March 16. 〈◊〉 . 242 CAP. XXV . Of the Fourth Day 's Tryal , March 18. 1643 / 4. 244 CAP. XXVI . Of the Fifth Day 's Tryal , March 22. 1643 / 4. 260 CAP. XXVII . Of the Sixth Day 's Tryal , March 28 1644. 270 CAP. XXVIII . Of the Preparation to the Seventh Day 's Tryal . 280 CAP. XXIX . Of the Seventh Day 's Tryal , Apr. 16. 1644. 282 CAP. XXX . Of the Eighth Day 's Tryal , May 4. 1644. 292 CAP. XXXI . 〈◊〉 the Ninth Day 's Tryal , May 16. 1644. 301 CAP. XXXII . Of the Tenth Day 's Tryal , May 20. 1644. 310 CAP. XXXIII . Of the Eleventh Day 's Tryal , May 27. 1644. Pag. 317 CAP. XXXIV . Of the Twelfth Day 's Tryal , June 6. 1644. 329 CAP. XXXV . Of the Thirteenth Day 's Tryal , June 11. 1644. 338 CAP. XXXVI . Of the Fourteenth Day 's Tryal , June 14. 1644. 347 CAP. XXXVII . Of the Fifteenth Day 's Tryal , June 20. 1644. 354 CAP. XXXVIII . Of the Sixteenth Day 's Tryal , June 27. 1644. 390 CAP. XXXIX . Of the Seventeenth Day 's Tryal , July 5. 1644. 366 CAP. XL. Of the Eighteenth Day 's Tryal , July 17. 1644. 374 CAP. XLI . Of the Nineteenth Day 's Tryal , July 24. 1644. 389 CAP. XLII . Of the Twentieth Day 's Tryal , July 29. 1644. 400 CAP. XLIII . The Arch-Bishop's Recapitulation of his Defence , made at the Bar of the House of Lords Sept. 2. 1644. 412 CAP. XLIV . The Plea or Defence made for the Arch-Bishop by his Councel at the Bar of the House of Lords , Octob. 11. 1644. 422 CAP. XLV . The Arch-Bishop's Defence of himself , at the Bar of the House of Commons , Novemb. 11. 1644. 432 CAP. XLVI . An Account of what passed from thence in both Houses to his Condemnation , Jan. 4. 〈◊〉 . 441 A short Account of the Arch-Bishop's Condemnation & Suffering , taken from Mr. Rushworth's Collections . 443 A larger Account of the same , and of the manner of his Suffering , taken from Dr. Heylin's Life of him . 444 The Arch-Bishop's Speech made upon the Scaffold Jan : 10 : 〈◊〉 . with his Prayers and behaviour there . 447 The Arch-Bishop's Last Will and Testament . 454 Nine Passages taken out of the Arch-Bishop's Conference with Fisher the Jesuit , referr'd to in the preceding History . 458 Twelve Passages out of other Printed Books , referr'd to in the preceding History and Tryal . 461 The Arch-Bishop's large Answer to the Speech of the Lord Say and Seal , touching the Liturgy . Pag. 470 The Arch-Bishop's Annual Accounts of his Province , presented to the King ; with the King 's Apostils or Marginal Notes upon them . 515 The King's Instructions sent to Arch-Bishop Abbot , in the Year 1629. 517 Arch-Bishop Abbot's Account of his Province to the King , for the Year 1632. 519 The Kings Instructions sent to Arch-Bishop Laud , in the Year 1634. 520 A Memorial of the Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King , for the Year 1635. 523 A Note of Arch-Bishop Sancroft , and a Letter to him about the same . 524 Arch-Bishop Laud's Account of his Province to the King , for the Year 1633. 525 His Account for the Year , 1634. 529 His Account for the Year : 1635. 535 His Account for the Year : 1636. 538 His Account for the Year : 1637. 546 His Account for the Year : 1638. 553 His Account for the Year : 1639. 558 A Pamphlet published against the Arch-Bishop by Will. Pryn , entituled Rome's Master-piece ; with the Arch-Bishop's Notes upon it . 〈◊〉 Two Letters of the Arch-Bishop's ( then Chancellor of the Vniversity of Oxford ) to the Vice-Chancellor there , charging him to enquire after , prevent and punish the Practices of some Romish Emissaries in that Place . 609 The Arch-Bishop's Letter to Sir Kenelm Digby , upon the News of his Reconciliation to the Church of Rome . 610 The Testimony of Mr : Jonathan Whiston concerning the Joy expressed at Rome upon the News of the Arch-Bishop's Death . 616 The Testimony of Mr : John Evelyn concerning the same . 616 AN INTRODUCTION To the Following HISTORY : Containing the DIARY OF THE Most Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAUD , LORD Arch-Bishop of Canterbury : EXTENDING From His Birth to the middle of the Year , MDCXLIII . Being the Seventieth Year of His Age. Faithfully and Entirely Published from the Original Copy , Wrote with His own Hand . The Latine part rendered into English , and adjoined . LONDON , Printed for Ri Chiswell , : at the Rose and Crown in St : Paul's Church-Yard , 1694. AN INTRODUCTION To the following History : CONTAINING THE DIARY OF THE Most Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAUD , Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . Anno 1573. NATUS fui Octob : 7 : 1573. Redingi . In infantiâ penè perii morbo , &c. I WAS born Octob : 7 : 1573. at Reading . In my Infancy I was in danger of Death by Sickness , &c. Anno : 1589. I came to Oxford , July : 1589. Anno : 1590. I was chosen Scholar of St : John's , June : 1590. Anno : 1593. I was admitted Fellow of St : John's , June ; anno : 1593. Anno : 1594. My Father died , April : 11 : 1594. die Mercurii . I proceeded Batchelour of Arts , June : 1594. Anno : 1596. I had a great Sickness , : 1596. Anno : 1597. And another , anno : 1597. Anno : 1598. I proceeded Master of Arts , July : 1598. I was Grammar Reader that Year ; and fell into a great Sickness at the end of it . Anno 1600. My Mother died November 24. 1600. I was made Deacon , 4. Januar. 1600. comput . Angl. Anno 1601. I was made Priest , April 5. 1601. being Palm-Sunday : both by Dr. Young , Bishop of Rochester . [ Viz. Both Orders were conferred by him . ] Anno 1602. I read a Divinity Lecture in St. John's College , anno 1602. It was then maintained by Mrs. Maye . I was the last that read it . Queen Elizabeth died at Richmond , March 24. 1602. comput . Angl. Anno 1603. I was Proctor of the University , chosen May 4. 1603. I was made Chaplain to the Earl of Devonshire , Septemb. 3. 1603. Adjecta est spes mea de A. H. Jan. 1. 1603. Which after proved my great happiness . Incaepi sperare , Januar. 21. 1600. comp . Angl. Hope was given to me of A. H. Jan. 1. &c. I first began to hope it , Jan. 21. &c. Anno 1604. I was Batchelour in Divinity , July 6. being Friday , 1604. Anno 1605. My cross about the Earl of Devon's Marriage , Decemb : 26 : 1605. die Jovis . Anno 1606. The Quarrel Dr : Ayry picked with me about my Sermon at St. Mary's , Octob. 21. 1606. Anno 1607. I was inducted into the Vicaridge of Stanford in Northamptonshire , November 13. 1607. Anno 1608. The Advowson of North-Kilworth in Leicestershire given to me , April 1608. My acquaintance with C. W. began . I proceeded Doctor in Divinity in the Act , anno 1608. I was made Chaplain to Dr. Neile , then Ld. Bishop of Rochester , August 5. 1608. After my unfortunateness with T. ( whose death was in July , 1604. ) the first offer in this kind that I had after , was by M. Short , June 1606. then by P. B. not accepted . Anno 1609. My first Sermon to King James at Theobalds , Septemb. 17. 1609. I changed my Advowson of North-Kilworth for West-Tilbery in Essex ; to which I was inducted , Octob. 28. 1609. to be near my Ld. of Rochester , Dr. Neile . My next unfortunateness was with E. M. Decemb. 30. being Saturday , 1609. A stay in this . Anno 1610. My Ld. of Rochester gave me Cuckstone in 〈◊〉 , Maii 25. 1610. I resigned my Fellowship in St : John's Colledge in Oxford , Octob : 2 : 1610. and left Oxford the 8th : of the same Month. I fell Sick of a Kenish Ague , caught at my Benefice , Novemb : 5 : 1610. which held me two Months . In the midst of this Sickness , the Suit about the Presidentship of St : John's began . I left Kuckstone , and was inducted in Norton , Novemb : 1610. by Proxy . The Lord Chancellor Elsmere's Complaint against me to the King at Christmas , 1610. He was incited against me by Doctor Abbot , Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , Elect. Anno : 1611. My next unfortunateness was by S. B. Feb : 11 : 1611. It continued long . I was chosen President of St : John's , May : 10 : 1611. The King sat in Person three hours to hear my Cause about the Presidentship of St : John's at Tichburne , Aug : 29 : 1611. It was Dies Decollat . S : Johannis-Bapt . The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was the Original Cause of all my Troubles . I was Sworn the King's Chaplain , Novemb : 3. 1611. Anno : 1612. My next unfortunateness was by S. S. June : 13 : 1612. It ended quickly . My next with A : D : which effected nothing , and ended presently , Septemb : 1612. My great Business with E. B. began Januar : 22 : 1612. It setled , as it could , March : 5 : 1612. comp : Angl : It hath had many changes ; and what will become of it , God knoweth . Anno : 1614. My great misfortune by M. S. began April : 9 : 1614. A most fierce salt Rheume in my left Eye , like to have indangered it . Dr : Neile , then Bishop of Lincoln , gave me the Prebend of Bugden , April : 18 : 1614. Anno : 1615. Dr : Neile , the Bishop of Lincoln , gave me the Archdeaconry of Huntingdon , Decemb : 1 : 1615. Anno : 1616. The King gave me the Deanry of Gloucester , Novemb : 1616. I resigned my Parsonage of West-Tilbery . I set forward with the King toward Scotland , March : 14 : 1616. Stilo nostro ; and returned a little before him , 1617. My acquaintance began with W : Sta. March : 5 : 1616. comp : Angl : Anno : 1617. .... Cum E. B. July : 28 : 1617. Die Lunae , primè . St : John's Colledge on fire under the stair-case in the Chaplain's Chamber , by the Library , Septemb : 26 : 1617. die Veneris . Both these days of Observation to me . I was inducted to Ibstock in Leicestershire , Aug : 2 : 1617. in my return out of Scotland ; and left Norton . Anno : 1618. Lu. Bos. B. to E. B. May : 2 : 1618. Et quid ad me ? My ill hap with E. Beg. June 1618. The great Organ in St. John's Chappel set up : It was begun Febr. 5. 1618. comp . Angl. Anno 1619. I fell suddenly dead for a time at Wickham , in my return from London , April 2. 1619. Anno 1620. I was Installed Prebendary of Westminster , Januar. 22. 1620. comp . Angl. having had the Advowson of it Ten Years the November before . Anno 1621. The King 's Gracious Speech unto me , June 3. 1621. concerning my long Service . He was pleased to say : He had given me nothing but Gloucester , which he well knew was a Shell without a Kernel . June 29. His Majesty gave me the Grant of the Bishoprick of St. Davids , being St. Peter's day . The general expectation in Court was , that I should then have been made Dean of Westminster , and not Bishop of St. Davids . The King gave me leave to hold the Presidentship of St. John Baptist's Colledge in Oxon , in my Commendam with the Bishoprick of St. Davids : [ But by Reason of the strictness of that Statute , which I will not violate , nor my Oath to it , under any colour , I am resolved before my Consecration to leave it . ] Octob. 10. I was chosen Bishop of St. Davids , Octob. 10. 1621. I resigned the Presidentship of St. Johns in Oxford , Novemb. 17. 1621. I Preached at Westminster , Novemb. 5. I was Consecrated Bishop of St. Davids , Novemb. 18. 1621. at London-House Chappel , by the Reverend Fathers , the Lords Bishops of London , Worcester , Chichester , Elye , Landaffe , Oxon. The Arch-Bishop being thought Irregular for casual Homicide . Januar. 6. The Parliament , then sitting , was dissolved by Proclamation , without any Session . Januar. 14. The King's Letters came to the Arch-Bishop , and all the Bishops about London , for a Contribution of the Clergy toward recovery of the Palatinat . Januar. 21. The Arch-Bishop's Letters came to me about this business . Januar. 25. I sent these Letters and my own into the Diocess . Febr. 17. I Preached at Westminster . All my former Sermons are omitted . March. 9. I heard of the death of L. B. He died Januar. 17. between 6 and 7 in the Morning . March 18. Dr. Theodore Price went towards Ireland out of London , about the Commission appointed there . March 24. I Preached at Court , commanded to Print . Anno 1622. April . 13. The King renewed my Commendam . April 16. I was with his Majesty and the Prince's Highness , to give notice of Letters I received of a Treasonable Sermon Preached in Oxford , on Sunday , April 14. by one Mr. Knight of 〈◊〉 . April 14. Sunday , I waited at the Entertainment of Count Swartzenburge , the Emperour's Ambassadour , in the Parliament House . April 23. Being the Tuesday in Easter week , the King sent for me , and set me into a course about the Countess of Buckingham , who about that time was wavering in point of Religion . April 24. Dr. Francis White and I met about this . May 10. I went to the Court to Greenwich , and came back in Coach with the Lord Marquess Buckingham . My promise then to give his Lordship the Discourse he spake to me for . May 12. I Preached at Westminster . May 19. I delivered my Lord Marquess Buckingham the Paper concerning the difference between the Church of England and Rome , in point of Salvation , &c. May 23. My first Speech with the Countess of Buckingham . May 24. The Conference between Mr. Fisher a Jesuit , and my self , before the Lord Marquess Buckingham , and the Countess his Mother . I had much Speech with her after . June 9. Being Whitsunday , my Lord Marquess Buckingham was pleased to enter upon a near Respect to me . The particulars are not for Paper . June 15. I became C. to my Lord of Buckingham . And June 16. Being Trinity Sunday , he Received the Sacrament at Greenwich . June 22. &c. I saw two Books in Folio of Sir Robert Cottons . In the one was all the Order of the Reformation in the time of Hen : 8. The Original Letters and Dispatches under the Kings and the Bishops , &c. own hands . In the other , were all the Preparatory Letters , Motives , &c. for the suppression of the Abbies : their suppression and value , in the Originals . An Extract of both which Books I have per Capita : July 5. I first entred into Wales . July 9. I began my first Visitation at the Colledge in Brecknocke , and Preached . July 24. I visited at St. Davids , and Preached July 25. August 6 , 7. I visited at Carmarthen , and Preached . The Chancellor and my Commissioners visited at Emlyn , &c. July 16 , 17. and at Haverford-West , July 19 , 20. Aug. 15. I set forwards towards England from Carmarthen . Septemb. 1. My Answer given to His Majesty about 9 : Articles delivered in a Book from Mr : Fisher the Jesuit . These Articles were delivered me to consider of , Aug. 28. The Discourse concerning them the same Night at Windsor , in the presence of the King , the Prince , the Lord Marquess Buckingham , his Lady , and his Mother . Septemb. 18. aut circiter . There was notice given me , that Mr. Fisher had spread certain Copies of the Conference had between him and me , Maij 24. into divers Recusants hands . Octob. .... I got the sight of a Copy , &c. in October ; made an Answer to it . Octob. 27. I Preached at Westminster . Decemb. 12. My Ancient Friend , Mr : R : Peashall died , horâ 6. matutinâ . It was Thursday , and Sol in Capri. Lucia Virgo in some Almanacks a day before , in some , a day after it . Decemb. 16. My Lord Marquess Buckingham's Speech to me about the same Keye . Decemb. 25. I Preached at St. Giles without Cripplegate . I was three times with the King this Christmas ; and Read over to him the Answer which I had made to Fisher ; which he commanded should be Printed : and I desired it might pass in a third Person , under the Name of R. B. Januar. 11. My Lord of Buckingham and I in the inner Chamber at York House . Quòd est Deus Salvator noster Christus Jesus . Januar. 17. I received a Letter from E. B. to continue my favour , as Mr. R. P. had desired me . Januar. 19. I Preached at Westminster . Januar. 27. I went out of London about the Parsonage of Creeke , given me into my Commendam . Januar. 29. I was instituted at Peterborough to the Parsonage of Creeke . Januar. 31. I was inducted into Creeke . Februar . 2. Being Sunday and Candlemas day , I Preached and Read the Articles at Creeke . Febr. 5. Wednesday , I came to London . I went that Night to his Majesty , hearing he had sent for me . He delivered me a Book to read and observe . It was a Tract of a Capuchin , that had once been a Protestant . He was now with the French Ambassadour . The Tract was to prove , that Christ's Body was in two places at once , in the Apparition to St : Paul , Act : IX : Feb. 9. I gave the King an account of this Book . Febr. 9. Promovi Edmundum Provant Scotum in Presbyterum . Primogenitus meus fuit in Domino . I Ordained Edmund Provant a Scot Priest. He was my First-begotten in the Lord. Febr. 17. Munday , the Prince and the Marquess Buckingham set forward very secretly for Spain . Febr. 21. I wrote to my Lord of Buckingham into Spain . Febr. 22. Saturday , I fell very ill ; and was very suddenly plucked down in 4 days . I was put into the Commission of Grievances . There were in the Commission the Lord Marquess Buckingham , Lord Arundel , Lord Pembroke , Bishop of Winchester , and my self . The Proclamation came out for this , Febr. 14. March 9. I Ordained Thomas Owen , Bat : of Arts , Deacon . March 10. I Ordained him and John Mitchel , Priests . March 23. I Preached at White-Hall . Anno 1623. March 31. I received Letters from my Lord of Buckingham out of Spain . April 9. I received Letters from my Lord of Buckingham out of Spain . April 13. Easter-day , I Preached at Westminster . April 26. I Ordained John Burrough , Master of Arts , Deacon and Priest. May 3 and 16. My Speech with B. E. and the taking off my Jealousies about the great business . June 1. Whitsunday , I Preached at St. Brides . June 13. I received Letters from the Duke of Buckingham out of Spain . June 15. R. B. died at Stony Stratford ; which what it will work with B. E. God in Heaven knoweth ; and be merciful unto me . July 6. I Preached at Westminster . July 15. St. Swythin : A very fair day till towards 5 at Night . Then great extremity of Thunder and Lightning . Much hurt done : The Lanthorn at St. James's House blasted : The Vane bearing the Prince's Arms , beaten to pieces . The Prince then in Spain . It was Tuesday ; and their St. James's day , Stilo Novo . Aug. 17. I received Letters from the Duke of Buckingham out of Spain . Aug. 31. I Preached at Sunninge , with my Lord of Bristol . Septemb. 8. I was at Bromley ; and heard of the unfortunate passage between my Friends there . Octob. 3. Friday , I was with my Lord Keeper ; to whom I found some had done me very ill Offices . And he was very jealous of L. B's Favour . Octob. 5. The Prince and the Duke of Buckingham landed at Portsmouth , from Spain . Octob. 6. Munday , they came to London . The greatest expression of Joy by all sorts of People , that ever I saw . Octob. 20. I Ordained Thomas Blackiston , Batch . of Arts , Deacon . Octob. 26. The fall of an House , while Drewrye the Jesuit was Preaching , in the Black-Fryars . About 100 slain . It was in their Account , Novemb. 5. Octob. 31. I acquainted my Lord Duke of Buckingham with that which passed between the Lord Keeper and me . Novemb. 12. Wednesday night , a most grievous Fire in Bread-street in London . Alderman Cocking's House , with others , burnt down . Novemb. 18. Tuesday night , the Duke of Buckingham Entertained the two Spanish Embassadors , Don Diego de Mendoza the Extraordinary , and Don Carolo 's Columnas the Ordinary , and Mexia ( I think his Name was ) Ambassador from the Arch-Dukes . One of the Extraordinary Ambassadors of Spain , Marquess Iniioca came not ; because Mendoza and he , could not agree upon Precedency . His Majesty and the Prince were there . The Bishop of London and my self waited upon the King. Decemb. 14. Sunday night , I did Dream that the Lord Keeper was dead : that I passed by one of his Men , that was about a Monument for him : that I heard him say , his lower Lip was infinitely swelled and fallen , and he rotten already . This Dream did trouble me . Decemb. 15. On Munday Morning , I went about business to my Lord Duke of Buckingham . We had Speech in the Shield-Gallery at White-Hall . There I found , that the Lord Keeper had strangely forgotten himself to him ; and I think was dead in his Affections . Decemb. 21. I Preached at Westminster . Decemb. 27. St. John's day , I was with my Lord Duke of Buckingham . I found , that all went not right with the Lord Keeper , &c. He sent to speak with me , because he was to Receive the next day . Decemb. 30. I adventured to tell my Lord Duke of Buckingham , of the Opinion generally held touching the Commission of sending Sir Edward Coke , and some others into Ireland , before the intended Parliament . Januar. 3. I received my Writ to appear in Parliament , Febr. 12. following . Januar. 10. I received a Command under Seal from my Lord of London , to warn for the Convocation . Januar. 10. I was with my Lord Duke of Buckingham ; and shewed him the state of the Book Printed about the Visitation of the Church , and what was like to ensue upon it . Januar. 11. I was with his Majesty , to shew him the Epistle , that was to be Printed before the Conference between me and Fisher the Jesuit , Maij 24. 1622. which he was pleased to approve . The King brake with me about the Book Printed then of the Visitation of the Church . He was hard of belief , that A. B. C. was the Author of it . My Lord Keeper met with me in the with-drawing-Chamber , and quarrelled me gratis . Januar. 12. I sent the Summons down into the Country to the Clergy , for their appearance at the Convocation . Januar. 14. I acquainted my Lord Duke of Buckingham , with that which passed on the Sunday before , between the Lord Keeper and me . Januar. 16. I was all day with Doctor W. about my Papers of the Conference ; and making them ready for the Press . Here is left a large void space in the Original , to insert the Occurrences of the Eight following Days : which space was never filled up . Januar. 25. Dies Solis erat . Ego solus , & nescio quâ tristitiâ languens . Premebat anxium invidia J. L. & odium gratuitum . Sumpsi in manus Testamentum Novum Groeco idiomate , pensum diei ordine lecturus . Caput autem mihi occurrit ad Hebr. XIII . Ibi statim occurrit mihi moerenti metuentique illud Davidis , Psal. 56. Dominus mihi Adjutor ; non timebo quid faciat mihi homo . Exemplum mihi putavi propositum ; & sub eo Scuto quis non tutus ? Protege me O Dominus Deus meus . Januar. 31. Commissio emissa sub magno Sigillo Angliae me inter alios Judicem Delegatum constituit in Causa Dilapidationis inter Rev. in Christo Patrem Richard. Neile Dominum Episcopum Dunelm . & Franciscum James Filium & Haeredem Praedecessoris . Huic Commissioni inservivi ab horâ secundâ 〈◊〉 ad quintam . Dies erat Saturni . Locus Camera magna , ubi Legum Doctores simul convivant , vulgò dictus Doctors Commons . Februar . 1. Dies solis erat . Astiti Illust. Principi Carolo Prandenti . Hilaristum admodum , sibi conviva ; multa obiter cum suis. Inter caetera , se , si necessitas aliquod genus 〈◊〉 imponeret , Juristam esse non posse . Subjunxit Rationes . Nequeo ( inquit ) malam causam defendere , nec in bonâ succumbere . Sic in majoribus succedas in aeternum faustus , Serenissime Princeps . Februar . 4. Dies Mercurij erat . Colloquium cum Fishero Jesuitâ habitum , Maij 24. 1622. Jussu Sereniss . Regis Jacobi Scriptis mandatum , Regi ipsi antea perlectum , typis excudendum hodiè traditur ; cum Approbatione Episcopi London . Nunquam ante-hac sub praelo Laboravi . Nullus Controversor . Et ita oro , amet beetque animam meam Deus ; ut ego benè & ad gloriam nominis ejus sopitas cupio conorque Ecclesiae nunquam satis deflendas distractiones . Invisi hodiè Ducissam Buckinghamiae . Ostendit mihi illa , 〈◊〉 , Faemina Precum formulam . Hanc ei in manus dedit alia , mihi nè de Nomine nota , Mulier . Perlegi . Mediocra omnia : nihil egregium , nisi quòd Poesi similior canebat . Januar. 25. It was Sunday . I was alone , and languishing with I know not what sadness . I was much concerned at the Envy and undeserved Hatred born to me by the Lord Keeper . I took into my Hands the Greek Testament ; that I might Read the portion of the day . I lighted upon the XIII Chapter to the Hebrews ; wherein that of David , Psal. 56. occurred to me then grieving and fearing : The Lord is my helper : I will not fear , what man can do unto me . I thought an Example was 〈◊〉 to me ; and who is not safe under that Shield ? Protect me O Lord my God. Januar. 31. A Commission , passed under the Broad Seal of England , constituted me among others a Judge Delegate in a Suit of Dilapidation , between the Rev. Father in God Richard Neile , Lord Bishop of Durham , and Francis James Son and Heir of his Predecessor . I attended the Execution of this Commission from Two to Five a Clock in the Afternoon on Saturday , in the great Chamber at Doctors Commons . Februar . 1. Sunday . I stood by the most Illustrious Prince Charles at Dinner . He was then very merry ; and talked occasionally of many things with his Attendants . Among other things , he said , that if he were necessitated to take any particular Profession of Life , he could not be a Lawyer ; adding his Reasons . I cannot ( saith he ) defend a bad , nor yield in a good Cause . May you ever hold this Resolution and succeed ( most Serene Prince ) in Matters of greater moment , for ever prosperous . Februar . 4. Wednesday , my Conference held with Fisher the Jesuit , May 24. 1622. and put in writing at the Command of King James , having been before Read to the King , was this day put into the Press ; being Licensed by the Bishop of London . I had not hitherto appeared in Print . I am no Controvertist . May God so Love and Bless my Soul ; as I desire and endeavour , that all the never to be enough deplored distractions of the Church , may be composed happily , and to the Glory of his Name . This day I waited on the Duchess of Buckingham . That Excellent Lady , who is Goodness it self , shewed me a Form of Devotions , which another Woman , unknown to me , had put into her Hands . I Read it . All was mean in it : nothing extraordinary ; unless that it was more like to Poetry . Febr. 6. Friday , my Lord Duke of Buckingham told me of the Reconciliation the day before made with the Lord Keeper . Febr. 10. Shrove-Tuesday , at the Commons , Sentence in my Lord of Durham's Case . Febr. 12. Thursday , the Parliament was to begin ; but was put off to Monday the 16 of February . Febr. 15. Sunday , I Assisted at the Consecration of Dr : Harmer Bishop of St. Asaph . Febr. 16. Dies Lunae erat . Dux Richmondiae subitâ Paralysi correptus , mortuus est . Hoc fatum rejecit Parliamentum in 19 Februarii . Febr. 16. Munday , The Duke of Richmond , being seized suddenly with the Palsie , died . This accident put off the Parliament to the 19 of February . Februar . 18. Wednesday , my Lord Duke of Buckingham told me of the Reconciliation and Submission of my Lord Keeper ; and that it was confessed unto him , that his Favour to me was a chief Cause . Invidia quo tendis ? &c. At ille de novo foedus pepigit . Februar . 19. Thursday , The Parliament began . Februar . 20. Friday , The Convocation began . Februar . 22. Will. Fulwell , Mr. of Arts , of Qu. Coll. in Cambridge , made Deacon . Februar . 24. Tuesday , The Duke of Buckingham's Relation of the Negotiation with Spain about the Prince's Marriage , to both Houses of Parliament . Febr. 29. Sunday , In the Evening the Duke of Buckingham's Coach overthrown between Exeter-House and the Savoy . The Spanish Embassador lay there . No Omen I hope , more than that they thought to Soyl him . Secretary Conway was in the Coach with him . Mr. Bond came into the help , and told it me . March 7. Mid-Lent-Sunday , I Preached at White-Hall . March 14. Passion-Sunday , I Preached at Westminster . March 17. Lord Keeper his Complementing with me . Will. Fulwell made Priest. March 22. Munday , Dismal day . The Accident of my Lord of Rutland giving Not Content to the Form consented to in the Parliament House , being the only Voice dissenting . March 23. Tuesday , The Censure of Morley , Waterhouse , and the Printer , about the Petition against my Lord Keeper . That Afternoon the King declared to the Committee , that he would send a Messenger presently into Spain , to signifie to that King , that his Parliament advised him to break off the Treaties of the Match and the Palatinate , and to give his Reasons of it ; and so proceed to recover the Palatinate as he might . Bonfires made in the City by the forwardness of the People , for Joy that we should break with Spain . O quoties tenuit me illud , Psal. LXVII . 31. Dissipa gentes , quae bella volunt : Sed spero , quia coacti . March 24. Wednesday , Initium Regis Jacobi . The Earl of Oxford , practising a Tilt , fell and brake his Arm. That Night , inter horas 6. & 7. a great Eclipse of the Moon . March 25. Thursday , The Recess of the Parliament for a Week . Anno 1624. March 26. Good-Friday , Viscouut Mansfeild , running at Tilt to practice , with the shock of the meeting , his Horse , weaker or resty , tumbled over and over , and brake his own neck in the place ; the Lord had no great harm . Should not this day have other Imployment ? March 27. Saturday , Easter-Even , my Speech with my Lord Duke of Buckingham about a course to ease the Church in times of Payment of the Subsidy now to be given . His Promise to prepare both the King and the Prince . March 28. Easter-day , Richard Earl of Dorset died , being well and merry in the Parliament House on Wednesday the 24. Quàm nihil est vita Hominis ? Miserere nostri Deus . His Grand-father , Thomas Earl of Dorset , died suddenly at the Council-Table . His Grand-mother rose well , and was dead before Dinner . His Father Robert lay not above two days . And now this Man. Sir Edward Sackvill ...... March 29. Easter-Munday , I went and acquainted my Lord Keeper , with what I had said to my Lord Duke . He approved it , and said it was the best Office that was done for the Church this Seven Years . And so said my Lord of Durham . They perswaded me to go and acquaint my Lord's Grace ( of Canterbury ) with what I had done . I went. His Grace was very angry . Asked , what I had to do to make any Suit for the Church . Told me , never any Bishop attempted the like at any time , nor would any but my self have done it . That I had given the Church such a wound , in speaking to any Lord of the Laity about it , as I could never make whole again . That if my Lord Duke did fully understand what I had done ; he would never indure me to come near him again . I answered : I thought I had done a very good Office for the Church ; and so did my Betters think . If his Grace thought otherwise , I was sorry I had offended him . And I hoped , being done out of a good Mind , for the support of many poor Vicars abroad in the Country , who must needs sink under Three Subsidies in a Year , my Error ( if it were one ) was pardonable . So we parted . I went to my Lord Duke , and acquainted him with it ; lest I might have ill Offices done me for it , to the King and the Prince . Sic Deus beet me servum suum , laborantem sub pressurà eorum , qui semper voluerunt mala mihi . So may God bless me his Servant , labouring under the pressure of them , who alway wished ill to me . April 16. Friday , My Conference with Fisher the Jesuit Printed , came forth . April 18. Sunday , I Preached at Paul's Cross. April 27. Tuesday , My very good Friend Dr. Linsell cut for the Stone , Circiter horam nonam ante Meridiem . About Nine a Clock in the Forenoon . May 1. Saturday , E. B. Marryed . The Sign in Pisces . May 5. Wednesday , Ascension-Eve , The King's Speech in the Banquetting House at Whitehall , to the upper House of Parliament , concerning the Hearing of the Lord Treasurer's Cause , which was to begin the Friday following . This day my Lord Duke of Buckingham came to Town with his Majesty Sick. And continued Ill till Saturday , May 22. May 13. Thursday , Lionel Earl of Middlesex , Lord Treasurer of England , and Master of the Wards , Censured in Parliament for Bribery and Extortion , and Deceiving the King , &c. To lose his Offices . To be ever disinabled to bear any : Fined to the King in 50000 l. Imprisoned in the Tower , during the King's Pleasure . Never to sit again as a Peer in Parliament . Not to come within the Verge of the Court. May 15. Saturday , Whitson-Eve , The Bill passed in Parliament , for the King to have York-House in exchange for other Lands . This was for the Lord Duke of Buckingham . May 16. Whitsunday night , I watched with my Lord Duke of Buckingham . This was the first Fit , that he could be perswaded to take orderly . May 18. Tuesday night , I watched with my Lord Duke of Buckingham : he took this Fit very orderly . May 19. Wednesday , The Bishop of Norwich , Samuel Harsnet , was presented by the House of Commons to the Lords . His Cause was referred by the House to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury and the High Commission . May 22. Saturday , My Lord Duke of Buckingham missed his Fit. May 26. Wednesday , He went with his Majesty to Greenwich . May 28. Friday , E. B. came to London . He had not leisure to speak with me ( though I sent and offered to wait all opportunities ) till June 16 being Wednesday . May 29. Saturday , The first Session of Parliament ended . And the Prorogation was to the Second of November . June 6. Second Sunday after Trinity , I Preached at Westminster . June 8. Tuesday , I went to New-Hall to my Lord Duke of Buckingham , and came back to London on Friday , June 11. June 16. Wednesday , I took my lasting leave of E. B. The great dry Summer . My Dream June 4. Wednesday night , 1623. In this Dream was all contained , that followed in the carriage of E. B. towards me ; and that Night R. B. Sickned to the Death . May 29. Saturday night , 1624. I was marvellously troubled with E. B. before they came to London . That there was much declining to speak with me ; but yet at last I had Conference , and took my lasting leave . And this so fell out , Respice ad Maij 28. See May 28. July 7. Wednesday night , My Lord of Durham's quarrel about the trifling business of Fr. N. July 23. Friday , I went to lye and keep House , and Preach at my Livings , held in Commendam , Creek and Ibstock . That Friday night , at St. Albans , I gave R. R. my Servant , his first Interest in my Businesses of moment . July 27. This I confirmed unto him , the Wednesday Morning following , at Stanford . August 7. Saturday , while I was at Long Whatton with my Brother , my passion by Blood , and my fear of a Stone in my Bladder . August 8. Sunday , I went and Preached at my Parsonage at Ibstock , and set things in order there . August 26. Thursday , My Horse trod on my foot , and lamed me : which stayed me in the Country a week longer than I intended . Septemb. 7. Tuesday , I came to London . Septemb 9. Thursday , My Lord of Buckingham consulted with me about a Man , that offered him a strange way of Cure for himself and his Brother . At that time I delivered his Grace the Copies of the two little Books , which he desired me to write out . Septemb. 16. Thursday , Prince Charles his grievous fall , which he had in Hunting . Septemb. 25. Saturday , My Lord Duke's proposal about an Army , and the Means , and whether Sutton's Hospital might not , &c. Octob. 2. Saturday , In the Evening at Mr. Windebanks , my Ancient Servant Adam Torless fell into a Swoon ; and we had much ado to recover him ; but I thank God , we did . Octob. 10. Sunday , I fell at Night in Passionem Iliacam ; which had almost put me into a Fever . I continued ill fourteen days . Octob. 13. Wednesday , I delivered up my Answer about Sutton's Hospital . Novemb. 21. Sunday , I Preached at Westminster . Decemb. 6. Munday , There was a Referment made from his Majesty to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury , My Lords of Durham and Rochester , and my self , to Hear and Order a Matter of Difference in the Church of Hereford , concerning a Residentiaryship , and the Lecturer's place ; which we that day Ordered . Decemb. 13. Munday , I received Letters from Brecknock ; that the Salt-Peter Man was dead and buried the Sunday before the Messenger came . This Salt-Peter Man had digged in the Colledge-Church for his work , bearing too bold upon his Commission . The News of it came to me to London , about Novemb. 26. I went to my Lord Keeper , and had a Messenger sent to bring him up , to answer that Sacrilegious abuse . He prevented his punishment by Death . Decemb. 21. Tuesday , Fest. Sancti Thomae , Mr. Crumpton had set out a Book , called St : Augustins Summe . His Majesty found fault with divers passages in it . He was put to recall some things in Writing . He had Dedicated this Book to my Lord Duke of Buckingham . My Lord sent him to me to overlook the Articles , in which he had recalled and explained himself ; that I might see , whether it were well done , and fit to shew the King. This day Mr : Crumpton brought his Papers to me . Decemb. 23. Thursday , I delivered these Papers back to Mr. Crumpton . The same day at York-House , I gave my Lord Duke of Buckingham my Answer , what I thought of these Papers . The same day I delivered my Lord a little Tract about Doctrinal Puritaenism , in some Ten Heads ; which his Grace had spoken to me that I would draw for him , that he might be acquainted with them . Decemb. 31. Friday , His Majesty sent for me ; and delivered unto me Mr. Crumpton's Papers , the second time ( after I had read them over to himself ) and commanded me to correct them , as they might pass in the Doctrin of the Church of England . Januar. 3. Munday , I had made ready these Papers , and waited upon my Lord Duke of Buckingham with them ; and he brought me to the King. There I was about an hour and a half , reading them , and talking about them with his Majesty and my Lord Duke . After this , I went to visit my Sister , who lay then Sick at London . Januar. 5. Wednesday , My Lord Duke of Buckingham shewed me two Letters of , &c. the falshood of , &c. That day , as I waited to speak with my Lord , Secretary Calvert fell in Speech with me about some differences between the Greek and the Roman Church . Then also , and there , a Young Man , that took on him to be a Frenchman , fell into discourse about the Church of England . He grew at last earnest for the Roman Church ; but Tibi dabo claves , and Pasce oves : was all he said , save that he would shew this proposition in St. Augustin , Romana Ecclesia facta est caput omnium Ecclesiarum ab instante mortis Christi . I believe , he was a Priest ; but he wore a Lock down to his shoulders . I heard after , that he was a French Gentleman . Januar. 15. Saturday , The Speech which I had with my Lord Duke at Wallingford-House . Januar. 21. Friday , The business of my Lord Purbeck , made known unto me by my Lord Duke . Januar. 23. Sunday Night , the Discourse which Lord Duke had with me about Witches and Astrologers . Januar. 25. Tuesday Night , I acquainted my Lord Duke with my hard hap in my business with L. C. D. For which I had been so often blamed . Januar. 28. Friday , I took my leave of my Lord Duke . His wish that he had known K. L. sooner , but , &c. Januar. 30. Sunday Night , my Dream of my Blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. One of the most comfortable passages that ever I had in my Life . Febr. 12. Saturday , I Ordained Mr. Thomas Atkinson , of St. John's , Deacon . Febr. 13. Sunday , I Preached at Westminster . March 5. Saturday , The High Commission sat first about Sir R. H. &c. March 6. Sunday , the first in Lent , I Preached at the Temple , at the Reader 's Solemnity . The Duke of Buckingham and divers other Lords there . March 13. Sunday , second in Lent , I Ordained Robert Rockell Priest , Eleazar Dunkon and Edward Quarles Deacons . They were Masters of Arts of Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge . Anno 1625. Mart. 27. 〈◊〉 media quadragesimae , Concionem habui in Aulâ Regiâ vulgò dicta White-Hall . Turbatus & tristissimis temporibus ascendi suggestum , Rumoribus tum praevalentibus Regem Serenissimum Jacobum , & Sacratissimae mihi Memoriae mortuum esse . Avocatus Doloribus Ducis Buckinghamiae , Sermonem abrupi medio . Mortuus est Rex Theobaldi , quùm tempus numer asset tres quartas ultra horam undecimam ante meridianam , Religiosissimè & constantissimâ fide intrepidus emisit Animam Beat am . Eo die horam circiter quintam , Proclamatione Carolus Princeps , quod faustum foelixque sit , Rex promulgatur . AEgrotare incaepit Rex , Mart. 4. die Veneris . Morbus , qui apparuit Tertiana Febris . Sed vereor repercussam Medicinis à pedibus ad inveriora Podagram . Apr. 1. Die Veneris , Accepi Literas a Comite Pembrochiae Camerario Regio , in iis Mandatum Serenissimi Regis Caroli de concione per me habendâ in Comitiis Parlamentariis coram ipso & Proceribus Regni , Maij 17. proximè futuro . Apr. 3. Die Solis , Dedi in manus Ducis Buckinghamiae , Annotationes breves in Vitam & Mortem Augustissimi Regis Jacobi ; quas jussit ut describerem . Apr. 5. Die Martis , Schedulam exhibui , in qua Nomina erant virorum Ecclesiasticorum sub Literis , O. & P. Nomina ut sic digererem jussit ipse Dux Buckinghamiae , traditurus ea ( ut dixit ) Regi Carolo . Apr. 9. Die Sabbati , Mihi omnibus nominibus colendissimus Dux Buckinghamiae certiorem me fecit : Aliquem ex nescio quâ Invidiâ Nomen meum denigrasse apud Serenissimam Majestatem Caroli . Causa arrepta ex errore , in quem nescio quo fato olim in causa Caroli Comitis Devoniae , Decemb. 26. 1605. incidi . Eodem die in Mandatis accepi , ut Reverendum Episcopum Winton adirem , & quid velit in causâ Ecclesiae sciscitarer ; Responsumque referrem , praecipuè in quinque Articulis , &c. Apr. 10. Die Solis post concionem finitam adij Episcopum , qui tum in Camerâ suâ in Aulâ 〈◊〉 erat . Protuli quae accepi in Mandatis . Responsum dedit . Simul indè * invisi , ut preces in Domo Somersetensi audituri . Audimus . Postea ibi invisimusCorpus nuperrimi Regis Jacobi , quod ibi expectabat adhùc diem Funeris . Apr. 13. Die Mercurij , Retuli ad Ducem Buckinghamiae , quid responderit Episcopus Winton . Eodem tempore certiorem me fecit de Clerico , qui Regi erat à Conclavi , Venerando Episcopo Dunelm . quid statuerat Rex , & de Successore . Apr. 17. Die Paschatis , AEgrotante Episcopo Dunelm . Assignatus fui ( sed petitione dicti Episcopi ) ab Illustrissimo Comite Pembrokiae Domi Camerario , ut inservirem Regiae Majestati loco Clerici à Conclavi ; quod munus praestiti , ad Maij primum . Apr. 23. Burton Scriptum tradidit Regi . Maij. 1. Conjugium Celebratum Parisiis , inter Regem Serenissimum Carolum , & Insignissimam Heroinam Henriettam Mariam Galliae Henrici Quarti Filiam . Maij 7. Die Saturni , Funus ducimus Jacobi Regis . Maij 11. Die Mercurij , Primo manè Dux Buckinghamiae versùs mare se transtulit ; obviam iturus Reginae Mariae in Galliam . Dedi ad Ducem eo die Literas , sed quae properantem sequerentur . Maij 17. Parliamentum rejectum est in Maij ult . Maij 18. Iter brevius suscepi cum Fratre meo ad vicum Hammersmith ; visurus ibi communes Amicos . Dies erat Mercurij . Maij 19. Die Jovis , Literas secundas misi ad Ducem Buckinghamiae , tum paulisper morantem Parisiis . Maij 29. Die Solis , Literas tertias dedi in manus Episcopi Dunelm : qui cum Rege iturus , traderet eas Duci Buckinghamiae ad Littus applicanti . Maij 30. Die Lunae , Chelsey profectus sum ad Ducissam Buckinghamiae . Maij 31. Die Martis , Parliamentum secundò expectat initium Junij 13. Die Lunae . Carolus Rex versùs Doroberniam iter suscepit , obviam iturus Reginae . Junij 5. Die Pentecostes , manè instanter iturus ad Sacra , Literae è Galliâ à Duce Clarissimo Buckinghamiae , in manus meas se dedere . Junij 6. Responsum dedi Aurorâ proximâ . Post datum Responsum , Episcopus Venerabilis Lancel . Winton , & ego simul proficiscimur ad aedes Tusculanas , quas juxta Bromlye possidet Joh. Roffensis . Prandemus , Redimus Vesperi . Junij 8. Die Mercurij Chelsey profectus sum ; sed frustratus redij . Junij 12. Die Solis , 〈◊〉 Trinitatis Dies fuit , Regina Maria maria pertransiens , ad Littus nostrum appulit circitèr horam 7. vespertinam . Det Deus , ut Hespera sit & foelix Stella Orbi nostro . Junij 13. Die Lunae , Parliamentum iterum expectans Regem , recedit in Diem Sabbati , Junij 18. Junij 16. Die Jovis , Rex & Regina Londinum venerunt . Salutaverunt Aulam ad horam quintam . Dies erat tristior , & nubibus operta . Quùm jam ad Turrim Londinensem pervenerunt ( nam aquâ usi sunt pro curru ) & eduxit Rex Reginam in exteriora Cimbae , ut videret & Populum & Vrbem ; magnus è coelo cecidit Imber , qui utrumque coegit in interiores recessus . Duravit Imber , usque dum intrassent Aulam , finemque accepit . Junij 18. Dies Sabbati erat . Initium dedit primo sub Serenissimo Rege Carolo Parliamento , toties dilato . Interfuere Dux de Shiveruz & alii Nobiles Galliae , Episcopus etiam , qui Reginae inservivit . Metu Pestilentiae , quae tum caepit grassari , abstinuit Rex à pompâ illius diei ; ne populus in multitudine conflueret . Et concio , quae mihi imposita est habenda in Cathedrali Westmonasteriensi , in initiandis illis Comitiis , rejecta est in diem proximum , i. e. Junij 19. Dominicam primam post Trinitatem , quo die illam habui in Sacello Aulae Regiae , quae dicitur Alba. Junij 20. Initium dedit Convocationi . Junij 24. Festum fuit S. Johannis Bapt. Rex jussit Archiepiscopum Cant. cum sex aliis quos nominavit Episcopis consilium inire de Jejunio Publico & Precibus publicis , ut Deus misereatur nostrî , dum grassari inciperet Pestilentia , & coelum supra modum nubilum minabatur famem ; & simul ut bearet Classem jam mare petituram . Episcopi erant Londinensis , Dunelmensis , Wintoniensis , Norwicensis , Roffensis , Menevensis : Quod factum fuit . Junij 25. Die Sabbati , Episcop i simul omnes , qui tum praesentes erant , introducti sunt , ut osculo officii salutarent manus Reginae Mariae . Illa nos summâ cum gratiâ accepit . Julij 2. Die Sabbati , celebratum est Jejunium ab utrâque Domo Parlamenti in exemplum totius Regni . Julij 3. Die Solis , In Somnis apparuit mihi Serenissimus Rex Jacobus . Vidi tantum velociter praetereuntem . Hilari Vultu fuit & sereno . In transitu me vidit , annuit , subrisit , & subitò Oculis meis subductus . Julij 7. Die Jovis , R. Montague inductus est in Domum Parliamenti inferiorem , &c. Julij 9. Die Saturni , Placuit Serenissimo Regi Carolo , intimare Domui illi , sibi non placere , quae de Montacutio dicta ibi & statuta fuere se inconsulto . Julij 11. Die Lunae , Parliamentum translatum est Oxonium , in diem primum Augusti . Julij 13. Die Mercurij , quùm mortui sint Londini priori septimanâ 1222. Profectus sum rus in Domum amicissimi Francisci Windebank . Iter mihi eò facienti obviam mihi casu factus est R. Montacutius . Primus fui , qui eum certiorem feci de Regis erga ipsum gratiâ . Julij 15. Die Veneris , Profectus sum Windlesoriam ; negotia quaedam mihi à venerando Episcopo Dunelm Commissa peregi . Redij eâ nocte . Curia tum ibi . Julij 17. Die Solis , iterum Windlesoriam invisi . Regi inter prandendum astiti . Philosophica quaedam discussa . Prandebam : Postea in domo Episcopi Glocestrensis Comedi . Interfuit ibi Baro Vaughan cum Filio nat u maximo . Proximo die unus è servis Episcopi , qui mensae astitit , Peste correptus est . Mihi caeterisque faveat Deus . Eâ nocte redij , subitò claudus , nescio quo humore in crus sinistrum delapso . Aut , ut existimavit R. An. ex mortu Cimicum . Convalui intra biduum . Julij 20. Die Mercurij , Jejunium publicum per totam Angliam . Concionem ego habui in Parochiâ de Hurst , ubi cum Magistro Windebanke commoratus sum . Julij 21. Die Jovis , Invisi Rich. Harrison militem , & redij . Julij 24. Die Solis , Concionatus sum in Parochiâ de Hurst . Julij 29. Die Veneris , Oxonium ingressus sum . Julij 31. Die Solis , In triclinio Hospitij Presidentis Collegij D. Joh. Baptistae Oxon. Nescio quomodo cecidi ; & laesum retuli Humerum sinistrum & coxendicem . Aug. 1. Die Lunae , incaepit Parlamentum Oxonij . Statim ferè magnus impetus fuit in Duoem Buckinghamiae . Aug. 12. Die Veneris , solutum est Parliamentum : Populo non satis auscultante Regis propositis . Aug. 15. Relapsus meus ; nunquam infirmior , teste M. dies erat Lunae . Eodem die iter suscepi versùs Walliam . Aug. 21. Die Solis . Concionatus sum Brecon , ubi per biduum transigendis negotiis intentus commoratus sum . Eâ nocte in somnis visus est mihi Dux Buckinghamiae in lectum meum ascendere ; ubi multo erga me amore se gessit , post illam quietem qua fessi admodum solent gaudere . Et visi etiam sunt mihi multi cubiculum intrare , qui hoc videbant . Non multis diebus antea in somnis visus sum videre Ducissam Buckinghamiae , egregiam illam Dominam , primò perplexam satis circa Maritum , sed postea hilarem & gaudentem , quòd metu Abortionis liberata sit , ut debito tempore 〈◊〉 iterum esse mater . Aug. 24. Dies erat Mercurij , & Festum St. Bartholomaei , in aedes proprias apud Aberguillye tutus ( Deo gratiae ) perveni . Quùm tamen bis eo die inter Aber-Markes & domum meam eversus sit currus meus . Prima vice ego in eo fui ; posteriore verò vacuus fuit . Aug. 28. Dies erat Solis , Consecravi Capellam sive Oratorium propriis sumptibus extructum in domo meâ communitèr vocatâ Aberguillye-House . Nomen indidi Capellae S. Joh. Baptistae , in gratam memoriam Collegij S. Joh. Bapt. Oxon. cujus primò Socius , & dein Praeses fui . Et hoc consultò feci . Intervenit autem aliud , non mali omnis spero , de quo nunquàm cogitavi . Hoc fuit . Die Sabbati , vesperi immediatè praecedente Consecrationem celebrandam , dum precibus eram intentus ; nescio quì violentèr in mentem meam irruit adesse diem Decollationis S. Joh. Bap. Finitis Precibus fasta consului . Reperio diem illum in diem Lunae , 29 scilicet Augusti , non in diem Solis incidere . Optassem diem ipsum ; sed gavisus sum , me Consecrationem solennem peracturum , Vigiliâ saltem illius Diei . Nam illâ die Serenissimus Rex Jacobus causam meam circa Electionem in Praesidentem Colleg j S. Joh. Bapt. Oxon per tres integras horas ad minimum audivit , & me è manu inimicorum potentum justissimè liberavit . Septemb. 4. Die Solis , Nocte sequente valdè turbatus sum per insomnia . Totum me tenuit Dux Buckinghamiae , Servi & Familia ejus ; non satis ordinata omnia . Ducissa malè se habens , evocat Ancillas , & lectum petit . Det Deus meliora . Septemb. 11. Die Solis , 〈◊〉 habui apud Carmarthen , Judicibus tum praesentibus . Eâdem nocte somniavi quòd Dr. Theod. Priceus monuit me de Ma. 3. & quòd erga me infidus fuit , & patefecit omnia , quae novit : Et ut ideo caverem , nequè amplius , &c. Postea de Sack. Croe , quòd peste mortuus esset , quum non diu [ antè ] cum Rege fuisset . Septemb. 24. Ordines Sacros solus unus à me petiit : Examinationi undique impar . Septemb. 25. Cum Exhortatione non ordinatum dimisi . Dies erat Sabbati . Septemb. 26. Die Solis , Eâ nocte somniavi de Nuptiis , nescio cujus Oxon. Omnes qui aderant , vestibus viridioribus florentes . Neminem novi praeter Tho. Flaxnye . Statim pòst sine interjectâ vigiliâ ( quantùm novi ) visus est mihi Episcopus Wigorn. Capite & Cervicibus linteis obductus . Suasit mihi amicè , ut cum illis habitarem ; designando locum ubi Curia Marchionatus Walliae tum tenebatur ; sed ( responsione 〈◊〉 non expectata ) respondit ipse , se scire me non potuisse tam exiliter vivere , &c. Octob. 8. Die Sabbati , Rediit è Walliâ Comes . North. Praeses Walliae , itinere per mare suscepto . Octob. 9. Die Solis , Concionatus sum apud Carmarthen . Octob. 10. Die Lunae , Equo vectus Montes petij : Dies erat pro tempore Anni serenissimus , & adeò temperatus , ut redeuns prandium sumpsimus & ego & qui mecum erant sub dio , in loco dicto Pente Cragg , ubi Registrarius rusticabatur . Octob. 30. Die 〈◊〉 , Sr. Thom. Coventrey , made Lord Reeper . Novemb. 11. Dies er at Veneris , Iter suscepi , rediturus in Angliam . Novemb. 17. Die Jovis , Carolus Filius Ducis Buckinghamiae , natus . Novemb. 20. Die Solis , Concionem tum habui apud Hony-Lacye in Comitatu Herefordensi . Novemb. 24. Die Jovis , Perveni ad aedes Amicissimi F. Windebank apud Hains-Hill . Ibi Vxor Amici mei ( nam ille eo tempore Aulicus ) statim à primo adventu narravit , Duci Buckinghamiae , tum apud Belgas negotium Regni agenti , natum esse Filium : Cui Deus omnibus bonis Coeli & Terrae benedicat . Decemb. 4. Die Solis , Concionem habui apud Hurst . Ibi Ruri degebam ad festum usque Nativitatis . Decemb. 14. Dies erat Mercurij , Windlesoriam petij , sed redij eodem die . Decemb. 25. Die Solis , Concionem habui apud Hurst in Festis Domini Natalitiis . Decemb. 31. Die Sabbati , ad Aulam Regiam profectus sum ( quae erat tum Hamptoniae ) Ibi , Januar. 1. Die Solis , accepi me inter alios Episcopos nominatum , ut die Mercurij sequente apud Aulam White-Hall dictam , consilium ineamus de Ceremoniis Coronationis . Accepi simulLegatum extraordinarium Gallorum destinatum esse , ut in maximâ parte AEdium Dunelmensis Episcopi resideret . Januar. 2. Die Lunae , Reversus sum ad Hains-Hill . Ibi enim , horum negotiorum nescius , Chartas necessarias unà cum cistulâ post reliqui . Has quùm aptaverim , ad aedes me contuli Rich. Harrison militis ; ut valedicerem amicis . Ibi primùm quid de me senserit F. H. ni fallor , cognovi . Ipse apertè dixi , quo animo fui , &c. Redij . Januar. 3. Die Martis , veni Londinum ad aedes proprias Westmonasterij . nam hebdomadâ ante Natalitia , misi servum , qui mea omnia è domo Amici mei Episcopi Dunelm ( quo cum ut Hospes per totum quadriennium vixi ) ad aedes proprias deferret , praeter libros , quos male distuli in adventum meum . Cogebat enim & Legati Gallici adventus , ut nimis properarem ; & moles negotiorum optavit Libros ad manum . Vesperi adij Ducem Buckinghamiae . Januar. 4. Die Mercurij , Convenimus Aulae vulgò dictae White-Hall , ad deliberandum de Caeremoniis Coronationis . Misi servum , qui Libros adduceret : adduxit . Eâ nocte disposui per Musaeum : Nec dabatur mora . Nam quùm simul eramus in deliberatione de Caeremoniis , exiit à Rege & ad nos venit Comes Pembrochiensis , Regiae Domûs Camerarius Honoratissimus ; & nomine Regis jussit me paratum esse in Febr. sextum , ut eo die in initio Parlamenti Concionem habere possim . Januar. 6. Die Veneris , Dies erat Epiphaniae ; convenimus iterum de Caeremoniis , & responsum damus Regi . Januar. 16. Mandatum Regis mihi exposuit Archiepiscopus Cant. me supplere debere in Coronatione futurâ , vices Decani Westmonasterij . Nolle enim Regem , ut Episcopus Lincoln . tum Decanus interesset Caeremoniis . Dies erat Lunae . Eodem die consultum est Jussu Regis , quid in causa Rich. Montacutii agendum . Aderant Episcopi Londin . Dunelm . Winton . Roffens . Meneven . Januar. 17. Responsum per Literas dedimus , subscriptas Die Martis . Hoc die etiam Episcopus Lincoln . me deputavit Scriptis suis Sigillo munitis ad supplendum vices suas , qua Decanus er at Westmon . in Coronatione Regis Caroli . Januar. 18. Die Mercurij , Ad Regem me adduxit Dux Buckinghamiae : Ostendi illi Notulas , si quae offenderint , &c. Eodem Die jussu Regis Archiepiscopus Cant. cum Londin . Dunelm . Winton . Roffens . Meneven . consulebant de Precum Formulâ , ut gratias agamus pro Peste remissâ . Januar. 23. Libellum perfectum de Caeremoniis Coronationis paratum habui , per omnia cum Libro Regali . Dies erat Lunae . Januar. 29. Dies erat Solis , Intellexi quid D. B. collegit de causâ , Libro , & Opinionibus Rich. Montacutij , R. C. apud se statuisset . Videor videre Nubem surgentem & minantem Ecclesiae Anglicanae . Dissipet pro Misericordiâ suâ Deus . Januar. 31. Dies erat Martis , Episcopi , & alij Proceres antea nominati à Rege ut de Caeremonijs Corationis Consilium inirent , ut mos antiquus observaretur , Regis Jussu ipsum adimus . Inspicit Rex omnia Regalia : Induit se Tunicis S. Edwardi : Jussit me legere Rubricas directivas . Omnibus Lectis , retulimus Regalia ad Ecclesiam Westmon . & loco suo condimus . Feb. 2. Die Jovis & Purificationis B. V. Mariae , Coronatus est Rex Serenissimus Carolus : Ego functus sum vice Decani Westmon . Intravit Rex Ecclesiam , quum nondum sonuit Hora Decima ; & Tertia praeterijt , antequam exivit . Dies clarissimo gaudebat Sole . Solemnibus finitis , in Aulâ magnâ Westmon . quum tradidit mihi in manus Regalia , quae in Ecclesiâ B. Pet. Westmon . servantur : De novo dedit Gladium Cortanam dictum , & duos alios , qui coram Rege eo Die deferebantur , ut servarentur cum reliquis Insignibus in Ecclesiâ . Redij , & ad Altare Solemnitèr obtuli Nomine Regis , & cum alijs reposui . Nihil in tanto negotio , & frequentiâ Populi incredibili , amissum , fractum , turbatum nihil . Pulpitum sive Scena vacuum , & expeditum Regi , Proceribus & negotio ; & audivi Comites alloquentes Regem inter redeundum , se nunquam vidisse Solennia , etiam multò minora , tam pacifica , tam ordinata . Feb. 6. Lunae erat Dies , Concionem habui coram Rege Carolo , & Proceribus Regni , in initio Parlamenti . Feb. 11. Die Sabbati , Ad instantiam Comitis Warwicensis Colloquium fuit in 〈◊〉 Rich. Montacutij in AEdibus Ducis Buckinghamiae , &c. Feb. 17. Die Veneris , Colloquium praedictum secundò habitum est , non paucis Porceribus Regni praesentibus , Loco praedicto . Feb. 21. Dies erat Martis , & Carnivale : Misit D. Buckinghamiae , ut ad se venirem . Tum in Mandatis mihi dedit , ut , &c. Feb. 23. Die Jovis , Quaesivi Ducem apud Chelsei . Ibi primò vidi nuper Natum Haeredem ejus Carolum . Ducem non inveni . Redij , dein inveni 〈◊〉 ejus me quaerentem . Cum eo propero , & in Aulâ invenio . Quid à me factum narro . Febr. 24. Die Veneris , & S. Matthiae , Cum eo fui in AEdibus suis per Horas fere tres , ubi suâ manu , &c. aliquid ut adderem jussit . Dicto obsequutus sum ; & proximo Die attuli : Feb. 25. Feb. 26 Dominicâ primâ Quad. Concionem , quam habui in initio Parlamenti , Regio Mandato Typis jam excusam in manus Serenissimi Regis Caroli dedi , Vesperi . Feb. 27. Die Lunae , Periculum Regis Caroli ab Equo , qui fractis duobus Ephippiorum cingulis , & Ephippio unà cum Sessore in ventrem devoluto , tremens constitit , donec Rex salvus , &c. Martij 1. Dies erat Mercurij , & Festum S. Davidis , Clamor incaepit in Domo Inferiori Parlamenti , Nominatim contra Ducem Buckinghamiae ob moratam Navim dictam , The St. Peter of Newhaven , post Sententiam latam . Perpetuae in Domo illâ agitationes erant à die illo . Martij 6. Resignavi Rectoriam de Ibstock , quam habui in Commendam . Martij 11. Proposuit in Domo Dr. Turner Medicus Quaesita Septem , vulgò dicta Quaeres , contra Ducem Buckinghamiae : Non alio tamen nixas Fundamento , quam quod ex Famâ quidem Publicâ , ut dixit , petijt . Dies erat Saturni . Martij 16. Die Jovis , Proposuit quidam è Belgia Nomine Joh. Oventrout se viam ostensurum , quî Occidentalis-India excuteret Jugum Hispaniae , & se Regi nostro Carolo subderet . Res refertur 〈◊〉 Comiti de Totnes , Baroni Conway Secretario Principali : & quia dixit Stratagema suum à Religione non minimas vires petiturum , adjungor ego . Proposuit Senex quaedam de Aricâ capiendâ : Nec qui capi potuit , ullis Argumentis edocuit ; nisi quòd velit dividi Incolarum animos in causâ Religionis , immisso illic Catechismo Hidelbergiae . Dimisimus Hominem ; nec Sapientiores redimus . Anno 1625. March 27. Midlent Sunday , I Preached at White-Hall . I ascended the Pulpit , much troubled , and in a very melancholy moment , the Report then spreading , that his Majesty King James , of most Sacred Memory to me , was Dead . Being interrupted with the dolours of the Duke of Buckingham , I broke off my Sermon in the middle . The King died at Theobalds , about three quarters of an hour past Eleven in the forenoon . He breathed forth his Blessed Soul most Religiously , and with great constancy of Faith , and Courage . That day , about five a Clock , Prince Charles was Solemnly Proclaimed King. God grant to him a Prosperous and Happy Reign . The King fell Sick , March , 4. on Friday . The Disease appeared to be a Tertian Ague . But I fear it was the Gout , which by the wrong application of Medicines , was driven from his feet to his inward vital parts . April 1. Friday , I received Letters from the Earl of Pembroke , Lord Chamberlain to the King , and therein a Command from his Majesty King Charles , to Preach a Sermon before himself and the House of Peers in the Session of Parliament , to be held on the 17 day of May next following . Apr. 3. Sunday . I delivered into the Duke of Buckingham's hands , my short Annotations upon the Life and Death of the most August King James ; which he had commanded me to put in writing . April 5. Tuesday , I Exhibited a Schedule , in which were wrote the Names of many Church-Men , marked with the Letters O. and P. The Duke of Buckingham had commanded to digest their Names in that method ; that ( as himself said ) he might deliver them to King Charles . April 9. Saturday , The Duke of Buckingham , whom upon all accounts I am bound for ever to Honour , signified to me , that a certain Person , moved through I know not what envy , had blackened my Name with his Majesty King Charles ; laying hold for that purpose of the Error ; into which , by I know not what Fate , I had formerly fallen in the business of Charles Earl of Devonshire , 1605. Decemb : 26. The same day I received in Command , to go to the Right Reverend the Bishop of Winchester , and learn from him , what he would have done in the Cause of the Church ; and bring back his Answer , especially in the matter of the Five Articles , &c. April 10. Sunday , after Sermon was done , I went to the Bishop , who was then in his Chamber at Court. I acquainted him with what I had received in Command . He gave to me his Answer . From thence we went together to hear Prayers in Somerset-House . Having heard Prayers , we afterwards saw there the Body of the late King James ; which rested there till the day of his Funeral Rites . April 3. Wednesday , I brought back to the Duke of Buckingham , the Answer of the Bishop of Winchester . At the same time the Duke made known to me , what the King had determined concerning his Clerk of the Closet , the Right Reverend the Bishop of Durham , and about his Successor in that Office. April 17. Easter-day , The Bishop of Durham being Sick , I was appointed ( but at the desire of the said Bishop ) by the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke , Lord Chamberlain of the Household , to wait upon his Majesty in the Quality of Clark of the Closet ; which place I Executed till the first of May. April 23. Burton presented his Paper to the King. May 11. The Marriage was Celebrated at Paris , between his Majesty King Charles , and the most Illustrious Princess Henrietta Maria of France , Daughter of Henry IV. May 7. Saturday , we Celebrated the Funeral of King James . May 1. Early in the Morning the Duke of Buckingham went towards the Sea-side , to pass over into France to meet Queen Mary . I wrote Letters to the Duke that day ; which might follow after him . For he went in great haste . May 17. The Parliament was put off till the last day of May. May 18. I took a short Journey , with my Brother to Hammersmith ; that we might there see our common Friends . It was Wednesday . May 19. Thursday , I sent Letters the second time to the Duke of Buckingham , then staying for a while at Paris . May 29. Sunday , I gave a third Letter into the hands of the Bishop of Durham , who was to Attend the King ; that he might deliver them to the Duke of Buckingham at his first Landing . May 30. Munday , I went to Chelsey , to wait upon the Dutchess of Buckingham . May 31. Tuesday , The Parliament was a second time put off , till Munday the 13. of June . King Charles set forward toward Canterbury , to meet the Queen . June 5. Whitsunday , in the Morning , just as I was going to Prayers , I received Letters from France , from the most Illustrious Duke of Buckingham . June 6. I wrote an Answer next Morning . After I had finished my Answer , the Right Reverend Lancelot Lord Bishop of Winchester and I , went together to the Country House , which John Lord Bishop of Rochester hath by Bromley . We Dined there ; and returned in the Evening . June 8. Wednesday , I went to Chelsey , but returned with my Labour lost . June 12. Sunday , it was Trinity Sunday , Queen Mary crossing the Seas , Landed upon our Shore about Seven a Clock in the Evening . God grant , that she may be an Evening and an Happy Star to our Orb. June 13. Munday , the Parliament waiting for the King 's coming , adjourned again till Saturday , the 18th of June . June 16. Thursday , the King and Queen came to London . They arrived at Court at five a Clock . It was ill weather , and the day cloudy . When they came by the Tower of London ( for they came by water instead of Coach ) the King led out the Queen to the outside of the Barge , that she might see the People and the City . But at the same time , a violent shower of Rain falling down , forced them both to return into the inward part of the Barge . The shower continued , until they had entred White-Hall ; and then ceased . June 18. Saturday , The first Parliament of King Charles , which had been so often put off , now began . There were present at the opening of it , the Duke of Shiveruz , with other French Noblemen ; a Bishop also , who Attended the Queen . For fear of the Pestilence , which then began to be very rife , the King omitted the pomp usual upon that day , lest the great conflux of People should be of ill consequence . And the Sermon , which had been imposed upon me to be Preached in Westminster Abbey at the beginning of this Session , was put off to the next day , that is , to June 19. First Sunday after Trinity , on which day , I Preached it in the Chappel at White-Hall . June 20. The Convocation began . June 24. Was the Feast of St : John Baptist. The King Commanded the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , with six other Bishops , whom he then Named , to advise together concerning a Publick Fast , and a Form of Prayer , to implore the Divine Mercy , now that the Pestilence began to spread , and the extraordinary wet weather threatned a Famin ; and also to beg the Divine Blessing upon the Fleet now ready to put to Sea. The Bishops were London , Durham , Winchester , Norwich , Rochester , St. Davids . This was done . June 25. Saturday , All the Bishops , who were then in Town , were introduced together , that they might wait upon Queen Mary , and kiss her Hand . She received us very Graciously . July 2. Saturday , The Fast was kept by both Houses of Parliament , to set an Example therein to the whole Kingdom . July 3. Sunday , in my Sleep his Majesty King James appeared to me . I saw him only passing by swiftly . He was of a pleasant and serene Countenance . In passing he saw me , beckned to me , smiled , and was immediately withdrawn from my Sight . July 7. Thursday , Richard Montague was brought into the Lower House of Parliament , &c. July 9. Saturday , it pleased his Majesty King Charles , to intimate to the House of Commons ; that what had been there said and resolved , without consulting him , in Montague's Cause , was not pleasing to him . July 11. Monday , The Parliament was Prorogued to Oxford , against the first day of August . July 13. Wednesday , there having died in the former week at London 1222 Persons . I went into the Country , to the House of my good Friend Francis Windebank . In going thither , Richard Montague met me by chance . I was the first , who certified him of the King's Favour to him . July 15. Friday , I went to Windsor ; and performed some Businesses committed to my trust by the Right Reverend Bishop of Durham . I returned that night . The Court was there at that time . July 17. Sunday , I went again to Windsor . I stood by the King at Dinner time : Some Matters of Philosophy were the Subject of Discourse . I Dined : Afterwards I Eat in the House of the Bishop of Glocester . Baron Vaughan was there present , with his Eldest Son. The next day one of the Bishops Servants , who had waited at Table , was seized with the Plague . God be merciful to me and the rest . That Night I returned , being become lame on the sudden , through I know not what humor falling down upon my left Leg , or ( as R : An : thought ) by the biting of * Buggs . I grew well within two days . July 20. Wednesday , A Publick Fast was held throughout all England . I Preached in the Parish of Hurst ; where I then abode with Master Windebanke . July 21. Thursday , I visited Sir Richard Harrison , and returned . July 24. Sunday , I Preached in the Parish of Hurst . July 29. Friday , I entred into Oxford . July 31. Sunday , I fell down , I know not how , in the Parlour of the President 's Lodging at St. John's Colledge , and hurt my left shoulder and hip . Aug. 1. Monday , The Parliament began at Oxford . Presently after the beginning of it , a great assault was made against the Duke of Buckingham . Aug. 12. Friday , The Parliament was dissolved ; the Commons not hearkning , as was expected , to the King's Proposals . Aug. 15. My Relapse , I never was weaker , in the judgment of the Phisician . It was Munday . The same day I began my journey towards Wales . Aug. 21. Sunday . I Preached at Brecknock ; where I stayed two days , very busie in performing some Business . That Night , in my Sleep , it seemed to me , that the Duke of Buckingham came into Bed to me ; where he behaved himself with great kindness towards me , after that Rest , wherewith wearied Persons are wont to solace themselves . Many also seemed to me to enter the Chamber , who saw this . Not long before , I dreamed that I saw the Dutchess of Buckingham , that Excellent Lady , at first very much perplexed about her Husband , but afterwards chearful , and rejoycing , that she was freed from the fear of Abortion , so that in due time she might be again a Mother . Aug. 24. Wednesday , and the Festival of St. Bartholomew , I came safely ( thanks be to God ) to my own House at Aberguille . Although my Coach had been twice that day overturned between Aber-Markes and my House . The first time I was in it ; but the latter time it was empty . Aug. 28. Sunday , I Consecrated the Chappel or Oratory , which I had built at my own charge in my House , commonly called Aberguilly-House . I Named it the Chappel of St. John Baptist , in grateful remembrance of St. John Baptist's Colledge in Oxford , of which I had been first Fellow , and afterwards President . And this I had determined to do . But another thing intervened ( of no ill Omen as I hope ) of which I had never thought . It was this . On Saturday , the Evening immediately preceeding the Consecration , while I was intent at Prayer , I know not how , it came strongly into my mind , that the day of the Beheading of St. John Baptist was very near . When Prayers were finished ; I consulted the Calendar . I found that day to fall upon Munday , to wit , the 29th of August , not upon Sunday . I could have wished , it had fallen upon that same day , when I Consecrated the Chappel . However , I was pleased , that I should perform that solemn Consecration at least on the Eve of that Festival . For upon that day , his Majesty King James heard my Cause about the Election to the Presidentship of St. John's Colledge in Oxford , for three hours together at least ; and with great Justice delivered me out of the hands of my powerful Enemies . Septemb. 4. Sunday , The Night following I was very much troubled in my Dreams . My Imagination ran altogether upon the Duke of Buckingham , his Servants , and Family . All seemed to be out of order : that the Dutchess was ill , called for her Maids , and took her Bed. God grant better things . Septemb. 11. Sunday , I Preached at Carmarthen , the Judges being then present . The same Night I Dreamed , that Dr : Theodore Price , admonished me concerning Ma : 3. and that he was unfaithful to me , and discovered all he knew : and that I should therefore take heed of him , and trust him no more , &c. Afterwards I dreamed of Sackville Crow , that he was dead of the Plague , having not long before been with the King. Septemb. 24. One only Person desired to Receive Holy Orders from me ; and he found to be unfit , upon Examination . Septemb. 25. I sent him away with an Exhortation , not Ordained . It was then Saturday . Septemb. 26. Sunday , That Night I dreamed of the Marriage of I know not whom at Oxford . All that were present , were cloathed with flourishing green Garments . I knew none of them , but Thomas Flaxnye . Immediately after , without any intermission of Sleep , ( that I know of ) I thought I saw the Bishop of Worcester , his Head and Shoulders covered with Linnen . He advised and invited me kindly , to dwell with them , marking out a place , where the Court of the Marches of Wales was then held . But not staying for my Answer , he subjoyned , that he knew I could not live so meanly , &c. Octob. 8. Saturday , the Earl of Northampton , President of Wales , returned out of Wales , taking his Journey by Sea. Octob. 9. Sunday , I Preached at Carmarthen . Octob. 10. Munday , I went on Horseback up to the Mountains . It was a very bright day for the time of Year , and so warm , that in our return , I and my Company dined in the open Air , in a place called Pente-Cragg , where my Registrary had his Country-House . Octob. 30. Sunday , Sir Thomas Coventry , made Lord Keeper . Novemb. 11. Friday , I began my Journey , to return into England . Novemb. 17. Thursday , Charles the Duke of Buckingham's Son , was born . Novemb. 20. Sunday , I Preached at Honye-Lacye in Herefordshire . Novemb 24. Thursday , I came to the House of my great Friend Fr. Windebank . There the Wife of my Freind ( for himself was then at Court ) immediately as soon as I came told me , that the Duke of Buckingham ( then negotiating for the Publick in the Low-Countries ) had a Son born ; whom God bless with all the good things of Heaven and Earth . Decemb. 4. Sunday , I Preached at Hurst . I stayed there in the Country until Christmas . Decemb. 14. Wednesday , I went to Windsor ; but returned the same day . Decemb. 25. Sunday , I Preached at Hurst upon Christmas day . Decemb. 31. Saturday , I went to the Court , which was then at Hampton-Court . There , Januar. 1. Sunday , I understood , that I was Named among other Bishops , who were to consult together on Wednesday following at White-Hall , concerning the Ceremonies of the Coronation . I was also at the same time informed , that the bigger part of the Bishop of Durham's House was appointed for the Residence of the Ambassadour Extraordinary of the King of France . Januar. 2. Munday , I returned to Hains-Hill . For there , not then knowing any thing of these Matters , I had left my necessary Papers with my Trunk . When I had put these in order ; I went to Sir Richard Harrison's House , to take leave of my Friends . There ( if I mistake not ) I first knew , what F. H. thought of me . I told my mind plainly , &c. I returned . Januar. 3. Tuesday , I came to London , and fixed my self at my own House at Westminster . For the week before Christmas I had sent my Servant , who had brought all my things out of the House of my good Friend the Bishop of Durham ( with whom I had abode as a Guest for Four Years compleat ) to my own House , save only my Books ; the removal of which , I unadvisedly put off till my own coming . For the coming of the French Ambassadour forced me to make over-much haste ; and the multitude of business then laying upon me , made it requisite , that I should have my Books at hand . In the Evening I visited the Duke of Buckingham . Januar. 4. Wednesday , We met at White-Hall , to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation . I sent my Servant to bring my Books , who brought them . That Night I placed them in order in my Study . And it was high time . For while we were in consultation about the Ceremonies , the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke , Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold to his Majesty , came from the King to us , and delivered to me the King's Order , to be ready against the sixth day of February , to Preach that day at the opening of the Parliament . Januar. 6. Friday , Epiphany day , We met again , to consult concerning the Ceremonies ; and gave up our Answer to the King. Januar. 16. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury made known to me the King's Pleasure , that at the Coronation I should supply the place of the Dean of Westminster . For that his Majesty would not have the Bishop of Lincoln , then Dean , to be present at the Ceremony . It was then Munday . The same day , by the King's Command , a Consultation was held , what was to be done in the Cause of Richard Montague . There were present , the Bishops of London , Durham , Winchester , Rochester , and St. Davids . Januar. 17. Tuesday , We gave in our Answer in Writing , Subscribed this day . This day also , the Bishop of Lincoln deputed me under his Hand and Seal , to supply the place for him , which he , as Dean of Westminster , was to Execute in the Coronation of King Charles . Januar. 18. Wednesday . The Duke of Buckingham brought me to the King , to whom I shewed my Notes , that if he disliked any thing therein , &c. The same day , by the King's Command , the Arch-Bishop of Cant. and the Bishops of London , Durham , Winchester , Rochester and St. Davids , consulted together concerning a Form of Prayer , to give Thanks for the decrease of the Plague . Januar. 23. I had a perfect Book of the Ceremonies of the Coronation made ready , agreeing in all things with the Kings Book . It was Munday . Januar. 29. Sunday , I understood what D. B. had collected concerning the Cause , Book , and Opinions of Richard Montague , and what R. C. had determined with himself therein . Methinks , I see a Cloud arising , and threatning the Church of England . God of his Mercy dissipate it . Januar. 31. Tuesday , The Bishops and other Peers before nominated by the King to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation , that the ancient Manner might be observed , by his Majesties Command went together to him . The King viewed all the Regalia ; Put on St. Edward's Tunicks ; Commanded me to read the Rubricks of direction . All being read , we carried back the Regalia to the Church of Westminster , and laid them up in their place . Febr. 2. Thursday and Candlemas day , His Majesty King Charles was Crowned . I then officiated in the place of the Dean of Westminster . The King entred the Abby-Church a little before Ten a Clock ; and it was past Three , before he went out of it . It was a very Bright Sun-shining Day . The Solemnity being ended , in the great Hall at Westminster , when the King delivered into my hands the Regalia , which are kept in the Abby-Church of Westminster , he did , ( which had not before been done ) deliver to me the Sword called Curtana , and two others , which had been carried before the King that day , to be Kept in the Church , together with the other Regalia . I returned , and Offered them Solemnly at the Altar in the Name of the King , and laid them up with the rest . In so great a Ceremony , and amidst an incredible concourse of People , nothing was lost , or broke , or disordered . The Theatre was clear , and free for the King , the Peers , and the Business in hand ; and I heard some of the Nobility saying to the King in their return , that they never had seen any Solemnity , although much less , performed with so little Noise , and so great Order . Febr. 6. Monday , I Preached before King Charles and the House of Peers , at the opening of the Parliament . Febr. 11. Saturday , At the desire of the Earl of Warwick , a Conference * was held concerning the Cause of Richard Montague , in the Duke of Buckingham's House [ between Dr. Morton and Dr. Preston on the one side , and Dr. White on the other . ] Febr. 17. Friday , The foresaid Conference was renewed , in the same place , many of the Nobility being present . Febr. 21. Shrove-Tuesday , the Duke of Buckingham sent for me to come to him ; and then gave me in Command , that , &c. Febr. 23. Thursday , I sought the Duke at Chelsey . There I first saw his Son and Heir Charles lately born . I found not the Duke . Returning , I found his Servant , who was seeking me . I went immediately with him , and found the Duke at Court. I related to him , what I had done . Febr. 24. Friday , and S. Matthias's Day , I was with the Duke in his own House almost Three Hours ; where with his own hand , &c. he commanded me to add somewhat . I did so , and brought it to him next Day , Febr. 25. Febr. 26. First Sunday in Lent , in the Evening , I presented to his Majesty King Charles my Sermon , which I had Preached at the opening of the Parliament , being now Printed , by his Majesties Command . Feb. 27. Munday , The Danger which hapened to King Charles from his Horse ; which having broken the two Girts of the Saddle , and the Saddle together with the Rider fallen under his Belly , stood trembling , until the King , having received no hurt , &c. March 1. Wednesday , and the Festival of S : David , a Clamour arose in the House of Commons , against the Duke of Buckingham , more particularly for stopping a Ship , called , The St : Peter of Newhaven , after Sentence pronounced . From that day there were perpetual Heats in the House . March 6. I resigned the Parsonage of Ibstock , which I held in Commendam . March 11. Dr. Turner , a Physician , offered in the House Seven Queries against the Duke of Buckingham ; yet grounded upon no other Foundation , than what he received from publick Fame ; as himself confessed . It was then Saturday . March : 16 : Thursday , a certain Dutchman , Named John Oventrout , proposed to shew a way how the West-Indies might shake off the Yoke of Spain , and put themselves under the Subjection of our King Charles . The Matter was referred to be disclosed to the Earl of Totnes , the Lord Conway Principal Secretary ; and because he said that his Stratagem did depend in a great measure upon Religion , I was added to them . The Old Man proposed somewhat about the taking of Arica ; Yet shewed not to us any Method , how it might be taken ; unless it were , that he would have the Minds of the Inhabitants to be divided in the Cause of Religion , by sending in among them the Catechism of Heidelberg . We dismissed the Man , and returned , not a whit the wiser . Anno 1626. Martij 26. Die Solis , Misit me ad Regem D. B. Ibi certiorem feci Regem de duobus negotijs , quae , &c. Gratias egit Rex Serenissimus . Martij 29. Rex Carolus utramque Domum Parliamenti alloquitur , praecipuè verò Inferiorem , & per se , & per Honoratissimum Dominum Custodem Magni Sigilli , in Palatio de White-Hall . In multis Domum Inferiorem reprehendit . Multa etiam adjecit de Duce Buckinghamiae , &c. In Convocatione illo Die habitâ multa agitata sunt de Concione , quam habuit Gabr. Goodman Episcopus Glocestr . coram Rege Die Solis praecedente , Dominicâ 5. Quadragesimae . April 5. Die Mercurij , Manè misit Rex , ut Episcopi Norwicensis , Lichfeldensis , & Menevensis nosmetipsos coram sisteremus . Adsumus ego & Litchfeldensis : Norwicensis Rus abijt . Accipimus Mandata Regis circa , &c. Redimus . April 12. Die Mercurij , Hor. 9. ante Meridiem , convenimus Archiepiscopus Cant. Episcopi Winton . Dunelm . & Meneven . jussi à Rege consulere de Concione , quam habuit coram Majestate Regiâ Episcopus Glocestrensis Dr. Goodman , Dom. 5. Quadrag . ultimò elapsâ : Consulimus ; & Responsum damus Regi ; quaedam minus cautè dicta , falsò nihil : Nec innovatum quidquam ab eo in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ : Optimum fore , si iterum tempore à seipso electo iterum Concionem haberet , & ostenderet quomodò & in quibus malè acoeptus intellectusque fuit ab Auditoribus . Eâ nocte post horam nonam Regi renuntiavi , quae in Mandatis accepi die 5. April , & alia eo spectantia ; inter caetera , de Impropriationibus reddendis . Multa gratissimè Rex ; ego quùm prius disserui de modo . April 14. In Febrem incidit Dux Buckinghamiae . Dies erat Veneris . April 19. Die Mercurij , Petitio Joh. Digbye Comitis Bristoliensis contra Ducem Buckinghamiae lecta est in Domo Superiori Parlamenti : Acris illa , & quae perniciem minatur alteri partium . April 20. Die Veneris , Retulit Cognitionem totius negotij & etiam Petitionis Comitis Bristoliensis Domui Parlamenti Rex Carolus . April 21. Dies erat Sabbati , Misit Dux Buckinghamius , ut ad se venirem . Ibi audivi , quid Primicerius Regius Dom. Joh. Cocus contra me suggessit , Thesaurario Angliae , & ille Duci . Domine miserere Servi tui . April 22. Die Solis , Misit Rex , ut omnes Episcopi cum ipso essemus , Horâ quartâ pomeridianâ . Adsumus 14. numero . Reprehendit , quòd in causis Ecclesiae hoc tempore Parlamenti silemus , & non notum facimus ei , quid Vtile vel Inutile foret Ecclesiae ; se enim paratum esse promovere causam 〈◊〉 . Deinde jussit , ut in Causis Bristoliensis & Buckinghamiae Conscientiâ nostrâ duce , sequamur tantùm probationes , non rumores . April 30. Die Solis , Concionem habui apud White-Hall coram Rege . Maij 1. Lunae Dies erat , Comes Bristoliensis accusatur Laesae Majestatis in Parlamento ab Atturnato Regio Roberto Heath Milite : Comes dictus Articulos 12. exhibuit tum & ibidem contra Ducem Buckinghamiae , & illum ejusdem Criminis reaccusat . Et alios Articulos contra Baronem Conwaye Secretarium . In custodiam traditur Comes Bristol . Jacobo Maxwell Ordinario Domûs Par. Officiario . Maij 4. Die Jovis , Arthurus Lake Bathon . & Well . Episcopus Londini mortuus est . Maij 8. Dies erat Lunae , Hora 2da . post Meridiem , Domus Inferior detulerunt Ducem Buckinghamiae accusationibus 13. 〈◊〉 ad Domum Superiorem . Maij 11. Die Jovis , Rex Carolus venit in Domum Parlamenti . Paucis alloquitur Proceres de Honore Nobilium conservando , contra viles & infestas Calumnias eorum è Domo Inferiori , qui detulerunt Ducem , &c. Octo fuerunt qui in eo negotio partes sortitas exornarunt . Prologus Dudleius Diggs , & Epilogus , Joh. Elliot , hoc die jussu Regis Turri Mandati sunt . Liberati intra paucos dies uterque . Maij 25. Dies erat Jovis , Quia non remissus Domui Comes Arundelius , nec causa patefacta ; suspicio crevit de laesis Privilegijs . Conclusum est inter Proceres de Domo comperendinandâ in crastinum : Quo die , Maij 26. Iterum comperendinant in Junij 2. Statuentes se nihil acturos ante restitutum Comitem , vel causam saltem prolatam , &c. Maij 25. Quo die hae turbae primò moverunt , erat Urbani Papae ; & hodiè sedet Urbanus Octavus ; cui & Hispano simul si quid gratum facere velint , quibus id maxime curae est ; non video , quid melius excogitare possint , quàm ut in Partes distrahant Concilium Regni . Junij 15. Die Jovis , Post multas agitationes privata Malitia in Ducem Buckinghamiae superavit , & suffocavit omnia publica Negotia . Nihil actum est , sed Parlamentum solutum . Junij 20. Dies erat Martis , Serenissimus Rex Carolus me nominavit in Episcopum Bathon . & Wellen. Et simul injunxit , ut Concionem haberem paratam in Solenne Jejunium , quod Proclamatione sanxit in diem Julij 5. sequentem . Julij 5. Solenne Jejunium institutum , partim ob grassantem adhuc in multis locis Regni Pestilentiam , & partim ob metum Hostium minitantium . Concionem habui eo die coram Rege & Proceribus apud White-Hall . Dies erat Mercurij . Julij 8. Concionem praedictam jussit Rex , ut Typis excusam in publicum emitterem . Dies erat Sabbati . Julij 16. Die Solis , Theobaldis Concionem illam , quae jam Praelum sensisset , in Regias Manus dedi , & redij . Julij 26. Dies erat Mercurij , Signavit Rex Congedeslier , &c. ut potestas sit Decano & Capitulo me eligendi in Episcopum Bathoniensem . Julij 27. Die Jovis , Manè detulit ad me Dr. Feild Episcopus Landavensis Literas quasdam ab Illustrissimo Duce Buckinghamiae . Litterae apertae erant , & partim Characteribus Conscriptae . Misit autem eas ad me Dux ; ut consulerem quendam Nomine Swadlinge , nominatum quidem in ipsis Literis , ut qui possit Characteres legere . Ipse etiam nominatus eram , utpote cui iste Swadlinge notus erat ; & educatus in Collegio S. Joh. Oxon. eo tempore quo Ego Praeses eram Collegij . Aug. 1. Venit ad me Thomas Swadlinge , quem à discessu è Collegio , ad diem illum per 8. fere Annos aut circiter ne semel vidi . Ille operâ insumptâ tandem legit Characteres , & Aug. 4. Dies Veneris erat , Ego & ille unâ adimus Ducem . Legit : malitiosa quaedam erant . Dux , ut decuit , contemnit . Redimus . Aug. 16. Electus fui in Episcopum Bathoniensem . Dies erat Mercurij , & Littera D. Aug. 25. Dies erat Veneris , Duae Rubeculae seu Rubelliones simul per ostium in Musaeum volant , quasi unus alterum persequens . Motus ille subitus me quasi resilire facit . Dimisi sicut intrârunt . Ego tum paraturus eram Concionem in Ephes. 4. 30. & chartis incubui . Septemb. 14. Die Jovis , Vesperi voluit Dux Buckinghamiae , at Instructiones quasdam in formam redioerem , partim Politicas , partim Ecclesiasticas , in causâ illâ Regis Daniae paulò ante afflicti à Duce Tillio , mittendas per omnes Parochias . Brevissima Capita mihi tradita sunt . Paratas esse voluit in diem Saturni sequentem . Septemb. 16. Paravi , & horâ praefixa attuli : Legi . Ducit me ad Regem . Ibi iterum jussus perlegi ; uterque approbant . Sept. 17. Die Solis , Propositae lectaeque sunt ( nam deposui apud Ducem chartas ) coram Honoratissimis Regis Consiliarijs . Deo gratias , ab omnibus probatae sunt . Sept. 18. Lunae die , Confirmata est electio mea in Bathon . & Wellen . Episcopum . Sept. 19. Die Martis , Apud Theobaldas Homagium juravi Seren 〈◊〉 Regi , qui ibi statim restituit me ad Temporalia à tempore mortis . Quae inter me & Dom. Baronem Conwaye Principalem Regis Secretarium acciderunt , dum simul redimus . Sept. 21. Die Lunae , Horâ matutinâ ferè quartâ Lancelotus Andrews Episcopus Winton . Meritissimus , Lumen Orbis Christiani , Mortuus est . Sept. 30. Die Saturni , Certiorem me fecit Dux Buckinghamiae , quòd decrevit Serenissimus Rex , ut ego Successor sim Episcopo Winton . defuncto in Officio Decanatûs Sacelli Regis . Octob. 2. Die Lunae , narravit idem mihi , quid de me ulteriùs eo die Rex statuisset , si : A. B. C. &c. Octob. 3. Die Martis , Ad Aulam profectus sum ; ea tum Hamptoniae erat . Ibi gratias egi Regi pro Decanatu Sacelli , mihi tum concesso . Redij Londinum . Octob. 6. Juramentum à Decano Sacelli suscipiendum subivi in Sacrario coram Honoratissimo Camerario Regio Philippo Mongomeryae Comite : Ministrante Juramentum Stephano Bouton Sub-decano . Dies erat Veneris . Novemb. 14. Vel circitèr , occasione sumptâ ex abruptâ tum incaeptione tum finitione Precum Publicarum die 5. Novemb. petij à Serenissimo Rege Carolo , ut interesset Lyturgiae aequè ac Concionibus quolibet die Dominico , & ut quocunque tempore Precum advenisset , Sacerdos qui Ministraret pergeret usque ad finem Precum . Non modò annuit Rex Religiosissimus ; sed & gratias mihi egit . Non factum hoc antea ab initio Regni Jacobi ad hunc diem . Nunc , Deo gratias , obtinet . Decemb. 21. Somniavi de Sepulturâ nescio cujus , & me astitisse pulveri , &c. Evigilavi 〈◊〉 . Decemb. 25. Christmas-day : Dies erat Lunae , Concionem habui primam ut Decanus Sacelli 〈◊〉 , at White-Hall , in S. 〈◊〉 1. 14. par . 1. 1626. Januar. 5. 〈◊〉 erat Epiphaniae , & dies Veneris , nocte 〈◊〉 avi Matrem meam diu ante defunctam lecto meo astitisse , & deductis paululum stragulis , hilarem in me aspexisse , & laetatus sum videre eam aspectu tam jucundo . Ostendit deindè mihi Senem diù ante defunctum , quem ego , dum vixit , & novi & amavi . Jacuisse videbatur ille humi , laetus satis , sed rugoso vultu ; Nomen ei Grove . Dum paro salutare , evigilavi . Januar. 8. Dies erat Lunae . 〈◊〉 visum Ducem Buck. Gavisus est , & in manus dedit Chartam de Invocatione Sanctorum , quam dedit ei Mater , Illi vero nescio quis Sacerdos . Jan. 13. Dies erat Saturni , Episcopus Lin. petiit reconciliationem cum 〈◊〉 Buckinghamiae , &c. Januar. 14. Die Solis , versùs manè somniavi Episcopum Lin. nescio què advenisse cum catenis ferreis ; sed redeuns liberatus ab iis equum insiluit ; abiit , nec assequi potui . Januar. 16. Die Martis , Somniavi Regem venatum 〈◊〉 ; & quòd quum esuriit , abduxi eum de improviso in Domum Fran. Windebanck Amici mei . Dum parat comedere , ego , dum alii aberant , Calicem ei , de more porrigebam . Potum attuli ; non placuit . Iterum adduxi ; sed poculo argenteo . Dicit Serenissimus Rex : Tu 〈◊〉 , me semper è vitro bibere . Abeo iterum : evigilavi . Januar. 17. Die Mercurij : Ostendi Rationes Regi , cur Chartae Episcopi Winton . defuncti de Episcopis quòd sint Jure Divino , praelo tradendae sint , contra illud quod miserè , & in maximum damnum Ecclesiae Anglicanae , Episcopus Lincoln . significavit Regi ; sicut Rex ipse mihi antea narravit . Febr. 7. Dies erat Cinerum , Concionatus sum in Aulâ ad White-Hall . Feb. 9. Die Veneris , nocte sequente somniavi me morbo scorbutico laborasse ; & repentè Dentes omnes mihi laxos fuisse ; unum praecipuè in inferiori maxillâ , vix digito me retinere potuisse , donec opem peterem , &c. Feb. 20. Die Martis , Incaepit Jo. Fenton 〈◊〉 pruriginis 〈◊〉 , &c. Febr. 22. Die Jovis , Iter suscepi versus Novum Mercatum , ubi tum Rex fuit . Martij . 3. Dies Saturni erat , Cantabrigiam concessi unà cum Duce Buckinghamiae , Cancellario istius almae Academiae , & alijs Comitibus & Baronibus . Incorporatus ibi fui ; & sic primus , qui praesentatus fuit Illustrissimo Duci , tum sedenti in domo Congregationis , ipse fui . Habitus ibi fuit ab Academicis Dux insignis & Academicè & celebriter . Redimus . Martij 6. Die Martis , Rediit Rex è Novo Mercato , & ego , versùs Londinum . Martij 8. Die Jovis : Veni Londinum . Nocte sequente somniavi me reconciliatum fuisse Ecclesiae Romanae . Hoc anxiè me habuit ; & miratus sum 〈◊〉 , unde accidit . Nec solum mihi molestus fui [ propter Errores illius Ecclesiae , sed etiam ] propter scandala , quae ex illo lapsu meo multos egregios & doctos viros in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ onerarent . Sic turbatus insomnio , dixi apud me , me statim iturum , & confessione factâ veniam ab Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ petiturum . Pergenti obviam se dedit Sacerdos quidam ; voluit impedire . Sed indignatione motus , me in viam dedi . Et dum fatigavi me morosis cogitationibus , evigilavi . Tales impressiones sensi ; ut vix potui credere me somniâsse . Martij 12. Die Lunae , cum Rege concessi Theobaldas . Redij die proximo , Martij 13. Martij 17. Die Saturni Vigiliâ Palmarum : Horâ noctis ferè mediâ , sepelivi Carolum Vicecomitem Buckinghamiae Filium natu maximum & tum unicum Georgij Ducis Buckinghamiae , AEtdtis 〈◊〉 fuit Anni unius & ferè quatuor mensium . Mortuus est Die Veneris praecedente . Anno 1626. March 26. Sunday , D. B. sent me to the King. There I gave to the King an account of those two Businesses , which , &c. His Majesty thanked me . March 29. King Charles spoke to both Houses of Parliament ( but directed his Speech chiefly to the Lower House ) both by himself , and by the Right Honourable the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal , in the Palace at White-Hall . He also added much concerning the Duke of Buckingham , &c. In the Convocation held that Day , there was much debating concerning the Sermon which Gabriel Goodman Bishop of Glocester had Preached before the King on the Sunday preceding , being the fifth Sunday of Lent. April : 5 : Wednesday , The King sent in the Morning , commanding the Bishops of Norwich , Litchfeild , and St : Davids , to attend him . I and the Bishop of Litchfeild waited upon him ; the Bishop of Norwich being gone into the Country . We received the King's Commands about , &c. and returned . April 12. Wednesday , at 9. in the Forenoon , we met together , viz. the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , the Bishops of Winchester , Durham , and St : Davids ; being commanded by the King to consult together concerning the Sermon , which Dr : Goodman the Bishop of Glocester had Preached before his Majesty on the 5th . Sunday in Lent last past . We advised together , and gave this Answer to the King ; That some things were therein spoken less cautiously , but nothing falsely ; That nothing was innovated by him in the Doctrine of the Church of England . That the best way would be , that the Bishop should preach the Sermon again , at some time to be chosen by himself , and should then shew , how , and wherein he was misunderstood by his Auditors . That Night after 9. a Clock , I gave to the King an account of what I had received in command on the 5th . of April , and of other things relating thereto . Among the rest , concerning restoring Impropriations . The King spoke many things very graciously therein ; after I had first discoursed of the manner of effecting it . April 14. Friday , The Duke of Buckingham fell into a Fever . April 19. Wednesday , The Petition of John Digby Earl of Bristol , against the Duke of Buckingham was read in the House of Lords . It was very sharp , and such as threatens Ruin to one of the Parties . April 20. Friday , King Charles referred the Cognisance of that whole matter , as also of the Petition of the Earl of Digby , to the House of Parliament . April 21. Saturday , the Duke of Buckingham sent to me to come to him . There I first heard what Sir John Cook the King's Secretary had suggested against me to the Lord Treasurer , and he to the Duke . Lord be merciful to me thy Servant . April 22. Sunday , The King sent for all the Bishops to come to him at 4. a Clock in the Afternoon . We waited upon him , 14. in number . Then his Majesty chid us , that in this time of Parliament we were silent in the Cause of the Church , and did not make known to him what might be Useful , or was Prejudicial to the Church ; professing himself ready to promote the Cause of the Church . He then commanded us , that in the Causes of the Earl of Bristol and Duke of Buckingham we should follow the direction of our own Consciences , being led by Proofs , not by Reports . April 30. Sunday , I Preached before the King at White-Hall . May 1. Munday , The Earl of Bristol was accused in Parliament of High Treason , by the King's Attorney Sir Robert Heath ; the Earl then and there preferred 12. Articles against the Duke of Buckingham , and therein charged him with the same Crime ; and other Articles also against the Lord Conway Secretary of State. The Earl of Bristol was committed to the Custody of James Maxwell , the Officer in Ordinary of the House of Peers . May 4. Thursday , Arthur Lake Bishop of Bath and Wells Died at London . May 8. Munday , At Two a Clock in the Afternoon , the House of Commons brought up to the House of Peers a Charge against the Duke of Buckingham , consisting of 13. Articles . May 11. Thursday , King Charles came into the Parliament House ; and made a short Speech to the Lords , concerning preserving the Honour of the Nobility against the vile and malicious Calumnies of those in the House of Commons , who had accused the Duke , &c. They were Eight , who in this matter chiefly appeared . The Prologue , Sir Dudly Digges , the Epilogue , John Elliot , were this day by the King's Command committed to the Tower. They were both dismissed thence within few days . May 25. Thursday , The Earl of Arundel not being sent back to the House , nor the Cause of his detainment made known , the House of Peers began to be jealous of the breach of their Priviledges ; and resolved to Adjourn the House to the next day : On which day , May 26. They Adjourned again to June 2. resolving to do nothing , until the Earl should be set free , or at least a Cause given , &c. May 25. On which day these Troubles first began , was the Feast of Pope Vrban ; and at this time Vrban VIII . sitteth in the Papal Chair ; to whom and to the Spaniard , if they , who most desire it , would do any acceptable service ; I do not see , what they could better devise in that kind , than to divide thus into Parties the great Council of the Kingdom . June 15. Thursday , After many Debates and Struglings ; private Malice against the Duke of Buckingham prevailed , and stopped all publick Business . Nothing was done ; but the Parliament was dissolved . Junij 20. Tuesday , His Majesty King Charles named me to be Bishop of Bath and Wells : And at the same time commanded me to prepare a Sermon for the Publick Fast ; which he had by Proclamation appointed to be kept on the 5th . of July following . July 5. A Solemn Fast appointed , partly upon account of the Pestilence yet raging in many Parts of the Kingdom , partly on account of the Danger of Enemies threatning us . I Preached this day , before the King and Nobility , at White-Hall . It was Wednesday . July 8. The King commanded me to Print and Publish the Sermon . It was Saturday . July 16. Sunday , I presented that Sermon , which was now Printed , to his Majesty ; and returned . July 26. Wednesday , The King signed the Conge d' Eslire , empowering the Dean and Chapter to elect me Bishop of Bath and Wells . July 24. Thursday , In the Morning Dr. Feild Bishop of Landaff , brought to me 〈◊〉 Letters from the most Illustrious Duke of Buchingham . The Letters were open , and wrote partly in Characters . The Duke sent them to me ; that I should consult one Named Swadlinge , mentioned in those Letters , as one who could read the Characters . I was also named in them , as to whom that Swadling was known , having been educated in S. John's Colledge in Oxford , at what time I was President of that Colledge . Aug. 1. Thomas Swadlinge came to me , whom , from his leaving the Colledge to that day , for almost 8. Years , I had not once seen . He bestowing some pains , at length read the Characters , and Aug. 4. Friday , I and he went to the Duke . He read them : They were certain malicious things . The Duke , as was fit , despised them . We returned . Aug. 16. I was elected Bishop of Bath and Wells , being Wednesday , the Letter D. Aug. 25. Friday , Two Robin-red-breasts flew together through the Door into my Study , as if one pursued the other . That sudden motion almost startled me . I was then preparing a Sermon on Ephes. 4. 30. and Studying . Septemb. 14. Thursday Evening , the Duke of Buckingham willed me to form certain Instructions , partly Political , partly Ecclesiastical , in the Cause of the King of Denmark , a little before brought into great streights by General Tilly , to be sent through all Parishes . Certain heads were delivered to me . He would have them made ready by Saturday following . Sept. 16. I made them ready , and brought them at the appointed hour . I read them to the Duke . He brought me to the King. I being so commanded , read them again . Each of them approved them . Sept. 17. Sunday , They were read ( having been left with the Duke ) before the Lords of the Privy-Council ; and were ( thanks be to God ) approved by them all . Sept. 18. Munday , My election to the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells was confirmed . Sept. 19. Tuesday , At Theobalds I swore Homage to his Majesty ; who there presently restored me to the Temporalties , from the death of my Predecessor . What passed between me and the Lord Conway , Principal Secretary to the King , in our return . Sept. 21. Munday , about four a Clock in the Morning , Died Lancelot Andrews , the most worthy Bishop of Winchester , the great Light of the Christian World. Sept. 30. Saturday , The Duke of Buckingham signified to me the King's Resolution , that I should succeed the Bishop of Winchester in the Office of Dean of the Chappel-Royal . Octob. 2. Munday , The Duke related to me , what the King had farther resolved concerning me , in case the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury should die , &c. Octob. 3. Tuesday , I went to Court , which was then at Hampton-Court . There I returned Thanks to the King for the Deanry of the Chappel , then granted to me . I returned to London . Octob. 6. I took the Oath belonging to the Dean of the Chappel , in the Vestry , before the Right Honourable Philip Earl of Montgomery , Lord Chamberlain ; Stephen Boughton the Sub-Dean Administring it . It was Friday . Novemb. 14. Or thereabout , taking occasion from the abrupt both beginning and ending of Publick Prayer on the fifth of November , I desired his Majesty King Charles , that he would please to be present at Prayers as well as Sermon every Sunday ; and that at whatsoever part of the Prayers he came , the Priest then Officiating might proceed to the end of the Prayers . The most Religious King not only assented to this Request ; but also gave me thanks . This had not before been done from the beginning of K. James's Reign to this day . Now , thanks be to God , it obtaineth . Decemb. 21. I dreamed of the burial of I know not whom , and that I stood by the Grave . I awaked sad . Decemb. 25. Christmas-day , Munday , I Preached my first Sermon , as Dean of the Chappel-Royal , at White-Hall , upon S. John : 1 : 14. part : 1. Januar. 5. Epiphany-Eve , and Friday , In the Night I dreamed , that my Mother , long since dead , stood by my Bed , and drawing aside the Cloaths a little , looked pleasantly upon me ; and that I was glad to see her with so merry an aspect . She then shew'd to me a certain Old Man , long since deceased ; whom , while alive , I both knew and loved . He seemed to lye upon the ground ; merry enough , but with a wrinkled Countenance . His Name was Grove . While I prepared to salute him , I awoke . Januar. 8. Munday , I went to visit the Duke of Buckingham . He was glad to see me , and put into my hands a Paper concerning the Invocation of Saints , which his Mother had given to him ; a certain Priest , to me unknown , had given it to her . Januar. 13. Saturday , The Bishop of Lincoln desired reconciliation with the Duke of Buckingham , &c. Januar. 14. Sunday , towards Morning , I Dreamed , that the Bishop of Lincoln came , I know not whether , with Iron Chains . But returning loosed from them , leaped on Horseback , went away ; neither could I overtake him . Januar. 16. Tuesday , I Dreamed , that the King went out to Hunt ; and that when he was hungry , I brought him on the suddain into the House of my Friend Francis Windebank . While he prepareth to eat , I , in the absence of others , presented the Cup to him after the usual manner . I carried Drink to him ; but it pleased him not . I carried it again , but in a silver Cup. Thereupon his Majesty said : You know , that I always drink out of Glass . I go away again ; and awoke . Januar. 17. Wednesday , I shew my Reasons to the King , why the Papers of the late Bishop of Winchester , concerning Bishops , that they are Jure Divino , should be Printed ; contrary to what the Bishop of Lincoln had pitifully , and to the great detriment of the Church of England , signified to the King ; as theKing himself had before related to me . Febr. 7. Ash Wednesday , I Preached at Court , at White-Hall . Febr. 9. Friday , The following Night I Dreamed , that I was troubled with the Scurvey ; and that on the sudden all my Teeth became loose ; that one of them especially in the lower Jaw , I could scarce hold in with my Finger , till I called out for help , &c. Febr. 20 Tuesday , John Fenton began the cure of a certain Itch , &c. Febr. 22. Thursday , I began my Journey towards New-Market , where the King then was . March 3. Saturday , I went to Cambridge with the Duke of Buckingham , Chancellor of that famous University , and other Earls and Lords . I was there incorporated ; and so I was the first who was presented to the most Illustrious Duke , then sitting in the Congregation House . The Duke was treated by the University in an Academical manner , yet splendidly . We returned . March 6. Tuesday , The King returned from New-Market , and I with him , toward London . March 8. Thursday , I came to London . The Night following I dreamed , that I was reconciled to the Church of Rome . This troubled me much ; and I wondred exceedingly , how it should happen . Nor was I aggrieved with my self , [ * only by Reason of the Errors of that Church , but also ] upon account of the Scandal , which from that my fall , would be cast upon many Eminent and Learned Men in the Church of England . So being troubled at my Dream , I said with my self , that I would go immediately , and , confessing my fault , would beg pardon of the Church of England . Going with this resolution , a certain Priest met me , and would have stopped me . But moved with indignation , I went on my way . And while I wearied my self with these troublesome thoughts , I awoke . Herein I felt such strong impressions ; that I could scarce believe it to be a Dream . March 12. Munday , I went with the King to Theobalds . I returned next day , March 13. March 17. Saturday , the Eve of Palm-Sunday , about mid-night I buried Charles Viscount Buckingham , the Eldest , and then only , Son of George Duke of Buckingham . He was then about a year and four months old . He died on the Friday before . Anno 1627. Martij 25. Dies erat Paschatis . Concionatus sum in Aulâ , &c. Martij 27. Die Martis ; sequente nocte somnium habui quale sequitur . 〈◊〉 quaedam data erant Dominae Dorotheae Wright , viduae Georgij W. Militis , familiaris mei : Legatae erant 430 minae & ampliùs : Datae à Consanguineo quodam , Viduae & Filiis , Nomine Farnham . Ad instantiam Viduae , quum Legata solvere Executor aut negavit aut distulit , Literas obtinui ab Illustrissimo Duce Buckinghamiae in gratiam Viduae . ( Dux enim erat Magister Equitum , & dictus Georgius W. sub eo fuit inter Ministros Regis ) quùm Literas jam in manibus haberem , daturusque eram Viduae , ut mitteret in Hiberniam , ubi Executor degebat , hac nocte apparuit mihi in somnis Georgius W. Miles , per biennium antè ad minimum mortuus , visus est mihi valdè habilis hilarisque satis . Dixi , quid pro Viduâ & Liberis ejus tum egi . Cogitabundus paulisper respondit ; Executorem sibi , dum in vivis esset , satisfecisse pro Legatis illis : Et statim , inspectis quibusdam Chartis in museolo suo adjacente , addidit iterum ita esse . Et insuper mihi in aurem dixit , me causam esse , cur Episcopus Lin. non iterum admitteretur in gratiam & in Aulam . Apr. 4. Die Mercurij . Quùm Rex Serenissimus Carolus absolvebat D. Dun circa lapsus quosdam in Concione habitâ Die Solis Apr. 1. Quod gratiosissimè mihi tum dixit , literis nunquam delendis , cum summâ Gratiarum actione Deo & Regi , in corde scripsi . Apr. 7. Dies erat Saturni , Dum Aulam petij , ut Regiae coenae servus intersim , è Rhedâ exeuns , titubante pede praeceps ruebam ; graviori casu nunquam sum lapsus ; sed miserante Deo , contusâ 〈◊〉 Coxendice , idque leviter , evasi . Apr. 24. Dies erat Martis , 〈◊〉 ad me missae sunt Exceptiones , quas exhibuit A. B. C. contra Concionem Doctoris Sibthorp , & quae sequuntur . Apr. 29. Die Solis , Factus sum Serenissimo Regi Carolo à Consiliis Secretioribus . In honorem 〈◊〉 & bonum Regni & Ecclesiae , oro , 〈◊〉 Deus . Maij 13. Die Pentecostes , Concionem habui coram 〈◊〉 , &c. Anno 1627. March 25. Easter-day , I Preached at Court , &c. March 27. Tuesday , That Night I had the following Dream . Some Legacies had been given to the Lady Dorothy Wright , the Widow of Sir George Wright my Acquaintance . The Legacies amounted to above 430 l. being bequeathed by a certain Kinsman named Farnham , to the Widow and her Children . When the Executor denied or deferred to pay the Legacy , I had , at the desire of the Widow , obtained Letters in her behalf from the Duke of Buckingham ( for the Duke was Master of the Horse , and the said Sir George W. was employed under him in the King's Service ) when I had now those Letters in my Hands , and was about to deliver them to the Widow , that she might send them into Ireland , where the Executor dwelt ; this Night Sir George Wright appeared to me in my Sleep , having been dead two Years before at least . He seemed to me in very good plight , and merry enough . I told him , what I had done for his Widow and Children . He , after a little thought , answered ; That the Executor had satisfied him for those Legacies , while he was yet alive . And presently looking upon some Papers in his Study adjoyning , he added , that it was so . He moreover whispering in my Ear , told me ; that I was the Cause , why the Bishop of Lincoln was not again admitted into Favour , and to Court. Apr. 4. Wednesday , When his Majesty King Charles forgave to Doctor Donne certain slips in a Sermon Preached on Sunday , Apr. 1. what he then most graciously said unto me , I have wrote in my Heart with 〈◊〉 Characters , and great 〈◊〉 to God and the King. Apr. 7. Saturday , Going to Court , to wait upon the King at Supper , in going out of the Coach , my foot stumbling , I fell headlong . I never had a more dangerous fall ; but by God's mercy , I escaped with a light bruise of my Hip only . Apr. 24. Tuesday , There were then first sent to me the Exceptitions , which the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had Exhibited against Doctor Sibthorp's Sermon , and what followed . April 29. Sunday , I was made Privy-Councellour to his Majesty King Charles . God grant , it may conduce to his Honour , and to the good of the Kingdom and the Church . May 13. Whitsunday , I Preached before the King , &c. Junij 7 & 8. I attended King Charles from London to Southwick by Portsmouth . Junij 11. His Majesty dined a-board the Triumph ; where I attended him . June 17. The Bishoprick of London was granted me at Southwick . June 22. We came to London . June 24. I was commanded to go all the Progress . June 27. The Duke of Buckingham set forwards towards the Isle of Ree . June 30. The Progress began to Oatlands . July 4. The King lost a Jewel in Hunting of a 1000 l. value . That day the Message was sent by the King for the Sequestring of A. B. C. July 7. Saturday-night , I dreamed that I had lost two Teeth . The Duke of Buckingham took the Isle of Ree . July 26. I attended the King and Queen at Wellingburrough . July 29. The first News came from my Lord Duke of his Success : Sunday . August 12. The second News came from my Lord Duke to Windsor : Sunday . August 26. The third News came from my Lord Duke to Aldershot : Sunday . September . News came from my Lord Duke to Theobalds : The first fear of ill Success ; News from my Lord Duke to Hampton-Court ; I went to my Lord of Rochester , to consider about A. B. C. and returned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 - Court. 〈◊〉 King's Speech to me in the withdrawing Chamber . That if any did , &c. I , &c. before any thing should sink , &c. The business of Doctor † Bargar , Dean of Canterbury , began about the Vicaridge of Lidd . October . The Commission to the Bishops of London , Durham , Rochester , Oxford , and my self then Bath and Wells , to Execute Archiepiscopal Jurisdiction , during the Sequestration of my Lord's Grace of Canterbury . The Dean of Canterbury's Speech , that the business could not go well in the Isle of Ree . There must be a Parliament , some must be Sacrificed , that I was as like as any . Spoken to Doctor W. The same Speech after spoken to the same Man , by Sir Dudlye Diggs . I told it , when I heard it doubled , Let me desire you , not to trouble your self with any Reports ; till you see me forsake my other Friends , &c. Ita Ch. R. The Retreat out of the Isle of Ree . November . My Lord Duke's return to Court. The Countess of Purbeck censured in the High Commission for Adultery . December 25. I Preached to the King at White-Hall . January 29. Tuesday , A resolution at the Council Table for a Parliament , to begin March 17. if the Shires go on with levying Money for the Navy , &c. January 30. Wednesday , My Lord Duke of Buckingham's Son was Born , the Lord George : New Moon die 26. February 5. Tuesday , The straining of the back sinew of my right Leg , as I went with his Majesty to Hampton-Court . I kept in till I Preached at the opening of the Parliament , March 17. but I continued lame long after , saving that Februar . 14. Thursday , Saint Valentine's-day , I made a shift to go and Christen my Lord Duke's Son , the Lord George , at Wallingford-House . March 17. I Preached at the opening of the Parliament ; but had much ado to stand ; it was Munday . Anno 1628. June 1. Whitsunday , I Preached at White-Hall . June 11. My Lord Duke of Buckingham Voted in the House of Commons to be the Cause , or Causes , of all Grievances in the Kingdom . June 12. Thursday , I was complained of by the House of Commons for warranting Doctor Manwaring's Sermons to the Press . June 13. Dr. Manwaring answered for himself before the Lords ; and the next day , June 14. Being Saturday , was Censured . After his Censure my Cause was called to the Report . And by God's Goodness towards me , I was fully cleared in the House . The same day the House of Commons were making their Remonstrance to the King : One Head was Innovation of Religion . Therein they Named my Lord the Bishop of Winchester and my self . One in the House stood up , and said : Now we have Named these Persons , let us think of some Causes why we did it . Sir Edw. Cooke answered , Have we not Named my Lord of Buckingham without shewing a Cause , and may we not be as bold with them ? June 17. This Remonstrance was delivered to the King on Tuesday . June 26. Thursday , The Session of Parliament ended , and was Prorogued to October 20. July 11. Tuesday , My Conge-deslier was Signed by the King for the Bishoprick of London . July 15. Tuesday , St. Swithin , and fair with us : I was Translated to the Bishoprick of London . The same day the Lord Weston was made Lord Treasurer . August 9. Saturday , A terrible salt Rheum in my left Eye , had almost put me into a Fever . August 12. Tuesday , My Lord Duke of Buckingham went towards Portsmouth to go for Rochell . August 23. Saturday , St : Bartholomew's Eve , the Duke of Buckingham slain at Portsmouth by one Lieutenant Felton , about Nine in the Morning . August 24. The News of his Death came to Croydon ; where it found my self and the Bishops of Winchester , Ely , and Carlile , at the Consecration of Bishop Montague for Chichester , with my Lord's Grace . August 27. Wednesday , Mr. Elphinston brought me a very Gracious Message from his Majesty , upon my Lord Duke's Death . August 30. As I was going out to meet the Corps of the Duke , which that Night was brought to London , Sir W : Fleetwood brought me very Gracious Letters from the King's Majesty , written with his own Hand . September 9. Tuesday , The first time that I went to Court after the Death of the Duke of Buckingham , my dear Lord : The Gracious Speech , which that Night the King was pleased to use to me . September 27. Saturday , I fell Sick , and came Sick from Hampton-Court . Tuesday , Septemb. ult . I was sore plucked with this Sickness , &c. October 20. Munday , I was forced to put on a Truss for a Rupture . I know not how occasioned , unless it were with swinging of a Book for my Exercise in private . Novemb. 29. Felton was Executed at Tyburn for killing the Duke ; and afterwards his Body was sent to be Hanged in Chains at Portsmouth . It was Saturday and St. Andrew's Even ; and he killed the Duke upon Saturday St. Bartholomew's Even . December 25. I Preached at White-Hall . December 30. Wednesday , The Statutes which I had drawn , for the reducing of the Factious and Tumultuary Election of Proctors in Oxford to several Colledges by course , and so to continue , were passed in Convocation at Oxford , no Voice dissenting . January 26. Munday , the 240 Greek Manuscripts were sent to London-House . These I got my Lord of Pembrooke to buy and give to Oxford . January 31. Saturday-night , I lay in Court. I dreamed , that I put off my Rochet , all save one sleeve ; and when I would have put it on again , I could not find it . Feb. 6. Friday , Sir Thomas Roe sent to London-House 28 Manuscripts in Greek , to have a Catalogue drawn , and the Books to be for Oxford . March 2. Munday , The Parliament to be dissolved declared by Proclamation , upon some disobedient passages to his Majesty that day in the House of Commons . March 10. Tuesday , the Parliament Dissolved , the King present . The Parliament , which was broken up this March 10. laboured my ruin ; but , God be ever blessed for it , found nothing against me . Anno 1629. March 29. Sunday , Two Papers were found in the Dean of Paul's his Yard before his House . The one was to this effect concerning my self ; Laud , look to thy self ; be assured thy Life is sought . As thou art the Fountain of all Wickedness , Repent thee of thy monstrous Sins , before thou be taken out of the World , &c. And assure thy self , neither God nor the World can endure such a vile Councellor to live , or such a Whisperer ; or to this effect . The other was as bad as this , against the Lord Treasurer . Mr. Dean delivered both Papers to the King that Night . Lord , I am a grievous Sinner ; but I beseech thee , deliver my Soul from them that hate me without a Cause . April 2. Thursday , Maundy-Thursday as it came this Year , About Three of the Clock in the Morning the Lady Dutchess of Buckingham was delivered of her Son the Lord Francis Villiers , whom I Christened , Tuesday Apr. 21. Apr. 5. I Preached at White-Hall . Maij 13. Wednesday , This Morning , about Three of the Clock the Queen was delivered before her Time of a Son. He was Christened , and Died within short space , his Name Charles : This was Ascention Eve. The next Day being Maij 14. Ascention Day , Paulò ante mediam Noctem , I Buried him at Westminster . If God repair not this loss ; I much fear it was Descention-day to this State. Aug. 14. Dies erat Veneris , I fell sick upon the way towards the Court at Woodstock , I took up my Lodging at my ancient Friend's House , Mr. Francis Windebanck . There I lay in a most grievous burning Fever , till Munday Sept. 7. Septemb. 7. On which Day I had my last Fit. Octob. 20. I was brought so low , that I was not able to return towards my own House at London , till Tuesday Octob. 29. Octob. 26. I went first to present my humble Duty and Service to his Majesty at Denmark-House , Munday 26. Octob. March 21. After this I had divers Plunges , and was not able to put my self into the service of my Place , till Palm-Sunday , which was March 21. Anno 1630. Apr. 10. The Earl of Pembroke , Lord Steward , being Chancellor of the University of Oxford , died of an Apoplexie . Apr. 12. The University of Oxford chose me Chancellor ; and word was brought me of it , the next Morning , Munday . April 28. Wednesday , The University came up to the Ceremony , and gave me my Oath . Maij 29. Saturday , Prince Charles was born at St. James's . Paulò ante Horam primam post Meridiem , I was in the House 3. Hours before , and had the Honour and the Happiness to see the Prince , before he was full one Hour old . Junij 27. Sunday , I had the Honour , as Dean of the Chappel , my Lord's Grace of Canterbury being infirm , to Christen Prince Charles at St. James's , Horâ ferè quintâ Pomeridianâ . August 22. Sunday , I Preached at Fulham . Aug. 24. Tuesday , St : Bartholomew , Extream thunder , Lightning , and Rain : The Pestilence this Summer : The greatest Week in London was 73. à 7. Octob. ad 14. spread in many Places , miserably in Cambridge . The Winter before was extream wet ; and scarce one Week of Frost . This Harvest scarce : A great Dearth in France , England , the Low-Countreys , &c. Octob. 6. Wednesday , I was taken with an extream Cold and Lameness , as I was waiting upon St. George his Feast at Windsor ; and forced to return to Fulham , where I continued ill above a Week . Octob. 29. Friday , I removed my Family from Fulham to London-house . Novemb. 4. Thursday , Leighton was degraded at the High Commission . Novemb. 9. Tuesday , That Night Leighton broke out of the Fleet. The Warden says , he got or was 〈◊〉 over the Wall ; the Warden professes , he knew not this till Wednesday Noon . He told it not me till Thursday Night . He was taken again in Bedfordshire , and brought back to the Fleet within a Fortnight . Novemb. 26. Friday , Part of his Sentence was executed upon him at Westminster . Decemb. 7. Tuesday , The King Sware the Peace with Spain : Don Carlo Colonna was Embassadour . Decemb. 25. I Preached to the King , Christmas-day . January 16. Sunday , I Consecrated St. Catherine Creed-Church in London . January 21. The Lord Wentworth Lord President of the North , and I , &c. In my little Chamber at London-House , Friday . January , 23. I consecrated the Church of St. Giles in the Fields , Sunday . Feb. 20. This Sunday Morning Westminster-Hall was found on Fire , by the Burning of the little Shops or Stalls kept there : It is thought , by some Pan of Coals left there over night ; it was taken in time . Feb. 23. Ash-Wednesday , I preached in Court at White-Hall . March 20. Sunday , His Majesty put his great Case of Conscience to me , about , &c. Which I after answered . God Bless him in it . The Famine great this Time : But in part by Practice . Anno 1631. March 27. Coronation day , and Sunday , I Preached at St. Paul's Cross. April 10. Easter-Munday , I fell ill with great pain in my throat , for a Week . It was with Cold taken after Heat in my service , and then into an Ague . A fourth part almost of my Family Sick this Spring . June 7. Tuesday , I Consecrated the Chappel at Hammersmith . June 21. Tuesday , and June 26. Saturday , My nearer Acquaintance began to settle with Dr. S. I pray God bless us in it . June 26. My business with L. T. &c. about the Trees which the King had given me in Shotover , towards my building in St. John's at Oxford . Which work I resolved on in November last . And published it to the Colledge about the end of March. This day discovered unto me that which I was sorry to find in L. T. and F. C. sed transeat . July 26. The first Stone was laid of my building at St. John's . Aug. 23. In this June and July were the great disorders in Oxford , by appealing from Doctor Smith then Vice-Chancellor . The chief Ring-leaders were Mr. Foord of Magdalen-Hall , and Mr. Thorne of Baliol Colledge . The Proctors Mr. Atherton Bruch and Mr. John Doughty received their Appeals , as if it had not been perturbatio pacis , &c. The Vice-Chancellor was forced in a Statutable way to Appeal to the King. The King with all the Lords of his Council then present , heard the Cause at Woodstock , Aug. 23. 1631. being Tuesday in the After-noon . The Sentence upon the Hearing was : That Foord , Thorne , and Hodges of 〈◊〉 Colledge , should be banished the University : 〈◊〉 both the Proctors were commanded to come into the Convocation House , and there resign their Office ; that two others might be Named out of the same Colledges . Doctor Prideaux Rector of Exeter Colledge , and Dr. Wilkinson Principal of Magdalen Hall , received a sharp admonition for their mis-behaviour in this business . Aug. 29. Munday , I went to Brent-wood , and the next day began my Visitation there , and so went on and finished it . Novemb. 4. Friday , The Lady Mary , Princess , born at St. James's , inter horas quintam & sextam matutinas . It was thought , she was born three weeks before her time . Decemb. 25. I Preached at Court. Januar. 1. The extreamest wet and warm January , that ever was known in memory . February 15. I Preached at Court , Ashwednesday . February 19. D. S. came to my Chamber , troubled about going quite from Court at Spring : First Sunday in Lent , after Sermon . Anno 1632. April 1. I Preached at Court. Easter-day . Maij 26. Saturday , Trinity-Sunday Eve , I Consecrated the Lord Treasurer's Chappel at Roehampton . Maij 29. Tuesday , My meeting and setling upon express Terms with K. B. in the Gallery at Greenwich . In which business God bless me . Junij 15. Mr. Francis Windebancke my Old Friend was sworn Secretary of State ; which place I obtained for him of my Gracious Master King Charles . Junij 18. Munday , I Married my Lord Treasurer Weston's Eldest Son to the Lady Frances , Daughter to the Duke of Lenox , at Roehampton . Junij 25. Munday , D. S. with me at Fulham , cum Ma. &c. Junius . This was the coldest June clean through , that was ever felt in my memory . Julij 10. Tuesday , Doctor Juxon , then Dean of Worcester , at my suit sworn Clark of his Majesties Closet . That I might have one that I might trust near his Majesty , if I grow weak or infirm ; as I must have a time . Julij 17. Tuesday , I Consecrated the Church at Stanmore magna in Middlesex , built by Sir John Wolstenham . The cold Summer , Harvest not in within forty miles of London after Michaelmas , &c. Decemb. 2. Sunday , The small pox appeared upon his Majesty ; but God be thanked , he had a very gentle Disease of it . December 27. Thursday , the Earl of Arundel set forward towards the Low-Countries , to fetch the Queen of Bohemia and her Children . Decemb. 25. I Preached to the King , Christmas-day . Januar. 1. My being with K. B. this day in the afternoon ..... troubled me much , God send me a good issue out of it . The warm open Christmas . January 15. Tuesday , K. B. and I , unexpectedly came to some clearer Declaration of our selves . Which God bless . Febr. 11. Munday-night , till Tuesday-morning , the great Fire upon London Bridge ....... Houses burnt down . Feb. 13. Wednesday , The Feoffees , that pretended to buy in Impropriations , were dissolved in the Chequer-Chamber . They were the main Instruments for the Puritan Faction to undo the Church . The Criminal Part reserved . Feb. 28. Thursday , Mr. Chancellour of London , Dr. Duck , brought me word , how miserably I was slandered by some Separatists . I pray God give me patience and forgive them . March 6. Ashwednesday , I Preached at White-Hall . Anno 1633. April 13. The great business at the Council-Table , &c. When the Earl of Holland made his submission to the King. This April was most extream wet , and cold , and windy . Maij 13. Munday , I set out of London , to attend King Charles into Scotland . Maij 24. The King was to enter into York in State. The Day was extream Windy and Rainy , that he could not , all day long : I called it York-Friday . Junij 6. I came to Barwick . That Night I dreamed that K. B. sent to me in Westminster-Church , that he was now as desirous to see me , as I him , and that he was then entring into the Church . I went with Joy , but met another in the middle of the Church , who seemed to know the Business , and laugh'd : But K. B. was not there . Junij 8. Saturday , Whitsun-Eve , I received Letters from K. B. unalterable , &c. By this , if I return , I shall see , how true , or false , my Dream is . &c. Junij 15. Saturday , I was sworn Counsellor of Scotland . Junij 18. Tuesday after Trinity-Sunday , King Charles Crowned at Holyrood-Church in Edinburgh . I never saw more expressions of Joy , than were after it , &c. Junij 19. Wednesday , I received second Letters from K. B. no Changling , &c. Within Three Hours after , other Letters from K. B. Believe all that I say , &c. Junij 29. Friday , Letters from K. B. no D. true if not to my Contentment , &c. Junij 30. I Preached to his Majesty in the Chappel in Holy-rood-House in Edinburgh . July 1. Munday , I went over Forth , to Brunt-Island . July 2. Tuesday , To St. Andrews . Julij 3. Wednesday , Over Taye , to Dunde . Julij 4. Thursday , To Faukland . Julij 7. Sunday , To St. Johnston . Julij 8. Munday , To Dunblain , and Sterling . My dangerous , and 〈◊〉 Journey , crossing part of the Highlands by Coach , which was a Wonder there . July 9. Tuesday , To Lithgow , and so to Edinburgh . July 10. Wednesday , His Majesties dangerous Passage from Brunt-Island to Edinburgh . Julij 11. Thursday , I began my Journey from Edinburgh towards London . Julij 12. Friday , That Night at Anderweek , I Dreamed that L. L. came and offered to fit above me at the Co. Ta. and that L. H. came in , and placed him there . Julij 20. Saturday , The King came from Scotland , to Greenwich ; having come Post from Barwick in four Days . Julij 26. Friday , I came to my House at Fulham , from Scotland . Julij 28. Sunday , K. B. and I met : All the strange Discourses mistaken . And that which was a very High Tide at — was then the lowest Ebb at Greenwich , that ever I saw : I went away much troubled : But all setled again well , Aug. 3. Saturday following . Aug. 4. Sunday , News came to Court of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Death ; and the King resolved presently to give it me . Which he did Aug. 6. Aug. 4. That very Morning , at Greenwich , there came one to me , Seriously , and that avowed ability to perform it , and offered me to be a Cardinal : I went presently to the King , and acquainted him both with the Thing and the Person . Aug. 7. Wednesday , An absolute Settlement between me , and K. B. after I had made known my Cause at large . God bless me in it . Aug. 14. Wednesday , A Report brought to me , that I was Poisoned . Aug. 17. Saturday , I had a serious offer made me again to be a Cardinal : I was then from Court , but so soon as I came thither ( which was Wednesday Aug. 21. ) I acquainted his Majesty with it . But my answer again was ; that somewhat dwelt within me , which would not suffer that , till Rome were other than it is . Aug. 25. Sunday , My Election to the Arch-Bishoprick was returned to the King then being at Woodstock . Septemb. 19. Thursday , I was translated to the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury . The Lord make me able , &c. The Day before , viz. Sept. 18. When I first went to Lambeth , my Coach , Horses and Men sunk to the bottom of the Thames in the Ferry-Boat , which was over-laden , but I Praise God for it , I lost neither Man , nor Horse . A wet Summer , and by it a Casual Harvest . The Rainy Weather continuing till Novemb : 14. which made a marvellous ill Seed-time . There was Barley abroad this Year , within 30 : Miles of London , at the end of October . Novemb. 13. Wednesday , Richard Boyer , who had formerly named himself Lodowick , was brought into the Star-Chamber , for most grosly Misusing me , and Accusing me of no less than Treason , &c. He had broke Prison for Felony , when he did this . His Censure is upon Record . And God forgive him . About the beginning of this Month the Lady Davis Prophesied against me , that I should very few Days out-live the Fifth of November . And a little after that , one Green came into the Court at St. James's , with a great Sword by his Side , swearing , the King should do him Justice against me , or he wou'd take another course with me . All the wrong I ever did this Man , was , that being a poor Printer , I procured him of the Company of the Stationers 5 l. a Year during his Life . God preserve me , and forgive him . He was committed to Newgate . Novemb. 24. Sunday in the After-noon I Christened King Charles his Second Son , James Duke of York , at St. James's . Decemb. 10. and 29. Twice or Thrice in the Interim , I advertised his Majesty of the Falsehood and Practice that was against me , by L. T. &c. This brake out then . Jan. 1. The way to do the Town of Reading good for their Poor ; which may be compassed by God's Blessing upon me , though my Wealth be small . And I hope God will bless me in it , because it was his own Motion in me . For this way never came into my Thoughts ( though I had much beaten them about it ) till this Night , as I was at my Prayers . Amen Lord. Anno 1634. March 30. Palm-Sunday , I Preached to the King at White-Hall . Maij 13. I received the Seals of my being chose Chancellor of the University of Dublin in Ireland . To which Office I was chosen Sept. 14. 1633. There were now , and somewhat before , great Fractions in Court : And I doubt , many private ends followed to the prejudice of Publick Service . Good Lord preserve me . Junij 11. Mr. Prynne sent me a very Libellous Letter , about his Censure in the Star-Chamber for his Histriomastix , and what I said at that Censure ; in which he hath many ways mistaken me , and spoken untruth of me . Junij 16. I shewed this Letter to the King ; and by his command sent it to Mr. Atturney Noye . Junij 17. Mr. Atturney sent for Mr. Prynn to his Chamber ; shewed him the Letter , asked him whether it were his hand . Mr. Prynn said ; he could not tell , unless he might read it . The Letter being given into his hand , he tore it into small pieces , threw it out at the Window , and said , that should never rise in Judgment against him : Fearing , it seems , an Ore tenus for this . Junij 18. Mr. Atturney brought him , for this , into the Star-Chamber ; where all : this appear'd with shame enough to Mr. Prynn . I there forgave him , &c. Julij 26. I received word from Oxford , that the Statutes were accepted , and published , according to my Letters , in the Convocation-House that Week . Aug. 9. Saturday , Mr. William Noye , his Majesties Atturney General , dyed at Brainford , circa Horam Noctis Decimam . And Sunday Morning , August 10. His Servant brought me word of it to Croydon , before I was out of my Bed. I have lost a dear Friend of him , and the Church the greatest , she had of his Condition , since she needed any such . Aug. 11. One Rob : Seal of St : Albans , came to me to Croydon ; told me somewhat wildly about a Vision he had at Shrovetide last , about not Preaching the Word sincerely to the People . And a Hand appeared unto him , and Death ; and a Voice bid him go tell it the Metropolitan of Lambeth , and made him swear he would do so ; and I believe the poor Man was over-grown with Phansie . So I troubled not my self further , with him , or it . Aug. 30. Saturday , At Oatlands the Queen sent for me , and gave me thanks for a Business , with which she trusted me ; her Promise then , that she would be my Friend , and that I should have immediate address to her , when I had Occasion . Septemb. 30. I had almost fallen into a Fever with a Cold I took ; and it held me above three weeks . Octob. 20. The extream hot and faint October and November , save three days frost , the dryest and fairest time . The Leaves not all off the Trees at the beginning of December . The Waters so low , that the Barges could not pass . God bless us in the Spring , after this green Winter . Decemb. 1. Munday , My Antient Friend , E. R. came to me , and performed great Kindness , which I may not forget . Decemb. 4. I Visited the Arches , it was Thursday . Decemb. 10. Wednesday , That Night the Frost began , the Thames almost frozen ; and it continued until the Sunday Sevennight after . Dec. 15. X. E. R. Januar. 8. Thursday , I Married the Lord Charles Herbert and the Lady Mary , Daughter to the Duke of Buckingham , in the Closet at White-Hall . Januar. 5. Munday-night , being Twelfth-Eve , the Frost began again ; the Thames was frozen over , and continued so till February 3. 1634. A mighty Flood at the Thaw . Feb. 5. Thursday , I was put into the great Committee of Trade and the King's Revenue , &c. March 1. Sunday , The great business , which the King commanded me to think on , and give him account , and L. T. March 14. Saturday , I was Named one of the Commissioners for the Exchequer , upon the death of Richard Lord Weston , Lord High Treasurer of England . That Evening K. B. sent to speak with me at White-Hall , a great deal of free and clear expression , if it will continue . March 16. Munday , I was called against the next day into the Forrain Committee , by the King. March 22. Palm-Sunday , I Preached to the King at White-Hall . Anno 1635. April 9. Wednesday , and from thence-forward , all in firm Kindness between K. B. and me . Maij 18. Whitson-Munday , At Greenwich , my Account to the Queen put off till Trinity-Sunday , Maij 24. then given her by my self . And assurance of all that was desired by me , &c. May , June and July , In these Months , the Troubles at the Commission for the Treasury , and the difference , which hapned between the Lord Cottington and my self , &c. Julij 11. Saturday , and Julij 22. Wednesday , Two sad meetings with K. B. and how occasioned . Julij 12. Sunday , At Theobalds the Soap business was ended , and setled again upon the new Corporation , against my offer for the Old Soap-boylers ; yet my offer made the King's Profit double ; and to that , after two Years , the new Corporation was raised ; how 't is performed , let them look to it , whom his Majesty shall be pleased to trust with his Treasurer's Staff. In this business and some other of great consequence , during the Commission for the Treasury , my old Friend , Sir F : W : forsook me , and joyned with the Lord Cottington : Which put me to the exercise of a great deal of patience , &c. August 16. Sunday-night , Most extream Thunder and Lightning . The Lightning so thick , bright and frequent , I do not remember that I ever saw . Septemb. 2. Wednesday , I was in attendance upon the King at Woodstocke , and went thence to Cudsden , to see the House which Dr : John Bancroft then Lord Bishop of Oxford had there built , to be a House for the Bishops of that See for ever . He having built that House at my perswasion . Septemb. 3. Thursday , I went privately from the Bishop of Oxford's House at Cudsden , to St : John's in Oxford , to see my building there , and give some directions for the last finishing of it . And returned the same Night , staying there not two Hours . Septemb. 23. Wednesday , I went to Saint Pauls to view the building , and returned that Night to Croydon . Septemb. 24. Scalding Thursday . Septemb. 29. The Earl of Arundel brought an Old Man out of Shropshire . He was this present Michaelmas-day shewed to the King and the Lords , for a Man of 152 or 153 Years of Age. Octob. 26. Munday , This Morning between four and five of the Clock , lying at Hampton-Court : I dreamed , that I was going out in haste , and that when I came into my outer Chamber , there was my Servant Will : Pennell in the same Riding Suit , which he had on that day sevennight at Hampton-Court with me . Methoughts I wondred to see him ( for I left him sick at home ) and asked him , how he did , and what he made there . And that he answered me , he came to recieve my Blessing ; and with that fell on his knees . That hereupon I laid my Hand on his Head , and Prayed over him , and therewith awaked . When I was up , I told this to them of my Chamber ; and added , that I should find Pennell dead or dying . My Coach came ; and when I came home , I found him past Sense , and giving up the Ghost . So my Prayers ( as they had frequently before ) commended him to God. Novemb. 15. Sunday , at Afternoon the greatest Tide that hath been seen . It came within my Gates , Walks , Cloysters , and Stables , at Lambeth . Novemb. 21. Saturday , Charles Count Elector Palatine came to White-Hall , to the King. This Month the Plague , which was hot in some parts of France and in the Low-Countries , and Flanders , began at Greenwich . God be merciful unto us . Novemb. 30. Saint Andrew's day , Munday , Charles Prince Elector Palatine , the King's Nephew , was with me at Lambeth , and at solemn Evening Prayer . Decemb. 1. Many Elm-Leaves yet upon the Trees ; which few Men have seen . Decemb. 14. Munday , Charles Prince Elector came suddenly upon me , and dined with me at Lambeth . Decemb. 25. Christmas-day , Charles Prince Elector Received the Communion with the King at White-Hall . He kneeled a little beside on his left Hand . He sate before the Communion upon a Stool by the wall , before the Traverse ; and had another Stool and a Cushion before him to kneel at . Decemb. 28. Munday , Innocent's-day , about ten at Night , the Queen was Delivered at St. James's , of a Daughter Princess Elizabeth . I Christend her on Saturday following , Jan. 2. Feb. 2. Tuesday , Candlemas-day , My nearer care of J. S. was professed , and his promise to be guided by me , And absolutely setled on Friday after , Feb. 5. Feb. 14. Sunday-night , my Honest Old Servant Rich. Robinson dyed of an Apoplexy . Feb. 28. I Consecrated Doctor Roger Manwaring , Bishop of Saint Davids . March 6. Sunday , William Juxon Lord Bishop of London made Lord High Treasurer of England : No Church-Man had it since Henry 7. time . I pray God bless him to carry it so , that the Church may have Honour , and the King and the State Service and Contentment by it . And now if the Church will not hold up themselves under God ; I can do no more . Anno 1636. April 7. Thursday , The Bill came in this day , that two dyed of the Plague in White-Chappel . God bless us through the Year . An extream dry and hot April and May , till the middle of June . Maij 16. Munday , The Settlement between L. M. St. and me . God bless me , &c. Maij 17. Tuesday , I Visited the Dean and Chapter of St. Pauls London , &c. Maij 19. Thursday , the Agreement between me and L. K. Ch. which began very strangly , and ended just as I thought it would . Junij 21. Tuesday , My Hearing before the King about my Right to Visit both the Universities Jure Metropolitico . It was Ordered with me : The Hearing was at Hampton-Court . Junij 22. Wednesday , The Statutes of Oxford finished , and Published in Convocation . Aug. 3. Wednesday-Night , towards the Morning , I Dreamed , that L. M. St. came to me the next Day Aug. 4. and shewed me all the Kindness I could ask . And that Thursday , he did come , and was very Kind towards me . Somniis tamen haud multum fido . Aug. 19. Friday , I was in great danger of breaking my Right Leg. But God be Blessed ; for his Providence only delivered me . Aug. 29. Munday , King Charles and Queen Mary entred Oxford , being to be there entertain'd by me as Chancellor of the University . Aug. 30. On Tuesday , I entertained them at St. John's Colledge . It was St. 〈◊〉 his Day ; and all passed happily . Charles Prince Elector Palatine , and his Brother Prince Rupertus , was there . These two were present in Convocation ; and with other Nobles , were made Masters of Arts. Aug. 31. Wednesday , They left Oxford , And I returned homewards , the Day after : Having first entertained all the Heads of Houses together . Octob. 14. Friday Night , I Dreamed marvelously , that the King was offended with me , and would cast me off , and tell me no cause why . Avertat Deus . For Cause I have given none . Novemb. 4. Friday Night , the most extream Wind , that ever I heard ; and much Hurt done , by Sea , and by Land. Twice or thrice since , Thunder , and Lightning , and Hail . Novemb. 20. Sunday Night , my fearful Dream . Mr. Cobb brought me word . &c. Decemb. 24. Saturday , Christmas-Eve , That night I Dreamed , I went to seek Mr. St. and found him with his Mother sitting in the Room . It was a fair Chamber ; he went away , and I went after , but missed him ; and after tyred my self extreamly ; but neither could I find him , nor so much as the House again . Anno 1637 March 30. Thursday , I Christened the Lady Princess Ann , King Charles his third Daughter : She was born on Friday , March 17. Junij 10. My Book * of the Records in the Tower , which concerned the Clergy , and which I caused to be Collected , and Written in Vellam , was brought me finished . 'T is ab Ann. 20. Ed. 1. ad Ann. 14. Ed. 4. Junij . 14. This Day Jo : Bastwick Dr : of Physick Hen : Burton Batch : of Divinity , and Will : Prynne . Barrister at Law , were Censured for their Libells against the Hierarchy of the Church , &c. Junij † 26. The Speech I then spake in the Star-Chamber , was commanded by the King , to be Printed . And it came out Junij the 25. Junij 26. This Day , Munday , The Prince Elector and his Brother Prince Rupert , began their Journey toward the Sea Side , to return for Holland . Junij 30. Friday , the above named three Libellers lost their Ears . Julij 7. Friday , A Note was brought to me , of a Short Libel pasted on the Cross in Cheapside : that the Arch-Wolf of Cant. had his Hand , in persecuting the Saints , and shedding the Blood of the Martyrs : Memento , for the last of June . Julij 11. Tuesday , Dr. Williams Lord Bishop of Lincoln was Censured in the Star-Chamber for tampering , and corrupting of * Wit , in the King's Cause . Julij 24. Being Munday , He was suspended by the High Commission , &c. Aug. 3. Thursday , I Married James Duke of Lenox , to the Lady Mary Villars , sole Daughter to the Lord Duke of Buckingham : The Marriage was in my Chappel at Lambeth ; the Day very Rainy ; the King present . Aug. 23. Wednesday , My Lord Mayor sent me a Libel found by the Watch at the South Gate of St. Pauls . That the Devil had lett that House to me , &c. Aug. 25. Friday , Another Libel brought me by an Officer of the High Commission , fastned to the North Gate of St. Pauls . That the Government of the Church of England is a Candle † in the Snuff , going out in a Stench . Aug. 25. The same Day at Night , my Lord Mayor sent me another Libel , hanged upon the Standard in Cheapside . My Speech in the Star-Chamber , set in a kind of Pillory , &c. Aug. 29. Tuesday , Another short Libel against me , in Verse . Octob. 22. Sunday , A great Noise about the perverting of the Lady Newport : Speech of it at the Council : My free Speech there to the King , concerning the increasing of the Roman Party , the Freedom at Denmark-house , the Carriage of Mr. Wal. Montague and Sir Toby Matthews . The Queen acquainted with all I said that very Night , and highly displeased with me ; and so continues . Novemb. 22. Wednesday , The extream and unnatural hot Winter Weather began , and continued till Decemb. 8. Decemb. 12. Tuesday , I had Speech with the Queen a good space , and all about the Business of Mr. Montague , but we parted fair . Anno 1638. April 29. The Tumults in Scotland , about the Service-Book offered to be brought in , began July 23. 1637. and continued increasing by fits , and hath now brought that Kingdom in danger . No question , but there is a great Concurrence between them , and the Puritan Party in England . A great aim there to destroy me in the King's Opinion , &c. Maij 26. Saturday , James Lord Marquess Hamilton set forth , as the King's Commissioner , to appease the Tumults in Scotland . God prosper him , for God and the King. It was a very Rainy Day . June . My Visitation then began of Merton Coll. in Oxford , by my Visitors ; was Adjourned to my own Hearing , against , and upon Octob. 2. Octob. 2. 3. 4. I sate upon this Business these Three Days , and Adjourned it to July 1. inter Horas primam & tertiam , Lambeth . The Warden appeared very foul . Octob. 19. Friday , News was brought to us , as we sate in the Star-Chamber , That the Queen-Mother of France was Landed at Harwich ; many and great Apprehensions upon this Business ; Extream Windy and Wet Weather a Week before , and after ; the Water-men called it , Q : Mother Weather . Octob. 26. Friday , A most Extream Tempest upon the Thames . I was in it , going from the Star-Chamber Home , between six and seven at Night . I was never upon the Water in the like Storm : And was in great Danger at my Landing at Lambeth Bridge . Octob. 31. Wednesday , The Q : Mother came into London , and so to St : James's . Novemb. 13. Tuesday , The Agreement between me and Ab. S. &c. Novemb. 21. Wednesday , The General Assembly in Scotland began to Sit. Novemb. 29. Thursday , The Proclamation issued out , for dissolving the General Assembly in Scotland , under pain of Treason . Decemb. 20. They sate notwithstanding ; and made many strange Acts , till Decemb. 20. which was Thursday , and then they rose . But have indicted another Assembly against July next . Januar. 14. Munday , About 5. at Night , a most grievous Tempest of Wind , Thunder , Lightning and Rain . Feb. 10. My Book against Fisher the Jesuit was Printed ; and this day , being Sunday , I delivered a Copy to his Majesty . Feb. 12. Tuesday-night , I dreamed , that K. C. was to be Married to a Minister's Widow . And that I was called upon to do it . No Service-Book could be found ; and in my own Book , which I had , I could not find the Order for Marriage . Anno 1639. March 27. Wednesday , Coronation-day , King Charles took his Journey Northward , against the Scottish Covenanting Rebels . God of his infinite Mercy bless him with Health and Success . March 29. Friday , An extream Fire in St. Olaves Parish Southwark : forty Houses burnt down . April 3. Wednesday , Before the King 's going , I setled with him a great business for the Queen ; which I understood she would never move for her self . The Queen gave me great Thanks . And this day I waited purposely on her , to give her Thanks for her gracious acceptance . She was pleased to be very free with me , and to promise me freedom . April 29. Munday , This day the King went from York toward New-Castle ; but stayeth at Durham for a week at least . Maij 28. His Majesty incamped two Miles West from Barwick by Tweed . Junij 4. Whitson-Tuesday , As I was going to do my duty to the Queen ; an Officer of the Lord Mayor's met me , and delivered to me two very Seditious Papers , the one to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen , the other to excite the Apprentices , &c. Both Subscribed by John Lilburn , a Prisoner in the Fleet , Sentenced in the Star-Chamber , &c. Junij 5. Wednesday , I delivered both these to the Lords of the Council . Junij 15 & 17. Saturday and Munday , The Peace concluded between the King and the Scottish Rebels . God make it safe and Honourable to the King and Kingdom . Junij 28. Friday , I sent the remainder of my Manuscripts to Oxford , being in number 576. And about an Hundred of them were Hebrew , Arabick , and Persian . I had formerly sent them above 700 Volumes . Aug. 1. Thursday , His Majesty came back from his Northern Journey to Theobalds , and to White-Hall on Saturday , Aug. 3. Many Varieties , since the Assembly held and ended in Scotland . The Bishops thrust out . The Parliament there yet sitting . Octob. 11. & 12. Friday and Saturday , The Spanish Navy was set upon by the Hollanders in the Downs . The Fight began to be hot , when they were past Dover . They were in all near 60 Sail. The Spaniards suffered much in that Fight , not without our dishonour , that they should dare to begin the Fight there . But this is one of the effects of the Scottish daring . Decemb. 2. Munday , A. Sh. my Chyrurgeon in trust , gave me great and unexpected ease in my great Infirmity . But after , the weakness continued . Decemb. 5. Thursday , The King declared his Resolution for a Parliament , in case of the Scottish Rebellion . The first Movers to it were my Lord Deputy of Ireland , my Lord Marquess Hamilton , and my self . And a Resolution Voted at the Board , to assist the King in extraordinary ways ; if the Parliament should prove peevish , and refuse , &c. Decemb. 27. Friday , Being St : John's-day , at Night , between 12 and 2 of the Clock next Morning , the greatest wind that ever I heard blow . Many of the poor Watermen at Lambeth had their Boats tumbled up and down , as they lay on the Land , and broken to pieces . One of my Servants went into London ; and durst not come home ; the Evening was so foul . And it was God's great Blessing both on him and me . * For that Night the shafts of two Chimneys were blown down upon the Roof of his Chamber , and beat down both the Lead and the Rafters upon his Bed ; where had he been that Night , he must have perished . At Croydon , one of the Pinnacles fell from the Steeple ; and beat down the Lead and the Roof of the Church , near 200 foot square . Januar. 24. Friday , At Night I dreamed , that my Father ( who died 46 Years since ) came to me ; and , to my thinking , he was as well and as chearful , as ever I saw him . He asked me , what I did here ? And after some Speech , I asked him , how long he would stay with me ? He answered ; he would stay , till he had me away with him . I am not moved with Dreams ; yet I thought fit to remember this . Januar. 25. Saturday , St. Paul's , A very blustering and a tempestuous day . Januar. 26. Sunday , I received the Queen's Gracious Assurance of her favour in the business , which his Majesty had committed to me with others , &c. February 9. Sunday , A large passage inserted , and afterwards blotted out . Anno 1640. April 13. Munday , The Parliament sat down , called about the Rebellion of Scotland . April 14. Tuesday , The Convocation began at Saint Pauls . April 24. Friday , The hot Contestation in the Lords House , which should have precedence , the King's Supply , or the Subjects Grievance . Voted in the upper House for the King. May. 5. Tuesday , The Parliament ended , and nothing done . The Convocation continued . May 9. Saturday , A Paper posted upon the Old-Exchange , animating Prentices to sack my House upon the Munday following , May 11. early . H : W : From this place , four Pages together in the Original are in part burned , in the form of a Crescent . This damage was done to the Book , while it was in Mr : Prynne's hands , before it was produced as Evidence against the Arch-Bishop at his Trial. For in the following History , at March : 13 : 1643. The Arch-Bishop saith . I know into whose Hands my Book is fallen ; but what hath been done with it , I know not . This is to be seen ; some passages in that Book are half burnt out ; whether purposely , or by chance , God knoweth . And the like words of the Arch-Bishop occur afterwards , at July : 29 : 1644. That passage ( of Febr : 11 : 1640. urged against the Arch-Bishop out of his Diary ) is more than half burnt out ; as is to be seen ; whether of purpose by Mr : Prynne , or casually , I cannot tell ; yet the passage as confidently made up , and read to your Lordships , as if nothing were wanting . It is indeed undeniably evident to any one , who compareth the Original with Prynne's Printed Copy ; that this Accident had befallen the Book , before Prynne had caused it to be Transcribed for the Press . Yet he taketh no notice of it ; but filleth up the places with such Words , as himself pleaseth ; and publisheth the whole without any distinction of his own Additions . I have partly from Prynne , partly from my own conjecture , supplied the mutilated places , as well as I could ; but have included all such suppletory Words in Crotchets ; that so the Reader may easily distinguish those Words , which are yet to be Read in the Original , from those which are not ; and may judge , whether the several places be aptly filled up . May 11. Munday-night , At Midnight my House a [ t Lam ] beth was beset with 500 [ of ] these Rascal Routers . [ I ] had notice , and stren [ gthened ] the House as well as I could ; and God be [ thanked , I had ] no harm , t [ hey continued ] there full two hours : Since I hav [ e — for ] tified my House as well as I can ; and hope all may be safe . But yet Libels are continually set up in all places of Note in the City . My deliverance was great ; God make me thankful for it . Maij 21. Thursday , One of the Chief being taken , was Condemned at Southwark , and Hanged and Quartered on Saturday Morning following , Maij 23. But before this , May 15. Some of these mutinous People came in the day time , and brake the White-Lyon Prison ; and let loose their Fellows , both out of that Prison , and the King's-Bench , and 〈◊〉 other Prisoners also out of the White-Lyon . Maij 29. Friday , The Convocation sate after the ending of the Parliament till May 29. and then ended ; having made in that time 17. Canons ; which , I hope , will be useful to the Church . Maij. 29. The Bishop of Glocester , Godfrye Goodman , suspended for notorious Scandal to the Church , in refusing first to subscribe the Canons , and after * to profess a Reservation . He had long before been suspected as inclining to Popery . The Canons were all [ voted ] Nemine dissenti [ ente , ] save this Bishop , who had in general consented before . Julij 10. Friday , I took my Oath to the new Canons at the Council-Table ; and so did my Lord Bishop of London ; and after him the Bishop of Glocester submitted himself , and took the Oath ; and was released out of Prison by the King's Command . Julij 22. Tuesday , I Christned the King's young Son Henry , at Oatlands . The Queen was there happily Delivered of him , Julij 8. On Wednesday , being the Day of the Solemn Fast , about 6. of the Clock in the Evening : Aug. 20. Thursday , His Majesty took his Journey towards the North in haste , upon Information that the Scots were entred the Munday before into England , and meant to be at New-Castle by Saturday : The Scots entred Aug. 20. Aug. 22. Saturday , A [ vile ] Libel brought me , [ found in ] Covent-Garden ; Ani [ mating ] the Apprentices [ and Soul ] diers to fall up [ on me ] in the King's absence . Sept. 21. I received a [ Letter from ] John Rockel a M [ an both by ] Name and Person [ unknown ] to me . He was [ among the ] Scots , as he tra [ velled through the ] Bishoprick of [ Durham ] he heard them [ inveigh and ] rail at me [ exceedingly , and that ] they hoped Shortly [ to see me , as the Duke was ] Slain by [ one least ] suspected . His Letter [ was to ] advise me to look to my self . Septemb. 24. Thursday , A great Council of the Lords were called by the King to York , to consider what way was best to be taken to get out the Scots ; and this day the Meeting began at York , and continued till Octob. 28. Octob. 22. Thursday , The High Commission sitting at St. Pauls , because of the Troubles of the Times : Very near 2000 Brownists made a Tumult at the end of the Court , tore down all the Benches in the Consistory ; and cryed out , they would have no Bishop , nor no High Commission . Octob. 27. Tuesday , Simon and Jude's Eve , I went into my upper Study , to see some Manuscripts , which I was sending to Oxford . In that Study hung my Picture , taken by the Life ; and coming in , I found it fallen down upon the Face , and lying on the Floor , the String being broken , by which it was hanged against the Wall. I am almost every day threatned with my Ruine in Parliament . God grant this be no Omen . Novemb. 3. Tuesday , The Parliament began : the King did not ride , but went by Water to Kings Stairs , and thorough Westminster-Hall to the Church , and so to the House . Novemb. 4. Wednesday , The Convocation began at St. Pauls . Novemb. 11. Wednesday , Thomas Vis [ count ] Wentworth , Earl of Straffor ] d , Accused to the Lords [ by the ] House of Commons , for [ High ] Treason , and restrained to the Usher of the House . Novemb. 25. Wednesday , He was sent to the Tower. Decemb. 2. Wednesday , A great Debate in the House , that no Bishop should be so much as of the Committee for preparatory Examinations in this Cause , as accounted Causa Sanguints ; put off till the next day . Decemb. 3. Thursday , The Debate declined . Decemb. 4. Friday , The King gave way , that his Council should be Examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case . I was Examined this day . Decemb. 16. Wednesday , The Canons Condemned in the House of Commons , as being against the King's Prerogative , the Fundamental Laws of the Realm , the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject , and containing divers other things tending to Sedition , and of dangerous Consequence . Upon this I was made the Author of [ them , ] and a Committee put upon me to enquire into all my Actions , [ and ] to prepare a Charge . The same Morning , in [ the ] Upper House , I was na [ med as an ] Incendiary by [ the Scot ] tish Commissioners ; and [ a .... ] Complaint promised to [ be drawn up ] to morrow . Decemb. 18. Friday , I w [ as Accu ] sed by the House [ of Commons ] for High Trea [ son , without ] any particular [ Charge ] laid against me ; [ which they ] said , should be [ prepared ] in convenient time . [ Mr. Denzell ] Hollys was the [ Man that brought ] up the Message [ to the Lords . Soon ] after , the Charge [ was brought into ] the Upper-House [ by the Scottish ] Commissioners , [ tending to prove me an [ Incendiary . ] I was presently [ committed to ] the Gentleman Us [ her ; but was permitted ] to go in his Company [ to my House at Lam ] beth , for a Book or two to Read in , and such Papers , as pertained to my Defence against the Scots . I stayed at Lambeth till the Evening , to avoid the gazing of the People . I went to Evening Prayer in my Chappel . The Psalms of the day , Psal. 93 , and 94. and Chap. 50. of Esai , gave me great Comfort . God make me worthy of it , and fit to receive it . As I went to my Barge , hundreds of my poor Neighbours stood there , and prayed for my safety , and return to my House . For which I bless God and them . Decemb. 21. Munday , I was Fined 500 l. in the Parliament House , and Sir John Lambe and Sir Henry Martin 250 l. a piece , for keeping Sir Robert Howard close Prisoner in the Case of the Escape of the Lady Viscountess Purbecke out of the Gate-House ; which Lady he kept avowedly , and had Children by her . In such a Case , say the Imprisonment were more than the Law allow ; what may be done for Honour and Religion sake ? This was not a Fine to the King , but Damage to the Party . [ Decemb. 23. ] Wednesday , The Lords Ordered me to pay the Money presently ; which was done . [ Januar. 21. ] Thursday , A Parliament [ Man ] of good Note , and Interessed [ with ] divers Lords , sent me word , [ that ] by Reason of my patient [ and m ] oderate Carriage since my [ Commit ] ment , four Earls of great [ power ] in the Upper-House [ of ] the Lords were not [ now ] so sharp against me [ as at ] first . And that now they [ were ] resolved only to Se [ quester ] me from the King's Coun [ cil , and ] to put me from my [ Arch - ] Bishoprick . So I see , what Justice I may expect ; since here is a Resolution taken , not only before my Answer , but before my Charge was brought up against me . Febr. 14. Sunday , A. R. And this , if I Live , and continue Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , till after Michaelmas-day come Twelve-month , Anno 1642. God bless me in this . Febr. 26. Friday , This day I had been full ten weeks in restraint at Mr. Maxwell's House . And this day , being St. Augustin's day , my Charge was brought up from the House of Commons to the Lords , by Sir Henry Vane the Younger . It consisted of fourteen Articles . These Generals they craved time to prove in particular . The Copy of this General Charge is among my Papers . I spake something to it . And the Copy of that also is among my Papers . I had Favour [ from the ] Lords not to go to the [ Tower ] till the Munday following . March 1. Munday , I went [ in Mr. ] Maxwell's Coach to the [ Tower. ] No noise , till I came [ into ] Cheapside . But from [ thence ] to the Tower , I was [ followed ] and railed at by the [ Prentices and ] the Rabble , in great [ numbers ] to the very Tower [ Gates , where I left ] them ; and I thank God , [ he made me ] patient . March 9. Shrove-Tuesday , [ ........ ] was with me in [ the Tower ; ] and gave great [ engagements of his ] Faith to me . March 13. Saturday , [ Divers Lords ] Dined with the [ Lord Herbert , at his ] new House by [ Fox-Hall in ] Lambeth . Three [ of these Lords in the ] Boat together , [ when one of ] them saying , he [ was sorry for my ] Commitment , because [ the buil ] ding of St. Pauls went [ slow ] on there-while ; the Lord Brooke replied ; I hope , some of us shall live to see no one stone left upon another of that Building . March 15. Munday , A Committee for Religion setled in the Upper-House of Parliament . Ten Earls , ten Bishops , ten Barons . So the Lay-Votes shall be double to the Clergy . This Committee will meddle with Doctrine as well as Ceremonies ; and will call some Divines to them to consider of the Business . As appears by a Letter hereto annexed , sent by the Lord Bishop of Lincoln , to some Divines to attend this Service . Upon the whole matter , I believe this Committee will prove the National Synod of England , to the great dishonour of this Church . And what else may follow upon it , God knoweth . March 22. Munday , The Earl of Strafford's Trial began in Westminster-Hall ; and it continued till the end of April , taking in the variation of the House of Commons , who after a long Hearing drew a Bill of Attainder against him . [ Anno 1641. ] [ March 25. ] Thursday , A. Sh. performed his Promise to the uttermost . [ May 1. ] Saturday , The King came into the Upper-House ; and there declared before both Houses , how diligently he [ had ] hearkned to all the Proceedings with the Earl of Strafford ; [ and ] found that his fault , what-ever [ it was ] , could not amount to [ High Tre ] ason : That if it went by [ Bill ] it must pass by him ; and [ that ] he could not with his Con [ science ] find him Guilty , nor [ would ] wrong his Conscience [ so fa ] r. But advised them to pro [ ceed ] by way of Misdemeanour ; [ and he ] would concur with them . The same day , after the [ King ] was gone , a Letter was [ Read ] in the Upper-House from the Scots ; in which , they did earnestly desire to be gone . It was moved for a present Conference with the House of Commons about it . The Debate about it was very short ; yet the Commons were risen beforehand . Maij 12. Wednesday , The Earl of Strafford beheaded upon Tower-Hill . June 23. Wednesday , I acquainted the King by my Lord of London , that I would resign my Chancellorship of Oxford , and why . June 25. Friday , I sent down my Resignation of the Chancellorship of Oxford , to be published in Convocation . July 1. Thursday , This was done ; and the Earl of Pembroke chosen Chancellor by joint consent . August 10. Tuesday , The King went Post into Scotland , the Parliament sitting , and the Armies not yet dissolved . Septemb. 23. Thursday , Mr : Adam Torles , my Ancient , Loving and Faithful Servant , then my Steward , after he had served me full forty two Years , dyed , to my great loss and grief . Octob. 23. The Lords in Parliament Sequestred my Jurisdiction to my inferior Officers ; and Ordered , that I should give no Benefice , without acquainting them first , to whom I would give it ; that so they might approve . This Order was sent me on Tuesday , Novemb. 2. in the Afternoon . Novemb. 1. News came to the Parliament of the Troubles in Ireland , the King being then in Scotland , where there were Troubles enough also . Novemb. 25. Thursday , The King at his return from Scotland , was sumptuously Entertained in London ; and great joy on all hands . God prosper it . Decemb. 30. Thursday , The Arch-Bishop of York , and eleven Bishops more , sent to the Tower for High Treason , for delivering a Petition and a Protestation into the House , that this was not a free Parliament , since they could not come to Vote there , as they are bound , without danger of their Lives . Januar. 4. Tuesday , His Majesty went into the House of Commons ; and demanded the Persons of Mr : Denzill Hollis , Sir Arthur Haslerig , Mr : John Pym , Mr : John Hampden , and Mr : William Stroude ; whom his Attorney had the day before , together with the Lord Kimbolton , Accused of High Treason , upon seven Articles . They had Information ; and were not then in the House : they came in after , and great stir was made about this Breach of the Priviledges of Parliament . Febr. 6. Saturday , Voted in the Lords House , that the Bishops shall have no Votes there in Parliament . The Commons had passed that Bill before . Great Ringing for joy , and Bonfires in some Parishes . Febr. 11. Friday , The Queen went from Greenwich toward Dover , to go into Holland with her Daughter the Princess Mary , who was lately Married to the Prince of Orange his Son. But the true Cause was , the present Discontents here . The King accompanied her to the Sea. Febr. 14. His Majesties Message to both Houses , Printed , by which he puts all into their Hands ; so God bless us . Febr. 14. An Order came , that the Twelve Bishops might put in Bail , if they would ; and that they should have their Hearing upon Friday , February : 25 : They went out of the Tower on Wednesday , February : 16 : and were sent in again , February : 17 : the House of Commons , on Wednesday-night , protesting against their coming forth , because they were not in a Parliamentary way made acquainted with it . Feb. 20. Sunday , There came a tall Man to me , under the Name of Mr : Hunt. He professed , he was unknown to me ; but came ( he said ) to do me service in a great particular ; and prefaced it , that he was not set on by any States-Man , or any of the Parliament . So he drew a Paper out of his Pocket , and shewed me 4. Articles drawn against me to the Parliament , all touching my near conversation with Priests , and my Endeavours by them to subvert Religion in England . He told me , the Articles were not yet put into the House : they were subscribed by one Willoughby , who ( he said ) was a Priest , but now come from them . I asked him , what Service it was he cou'd do me . He said ; he looked for no advantage to himself . I conceived hereupon , this was a piece of Villany : And bad him tell Willoughby , he was a Villain ; and bid him put his Articles into the Parliament , when he will. So I went presently into my inner Chamber ; and told Mr : Edward Hide , and Mr : Richard Cobb , what had befallen me . But after I was sorry at my Heart , that my Indignation at this base Villany made me so hasty , to send Hunt away ; and that I had not desir'd Mr : Lieutenant to seize on him , till he brought forth this Willoughby . Feb. 25. Friday , The Queen went to Sea for Holland , and her Eldest Daughter the Princess Mary with her . March 6. Sunday , After Sermon , as I was walking up and down my Chamber before Dinher , without any Slip or Treading awry , the Sinew of my Right Leg gave a great crack , and brake asunder in the same place where I had broken it before . Feb : 5 : 〈◊〉 . Orders about Stisted . Anno 1642. It was two Months , before I could go out of my Chamber . On Sunday ( Maii : 15 : ) I made shift between my Man and my Staff to go to Church . There one Mr : Joslin Preached , with Vehemency becoming Bedlam , with Treason sufficient to hang him in any other State , and with such particular Abuse to me , that Women and Boys stood up in the Church , to see how I could bear it . I humbly thank God for my Patience . All along things grew higher between the King and the Parliament . God send a good Issue . Maij 29. Four Ships came into the River , with part of the Ammunition from Hull . August 22. Munday , the King set up his Standard at Nottingham . August 24. The Parliament having committed Three Officers of the Ordinance , and sent two new ones in the room : This day they brake open all the Doors , and possessed themselves of the Stores . August 27. Saturday , Earl of Southampton and Sir Jo. Culpepper sent from the King to have a Treaty for Peace , refused ; unless the King would take down his Standard , and recall his Proclamation which made them Traytors . Septemb. 1. Thursday , Bishops Voted down , and Deans and Chapters , in the Lower House . That Night Bonfires and Ringing all over the City : Ordered cunningly by Pennington the new Lord Mayor . About this time ( ante ult . Aug. ) the Cathedral of Canterbury grosly Profaned . Septemb. 9. Friday , An Order from the House , about the giving of Alhallows-Bread-street . The Earl of Essex set forward towards the King. Septemb. 10. Voted down in the upper House ( Dubitatur ) Octob. 15. Saturday , Resolved upon the question , that the Fines , Rents , and Profits of Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans and Chapters , and of such notorious Delinquents who have taken up Arms against the Parliament , or have been active in the Commission of Array , shall be sequestred for the use and service of the Common-wealth . Octob. 23. Sunday , Keinton Field . Octob. 24. Munday , An Order from the House to keep but Two Servants , speak with no Prisoner or other Person , but in the presence of my Warder , ( this common to other Prisoners ) Octob. 26. Wednesday , Mr. Cook 's Relation to me of some Resolutions taken in the City , &c. Octob. 27. The Order of Octob. 24. not shewn me till Octob. 26. and I sent a Petition to the House , for a Cook and a Butler , Thursday . October 28. This Order revoked , Friday : And this granted me . Novemb. 2. Wednesday Night , I Dreamed the Parliament was removed to Oxford ; the Church undone : Some old Courtiers came in to see me , and jeared : I went to St. John's ; and there I found the Roof off from some parts of the Colledge , and the Walls cleft , and ready to fall down . God be Merciful . Novemb. 8. Seventy Eight Pounds of my Rents taken from my Controuler , by Mr. Holland and Mr. Ashurst ; which they said was for Maintenance of the King's Children . Novemb. 9. Wednesday Morning , Five of the Clock , Captain Brown , and his Company entred my House at Lambeth , to keep it for Publick Service ; and they made of it The Lords , upon my Petition to them , deny'd they knew of any such Order ; and so did the Committee ; yet such an Order there was , and divers Lords hands to it ; but upon my Petition they made an Order , that my Books should be secured and my Goods . Novemb. 10. Some Lords went to the King about an Accommodation . Novemb. 12. Saturday , A Fight about Brainford : Many slain of the Parliaments Forces , and some taken Prisoners ; Such as would not serve the King , were sent back with an Oath given them . The Fight is said to begin casually about billotting . Since this , Voted in the House for no Accommodation , but to go on , and take all advantages . Novemb. 16. Wednesday , An Order to barr all Prisoners Men from speaking one with another , or any other , but in presence of the Warder ; nor go out without the Lieutenants leave : And to barr them the Liberty of the Tower. Novemb. 22. Tuesday , Ordered , That any one of them may go out to buy Provision . Novemb. 24. Thursday , The Souldiers at Lambeth House brake open the Chappel door ; and offered violence to the Organ ; but before much hurt was done , the Captains heard of it , and stayed them . Decemb. 2. Friday , Some of the King's Forces taken at Farnham . About an hundred of them brought in Carts to London : Ten Carts full , their Legs bound . They were sufficiently railed upon in the Streets . Decemb. 19. Munday , My Petition for Mr : Coniers to have the Vicaridge of Horsham . Before it came to be delivered , the House had made an Order against him , upon complaint from Horsham of his disorderly Life . So Decemb. 21. St. Thomas's day , I petitioned for my Chaplain , Mr. William Brackstone . Refused : yet no Exception taken . That day , in the Morning , my young dun 〈◊〉 were taken away , by Warrant under the Hands of Sir John Evelyn , Mr. Pim , and Mr : Martin . Decemb. 23. Thursday , Dr. Layton came with a Warrant from the House of Commons , for the Keys of my House to be delivered to him , and more Prisoners to be brought thither , &c. January 5. A final Order from both Houses , for setling of Lambeth Prison , &c. Thursday . All my Wood and Coals spent , or to be spent there , not reserving in the Order , that I shall have any for my own use ; nor would that Motion be hearkned to . January 6. Friday , Epiphany , Earl of Manchester's Letter from the House , to give All-Hallowes-Bredstreet to Mr. Seaman . January 26. Thursday , The Bill passed the Lords House for Abolishing Episcopacy , &c. Feb. 3. Friday , Dr. Heath came to perswade me to give Chartham to Mr. Corbet , &c. Febr. 14. Tuesday , I received a Letter from his Majesty , dated January 17. to give Chartham to Mr : Reddinge , or lapse it to him . That Afternoon , the Earl of Warwick came to me , and brought me an Order of the House to give it to one Mr : Culmer . This Order bare date , Febr : 4 : Febr. 25 : Saturday , Mr : Culmer came to me about it . I told him , I had given my Lord my Answer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Thursday , St : Cedd's day , The Lord Brooke shot in the left Eye , and killed in the place , at Lichfeild , going to give the Onset upon the Close of the Church ; he having ever been fierce against Bishops and Cathedrals : His Bever up , and armed to the Knees ; so that a Musket at that distance could have done him but little harm . Thus was his Eye put out , who about two Years since said , he hoped to live to see at St : Pauls not one Stone left upon another . March 10. Friday , This Night preceeding , I dreamed a Warrant was come to free me ; and that I spake with the Lieutenant , that my Warder might keep the Keys of my Lodging , till I had got some place for my self and my Stuff , since I could not go to Lambeth . I waked , and slept again ; and had the very same Dream a second time . March 20. Munday , The Lord of Northumberland , Mr : Pierpoint , Sir John Holland , Sir William Ermin , and Mr : Whitlock , went from both Houses to Treat of Peace with his Majesty . God of his Mercy bless it and us . March 24. Friday , One Mr : Foord told me ( he is a Suffolk Man ) that there was a Plot to send me and Bishop Wrenn , as Delinquents to New-England , within fourteen days . And that Wells , a Minister that came thence , offered wagers of it . The Meeting was at Mr : Barks , a Merchant's House in Friday-street , being this Foord's Son-in-Law . I never saw Mr : Foord before . Anno 1643. March 28. Tuesday , Another Order from the Lords , to give Chartham to one Mr : Edward Hudson . My Answer , as before . April 11. Tuesday , Another Order for the same , and very peremptory . This came to me April 12. whereupon I petitioned the House Thursday , April 13. My former Answer being wilfully mistaken by Hudson . That present day another Order , very quick ; which was brought to me Friday , April 14. I Petitioned the House again the same day with great submission ; but could not disobey the King. April * 12. Another peremptory Order , to Collate Chartham on Mr : Edw : Corbet , brought to me Saturday April 22. April 24. Munday , I gave my Answer as before , but in as soft Terms as I could . April 25. Tuesday , It was moved in the House of Commons to send me to New-England . But it was rejected . The Plot was laid by Peters , Wells , and others . Maij 1. Munday , My Chappel windows at Lambeth defaced , and the steps torn up . Maij 2. Tuesday , The Cross in Cheapside taken down . Maij 9. Tuesday , All my Goods seized upon , Books and all . The Seizers were Captain Guest , Layton , and Dickins . The same day an Order for further restraint of me , not to go out of it without my Keeper . This Order was brought to me Maij 10. Maij 16. Tuesday , An Order of both Houses for the 〈◊〉 of my Benefices , &c. void , or to be void . This Order was brought to me Wednesday , Maij 17. at Night . Methinks , I see a cloud rising over me , about Chartham business : There having been a Rumour twice , that I shall be removed to a Prison Lodging . Maij 23. Tuesday , I sent my Petition for Maintenance . This day the Queen was Voted a Traytor in the Commons House . Maij * 19. Saturday , Another Order to Collate Edward Corbet to Chartham . It was brought to me Friday , Maij : 26. I Answered it Saturday , Maij : 27. as before . H : W : Thus far the Arch-Bishop had proceeded in his Diary ; when it was violently seized , and taken out of his 〈◊〉 by William Prynne , on the last day of May 1643. The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Prynne himself ( Breviat of the Arch-Bishop's Life , p. 28. ) and gloried in , as a most worthy Action . But the barbarous manner of it is more largely described by the Arch-Bishop himself in the following History . After the Book came into his Enemies Hands , it was frequently urged against him as Evidence at his Trial ; and when the Trial was near finished , Prynne caused it to be Printed , and Published it in the beginning of September 1644. but corrupted , and in part only ; of which see before in the Preface . The Arch-Bishop had almost filled up his Paper Book ( wherein he wrote this Diary ) when it was taken from him . But in the last Leaf of it , are found certain Projects wrote with his own Hand , ( at what Time , or in what Year , is uncertain ) which I have subjoyned . Things which I have Projected to do , if God Bless me in them . I : BLotted out . II : To Build at St : Johns in Oxford , where I was bred up , for the good and safety of that Colledge . Done. III : To overthrow the Feoffment , dangerous both to Church and State , going under the specious pretence of buying in Impropriations . Done. IV : To procure King Charles to give all the Impropriations , yet remaining in the Crown , within the Realm of Ireland , to that poor Church . Done , and setled there . V : To set upon the Repair of St : Paul's Church in London . Done. VI : To Collect and Perfect the broken , crossing , and imperfect Statutes of the University of Oxford ; which had lain in a confused Heap some Hundred of Years . Done. VII : Blotted out . VIII : To settle the Statutes of all the Cathedral Churches of the new Foundations ; whose Statutes are imperfect , and not confirmed . Done for Canterbury . IX : To annex for ever some settled Commendams , and those , if it may be , sine curâ , to all the small Bishopricks . Done for Bristol , Peterborough , St. Asaph , Chester , Oxford . X : To find a way to increase the Stipends of poor Vicars . XI : To see the Tythes of London Settled , between the Clergy and the City . XII : To set up a Greek Press in London and Oxford , for Printing of the Library Manuscripts ; and to get both Letters and Matrices . Done for London . XIII : To settle 80. Pounds a Year for ever , out of Dr : Fryar's Lands , ( after the Death of Dr : John Fryar the Son ) upon the Fabrick of St : Paul's , to the repair till that be finished , and to keep it in good state after . XIV : To procure a large Charter for Oxford , to confirm their ancient Priviledges , and obtain new for them , as large as those of Cambridge , which they had gotten since Hen : 8 : which Oxford had not . Done. XV : To open the great Square at Oxford between St : Maryes and the Schools , Brasen-nose and All-Souls . XVI : To settle an Hospital of Land in Redding , of 100. Pounds a Year , in a new way . I have acquainted Mr : Barnard , the Vicar of Croydon , with my Project . He is to call upon my Executors to do it ; if the Surplusage of my Goods ( after Debts and Lega . cies paid ) come to three Thousand Pounds . Done to the value of 200. Pounds per Annum . XVII : To erect an Arabick Lecture in Oxford , at least for my Life time , my Estate not being able for more : That this may lead the way , &c. Done. I have now settled it for Ever . The Lecture began to be read Aug : 10 : 1636. XVIII : The Impropriation of the Vicaridge of Cuddesden to the Bishop of Oxford , finally Sentenced Wednesday : April 19 : 1637. And so the House built by the now Bishop of Oxford Dr : John Bancroft , setled for ever to that Bishoprick . Done. XIX : A Book in Vellam fair Written , containing the Records , which are in the Tower , and concern the Clergy . This Book I got done at my own Charge , and have left it in my Study at Lambeth for posterity , Junij : 10 : 1637. Ab Anno 20 : Ed : 1 : ad Annum 24 : Ed : 4 : Done. XX : A new Charter for the Colledge near Dublin to be 〈◊〉 of his Majesty ; and a Body of new Statutes made , to rectify that Government . Done. XXI : A Charter for the Town of Reading , and a Mortmain of &c. Done. XXII . If I live to see the repair of St : Pauls near an end , to move his Majesty for the like Grant from the High Commission , for the buying in of Impropriations , as I have now for St : Pauls . And then I hope to buy in two a Year at least . XXIII : I have procured for St : John Baptist's Colledge in Oxford the perpetual Inheritance and Patronage of &c. FINIS . THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRYAL OF THE Most Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAUD , Lord Arch-Bishop Of CANTERBURY . Wrote by Himself , during his Imprisonment in the Tower. Psal : XI : 3 : Old Translation . The Foundations will be cast down ; and what hath the Righteous done ? Or , as it is Rendred in the last Translation . If the Foundations be destroyed ; what can the Righteous do ? LONDON , Printed for Ri Chiswell , : at the Rose and Crown in St : Paul's Church-Yard , M DC XCIV . THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES OF WILLIAM LAUD LORD Arch-Bishop of Canterbury : Which began to fall upon him , 〈◊〉 18 : 1640. CAP. I. DEcemb . 18. 1640. being Friday . Upon this day , Mr. Densell Hollis , second Son to John Earl of Clare , by Order from the House of Commons , came up to the Lords , and Accused me of High Treason ; and told the Lords , they would make proof thereof in convenient time : But desired in the mean time , that I might be committed to safe Custody . This was strange News to my Innocency : For this I can say of my self , without falshood or vanity , that to the uttermost of my Understanding , I served the King , my Gracious Master , with all Duty and Faithfulness ; and without any known or wilful Disservice to the State there-while . And this I did , with as true and free a Heart , as ever any Man did , that served a King. And I thank God , my care was such for the Publick , that it is well known , I much neglected my own private Fortunes there-while . The more was I amazed at the first apprehension of this heavy and undeserved Charge . Upon this Charge , I was commanded to withdraw . But I first desired leave to speak a few words : And I spake to this effect ; That I was heartily sorry for the Offence taken against me ; and that I was most unhappy , to have my Eyes open to see that day , and mine Ears to hear such a Charge : But humbly desired their Lordships , to look upon the whole course of my Life , which was such , as that I did verily perswade my self , not one Man in the House of Commons did believe in his Heart , that I was a Traytor . Here my Lord the Earl of Essex interrupted me , and said , That Speech of mine , was a Scandal put upon the whole House of Commons , that they should * bring me up charged with so high a Crime , which themselves did not believe . I 〈◊〉 desired then , that I might be proceeded with in the Antient Parliamentary way of England . This the Lord Say excepted against ; as if I would prescribe them , how they should proceed . So I withdrew , as I was commanded , and was presently called in again to the Bar ; and thence delivered to Mr. James Maxwell , the Officer of the Black Rod , to be kept in safe Custody , till the House of Commons should farther Impeach me . Here I humbly desired leave , that I might go home to fetch some Papers , necessary for my Defence . This was granted me with some difficulty ; and Mr. Maxwell was commanded to Attend me all the while I should stay . When I was gone to Lambeth , after some little discourse ( and sad enough ) with my Steward , and some private Friends , I went into my Chappel to Evening Prayer . The Psalms for that day gave me much comfort , and were observed by some Friends then present , as well as by my self . And upon the Comfort I then received , I have every day since ( unless some urgent Business prevented me ) Read over both these Psalms , and , God willing , purpose so to do every day of my Life . Prayers being ended , I went with Mr. Maxwell , as I was commanded ; Hundreds of my Poor Neighbours standing at my Gates to see me go , and Praying 〈◊〉 for my safe return to my House : For which , I blessed God , and them . CAP. II. AND because here I am sure to find my self , being now Imprisoned ; I will begin farther off , and shew briefly why , and how , this Malignity pursued , and overtook me . When I was first Bishop of London , His Majesty expressed a great desire , which he had , to settle a Liturgy in the Church of Scotland ; and this continued in agitation many Years . And what my part was therein , I shall clearly and ingenuously set down hereafter , when I come to Answer the Scottish Accusations of me in that behalf , or the Articles of the Parliament here , one of which relates to them . In the Year 1633. His Majesty went into Scotland , and was Crowned there ; I attended his Majesty in that Service . The Parliament then sitting in Scotland , was very quick about some Church Affairs ; and the King was much unsatisfied with some Men , and their Proceedings . At his Majesty's Return , in the same Year , I was , by his special Grace and Favour , made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , 19 Septembris . The debate about the Scottish Liturgy was pursued a-fresh ; and at last it was resolved by the King , that some Scottish Bishops should draw up a Liturgy , as near that of England as might be ; and that then his Majesty would have that Confirmed and Setled for the use of that Kingdom . This Liturgy was carefully considered of , and at last Printed and Published , An. 1637. It seems , the Bishops , which were trusted with this business , went not the right way , by a General Assembly , and other Legal Courses of that Kingdom . But what way soever was taken , or in whomsoever there was a failure ; this was certain in the Event : The Bishops were deceived in their expectation of a peaceable admission of that Service-Book ; The King lost the Honour and Safety of that Settlement ; And that Kingdom such a Form of God's Service , as I fear they will never come near again . And that People , by cunning and factious practices , both at home and from hence , were heated into such a Phrensie , as will not easily be cured . And 't is well , if we their Neighbours run not mad for Company . These violent Distempers continued from the Publishing of this Service-Book , in the Year 1637. till the Year 1638. Then they grew up into a formal Mutiny : And the Scottish Subjects began to Petition with Arms , in their Mouths first , and soon after in their Hands . His Majesty was often told , that these Northern Commotions had their Root in England . His Majesty's Goodness was confident upon the Fidelity of his Subjects of both Nations , and would not believe that of either , which was most true of a powerful Faction in both : Till at last , after much intercourse and mediation lost , and cast away , the King was so betray'd by some of his own Agents , that the Scots appeared upon their Borders in a formal Army . His Majesty went with an Army to Barwick . There , after some stay , a Pacification was made ; and his Majesty returned to White-Hall , Aug. 3. 1639. Now during all this time , from the Publishing of this Service-Book , to this Pacification , I was voyced by the Faction in both Nations , to be an Incendiary , a Man that laboured to set the two Nations into a bloody War : Whereas , God knows , I laboured for Peace so long , till I received a great check for my labour . And particularly at the beginning of these Tumults , when the Speech of a War first began in the Year 1638. openly at the Council-Table at Theobalds , my Counsels alone prevailed for Peace , and Forbearance , in hope the Scots would think better of their Obedience . But their Counsels were fomented to another end , as after appeared . The Pacification being made , was in Terms as followeth . The Articles of the Pacification . 1. The Forces of Scotland to be disbanded , and dissolved within † Eight and Forty Hours after the Publication of his Majesty's Declaration being agreed upon . 2. His Majesty's Castles , Forts , Ammunitions of all sorts , and Royal Honours to be delivered after the Publication , so soon as his Majesty * can send to receive them . 3. His Majesty's Ships to depart presently after the delivery of the Castles , with the first fair Wind ; and in the mean time no interruption of Trade or Fishing . 4. His Majesty is Graciously pleased , to cause to be restored , all Persons , Goods , and Ships , detained , and arrested , since the first of November last past . 5. There shall be no Meetings , Treatings , Consultations , or Convocations of his Majesty's Lieges , but such as are warrantable by Act of Parliament . 6. All Fortifications to desist , and no further working therein , and they to be remitted to his Majesty's Pleasure . 7. To restore to every one of his Majesty's Subjects their Liberty , Lands , Houses , Goods , and Means whatsoever , taken and detained from them by whatsoever means , since the aforesaid time . The Copy of the Act of the Pacification as it passed * under his Majesties Hand , and includes these Articles above written , is as follows . Ch. R. WE having considered the Papers , and humble Petitions presented unto us , by those of our Subjects of Scotland , who were admitted to attend our pleasure in the Camp ; and after a full Hearing by Our Self of all , that they could say or alledge thereupon , having communicated the same to Our Council of both Kingdoms ; upon mature deliberation , with their unanimous Advice , We have thought fit , to give them this Just and Gracious Answer : That though We cannot condescend to Ratifie and Approve the Acts of the pretended General Assembly at Glasgow , for many Grave and Weighty Considerations , which have happened , both before , and since , much importing the Honour , and Security of that true Monarchical Government Lineally descended upon Us from so many of Our Ancestors ; Yet such is Our Gracious Pleasure , That notwithstanding the many disorders committed of late , We are pleased , not only to confirm , and make good , whatsoever Our Commissioner hath granted and promised in Our Name ; But also , We are further Graciously pleased , to declare and assure , That according to the Petitioner's humble desires , all Matters Ecclesiastical shall be determined by the Assemblies of the Kirk , and Matters Civil by the Parliament , and other inferiour Judicatories Established by Law ; which accordingly shall be kept once a Year , or as shall be agreed upon * at the General Assembly . And for setling the general distractions of that Our Ancient Kingdom , Our Will and Pleasure is , that a free General Assembly be kept at Edinburgh , the sixth day of August next ensuing , where We intend God willing to be personally present ; And for the Legal Indiction whereof , We have given Order and Command to Our Council ; and thereafter , a Parliament to be holden at Edinburgh , the 20th day of August next ensuing , for Ratifying of what shall be concluded in the said Assembly , and setling such other things , as may conduce to the Peace and Good of Our Native Kingdom , and therein , an Act of Oblivion to be passed . And whereas , We are further desired , that Our Ships and Forces by Land , be recalled , and all Persons , Goods , and Ships , restored , and they made safe from Invasion : We are Graciously pleased to Declare , that upon their disarming and disbanding of their Forces , dissolving and discharging all their pretended Tables and Conventicles , and restoring unto Us , all Our Castles , Forts , and Ammunitions of all sorts ; as likewise , Our Royal Honours , and to every one of Our Good Subjects , their Liberty , Lands , Houses , Goods , and Means whatsoever , taken and detained from them , since the late pretended General Assembly ; We will presently thereafter recall Our Fleet , and retire our Land-Forces , and cause Restitution to be made to all Persons , of their Ships and Goods detained , and arrested , since the aforesaid time : Whereby it may appear , that Our intention in taking up of Arms , was no ways for Invading of Our Native Kingdom , or to Innovate the Religion and Laws , but meerly , for the Maintaining , and Vindicating of Our Royal Authority . And since that hereby it doth clearly appear , that We neither have , nor do intend any alteration in Religion , or Laws , but that both shall be maintained by Us , in their full integrity : We expect the performance of that Humble and Dutiful Obedience , which becometh Loyal and Dutiful Subjects , and as in their several Petitions they have often professed . And as We have just Reason to believe , that to Our peaceable , and well-affected Subjects , this will be satisfactory ; so We take God and the World to witness , that whatsoever Calamities shall ensue by Our necessitated suppressing of the Insolencies of such , as shall continue in their disobedient Courses , is not occasioned by us , but by their own procurement . This Pacification was not much sooner made by the King , than it was broken by the Scots . For whereas it was agreed by the Seventh Article , and is repeated in the Body of the Pacification ; That every one of his Majesties good Subjects shou'd enjoy their Liberty , Lands , Houses , Goods , and Means whatsoever , taken , and detayned from them since the aforesaid time , The * Lord Lindsay in the Name of the rest made a Protestation either in the Camp at Dunns , or at the Cross in Edinburgh , that no Bishop , or Clergyman was included in this Pacification ; which yet in manifest and plain Terms , extended it self to all the Kings good Subjects . And this Protestation was so pursued , as that it obtained ; and no Clergyman was relieved in any the Particulars . Upon this and other Particulars agitated in Parliament amongst them , his Majesty thought fit to look to himself , and examine their Proceedings farther . To this end he often called his Council ; and in particular , made a Committee of eight , more particularly to attend that service . They were the Lord Bishop of London , then Lord Treasurer , the Lord Marquis Hamilton , the Earl of Northumberland Lord Admiral , the Earl of Strafford Lord Deputy of Ireland , the Lord Cottington , Sir Henry Vane , and Sir Francis Windebanck Secretaries , and my self ; to which was after added the Earl of Arundel Lord Marshal . And though I spake nothing of these Scottish Businesses , but either openly at Council-Table ; or in presence of all , or so many of this Committee , as occasionally met , and so had Auditors and Witnesses enough of what I did or said ; yet it was still cast out among the 〈◊〉 , that I was a chief Incendiary in the Business : Where yet , had I said or done any thing worse than other , there wanted not Sir Henry Vane to discover it . At this Committee many things were proposed diversly , for the Aid and Assistance of the King ; and many Proposals rejected as Illegal . At last the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland propos'd the calling of a Parliament . Much was not said against this , but much said for it : Nor indeed was it safe for any Man to declare against it , after it was once publickly moved . So a Parliament was resolved on , and called against April 13. 1640. At that time it sat down , and many Tumultuary Complaints were made by the Scots against the Bishops and Church Government in England , and with great vehemency against my self . All this while the King could get no Money , to Aid him against the Scottish Rebellion . At last , after many Attempts , Sir Henry Vane told the King plainly , that it was in vain to expect longer , or to make any other overture to them . For no Money wou'd be had against the Scots . Hereupon his Majesty called all his Lords of Council together ; and upon Maij 5. being Tuesday at Six in the Morning they met in the Council-Chamber . I , by the mistake of the Messenger , was warned to be there at Seven in the Morning ( as if need be , I can prove by sufficient Witness ) and at that Hour I came . By this accident I came late , and found a Resolution taken , to Vote the dissolution of that Parliament , and the Votes entred upon ; my Lord Cottington being in his Speech , when I came into the Council-Chamber . All Votes concurred to the ending of that Parliament , save two . The Persons dissenting , were the Earls of Northumberland and Holland . I co-operated nothing to this breach , but my single Vote : Yet the very next day , Libels were set up in divers parts of the City , animating and calling together Apprentices and others , to come and meet in St. George's Fields , for the Hunting of William the Fox , for the Breach of the Parliament . This setting up of Libels , and animation of the baser People continued . I acquainted his Majesty and the Council with it . But upon Munday night following , being May 11. Five Hundred of them came about my House at Lambeth , to offer it and me violence . By God's Merciful Providence , I had some Jealousie of their intent ; and before their coming , left the best Order I could to secure my House ; and by the Advice of some Friends , went over the water , and lay at my Chamber in White-Hall that Night , and some other following . So , I praise God , no great hurt was done . One young Fellow only had a little hurt with a Dag , who was after taken and Executed . Thus you see , how the malignity of the Time fastned and continued upon me . For this Libelling , in a very base and most unworthy manner , continued against me . But not one of them charged me with any one Particular , save the breaking of the Parliament , of which I was not guilty . During this Parliament , the Clergy had agreed in Convocation , to give his Majesty six Subsidies , payable in six Years : which came to Twenty Thousand Pound a Year , for six Years ; but the Act of it was not made up . His Majesty , seeing what lay upon him , and what fears there were of the Scots , was not willing to lose these Subsidies ; and therefore thought upon the continuing of the Convocation , though the Parliament were ended ; but had not opened those Thoughts of his to me . Now , I had sent to dissolve the Convocation at their next sitting ; haste and trouble of these businesses making me forget , that I was to have the King 's Writ for the Dismissing , as well as the Convening of it . Word was brought me of this from the Convocation-House , while I was sitting in Council , and his Majesty present . Hereupon , when the Council rose , I moved his Majesty for a Writ . His Majesty gave me an unlooked for reply : Namely , that he was willing to have the Subsidies , which we had granted him ; and that we should go on with the finishing of those Canons , which he had given us power under the Broad Seal of England to make . And when I replyed , it would be excepted against in all likelyhood by divers , and desired his Majesty to Advise well upon it : The King Answered me presently ; That he had spoken with the Lord Keeper , the Lord Finch , about it , and that he assured him it was Legal . I confess , I was a little troubled , both at the difficulties of the Time , and at the Answer it self ; that after so many Years faithful Service , in a business concerning the Church so nearly , his Majesty would speak with the Lord Keeper , both without me , and before he would move it to me : And somewhat I said thereupon , which pleased not ; but the Particulars I do not well remember . Upon this , I was Commanded to sit , and go on with the Convocation . At first , some little * Exception was taken there , by two or three of the Lower House of Convocation , whether we might sit or no. I acquainted his Majesty with this doubt ; and humbly besought him , that his Learned Council , and other Persons of Honour , well acquainted with the Laws of the Realm , might deliver their Judgment upon it . This his Majesty Graciously approved ; and the Question was put to them . They answer'd , as followeth under their Hands . The Convocation being called by the King 's Writ , under the Great Seal , doth continue , until it be dissolved by Writ , or Commission under the Great Seal , notwithstanding the Parliament be Dissolved . 14. Maij 1640. Jo. Finch . C. S. H. Manchester . John Bramston . Edward Littleton . Ralph Whitfield . John Bankes . Rob. Heath . This Judgment of these great Lawyers , setled both Houses of Convocation . So we proceeded according to the Power given us under the Broad-Seal , as is required by the Statute 25 H. 8. Cap. 19. In this Convocation thus continued , we made up our Act perfect for the gift of six Subsidies , according to Ancient Form in that behalf , and delivered it under Seal to his Majesty . This passed Nemine Refragante , as may appear apud Acta . And we followed a President in my Lord Arch-Bishop Whitgift's time , An. 1586 , who was known to be a Pious and a Prudent Prelate , and a Man not given to do boisterous things against the Laws of the Realm , or the Prerogative of the Crown ; but one , that went just and fair ways to both . Nor did this Grant lye dead and useless ; for divers Processes are yet to be seen , for the fetching in of that which was so Granted to the Queen's use , in case any Man refused payment . Together with this Act for Subsidies , we went on in deliberation for certain Canons , thought necessary to be added , for the better Government and more setled Peace of the Church , which began to be much disquieted by the proceedings of some Factious Men ( which have since more openly and more violently shewed themselves . ) In the Debates concerning these Canons , I dare be bold to say , never any Synod sate in Christendom , that allowed more freedom either of Speech or Vote . The Canons , which we made , were in number seventeen ; and at the time of the Subscription , no Man refused , or so much as checked at any one Canon , or any one Branch in any one of them : Saving a * Canonist or two , who excepted against two or three Clauses in some of the last of the Canons , which concerned their Profit , and their Carriage towards the Clergy ; in which , they were publickly , and by joint consent , over-ruled in the House : And excepting Godfrey Goodman Lord Bishop of Glocester , who was startled at the first Canon , about the Proceedings against the Papists . This Canon is very express for the use of all good and Christian means , to bring them out of their Superstitious Errors , and to settle them in the Church of England . This Canon would not down with my Lord of Glocester . And the Morning before the Subscription was to be , he came over to Lambeth to me ; and after great expressions of his dislike , I gave him the best Counsel I could , that he would keep himself out of that scandal , which his refusing to Subscribe would bring , both upon his Person , his Calling , and the Church of England , in these broken times especially . But I fell so short of prevailing with him ; that he told me plainly , He would be torn with wild Horses , before he would Subscribe that Canon : And so we parted . The hour of Convocation drew on ; and we met to Subscribe the Canons . When it came to the Bishop of Glocester's turn , his Lordship would neither allow the Canons , nor reject them ; but pretended , ( as he had once done about a week before ) that we had no Power to make Canons out of Parliament time , since the Statute of H. 8. It was then told his Lordship , that we had the King's Power according to that Statute ; And that his Lordship was formerly satisfied by the Lawyers Hands , as well as we ; And that this was but a pretence to disgrace our Proceedings , the better to hide his unwillingness to Subscribe that Canon against the Papists ; as appeared by that Speech , which he had privately used to me that Morning , and with which I publickly charged him upon this occasion ; and he did as publickly in open Convocation acknowledge , that he spake the words unto me . Besides this , he was further told ; that in all Synods the Suffragants were to declare themselves by open Affirmation or denyal of the Canons agreed upon ; and that therefore he ought to express his Consent or his Dissent . And though at that time I pressed it no further on him , yet it stands with all Reason it should be so . For otherwise it may so fall out , that the Synod may be disappointed , and be able to determine nothing . And it seems , they were bound to declare in Synod . For otherwise , when points of difficulty or danger came , the Fathers might have with more sasety forborn to Vote ; which yet they did not . For in the Case of Nestorius in the † Ephesine Council , the heats grew very high between Cyril of Alexandria , and John of Antioch ; and though most of the Votes went with Cyril for the deposition of Nestorius ; yet the rest held with John who was thought to favour Nestorius . So , for matter of Opinion , and point of Faith , when Cyril had set out his twelve Anathematisms , Recorded in the * Acts of the Ephesine Synod ; The Eastern Bishops in a Body , and Theodoret by himself , set out their Confutations of them . And this I believe verily , they had not done , the temper of those Times considered , if they might have sate still as Spectators only , without declaring their Judgment . But this appears more plainly by the Fourth Council of Toledo ; where it was Decreed , That no Man should dare to dissolve the Council , till all things were determined and subscribed by the Bishops : For this makes it evident , that every one who had a Voice in Council , was not only to declare his Judgment , but subscribe his Name . Nor can I see , why either the absence of a Bishop being Summon'd thither , or his departure thence before all things were concluded , should be so penal , as by the Ancient Canons it was ; in case they were not bound to declare their Judgments being once come thither ; ( It being all one upon the matter , to be absent thence , and to say nothing there : ) For by the * Council of Arles , it was no less than Excommunication . And though that was after mitigated in the † Council of Orleans , to suspension for six Months , in the Year 552. Yet in the * Council of Sevil , in the Year 590. upon sight of the Inconveniencies which fell out upon it , it was made Excommunication as it was formerly . And a President of this , we have in our own Acts of Convocation , An. 1571. And this was not only since the Act of the submission of the Clergy , but since the Reformation too . For there it appears , that * Richard Cheyney Bishop of Glocester , for not attending the Convocation , though he were then in Westminster , and going home without leave asked of the Arch-Bishop , was Excommunicated by the joint consent of all his Brethren . Yet I may not deny , that in the Question of King Hen. 8th's Marriage with his Brother's Wife , when the business came to Voting in the lower House of Convocation , * fourteen affirmed , that the Law , De non ducendâ fratris Relictâ , for a Man 's not Marrying the Widow of his Brother , was indispensable ; and seven denied ; and one doubted . As also in the Act of the Submission of the Clergy , consisting of three Articles , when it came to Voting in that † House , the first Article was denied by eighteen , and referred by eight : The two other were denied by nineteen , and referred by seven ; the residue consenting unto all . But neither of these , had they then been thought on , could have relieved the Bishop of Glocester : Because he neither doubted , nor referred ; but peremptorily said to me that Morning , that he would be torn with wild Horses , before he would subscribe that Canon against the Papists : And yet when it came to the Subscription , he would neither affirm , nor deny the Canon ; but would have turn'd it off , as if we had not Power to make those Canons . Therefore when his Lordship would not do either , I with the consent of the Synod suspended him . Divers of my Lords the Bishops were very tender of him , and the Scandal given by him . And John Davenant then Lord Bishop of Salisbury , and Joseph Hall then Lord Bishop of Exeter , desired leave of the House , ( and had it ) to speak with my Lord of Glocester , to see if they could prevail with him . They did prevail ; and he came back and Subscribed the Canons , in open Convocation . But I told him : Considering his Lordship's Words , I did not know with what Mind he Subscribed ; and would therefore according to my Duty acquaint his Majesty with all the Proceedings , and there leave it . The Subscription to the Canons went on , no one man else checking at any thing . And that work ended , the Convocation was dissolved Maij 29. being Friday . The Convocation thus ended , I did acquaint his Majesty with my Lord of Glocester's Carriage , and with that which was done upon it . His Majesty having other Jealousies of this Bishop besides this , resolved to put him to it . So his Lordship was brought before the King , and the Lords in Council ; and restrained to his Lodging , and a Writ Ne exeat Regnum sent him . But this Writ proceeded not for any thing said or done by his Lordship in the Convocation , but upon other information which his Majesty had received from some Agents of his beyond the Seas ; As shall appear hereafter , if this be objected against me . In the mean time let this Bishop rest for me . The Canons , thus Freely and Unanimously Subscribed , were Printed . And at their first Publication they were generally approved in all Parts of the Kingdom ; and I had Letters from the remotest Parts of it , full of Approbation : Insomuch , that not my self only , but my Breth'ren which lived near these Parts , and which were not yet gone down , were very much Joyed at it . But about a Month after their Printing , there began some Whisperings against them by some Ministers in London ; and their Exceptions were spread in writing against them : And this set others on work both in the Western , and the Northern Parts : Till at last , by the practice of the Faction , there was suddenly a great alteration , and nothing so much cryed down as the Canons . The comfort is , Christ himself had his Osanna turned into a Crucifige in far less Time. By this means the Malice of the Time took another occasion to whet it self against me . The Synod thus ended , and the Canons having this Success ; but especially the Parliament ending so unhappily ; The King was very hardly put to it , and sought all other means , as well as he could , to get supply against the Scots . But all that he could get , proved too little , or came too late for that service . For the averse party in the late Parliament , or by and by after , before they parted , ordered things so , and filled Mens Minds with such strange Jealousies ; that the King 's good People were almost generally possest , that his Majesty had a purpose to alter the ancient Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom , and to bring in Slavery upon his People : A thing ( which for ought I know ) his Majesty never intended . But the Parliament-men , which would not relieve the King , by their meeting in that Assembly , came to understand and inform one another ; and at their return , were able to possess their several Countries with the Apprehensions themselves had ; and so they did . Upon this , some Lords and others , who had by this time made an underhand solemn Confederacy with a strong faction of the Scots , brought an Army of them into the Kingdom . For all Men know , and it hath been in a manner confessed ; that the Scots durst not have come into England at that Time , if they had not been sure of a Party here , and a strong one ; and that the King should be betrayed on all hands , as shall after appear . By these , and the like means , the King being not assisted by his Parliament , nor having Means enough to proceed with his Forces in due Time , the Scots were brought in ( as is aforesaid ) upon both King and Kingdom . They under the Conduct of Sir Alexander Leshley their General , passed the Tyne at Newborne , † Aug. .... 1640. and took New-castle the next Day after . And all this gross Treason , though it had no other end than to Confirm a Parliament in Scotland , and to make the King call another in England , that so they might in a way of Power extort from him what they pleased in both Kingdoms ; yet Religion was made almost all the pretence both here , and there ; and so in pursuance of that pretence , Hatred spread and increased against me , for the Service-Book . The King hearing that the Scots were moving , Posted away to York , Aug. 20. being Thursday . There he soon found , in what Straights he was ; and thereupon called his Great Council of all his Lords and Prelates to York to be there by September 24. But in regard the Summons was short and suddain , he was Graciously pleased to dispense with the Absence of divers , both Lords , and Bishops , and with mine among the rest . How things in Particular succeeded there , I know not ; nor belongs it much to the Scope of this short History , intended only for my self . But the Result of all , was a present Nomination of some Lords Commissioners , to treat at Rippon about this Great Affair with other Commissioners from the Scotch Army . But before this Treaty at Rippon , one Melborne , or Meldrum , Secretary to general Leshly ( as he was commonly said to be ) at the Shire-House in Durham , when the Country-Gentlemen met with the chief of the Scottish Army , about a composition to be made for Payment of Three Hundred and Fifty Pounds a Day for that County , expressed himself in this Manner , Septemb. 10. 1640. I wonder , that you are so Ignorant , that you cannot see what is good for your selves . For they in the South are sensible of the good that will ensue , and that we came not unsent for , and that oftner than once , or twice , by your own Great Ones . There being a Doubt made at these words Great Ones : He reply'd , your own Lords ; with farther Discourse . These Words were complained of , during the Treaty at Rippon , to the English Lords Commissioners , by two Gentlemen of the Bishoprick of Durham ; to whom the Words were spoken by Meldrum . The Gentlemen were Mr. John Killinghall , and Mr. Nicholas Chaytor ; and they offer'd to Testify the Words upon Oath : But the Lords required them only to Write down those Words , and set their Hands to them ; which they did very readily . The Lords acquainted the Scotch Commissioners with the Words . They sent to Newcastle to make them known to General Leshly . He called his Secretary before him , questioned him about the Words . Meldrum denyed them : ( was that enough , against two such Witnesses ? ) This Denyal was put in Writing , and sent to Rippon . Hereupon some of the English Lords Commissioners required , that the two Gentlemen should go to Newcastle to the Scotch Camp , and there give in their Testimony before General Leshly . The two Gentlemen replyed ( as they had great reason to do ) that they had rather testify it in any Court of England , and could do it with more safety : Yet they would go and testify it there , so they might have a safe Conduct from the Scottish Commissioners , there being as yet no Cessation of Arms. Answer was made by some English Lords , that they should have a safe Conduct . Hereupon one of the Kings Messengers attendant there , was sent to the Scotch Commissioners for a safe Conduct for the Two Gentlemen . He brought back Word from the Earl of Dumfermling ( to whom it was directed ) that the Two Gentlemen were unwise , if they went to give such Testimony at the Camp. And then speaking with the Lord Lowdon , he came again to the Messenger , and told him , that such a safe Conduct could not be granted , and that he would satisfy the Earl that sent for it ( who was Francis Earl of Bedford . ) The Messenger returning with this Answer , the Gentlemen were dismissed . So the business dyed ; it being not for somebody's safety , that this Examination should have proceeded ; for it is well enough known since , that many had their hands in this Treason , [ for Gross Treason it was by the express Words of the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. c. 2. ] The Truth of all this will be sworn to by both the Gentlemen yet living , and by a very honest grave Divine , who was present at all these Passages at Rippon , and gave them to me in Writing . In this Great Council , while the Treaty was proceeding slowly enough ; it was agreed on , that a Parliament should begin at London Nov. 3. following : And thither the Commissioners and the Treaty were to follow ; and they did so . After this how things proceeded in Parliament , and how long the Scotch Army was continued , and at how great a charge to the Kingdom , appears olsewhere upon Record ; for I shall hasten to my own particular , and take in no more of the Publick , than Necessity shall inforce me , to make my sad Story hang together . After they had continued at York till Octob. 28. the King and the Lords returned , and the Parliament sate down Novemb. 3. Great Heats appear'd in the very beginning . On Wednesday † Novemb. 10. Tho. L. 〈◊〉 Earl of Strafford was accused by the House of Commons of High Treason , and Committed by the Lords to Mr. James Maxwell the Officer of the House : And upon general Articles sent up , He was upon Wednesday Novemb. 25. committed to the Tower. It is thought , ( and upon good Grounds ) that the Earl of Strafford had got Knowledge of the Treason of some Men , and that he was preparing to accuse them . And this Fear both hastned and heated the proceedings against him . And upon Dec. 4. being Friday , his Majesty , at the great Importunity of some Lords of his Council , gave way that his Council should be examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case ; and I ( with others ) was examined that very Day . There were great Thoughts of Heart upon this Business , and somewhat vapoured out at Mens Tongues ; but the thing was done . Now at , and after the breaking up of , the late Parliament , Sir Hen. Vane , at the private Committee concerning the Scotch Affairs ( before mentioned ) instead of setting down the Heads of the several Businesses then Treated of , Writ down what every Man said at the Committee , though it were but Matter of deliberation and debate . Afterwards by a cunning conveyance between his Son ( who had been Governour in New-England ) and himself , this Paper , or a Copy of it , was delivered to some Members of the House of Commons ; and in all probability , was the Ground of that which was after done against the Lord Strafford , my self , and others , and the Cause , why the King was so hard pressed to have the Lords and others of his Council examined , was , that so Sir Henry Vane might upon Oath avow the Paper which his Son had seen and shewed ; and others be brought to witness as much ( had Truth , and their Memories been able to say as much ) as his Paper . After * the examination of me and others , concerning these Particulars ; there arose great and violent Debates in the House of Commons against the Bishops , and particularly their Votes in Parliament . After that , Decemb. 16. 1640. they Voted against the late Canons , as containing in them many Matters contrary to the fundamental Laws , and Statutes of the Realm , to the Rights of Parliaments , to the Property , and Liberty of the Subject ; and matters tending to Sedition , and of dangerous Consequences . I was made the Author of all , and presently a Committee put upon me to inquire into my Actions , and prepare a Charge . The same Morning in the Upper-House , I was Named as an Incendiary , in an Accusation put in by the Scottish Commissioners : For now by this Time they were come to that Article of the Treaty , which reflected upon me . And this was done with great noise , to bring me yet further into Hatred with the People , especially the Londoners ; who approved too well the Proceedings of their Brethren the Scots , and debased the Bishops and the Church Government in England . The Articles , which the Scots put into the Upper House ( by the Hands of their Lords Commissioners against me Decemb. 15. ) were read there Decemb. 16. I took out a true Copy as it follows here . And though I was to make no answer then , till the House of Commons had digested them , and taken as much out of them as as they pleased , to fill my intended Charge withall ; yet because I after found , that the House of Commons insisted upon very few of these particulars ( if any ) I thought my self bound to vindicate my Innocency even in these Particulars ; which shall now appear in their full strength against me , if they have any in Wise and Learned Mens Judgments . CAP. III THe Novations in Religion ( which are universally acknowledged to be the main Cause of Commotions in Kingdoms and States , and are known to be the true Cause of our present Troubles ) were many and great ; besides the * Books of Ordination and Homilies . First , some particular alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon us without Order , and against Law , contrary to the Form established in our Kirk . Secondly , a new Book of Canons [ | and Constitutions Ecclesiastical . ] Thirdly , a Liturgy , or Book of Common-Prayer ; which did also carry with them many dangerous Errours in matters of Doctrine . Of all † these we challenge the Prelate of Canterbury * as the prime Cause on Earth . I shall easily grant ; that Novations in Religion are a main Cause of Distempers in Commonwealths . And I hope it will be as easily granted to me ( I am sure it should ) that when great Distempers fall into Kingdoms , and Common-wealths ; the only way to ingage at home and get Credit abroad , is to pretend Religion ; which in all Ages hath been a Cloak large enough to cover ( at least from the Eyes of the Many ) even Treasons themselves . And For the present Troubles in Scotland , Novations in Religion are so far from being known to be the true Cause , as that it is manifest to any Man , that will look upon it with a single Eye , that Temporal Discontents , and several Ambitions of the great Men , which had been long a working , were the true cause of these Troubles : And that Religion was call'd in upon the bye , to gain the Clergy , and by them the Multitude . For besides that which was openly spoken by the right Honourable James then Earl of Carlile , that somewhat was a brewing in Scotland among some discontented there , which wou'd break out to the Trouble of this Kingdom ; 't is most apparent , there were many discontents among them : Some whereof , had no relation at all to Religion , and were far antienter than the Troubles now began , and were all Legally proved against the a Lord Balmerino , who was condemned of high Treason before any of these Stirs began . For there were Grievances ( as they said ) propounded in the Convention , Anno 1628. about Coyning , and their black Money ; which ( they say ) were slighted again in the Parliament held 1633. Murmuring also there was , as if the Articles and Parliament were not free . Great Clamour likewise was there against the Bishops Power in choosing the Lords of the Articles ; though that Power belonged unto them by the fundamental Laws of that Kingdom . As much against the Act of Revocation , and the Taxations ( which yet were voluntarily offer'd , and miscalled on purpose to edge the People : ) As also for Applying ( as they said ) these Taxations to wrong uses : With all which , and more , Religion had nothing to do . Nay , this discontented Party grew so High and so Bold ; that a very Base and Dishonourable Libel was made and spread against the King , Anno 1633. by these and the like Pretences to alienate the Hearts of the People from him . Of this Libel if one Hagg were the Authour , Balmerino was the Divulger , and so prov'd . And though it be true , that then also some things were to be done against the Church-government ; yet their Novations now spoken of were not then on Foot. So that it is evident enough to any Man that will see , that these Commotions had another , and a higher cause , than the present pretended Innovations . And if his Majesty had played the King then , he needed not have suffered now . Besides , they are no Fools who have spoken it freely ( since the Act of Oblivion for the Scottish Business was passed ) that this great League before mentioned , between the discontented Party of both Kingdoms , was Consulted on in the Year 1632. and after the King 's being in Scotland , Anno 1633. it went on , till they took occasion another way to hatch the Cockatrice Egg , which was laid so long before . But they say , these Novations were great , besides the Books of Ordination , and Homilies . So the Books of Ordination , and Homilies , were great Novations . Had they then in Scotland no set Form of Ordination ? I promise you , that 's next Neighbour to no Ordination ; and no Ordination to no Church , formal at least . And therefore if this be a Novation among them , its high time they had it . And for the Homilies , if they taught no other Doctrine than was established and current in the Church of Scotland , they were no Novations ; and if they did contain other Doctrine , they might have Condemned them , and there had been an end . Howsoever , if these Books be among them in Scotland ; they were sent thither in King James his Time , when the Prelate of Canterbury neither was , nor could be , the prime cause on Earth of that Novation . The other Novations , which they proceed unto , are first , some particular Alterations in matters of Religion , pressed upon them without Order , and against Law. To this I can say nothing , till the particular Alterations be named . Only this in the general ; be they what they will , the Scottish Bishops were to blame , if they pressed any thing without Order , or against Law. And sure I am , the Prelate of Canterbury caused them not , nor would have consented to the causing of them , had he known them to be such . The two other Novations , in which they instance , are the Book of Canons , and the Liturgy ; which ( they say ) contain in them many dangerous Errours in Matter of Doctrine . To these , how dangerous soever they seem , I shall give ( I hope ) a very sufficient , and clear answer ; and shall ingenuously set down whatsoever I did , either in or to the Book of Canons , and the Liturgy ; and then leave the ingenuous Reader to judge , how far the Prelate of Canterbury is the prime cause on Earth of these Things . ART . I. AND first , that this Prelate was the Author and Vrger of some particular * Things which made great disturbance amongst us , we [ † make ] manifest , first by Fourteen Letters Subscribed W. Cant. in the space of two Years , to one of our pretended Bishops , Ballatine ; wherein he often enjoyns him , and our other pretended Bishops , to appear in the Chappel in their Whites , contrary to the Custom of our Kirk , and to his [ * own ] Promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edinburgh at the Coronation ; That none of them after that Time should be more pressed to wear those Garments ; thereby moving him against his Will , to put them on for that time . Here begins the first Charge about the Particular Alterations . And first , they Charge me with Fourteen Letters written by me to Bishop Ballantyne . He was then Bishop of Dunblain , and Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal there . He was a Learned and a Grave Man ; and I did write divers Letters to him , as well as to some other Bishops , and some by Command ; but whether just fourteen or no , I know not . But sure I am , their Love to me is such ; that were any thing worse than other , in any of these Letters , I should be sure to hear of it . First then , They say , I injoyned wearing of Whites , &c. surely I understand my self a great deal better , than to injoyn where I have no Power . Perhaps I might express that , which His Majesty Commanded me , when I was Dean of his Majesty's Chappel here ; as this Reverend Bishop was in Scotland : And His Majesty's Express Command was , that I should take that care upon me ; that the Chappel there , and the Service , should be kept answerable to this , as much as might be ; And that the Dean should come to Prayers in his Form , as likewise other Bishops when they came thither . And let my Letters be shewed ; whether there be any Injoyning , other than this ; and this way . And I am confident , His Majesty would never have laid this Task upon me ; had he known it to be , either without Order , or against Law. Next I am Charged ; that concerning these Whites , I brake my Promise to the Bishop of Edinburgh . Truly to the uttermost of my Memory , I cannot recall any such Passage , or Promise , made to that Reverend and Learned Prelate . And I must have bin very ill advised , had I made any such Promise ; having no Warrant from his Majesty to ingage for any such thing . As for that which follows ; that he was moved against his will to put on those Garments : Truly he expressed nothing at that time to me , that might signifie it was against his Will. And his Learning and Judgment were too great , to stumble at such External Things : Especially such having been the Ancient Habits of the most Reverend Bishops from the descent of many Hundred Years ; as may appear in the Life of St. * Cyprian . And therefore the Novation was in the ( Church ) of Scotland , when her Bishops left them off , not when they put them on . In these Letters , he ( the Prelate of Canterbury ) directs ( Bishop Ballantine ) to give Order for saying the English Service in the Chappel twice a day : For his neglect , shewing him that he was disappointed of the Bishoprick of Edinburgh , promising him upon his greater care of these Novations , advancement to a better Bishoprick . For the direction for Reading the English Service , it was no other than His Majesty Commanded me to give . And I hope , it is no Crime for a Bishop of England , by His Majesties Command , to signifie to a Bishop in Scotland , what his pleasure is for Divine Service in his own Chappel . Nor was the Reading of the English Liturgy any Novation at all in that place . For in the Year 1617. I had the Honour , as a Chaplain in Ordinary , to wait upon King James of Blessed Memory into Scotland ; and then the English Service was Read in that Chappel , and twice a Day . And I had the Honour again to wait upon King Charles , as Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal here , at his Coronation in Scotland , in the Year 1633 : And then also was the English Service Read twice a Day in that Chappel . And a strict Command was given them by His Majesty , that it should be so continued ; and Allowance was made for it . And none of the Scots found any fault with it at that time , or after , till these Tumults began . And for Bishop Ballantyn's missing the Bishoprick of Edinburgh , and my promising him another upon his better Care of his Majesties Commands ; I gave him both the Answers , and the Reason , and the Promise , which His Majesty gave me , and Commanded me to write to him . It follows — That I taxed him ( that is , Bishop Ballantine ) for his boldness in Preaching the sound Doctrine of the Reformed Kirks against Mr. Michell ; who had taught the Error of Arminius in the Point of the Extent of the † Merit of Christ. They should do well to shew my Letter ; and then I will answer punctually to any thing in it . In the mean time I do not know , that ever Mr. Michell Preached Arminianism . For that Christ died for all Men , is a the Universal and constant Doctrine of the Catholick Church in all Ages , and no Error of Arminius : And are the b express words of Scripture it self , in more places than one . And the c Synod of Dort , called purposely about the Errours of Arminius , allows this for Orthodox ; Christum Mortuum esse pro omnibus . And for my part , I wish with all my heart , that this had been the greatest Error of Arminius . But yet whether I taxed that worthy Prelate for this or no , I know not : This I know , that if I did tax him , he deserved it . And for Bishops , even of divers Churches , to write one to another about Points of Divinity , yea , and sometimes to tax one another too , as their Judgments lead them , hath been usual in all Times and Places . The next Charge is — That I bid him send up a List of the Names of the Counsellors , and Senators of the Colledge of Justice , who did not Communicate in the Chappel , in a Form which was not received in our Kirk : And that I commended him , when I found him Obsequious to these my Commandments ; telling him , that I had moved the King the Second time , for the Punishment of such as had not received in the Chappel . Here I must desire again , that this Letter of mine may be produced . For I have cause enough to suspect some material Change in the Matter or Form of my Words . Howsoever , if they be justly set down , I answer ; That if this be one of the Things which made great Disturbance amongst them , they would be greatly disturbed with a very little . For first , I writ nothing in this , but what I was expresly Commanded by His Majesty : And I have His Majesties Warrant under His Hand to keep a Correspondence with that Bishop of Dunblain ; that from time to time he might receive His Majesties Direction by me , for the Ordering of all those Things . And howsoever , the thing it self is no more than as if His Majesty should Command all his Counsellors and Judges here , once in the Year at least to receive the Communion in his Chappel at White-Hall . And if you say 't is more , because it was to Communicate in such a Form as was not received in the Church of Scotland ; under Favour , that is not so neither . For this Form here spoken against , was to receive it Kneeling : And to receive the Sacrament Kneeling , was an * Article of the Synod of Perth , made in a General Assembly , and Confirmed by Act of Parliament ; Both then in force , when my Letters were written . And therefore either this Form was received in their Kirk , ( which is here denied ; ) Or else there was little Obedience in their Kirk , and Kirk-Men , either to General Assembly , or Parliament . As for that which comes fluttering after , That I commended him , when I found him Obsequious ; I had reason to do it : For ( whatsoever is said here ) it was to the Kings Commands , not to mine . And the Reason why I writ , that I had moved the King a Second time for the Punishment of such as disobeyed , was , because the Bishop had written unto me , that if some were not Checked , or Punished , none would obey . And 't is true too ; that I took occasion , once , and a second time , ( but upon Second Letters of his to the same effect ) to move the King : But only by shewing His Majesty , what was written by him , that was upon the place , and trusted with the Office. Nor did I ever meddle farther in those Businesses , than by laying before His Majesty what was written to me to that end : Leaving the King ( as it became me ) to Judge both of the Motion , and the Person that made it , as in his Princely Wisdom he thought fit . The next thing is , that in these Letters , I did upbraid him ( Bishop Ballantine , that is ) that in his First Synod at Aberdeen , he had only disputed against our Custom in Scotland , of Fasting sometimes on the Lord's Day : And that I did Presumptuously Censure their Kirk , that in this we were opposite to Christianity it self , and that amongst us there † was no Canon at all . More of this stuff may be seen in the Letters themselves . And my humble desire is , that the Letters may be seen . For whatsoever account is made of this Stuff , it was once , ( and in far better times of the Church ) valued at a better rate . And I shall not be ashamed of any Stuff , contained in any of my Letters to this Bishop , or any other ; let them be produced when they please . But what then is this Stuff ? 'T is , that I upbraid this worthy Prelate about their Custom in Scotland of Fasting sometimes on the Lord's Day : And censure their Church presumptuously , as opposite herein to Christianity . Surely I do not use to upbraid meaner Men than the Bishop is ; much less presumptuously to censure a Church . If I thought ( as I do ) that 〈◊〉 in an Errour for only disputing against that which he should have reformed ; I conceive , it was no upbraiding . As for the Custom in Scotland , of Fasting on the Lord's-Day ; It is not only sometimes , as is here expressed ; but continually , when they have any Solemn Fast , the Lord's-Day is the Day for it . And if I did Write , that that was opposite to Christianity it self ; I doubt it is too true . For it is against the Practice of the whole Church of Christ : And that which is so , must oppose Christianity it self . And this I find : That as Apostolical Universal Tradition settled the Lord's-Day for Holy and Publick Worship ; So from the very Apostles times , the same general Tradition hath in all times accounted it unlawful to Fast upon that Day . And if an Ordinary Fast were not Lawful upon that Day , much less was a Solemn . Nor is there any thing more clear in all Antiquity . For in the a Canons of the Apostles ( which if they be not theirs , are very antient ) If a Priest did fast upon the Lord's day , he was to be deposed ; and if a Layman , he was to be Excommunicated . And b S. Ignatius tells us , if any Man fast upon the Lords Day , he is Christ's Interfector , a Murtherer of Christ : And that I am sure is against Christianity it self . c Tertullian professes 't is altogether unlawful . The d Council of Gangra , held An. 324. decreed against it , and set an Anathema upon it ; and that not only when it is done in contempt of the Day : but also though it be done as a help to Continency . And e S. Hilary agrees with this ; and calls it not a Custom , but a Constitution ; such a Constitution , as that if any Man shall advisedly , and of set purpose , Fast on the Lord's Day , by the Decree of the Fourth f Council of Carthage , he should not be accounted a Catholick : And they must needs do it advisedly , and of set purpose , who appoint a publick solemn Fast upon that Day , and then keep it . And this was so strictly observed in g S. Ambrose his time ; that it was not held Lawful to Fast upon that Day , no not in Lent. Nay he goes farther : For h he says expresly , If any Man make a Law , or give a Command for Fasting on the Lord's Day ; he believes not in the Resurrection of Christ. And is not this opposite to Christianity it self ? And is not that Legem indicere , when they Proclaim , or Command a Publick Fast ? With him k S. Augustin joyns very fully ; and first says , it is a great Scandal : Then he gives the reason of it ; Because Christ joyned Mourning with Fasting , which becomes not this Day ; unless Men think 't is fit to be sorry , that Christ is risen from the Dead . And this I am sure , is opposite to Christianity it self . For if Christ be not Risen , then is our Preaching vain , and your Faith is also vain . l 1. Cor. 15. After this m he asks this Question , Who doth not offend God , if with the Scandal of the whole Church of Christ , he will Fast upon the Lord's Day ? I will not go lower down : This is enough if any thing be . Yet this I will add , that as this Fasting on Sunday was antiently prohibited ; so was it never practised of old , but by notorious and professed Hereticks ; as by the Manichees , who appointed that Day for fasting , ( so n S. Aug. ) and were justly condemned for it ; ( so o S. Ambrose ) And by Aerians , who Fasted on Sunday , and Feasted on Fridays ; ( so p Epiphanius : ) And by the Priscilianists , whom q S. Aug. therefore calls the Imitators of the Manichees ; and so they were indeed : For neither of them believed , that our Blessed Saviour was a true Man ; and therefore disregarded the Day of his Resurrection , as appears in r S. Leo. And as against these the Council held at s Caesar-Augusta , An. 381. provided ; so before An. 324. the Council t at Gangra , made their Canon against Eutactus the Armenian Monk , and his Ground was pretence of Abstinence , as if he could never Fast enough . This is enough ; and all this is within the compass of the Primitive Church ; which certainly if these Men did not scorn , they would never have urged this against me . Well! This is ( they say ) drawn out of my fourteen Letters . Next they will prove me the Author of many Disturbances among them . 2. By two Papers of Memoirs and Instructions from the Pretended Bishop of St. Andrews , to the pretended Bishop of Ross [ coming ] to this Prelate ( that is , of Canterbury ) for ordering the Affairs of the Kirk , and Kingdom of Scotland . It is manifest here by their own Words , that these Memorials , and Instructions , whatsoever they were , had not me the Prelate of Canterbury for their prime cause on Earth ; for they came from the Reverend and Prudent Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews , to the Reverend Bishop of Ross , by him to deliver to me , for the ordering of the Affairs of the Kirk and Kingdom of Scotland . Surely , I think no Man will judge it to be a Crime in me , to give my Bretheren the Bishops of Scotland the Best Counsel , and with that Counsel the best Assistance to his Majesty , that I could in their Church-Affairs ; considering their absence , and remoteness from him , and the Place that I bear about him . And for my own part , had I been defective therein ; I should have thought my self not only unkind to them , but faulty otherwise in my Duty , both to his Majesty , and that Church . But for the Affairs of that Kingdom ( though I had the Honour to be a Sworn Counsellor of that State as well as this ) yet I never medled with them , but at such time , and in such a way , as I was called and commanded to , by his Majesty . Let us therefore see the Particulars , which are Named . As not only to obtain Warrants to order the Exchequer , the Privy-Council , the great Commission of Surrenders , The matter of Balmerinoe's Process , as might please our Prelates ; but Warrants also for the sitting of the High-Commission-Court once a Week in Edinburgh ; and to gain from the Noble-Men , for the Benefit of the Prelates and their Adhaerents , the Abbacies of Kelsoe , Arbroth , St. Andrews and Lindores . For the first of these , my obtaining Warrants to order the Exchequer there ; that is indeed an Affair of the Kingdom , and a great one . But all or most that I did herein , was at the earnest entreaty of the Earl of Traquair , Treasurer Depute , and after that Lord Treasurer ; who avowed to me , that if the Orders were setled for the Exchequer , he would not only bring the King out of Debt , but raise him some Revenue also ; with a Protestation farther , that for that , and some such like particulars , he could trust no hand but mine in his absence to get them done , and kept private . And at so great an Officers intreaty , and for Matters under his own Charge , I could not refuse so much Service for the King , as was pretended by him . As for Orders to the Privy-Council , I remember not any procured by me . And sure I am , if I did any thing to that Honourable Body , it was by his Majesty's Command , and in relation to Church Affairs there . And for the Great Commission of Surrenders , in which both the Bishops , and the inferiour Clergy , were deeply interessed , and did much fear the loss of their Tythes , and to be made Stipendiaries ; I conceive , I had all the reason in the World to give them my best assistance ; and yet I undertook not this Care , till his Majesty gave me a special Command to do what I did . And if the Bishops were in any thing mistaken in this Commission ; that cannot * charge upon me , who followed it no farther than I received special directions from his Majesty for the publick good . For the Lord Balmerinoe's Process , I heard much discourse of it at Court , but I medled nothing with it , one way or other , saving that at the intreaty of some Men of Honour of that Nation , I did twice ( if not thrice ) adventure to become an humble Suitor to his Majesty in that Lord's behalf . And this was all the Harm I did him . As for the High-Commission-Court , if there were no fault in it , as such a Court , then I am sure , there could be none in the Sitting of it once a Week . If the having of such a Court be a Fault ( as it seems 't is now accounted , as well here , as there ) yet for my own part , with all humble Submission to better Judgment , I cannot think it is ; and I must still pray , that both Nations have not Cause to Repent the Abolishing of it . But howsoever , this was not of my procuring . A Scotchman of good Place was imployed about it from the Bishops , and effected it ; and I could name him ; but since it is here charged as a Fault , I shall accuse no Man else , but defend my self . And this for the Sitting of it once a Week . But for the establishing of that Court in that Kingdom ; that was done long before I was a Bishop , or had any thing to do in the Publick . For it appears by one of the greatest * Factionists in that Kingdom ; that the Hich-Commission-Court was setled , and in full Execution in the Year 1610. when all Men know I led a private Life in Oxford ; by which it is more than manifest , that I neither was , nor could be , Author of this pretended Novation , or any disturbance that followed from it . The next is a great Charge indeed , were there any Truth in it : That I laboured to gain from the Noblemen , for the Benefit of the Prelates , and their Adhaerents , the Abbacies of Kelsoe , Arbroth , S. Andrews , and Lindores . To begin at the last ; The Man that followed that , was Mr. Andrew Lermot . He came recommended to me very highly , and with assurance that the Title which he laid to Lindores was Just and Legal . But notwithstanding all this , my Answer was , That I knew not the Laws of that Kingdom , nor would meddle with any thing of that nature . And though he made great means to me , yet he could never get me to meddle in it ; and which is more , I told him and his Friends ; that for so much as I did understand , I did much fear this way , taken by him , would do Mischief . And tho' Mr. Lermot have the general repute of an Honest and a Learned Man ; yet for this very business sake , I have made my self a Stranger to him , ever since ; and that all this is Truth , he and his Friends yet living are able to Testify . For St. Andrews , his Majesty took a resolution to Rebuild the Cathedral there ; which he found he could no way so well do , as by annexing that Abby to the Arch-Bishoprick of St. Andrews , with a Legal Caution for so much Yearly to be laid out upon that Building . My Lord Duke of Richmond and Lenox , who was owner of it ; had for it ....... Thousand Pounds . The Earl of Tarquair ( who then managed the Lord Duke's Affairs ) made the Bargain with the King ; and that which I did in it , was meerly to consider , how security might be given , that the Money , which the King intended for so good and great a Work , as the rebuilding of that Cathedral , might be imployed to the right use , and no other . For Arbroth , my Lord Marquis Hamilton , without any the least Thought of mine that way , made his earnest Suit to me ; that his Majesty would take Arbroth , and joyn it to the very poor Bishoprick of Brechen , close to which it lay , and give him for it * a Suit here in England . At his Lordship's intreaty I obtained this : And he very Nobly conveyed Arbroth , as he promised . But things were so carried by the Earl of Traquair the Lord Treasurer of Scotland , that the poor Bishop of Brechen could never get that setled upon his See : which was not the only thing , in which that Lord played fast and loose with me . For Kelsoe , the like earnest Suit did my Lord the Earl of Roxborough make to me of himself for an Exchange , and pressed me three or four times , before he could get me to move his Majesty . Indeed , I was fearful , least the King should grow weary of such Exchanges ; ( for sure I was , whatsoever was pretended , none of these Lords meant to lose by their Bargain : ) Till at last , my Lord of Roxborough was so Honourable , as that he would needs leave Kelsoe to the King 's disposing , and stay for such Recompence , as he should think fit to give him , till his Majesty found his own time . This ( at his earnest intreaty still ) I acquainted the King with : And so that business setled for a small time ; but how 't is now , I know not . And this was all , that ever I did about Arbroth and Kelsoe . And these two Honourable Lords are yet living , and will witness this Truth . But the Charge says farther — That in the smallest Matters , they ( the Prelates ) received his Commandments : As for taking down Galleries , and stone Walls , in the Kirks of Edinburgh , and St. Andrews , for no other end , but to make way for Altars , and Adoration towards the East : which ( beside other Evils ) made no small noise and disturbance amongst the People , deprived hereby of their ordinary accommodation for Publick Worship . This Charge is like the rest . Is it probable , that such Grave and Learned Men , as those of the Scottish Bishops were , which held intercourse with me , should not resolve in the smallest Matters , till they received my Commandments ; who never sent Command to any of them in my Life , but what I received expresly from the King ? And they certainly were not for the smallest Matters . As for the taking down of Galleries in St. Andrews ; to the uttermost of my Memory , I never gave either Command or Direction . Nor can it stand with any shew of probability , that I should command the taking down of Galleries in St. Andrews , where I had nothing to do , and let Galleries stand in so many Churches in London , and other parts of my Province , where I had Power . The Truth is ; I did never like Galleries in any Church . They utterly deface the grave Beauty and Decency of those Sacred Places ; and make them look more like a Theater , than a Church . Nor in my Judgment , do they make any great accomodation for the Auditory : For in most places , they hinder as much room beneath , as they make above ; rendring all , or most of , those places useless , by the noise and trampling of them , which stand above in the Galleries . And if I be mistaken in this , 't is nothing to the business in hand : For be Galleries what they will for the use , I commanded not the taking of them down at St. Andrews . At Edinburgh the King's Command took down the stone Walls and Galleries , which were there removed , and not mine . For his Majesty having in a Christian and Princely way , Erected and Indowed a Bishoprick in Edinburgh ; he resolved to make the great Church of St. Giles in that City , a Cathedral : And to this end , gave Order to have the Galleries in the lesser Church , and the Stone-wall which divided them , taken down . For of old , they were both one Church , and made two by a Wall , built up at the West end of the Chancel ; So that that which was called the lesser Church , was but the Chancel of St. Giles , with Galleries round about it ; And was for all the World like a square Theater , without any shew of a Church : As is also the Church at Brunt-Iland over-against it . And I remember , when I passed over at the Frith , I took it , at first sight , for a large square Pigeon-House : So free was it from all suspition of being so much as built like an Antient Church . Now , since his Majesty took down these Galleries , and the Stone-wall , to make St. Giles's Church a Cathedral there ; certainly my Command took them not down , to make way for Altars , and Adoration towards the East ; which I never commanded in that , or any other Church in Scotland . The Charge goes on . ART . II. The second Novation which troubled our Peace , was a Book of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical obtruded upon our Kirk , found by our General Assembly to be devised for Establishing a Tyrannical Power in the Persons of our Prelates , over the Worship of God , and over the Consciences , Liberties , and Goods of the People , and for Abolishing the whole Discipline and Government of our Kirk , by General and Provincial Assemblies , Presbyteries , and Kirk-Sessions ; which was setled by Law , and in continual practice from the time of Reformation . This Charge begins with a General , and will come to Particulars after . And first , it seems they are angry with a Book of Canons . Excellent Church-Government , it seems , they would have , that will admit of no Canons , to direct or controul their Liberty . And if they mean by obtruding upon their Church , that the Canons were unduly thrust upon them , because that Book was Confirmed by the King's Anthority ; then 't is a bold Phrase to call it Obtruding . For if His Majesty that now is , did by his Sole Authority Command the present Book of Canons to the Church of Scotland ; he did but Exercise that Power which King James challenged did in the right of his Crown belong to him : As appears manifestly by a Letter of his to the Prelates of Scotland then Assembled at Perth . That Royal Letter is large , but very worthy any Mans Reading , and is to be seen in the * Relation of those Proceedings . But because they speak of my Novations , if they mean that this Book of Canons was Obtruded upon their Church by me ; Or if it were found in a Just Synod , and upon fair Proceedings , to Establish a Tyrannical Power of the Prelates over the Worship of God , or the Consciences , Liberties , or Goods of the People ; Or for Abolishing any thing that was setled by Laws ; they had Reason both to be troubled , and to seek in a Dutiful manner , first rightly to inform His Majesty , and then to desire a Remedy from him . But if the Book of Canons did really none of these things , as ( for ought I yet know ) it did not , and as I hope will appear , when they come to Particulars ; then this will be no longer a Charge , but a Slander . And howsoever , if any thing in those Canons were Ordered against their Laws ; it was by our invincible Ignorance , and their Bishops fault , that would not tell us , wherein we went against their Laws , if so we did . And for my own part ; I did ever advise them to make sure in the whole Business , that they attempted nothing against Law. But if their late General Assembly , in which ( they say ) these things were found to be against Law , did proceed Unwarrantably , or Factiously , ( as the most Learned Men of that Kingdom avow it did ; ) the less heed must , and will in future times , be given to their Proceedings . But before they come to Particulars , they think fit to lay Load on me , and say — That Canterbury was Master of this Work , is manifest , by a Book of Canons sent to him , written upon the one side only , with the other side blank , for Corrections , Additions , and putting all in better Order , at his pleasure : Which accordingly was done ; as may appear by the Interlinings , Marginals , and filling up of the Blank Pages , with Directions sent to our Prelates . I was no Master of this Work , but a Servant to it , and Commanded thereunto by His Sacred Majesty ( as I have to shew under his Hand . ) And the Work it self was begun in His Majesties Blessed Fathers Time : For the Bishops of Scotland were gathering their Canons then . And this is most manifest by a Passage in the Sermon , which my Lord the Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews Preached before the General Assembly at Perth , An. 1618 , when I was a private Man , and had nothing to do with these things . The words are these : And when I least expected , these Articles ( that is , the five Articles of Perth ) were sent unto me ; not to be proponed to the Church , but to be inserted amongst the Canons thereof , which were then in gathering , touching which Point I humbly excused my self , &c. So this Work was begun , and known to that Church , long before I had any thing to do with it . And now , when it came to be Perfected , I did nothing but as I was Commanded , and Warranted , by His Majesty . But indeed according to this Command , I took a great deal more pains than I have thanks for ; as it too often falls out with the best Church-Men . To this end , 't is true , a Book of Canons was not sent me , but brought by my Lord the Bishop of Ross , and delivered to me : And if it were written on one side only , and left Blank on the other for Corrections , or Additions ; I hope there 's no sin in that , to leave room and space for me to do that , for which the Book was brought to me . As for that which follows , it hath less fault in it . For they say , it was for my putting all in better Order . And I hope , to put all in better Order , is no Crime Censurable in this Court. And whatever they of Scotland think ; that Church did then need many things to be put in better Order , and at this Day need many more . Yea , but they say , this should not be done at my pleasure . I say so too ; Neither was it . For whatsoever I thought fit to correct , or add in the Copy brought to me , I did very humbly and fairly submit to the Church of Scotland : And under those Terms delivered it back to the Bishop which brought it , with all the Interlinings , Marginals , and fillings up of Blank Pages , and the best Directions I was able to give them . And all this was in me , Obedience to His Majesty , and no Wrong , that I know , to the Church of Scotland ; I am sure not intended by me . Neither are these Interlinings , or Additions , so many , as they are here insinuated to be ; for the Bishops of Scotland had been very careful in this Work. All which would clearly appear , were the Book produced . Yet the Charge goes on against me still . And that it was done by no other than Canterbury , is evident by his Magisterial way of Prescribing ; and by a new Copy of these Canons , all written with S. Andrews own hand precisely to a Letter , according to the former Castigations and Directions , sent back to procure the King's Warrant unto it ; which accordingly was obtained . By no other Hand than Canterburies , is very roundly affirmed . How is it proved ? Why , by two Reasons . First they say , 't is evident , by his Magisterial way of Prescribing . An Excellent Argument ! The Book of Canons was delivered to me ready made . That which was mine , is here confessed to be but Interlinings , and Marginals , and Corrections ; and at most some Additions : And they would be found a very small Some , were the Original Book seen . And yet it must be Evident , that no Hand but mine did this , by my Magisterial way of Prescribing , in an Interlining , or a Marginal . Excellent Evidence ! Secondly , they have another great Evidence of this . But because that is so nervous and strong ; I will be bold to reduce it to some Form , that it may appear the clearer , though it be against my self . There was ( they say ) a new Copy of these Canons all written with S. Andrews own Hand , and according to the former Castigations and Directions , sent to have the King's Warrant to it , which was obtained : Therefore these Interlinings and Marginals , &c. were done by no other than Canterbury . Most Excellent Evidence , and clear as Mid-Night ! The plain Truth is contrary to all this Evidence . For by the same Command of His Majesty , the Reverend Bishop of London was joyned with me in all the view , and Consideration , which I had either upon the Book of Canons , or upon the Service-Book after . So it is utterly untrue ; that these Interlinings , or Marginals , or Corrections , or call them what you will , were done by no other than Canterbury . For my Lord of London's both Head and Hand were as deep in them as mine . And this I avow for well known Truth , both to the King , and those Scottish Bishops which were then imployed ; and this notwithstanding all the Evidences of a Magisterial way , and a New Copy . And yet this General Charge pursues me yet farther , and says , The Kings Warrant was obtained ( as is said ) to these Canons , but with an Addition of some other Canons , and a Page of † New Corrections , according to which the Book of Canons thus Composed , was Published in Print . The inspection of the Books , Instructions , and his Letters of Joy for the success of the Work , and of other Letters * from the Prelate of London , and the Lord Sterling , to the same purpose , ( all which we are ready to exhibit , ) will put the Matter out of all debate . Yet more ado about nothing ? Yet more noise of Proof to put that out of all debate , which need never enter into any ? For if no more be intended , than that I had a view of the Book of Canons , and did make some Interlinings , and Marginals , and the like ; I have freely acknowledged it , and by whose Command I did it , and who was joyned with me in the Work. So there will need no Proof of this , either by my Letters , or the Prelate of Londons , or the Lord Sterlings . Yet let them be exhibited , if you please . But if it be intended ( as 't is laid ) that this was done by no other than Canterbury ; then I utterly deny it ; and no Proof here named , or any other shall ever be able to make it good . As for the Addition of some other Canons , and Pages of New Corrections , according to which the Book of Canons is said to be Composed and Published : Truly , to the utmost of my Memory , I know of none such ; but that the Copy written by my Lord of S. Andrews own Hand , and sent up , ( as is before mentioned ) was the very Copy which was Warranted by His Majesty , and Published without any further Alteration . But if any further Alteration were ; it was by the same Authority , and with the same Consent . And for my Letters of Joy for the Success of the Work ; let them be exhibited , when you please . I will never deny that Joy , while I live , that I conceived of the Church of Scotland's coming nearer , both in the Canons , and the Liturgy , to the Church of England . But our gross unthankfulness both to our God , and King , and our other many and great Sins , have hindred this great Blessing . And I pray God , that the loss of this . which was now almost effected , do not in short time prove one of the greatest Mischiefs which ever befel this Kingdom , and that too . This is the General Charge about the Canons ; Now follow the Particulars . Beside this General Charge ; there be some things more special , worthy to be adverted unto , for discovering his Spirit . First , the Fourth Canon of Cap 8. For as much as no Reformation in Doctrine or Discipline can be made perfect at once in any Church : Therefore it shall and may be Lawful for the Kirk of Scotland , at any time , to make Remonstrances to His Majesty , or his Successours , &c. Because this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations ; he writes to the Prelate of Ross , his Prime Agent in all this Work , of his great Gladness , that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain ; And his great desire , that this Canon might be Printed fully , as one that was to be most useful . Now come the Particulars , worthy to be adverted unto for the discovery of my Spirit . And the first is taken out of the Fourth Canon of Cap. 8. The Charge is , that this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations . First I conceive , this Accusation is vain . For that Canon restrains all Power from private Men , Clergy or Laye ; nay , from Bishops in a Synod , or otherwise , to alter any thing in Doctrine or Discipline , without Authority from His Majesty or his Successours . Now all Innovations come from private assumption of Authority , not from Authority it self . For in Civil Affairs , when the King and the State , upon Emergent Occasions , shall abrogate some Old Laws , and make other New , that cannot be counted an Innovation . And in Church-Affairs , every Synod , that hath sate in all times , and all places of Christendom , have with leave of Superiour Authority , declared some Points of Doctrine , condemned other-some ; Altered some Ceremonials , made new Constitutions for better assisting the Government . And none of these have ever been accounted Innovations , the Foundations of Religion still remaining firm and unmoved . Nay , under favour , I conceive it most necessary , that thus it ought to be . And therefore , this Canon is far from holding a Door open for more Innovations ; since it shuts it upon all , and leaves no Power to alter any thing , but by making a Remonstrance to the Supream Authority , that in a Church-way approbation may be given when there is Cause . And therefore , if I did write to the Prelate of Ross , that this Canon might be Printed fully , as one that was to be most useful : I writ no more then , than I believe now . For certainly it is a Canon , that in a well-governed Church may be of great use : And the more , because in Truth , it is but Declaratory of that Power , which a National Church hath , with leave and approbation of the Supream Power , to alter , and change , any alterable thing pertaining to Doctrine or Discipline in the Church . And as for that Phrase , said to be in my Letter , that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain : it was thus occasioned . My Lord , the Bishop of Ross , writ unto me , from the Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews , that no words might be made of this Canon ; ( what their Reason was , they best know : ) I returned Answer belike in this sort ; That the Canon stood behind the Curtain , and would not be throughly understood by every Man ; yet advised the Printing , in regard of the necessary use of it . For let this Canon be in force , and right use made of it ; and a National Church may ride safe by God's Ordinary Blessing , through any Storm ; which without this Latitude it can never do . The next Charge is in — 2. The Title prefixed to these Canons by our Prelates . For there 't is thus : Canons agreed on to be proponed to the several Synods of the Kirk of Scotland ; And is thus changed by Canterbury ; Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical , &c. Ordained to be observed by the Clergy . He will not have Canons to come from the Authority of Synods , but from the Power of Prelates , or from the Kings Prerogative . I perceive , they mean to sift narrowly , when the Title cannot scape . But truly in this Charge , I am to seek , which is greater in my Accusers , their Ignorance , or their Malice : Their Ignorance in the Charge ; or their Malice in the Inference upon it . The Title was , Canons agreed upon to be proponed to the Synods of the Kirk of Scotland . And this was very fit , to express the Prelates intendment , which ( for ought I know ) was to propose them so . But this Book , which was brought to me , was to be Printed : And then that Title could not stand with any Congruity of Sense . For no Church uses to Print Canons , which are to be proponed to their Synods ; but such as have been proposed , and agreed on . Nor did this altering of the Title , in any the least thing hinder those worthy Prelates from Communicating them with their Synods , before they Printed them . And therefore the Inference must needs be extream full of Malice , to force from hence , that I would not have Canons come from the Authority of Synods , but from the Power of Prelates , or the King's Prerogative : Whereas most manifest it is , that the fitting of this Title for the Press , doth neither give any Power to Prelates , nor add to the King's Prerogative more than is his due , nor doth it detract any thing from the Authority of Synods . For I hope , the Bishops had no purpose but to Ordain them in Synod to be observed by the Clergy , &c. and Approved and Published by the King's Consent and Authority . After this , comes — 3. The formidable Canon , Cap. 1. 3. threatning no less than Excommunication , against all such Persons whatsoever shall open their Mouths against any of these Books ; proceeded not from our Prelates , nor is to be found in * Copies sent from them , but is a Thunderbolt forged in Canterbury's own Fire . First , whether this Canon be to be found in the Copies sent from your Prelates , or not , I cannot tell ; but sure it was in the Copy brought to me , or else my Memory forsakes me very strangely . Secondly , after all this Noise made of a Formidable Canon , because no less is threatned than Excommunication ; I would fain know , what the Church can do less upon Contempt of her Canons , Liturgy , and Ordinations , than to Excommunicate the Offenders ; or what Church , in any Age , laid less upon a Crime so great . Thirdly , suppose this Thunderbolt ( as 't is called ) were forged in Canterbury's Fire ; yet that Fire was not outragious . For this Canon contains as much as the 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Canons of the Church of England , made in the beginning of the gracious Reign of King James : And yet to every one of those Canons there is an Excommunication in Facto affixed , for every one of these Crimes single : Whereas this Canon shoots this one Thunderbolt but once against them all . And this I would my Accusers should know ; that if no more Thunderbolts had been forged in their Fire , than have been in mine ; nor State , nor Church would have Flamed , as of late they have done . 4 Our Prelates in divers Places witness their dislike of Papists . A Minister shall be deposed , if he shall [ Rushw. ] be found negligent to convert Papists . Cap. 8. 15. The Adoration of the Bread is a Superstition to be condemned . Cap. 6. 6. They call the * Absoluteness of Baptism , an Errour of Popery . Cap. 6. 2. But in Canterbury's Edition the Name of Papists and Popery † are not so much as mentioned . Here 's a great general Accusation , offered to be made good by three Particulars . The general is , that in the Copy of the Canons , which their Prelates sent , there 's a dislike of Papists : But none in the Edition , as it was alter'd by me . Now this is utterly untrue ; for it is manifest cap. 1. 1. There is express care taken for the King's Majesty's Jurisdiction over the Estate Ecclesiastical , and abolishing all Foreign Power repugnant to it . And again in the same Canon , That no Foreign Power hath ( in his Majesty's Dominions ) any Establishment by the Law of God : And this with an Addition , That the Exclusion of all such Power is just . And , Cap. 2. 9. 't is Ordained , that every Ecclesiastical Person shall take the Oath of Supremacy . And , Cap. 10. 3. All Readers in any Colledge or Schools , shall take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy . And sure , I think , 't is no great matter , whether Papists , or Popery be Named ; so long as the Canons go so directly against them . This for the General . Now for the three Particulars . And first , That which was in Cap. 8. 15. That a Minister shall be deposed , if he be found negligent to convert Papists ; I did think fit to leave out , upon these two Grounds . The one , that the Word Negligent is too general an Expression , and of too large an extent , to lay a Minister open to Deposition . And if Church-Governours , to whom the execution of the Canons is committed , should forget Christian Moderation ( as they may Pati humana ) a very worthy Minister might sometimes be undone for a very little Negligence ; for Negligence is Negligence , be it never so little . Besides , I have learned out of the Canons of the Church of England , that even gross Negligence , in a matter as great as this is , is punished but with Suspension for three Months . The other Ground , why I omitted this clause , is ; Because I do not think the Church of Scotland , or any other particular Church , is so blessed in her Priests , as that every of her Ministers is for Learning , and Judgment , and Temper , Able and Fit to convert Papists . And therefore I did think then , and do think yet ; that it is not so easie a work , or to be made so common ; but that it is , and may be much fitter for some able selected Men to undertake . And if any Man think God's Gifts in him to be neglected ( as Men are apt to overvalue themselves ; ) let them try their Gifts , and labour their Conversion in God's Name : But let not the Church by a Canon set every Man on work ; lest their Weak or Indiscreet Performance hurt the Cause , and blemish the Church . The second Particular is an excellent one . 'T is about the Adoration of the Bread in the Blessed Sacrament , Cap. 6. 6. And 't is implyed , as if this Superstition were condemned in the Copies sent by their Prelates , but left out by me . Good God! how shameless are these Church-Men ! for they drew up these Articles against me , though the Lay-Commissioners delivered them . And was there neither Clergy nor Lay-Man among them so careful , as to compare the words of the Charge , with the words of the Canon , before they would venture to deliver them into so great a Court as the Parliament of England ? Would not Mr. Alexander Henderson , who was the Prime Leader in these Church-Affairs , be so careful for himself , and his own Reputation , as not publickly to deliver in a most Notorious Untruth ? For most manifest it is , that these words , As therefore the Adoration of the Bread is condemned , &c. stand still in the Copy Revised by me , as is to be seen in the Printed Copy of those Canons ; and in the same place by them quoted ; and in a different Character ; that I wonder how any Man's Eye could miss them . So here I am accused for putting that out , which I left in . The third Particular is , That their Prelates call the Absoluteness of Baptism an Error of Popery , Cap. 6. 2. Which is 〈◊〉 out too ( they say ) in my Edition ( as they will needs call the Printed Copy . ) The Truth is , this we did think fit to leave out : Because the Absolute necessity of Baptism ( in the Ordinary way of the Church , leaving God ( as he is ) most free to save with Baptism , or without , as himself pleases ) is no Popish Error , but the true Tenet of the Catholick Church of Christ ; and was , by their good leave , an Error in your Prelates to call it so : And I provided both for Truth , and their Credit , by keeping it from the view of Christendom . Nor could you expect other from me in this Point , being an Arch-Bishop of the Church of England , which maintains the Necessity of Baptism , such as is above mentioned : As appears in the Rubrick before Publick Baptism in the Service-Book , confirmed by Act of Parliament . The Words are these : Though it be fittest to Administer Baptism on Sundays and other Holy-days , &c. Nevertheless , if Necessity so require , Children may at all times be Baptised at Home . And again , in the Rubrick before private Baptism , thus ; When great need shall compel them to Baptise their Children at Home , it shall be Administred on this fashion . And farther , the Church of England takes care to have such Ministers Punished , as shall defer Baptism , if the Child be in Danger . So that I could not let this Clause stand in the Scottish Canons , but I must Charge my Mother the Church of England , as guilty of maintaining an Error of Popery , and the Parliament of England for confirming it . 5. Our Prelates have not the boldness to trouble us in their Canons , with Altars , Fonts , Chancels , Reading of a long Liturgy before † Sermons , &c. But Canterbury is Punctual and Peremptory in all these . When I met so often with this Phrase ; Our Prelates do not this , and that , in which Canterbury is Punctual and Peremptory : It made me hope at first , these Men had some good Opinion of their own Prelates . But so soon as they had once gotten the Power into their own Hands ; they made it presently appear , that though their Prelates had not the boldness to trouble them ; yet they had the Impudence to cast the Prelates out of all the Means they had , and without any the least Mercy to themselves , their Wives , and Children : And that in a most Ignorant , and Barbarous manner , calling them the Limbs and Members of Antichrist . But what 's the Crime , which your Prelates had not the boldness to trouble you with , and in which Canterbury ( that strange Man , ) is so Punctual and Peremptory ? O! Grave Crimen Caie Caesar ! 'T is a Charge indeed ; A mighty Charge ! A Novation of above Thirteen Hundred Years old . For after the Church was once formally setled under the Christian Emperours ; ( nay , and for some Years before ) I challenge these Men to shew any Church under Heaven , without that which was promiscuously called , The Holy Table , or Altar ; Or without a Font , or a Chancel , or a formal set Liturgy before Sermon , &c. And therefore if I were punctual in these , I did but my Duty . But Peremptory I am sure I was not , as well knowing the difference between things of Decency and Uniformity , and things of Necessity to Salvation . But the Charge must go on for all this . 6. For although the words of the 10 Canon , Cap. 3. be fair ; yet the wicked Intentions of Canterbury and Ross may be seen in the point of Justification of a Sinner before God , by comparing the Canon as it came from our Prelates , and as it was returned from Canterbury , and Printed . Here 's a Confession , that the words of the 10 Canon , Cap. 3. are fair ; And so they are indeed . The Canon runs thus ; It is manifest , that the Superstition of former Ages is turned into great Prophaneness ; and that People , for the most part , are grown cold for doing any good ; esteeming that Good Works are not necessary . Therefore shall all Presbyters , as their Text gives occasion , urge the necessity of Good Works to their Hearers . These words they say are fair ; and sure they are so . What 's amiss then ? What ? Why , the wicked Intentions of Canterbury and Ross. God bless us ! Wicked Intentions under such fair words ? Now God forbid . I hope Ross had none ; I am sure Canterbury had not . But how come they to be Judges of our Intentions ? How ? Why , they say , they may be seen in the point of the Justification of a Sinner before God. That 's a high Point , and a dangerous , for any Man to have Wicked Intentions about it . How then may our Wicked Intentions be seen ? Why , by comparing the Canons ; so they say . And I desire nothing more , than that the Book , which I perused , may be produced : And upon sight of it , I will acknowledge and make good whatsoever I did ; or humbly crave Pardon for what I cannot make good . And though I cannot get to see the Book , yet you shall hear the Comparison . Our Prelates say thus : It is manifest , that the Superstitions of former Ages , are turned into a great Prophaneness , and that People are grown cold , for the most part , in doing any good ; thinking there is no place for Good Works , because they are excluded from Justification . Therefore shall all Ministers , as their Text gives occasion , urge the necessity of Good Works , as they would be Saved ; and remember that they are , Via Regni , the Way to the Kingdom of Heaven , quamvis non sint Causa Regnandi , howbeit they be not the Cause of our Salvation . How the Canon goes now , is manifest in the words preceeding : How it went before in the Copy which their Prelates sent , is now expressed . And if it be fairly related , here are two things Charged to be left out . The one is this passage , Because they are Excluded from Justification . And the other is , that known place of St. Bernard , That Good Works are Via Regni , non Causa Regnandi . Now I conceive , both these Passages may be left out of this Canon , without any Wicked Intentions in either Canterbury or Ross against the point of Justification . But let the Charge proceed . Here Ross gives his Judgment , that he would have this Canon simply commanding Good Works to be Preached , and no mention made what place they have or have not in Justification . Vpon this motion so agreeable to Canterbury's mind , the Canon is set down , as it stands , without the distinction of Via Regni , & Causa Regnandi , or any word sounding that way , urging only the Necessity of Good Works . Well! now at last I see the bottom of this Charge : And I see too , that too many Men are shye of Good Works ; and for fear more should be attributed to them , than is fit , refuse to acknowledge that which is due unto them . But sure I am , there is a Command , and more than one , expresly , in the Text , for the doing of Good Works , and that without any distinction . And so I conceive the Scripture is warrant enough for this Canon , to command the Preaching of Good Works , even without any distinction at all whatsoever ; since God hath so absolutely and so expresly commanded , that we should serve him in Good Works : To which a Moses and b Christ , The c Prophets , and d Apostles , do sufficiently bear witness . But it seems , these Men have very good Intelligence , that when I looked over these Canons ( which I protest I did alone by my self , and then sent them to my Lord the Bishop of London , for him to do the like ) can yet tell , that here Ross gave his Judgment , and would have the Canon go absolutely , and that this being according to Canterbury's mind , so it went. Where yet I shall humbly crave leave to observe two Things . The one is ; That if this be true , that Ross would have these things out : Then one of their own Prelates , and he trusted from the rest , was the Cause of this omission : And so Canterbury was neither Master of the Work , nor were all things in it done by him , and no other ; as is before affirmed in the beginning of the second Novation . The other thing is , the omission it self : Of which , I shall say two things . The one is ; That if Ross did give that Reason , That it was fit that Canon should command the Preaching of Good Works in general , because it was a time of such Prophaneness , as is mentioned in the beginning of the Canon ; I for my part , cannot but approve it . The other is , That the leaving out of that known saying of St. Bernard's , I humbly conceive is no fault , either in my self , or any other . For though the Speech be good , and though the Sayings of private Men , Eminent in their times , were some-times put into the Canons of National Churches ; yet usually it was not so . And since themselves confess , the words of the Canon , as it now is , are fair ; were any Charity in them , they would not make so foul an Interpretation of other Mens Intentions . 7. By comparing Canon 9. Cap. 18. as it was sent in Writing from our Prelates , and as it is Printed at Canterbury's Command , may be also manifest ; that he went about to Establish Auricular Confession , and Popish Absolution . I have shew'd before , that this Book of Canons was not Printed by my Command . But I have a long time found by sad experience , that whatsoever some Men disliked , was presently my doing . God forgive them . But to the present Charge , I shall answer nothing ; but only Transcribe that Canon , and leave it to the Judgment of all Orthodox and Moderate Christians , whether I have therein gone about to establish Auricular Confession , and Popish Absolution . The Canon is as follows . Albeit Sacramental Confession , and Absolution , have been in some Places very much abused ; yet if any of the People be Grieved in Mind , for any Delict or Offence committed , and for the unburdening of his Conscience , Confess the same to the Bishop , or Presbyter ; they shall , as they are bound , Minister to the Person so Confessing , all Spiritual Consolations out of the Word of God ; and shall not deny him the Benefit of Absolution , after the manner which is prescribed * in the Visitation of the Sick , if the Party shew himself truly Penitent , and humbly desire to be Absolved . And he shall not make known or reveal what hath been opened to him in Confession , at any time , or to any Person whatsoever ; except the Crime be such , as by the Laws of the Realm his own Life may be called in question for concealing the same . This is the Canon word for word ; where first give me leave to observe the Care that I had of the Laws of the Kingdom . For I believe , it will hardly be found that such a Clause is inserted in any Canon , concerning the Seal of Confession , as is expressed in this Canon , in relation to the Laws of the Realm , from the time that Confession came into solemn use , till our English Canon was made Anno 1603. with which this agrees . And then for the matter of the Canon ; if here be any thing to establish Popish Confession , or Absolution , I humbly submit it to the Learned of the Reformed Churches thorough Christendom : All Men ( for ought I yet know ) allowing Confession ; and Absolution , as most useful for the good of Christians , and condemning only the binding of all Men to confess all Sins , upon absolute danger of Salvation . And this indeed * some call Carnificinam Conscientiae , the Rack or Torturing of the Conscience ; but impose no other Necessity of Confessing , than the weight of their own Sin shall lay upon them ; nor no other inforcement to receive Absolution , than their Christian Care to ease their own Conscience shall lead them unto : And in that way Calvin commends Confession exceedingly ; and , if you mark it , you shall find that our Saviour Christ , who gives the Priest full Power of the Keys to Bind and Loose ; that is , to receive Confession , and to Absolve or not Absolve ; as he sees Cause in the Delinquent ; yet you shall not find any Command of his to inforce Men to come to the Priest , to receive this Benefit . 'T is enough , that he hath left Power in the Ministery of the Church to give Penitent Christians this Ease , Safety , and Comfort , if they will receive it when they need . If they need , and will not come ; or if they need , and will not believe they do so , let them bear their own Burden . But yet they have not done with our Prelates ; one Charge more comes . 8. Our Prelates were not acquainted with Canons for inflicting of Arbitrary Penalties : But in Canterbury's Book , wheresoever there is no Penalty expresly set down , it is provided , that it shall be Arbitrary , as the Ordinary shall think fittest . By these and many other † like it is apparent , what Tyranical Power he went about to establish in the Hands of our Prelates over the Worship of God , and the Souls , and Goods of Men , overturning from the Foundation the whole Order of our * Kirk ; and how large an entry he did make for the grossest Novations afterward ; which hath been a main Cause of this Combustion . This is the last Shot against these Canons , and me for them : And I conceive , this is no great thing . For Arbitrary Government is one thing : And 't is quite another , that wheresoever there is no Penalty expresly set down , it is provided , that it shall be Arbitrary , as the Ordinary shall think fittest , which are the words of the Canon . For since no Law can meet with all particulars ; some things must of necessity be left Arbitrary in all Government , though that be perfectest and happiest that leaves least . Nor is it an unheard of thing , to find something Arbitrary in some Canons of the Church , which are very antient . As in the a Council of Eliberis the Punishment of him who was absent from the Church three Sundays , was that he should be Abstentus , and barred from the Church for some small time ; that his negligence in the Service of God may seem to be punished . But this small Time being not limited , is left to Arbitrary Discretion . So likewise in the b Council of Valence , An. 374. The giving of the Sacrament to such as had vowed Virginity , and did afterwards Marry , was to be deferr'd , as the Priest saw Reason and Cause for it ; and that sure is Arbitrary . The like we find in the third c Council of Carthage ; where the Time of Penance , according to the quality of the Sin , is left to the Discretion of the Bishop . And these Councils were all within the fourth Century . By all which it is apparent , that in Church as well as in State , some things may be left Arbitrary ; and have been in Better and Wiser Times , than these of ours . Nay 't is confest by d one that Writes almost as well as Junius Brutus , that there is an Arbitrary Power in every State , somewhere , and that no Inconvenience follows upon it . And the e Council of Ancyra , inflicting Censures upon Presbyters first , and then Deacons , which had fallen in time of Persecution , yet gives leave to the Bishop to mitigate the Penance at his Discretion . Again , 't is manifest by the care taken in the preceeding Canons , that here 's little or nothing of moment left Arbitrary : And then the Ordinary will fall into an Excess more dangerous to himself , than his Arbitrary Punishment can be to him that suffers it , if he offer to Tyrannize . For this Clause , wheresoever it is inserted in Canon or Statute , ( as it is in the Statutes of very many Colledges ) stands but for a Proviso , that Disorderly persons may not think they shall escape Punishment , if they can cunningly keep off the Letter of the Law : And yet so , that the Arbitrary Punishment be Regulated by that , which is expressed in the Canons or the Statutes , for Omissions or Commissions of like nature . And therefore that which is inferred upon all this Charge , and the Particulars in it ; Namely , That I went about to establish a Tyranical Power in the Hands of their Prelates , either over the Worship of God , or the Souls and Goods of Men , is utterly false , and cannot be proved to follow out of any of the Premises . Not over the Goods of the People ; For no Prelate , not invested with Temporal Power , can meddle with them ; so that were there any Canon made for that , it would be void of it self . Nor over the Souls of Men ; for they are left free in all things , save to commit Sin and Disorder ; which to repress by Canons is , and hath been , the Church way . Much less over the Worship of God : For these Canons have laboured nothing so much , as to Honour , and Establish that in Decency and Uniformity . And as for that which follows , That these Canons over-turn from the Foundation , the whole Order of their Kirk ; 'T is more than I believe will be proved , that they have over-turned any good Order in their Church , much less Foundations : Though it may be thought by some , ( and perhaps justly , ) that there is so little Order in their Church , and that so weakly founded , that it may be over-turned with no great stress . And for the large Entry made for the Gross Novations afterwards , you see what it is : And when you have considered the Gross Novations , which are said to come after ; I hope you will not find them very Gross , nor any way fit to be alledged as a main Cause of this Combustion . Now follows ART . III. The third , and great Novation , which was the Book of Common-Prayer , Administration of Sacraments , and other parts of Divine † Service , brought in without Warrant from our Kirk ; to be Vniversally received as the only Form of Divine-Service , under the highest pains , both Civil and Ecclesiastical . Now we are come to the Arraignment of the Liturgy , and the Book of Common-Prayer ; and this ( they say ) was brought in without Warrant from their Kirk . If this be true ; it was the fault of your own Prelates , and theirs only , for ought I know . For though I like the Book exceeding well , and hope I shall be able to maintain any thing that is in it , and wish with all my Heart , that it had been entertained there ; yet I did ever desire , it might come to them with their own liking and approbation . Nay , I did ever , upon all Occasions , call upon the Scottish Bishops , to do nothing in this Particular , but by Warrant of Law. And farther , I professed unto them before His Majesty , that though I had obeyed his Commands in helping to Order that Book ; yet since I was ignorant of the Laws of that Kingdom , I would have nothing at all to do with the manner of introducing it ; but left that wholly to them , who do , or should , understand both that Church , and their Laws . And I am sure , they told me , they would adventure it no way but that which was Legal . But they go on ; And say , this Book Is found by our National Assembly , besides the Popish Frame , and Forms in Divine Worship , to contain many Popish Errors and Ceremonies , and the Seeds of manifold and gross Superstitions , and Idolatries ; and to be repugnant to the Doctrine , Discipline , and Order of our Reformation , to the Confession of Faith , Constitutions of General Assemblies , and Acts of Parliament Establishing the true Religion . That this was also Canterbury's Work , we make manifest . This is a great Charge upon the Service-Book indeed : But it is in Generals , and those only affirmed , not proved . And therefore may with the same case , and as justly , be denied by me , as they are affirmed by them . And this is all I shall say , till they bring their Proofs . And though this be no more Canterbury's Work , than the Canons were ; yet , by their good will , I shall bear the burden of all . And therefore , before they go to prove this great Charge against the Service-Book ; they go on to make it manifest , that this was my * Work : And so far as it was mine , I shall ingenuously and freely acknowledge in each Particular , as occasion shall be offered me . But how do they make it manifest , it was my Work ? Why ; 1. By the † Memoirs and Instructions , sent unto him by our Prelates ; wherein they give special account of the Diligence they * have used to do all which herein they were enjoyed . This Proof comes very short . For considering the Scottish Bishops were Commanded by His Majesty to let me see , from time to time , what they did in that Service-Book ; they had good reason ( as I conceive ) to give me some Account of their Diligence and Care in that behalf : And yet this will never conclude the Work to be mine . Why , but if this Proof come not home , yet it will be Manifest 2. By the approbation of the Service-Book sent unto them , and of all the Marginal Corrections , wherein it varies from the English-Book ; shewing their desire to have some few things changed in it , which notwithstanding was not granted . This we find written by S. Andrews own Hand , and subscribed by him and Nine other of our Prelates . This Argument is as loose as the former . For I hope , though I had had nothing at all to do with that Book ; yet I might have approved both the Book it self , and all the Marginal ( or other ) Corrections , wherein it differs from , ( so it be not contrary to ) the English Book : Therefore my approving it will not make me the Author of it . As for that which follows , that their Prelates did desire to have some few things changed in it , which was not granted : First you see , they say before , that the Popish Errors in that Book be many ; and yet the change of a few things would serve their turn . And if this Change were not granted , that was not my fault , but their own ; who might have changed what they pleased , whether I would or no. But they should do well , to shew this Paper under St. Andrews Hand , and nine other Bishops . For my part , as I remember it not , so I believe it not . But they hope to prove it better — 3. By Canterbury's own Letters , witnesses of his Joy , when the Book was ready for the Press ; of his Prayers that God would speed the work ; of his hope to see that Service set up in Scotland ; of his diligence in sending for the Printer , and directing him to prepare a Black Letter , and to send it to his Servants at Edinburgh for Printing this Book ; of his Approbation of the Proofs sent from the Press ; of his fear of delay * for bringing this work speedily to an end , for the great good ( not of that Church ) but of the Church ; of his incouraging Ross , who was intrusted with the Press , to go on † with this piece of Service , without fear of Enemies . All which may be seen in the Autographs . This Argument is as weak as any of the former . Indeed , it is nothing but a heap of Non Sequiturs . My Letters express my Joy , when the Book was ready for the Press : Therefore I made the Book . As if I might not be glad , that a Good Book was ready for the Press ; but I must be the Author of it . Next , I prayed , that God would speed the Work : I did indeed , and heartily : but may not I humbly desire God to bless a Good Work , though I be not the Author of it ? Yea , but I hoped to see that Service set up in Scotland . I did indeed , and was heartily sorry when my hopes failed : And that Nation will one day have more cause to be sorry for it , than I. But what then ? It follows not thence , that the Work was mine . Again , I was diligent with the Printer to prepare Letters , and send to his Servants . I was indeed diligent herein ; but it was at the intreaty of my Brethren the Scottish Bishops . And truly I could do little for them , the Printer being then in England , If I would not send to him , and desire him to be diligent . Yea , but I Approved the Proofs that were sent from the Press . And there was good Reason I should , if they were well done . But I hope , many a Man takes care of the Proofs from the Press , though the Work be not his . The next they would fain have seem something ; but 't is no better than the rest . For they would prove this Book was my work , because I feared delay ; whereas , I would have a speedy end for the Good of ( not that Church , but ) the Church . Fear of delay , is no proof that the work was mine . But do you not mark the subtlety ? For the good of the Church , not that Church . They would fain have some Mystery hid here ; but sure there is none . For if I writ any such thing , The Church , and That Church , were the same Church of Scotland . For when a Man writes to a Learned Man of another Nation , and desires any thing to be done for the good of the Church ; he is to be understood , of the good of that Church ; unless some circumstance sway his meaning another way ; which is not here . Yea , but I incouraged Ross , who was intrusted with the Press , to go on without fear of Enemies : Therefore the work was mine . Will not young Novices laugh at this Logick ? Well , they say all this appears in the Autographo . Let them shew the Autographon : And if all this be there , then you see all is nothing ; they have shewed but their Weakness to collect so poorly . And if it be not there , then they have shewed their Falshood , with which some of them are too well acquainted . But prove it good , or bad ; another proof they have . And that is , 4. By Letters sent from the Prelate of London , [ to Ross : ] wherein , as he rejoyceth at the sight of the Scottish Canons , which although they should make some noise in the beginning , yet they would be more for the good of the Kirk , than the Canons at Edinburgh for the good of the Kingdom : So concerning the Liturgy , he sheweth , that Ross had sent to him , to have from Canterbury an Explanation of some passages of the Service-Book , and that the Press behoved to stand , till the Explanations came to Edinburgh ; which therefore he had in haste obtained from his Grace , and sent the dispatch by Cant. his own conveyance . This Argument is much ado about nothing : In which , notwithstanding , I shall observe some passages , and then come to the force of the Argument , such as it is . And first , though the business of the Canons be over , yet a Merriment in the Bishop of London's Letter must be brought in . Secondly , Though by this Letter of the Prelate of London , it be manifest , he had to do with those Canons as well as I ; and though he past as full and as Honourable a Censure upon them , as I do in any Letter of mine ; yet against their Knowledge , and their Conscience , they avouch peremptorily before , that this was done by Cant. and no other ; and all this , to heap all the Envy they could upon me alone . Thirdly , Here 's the same Phrase used by my Lord of London , that was used a little before by me : Namely , that these Canons would be for the good of the Kirk . And yet here 's never a wise Observation upon it , as was upon me ; that they would be for the good ( not of that Church , but ) of the Church . Now for the force of Mr. Henderson's Logick ( for these Arguments out of doubt are his : ) Ross writ to the Prelate of London , to have from Canterbury an Explanation of some passages of the Service-Book , because the Press staid ; and he obtained them ; Therefore this Book was Canterbury's work , as is before asserted . Certainly , if Mr. Henderson had any Learning in him , he would be ashamed of this stuff . Ross sent to me for the Explanation of some things , which perhaps were my Additions or Alterations in that Book , and used the Prelate of London for his means , and the Press staid , and I know not what ? As if any of this could make me Author of that Book : Which yet if I were , I would neither deny , nor be ashamed of . Howsoever , he should do well to let Canterbury alone , and answer the Learned Divines of Aberdeen ; who have laid him and all that Faction , open enough to the Christian World , to make the Memory of them , and their Cause , stink to all Posterity . 5. But ( say they ) the Book it self , as it standeth interlined , margined , and patched up , is much more than all that is expressed in his Letters ; and the Changes and Supplements themselves , taken from the Mass-Book , and other Romish Rituals , by which he makes it to vary from the Book of England , are more pregnant Testimonies of his Popish Spirit , and Wicked Intentions , which he would have put in Execution upon us , than can be denyed . In the next place , the Book it self is brought in Evidence ; and that 's a greater Evidence , than all that is expressed in my Letters . A greater Evidence ! But of what ? Not that the Book was of my sole making , which they have hitherto gone about to prove , and which the former part of this Argument would seem to make good . But now , these Interlinings , and Margins , and Changes , and Supplements , are pregnant proofs of my Popish Spirit , and Wicked Intentions . First , I Praise God for it , I have no Popish Spirit : And , God bless me , as ( to the utmost of my knowledge ) I had no Wicked Intentions in any thing , which I did in , or about , that Service-Book . For the other stuff , which fills up this Argument , That these Changes and Supplements are taken from the Mass-Book , and other Romish Rituals ; and that by these the Book is made to vary from the Book of England ; I cannot hold it worth an Answer , till I see some particulars named . For in this I could retort many things , could I think it fit to put but half so much Gall into my Ink , as hath made theirs black . In the mean time , I would have them remember , that we live in a Church Reformed ; not in one made New. Now all Reformation , that is good and orderly , takes away nothing from the old , but that which is Faulty and Erroneous . If any thing be good , it leaves that standing . So that if these Changes from the Book of England be good , 't is no matter whence they be taken . For every line in the Mass-Book , or other Popish Rituals , are not all Evil and Corruptions . There are many good Prayers in them ; nor is any thing Evil in them , only because 't is there . Nay , the less alteration is made in the Publick Ancient Service of the Church , the better it is ; provided that nothing Superstitious or Evil in it self , be admitted or retained . And this is enough , till I see particulars charged : Yet with this ; That these Variations were taken , either from the first Book of Edw. 6. which was not Popery ; or from some Antient Liturgies , which savour'd not of Popery . The Large Declaration professeth , that all * the variation of our Book from the Book of England , that ever the King understood , was in such things as the Scottish Humours would better comply with , than with that which stood in the English Service . That which the Large Declaration professeth , I leave the Author of it to make good . Yet whosoever was the Author , thus much I can say , and truly ; That the Scottish Bishops ( some of them ) did often say to me , that the People wou'd be better satisfied by much , to have a Liturgy composed by their own Bishops , ( as this was ) than to have the Service-Book of England put upon them . But to what end is this added out of the Large Declaration ? Why , 't is to cast more hatred upon me . For thus they infer : These Popish Innovations therefore have been surreptitiously inserted by him , without the King's knowledge , and against his Purpose . This is as false , as 't is bold : For let them prove , that any one particular , be it the least , was so added by me to that Book ; and let no Justice spare me . In the mean time , here I take it upon my Salvation , that I inserted nothing without his Majesties Knowledge , nor any thing against his Purpose . Our Scottish Prelates do Petition , that somewhat may be abated of the English Ceremonies ; as the Cross in Baptism , the Ring in Marriage , and some other Things . But Canterbury will not only have those kept , but a great many more , and worse , super added ; which was nothing else but the adding of Fuel unto the Fire . * I cannot remember , that ever any such Petition was shewed to me . This I remember well ; that when a deliberation was held , whether it were better to keep close to the English Liturgy , or venture upon some additions ; some of your Scottish Bishops were very earnest to have some Alterations , and some Additions . And they gave this for their Reason : Because , if they did not then make that Book as perfect as they could , they should never be able to get it perfected after . Canterbury therefore was not the Man , that added this Fuel to your Fire . And whereas , to heap on farther hatred , it is said , That I did not only add more , but worse Ceremonies ; I can say nothing to that : Because I know no one Ceremony in the one Book , or the other , that is Bad. And when they give an Instance in the Ceremonies , which they say are worse in their Book than in ours ; I shall give such answer as is fitting , and such as I doubt not shall be sufficient . And now it seems , they 'll come to particulars : For they say — 1. This Book inverteth the Order of the Communion , in the Book of England , as may be seen by the numbers setting down the Order of this new Communion , 1. 5. 2. 6. 7. 3. 4. 8. 9. 10. 11. Of the divers secret Reasons of this Change , we mention one only ; injoyning the Spiritual † Sacrifice , and Thanksgiving , which is in the Book of England pertinently after the Communion , with the Prayer of Consecration , before the Communion ; and that under the Name of Memorial , or Oblation ; for no other end , but that the Memorial and Sacrifice of Praise mentioned in it , may be understood according to the Popish meaning : ( Bellarm. de Missa . l. 2. c. 21. ) not of the Spiritual Sacrifice , but of the Oblation of the Body of the Lord. This Book , ( they say ) Inverts the Order of the Communion in the Book of England . Well , and what then ? To Invert the Order of some Prayers , in the Communion , or any other part of the Service ; doth neither pervert the Prayers , nor corrupt the Worship of God. For I hope , they are not yet grown to be such superstitious Cabbalists , as to think that Numbers work any thing . For so , the Prayers be all good ( as 't is most manifest these are ) it cannot make them ill to be read in 5. 7. or 3. place , or the like ; unless it be in such Prayers only , where the Order is essential to the Service then in hand . As for Example , to read the Absolution first , and the Confession after ; and in the Communion to give the Sacrament to the People first , and read the Prayer of Consecration after . In these Cases to Invert the Order , is to Pervert the Service ; but in all other ordinary Prayers , which have not such a necessary dependence upon Order , first , second , or third work no great effect . And though I shall not find fault with the Order of the Prayers , as they stand in the Communion-Book of England , ( for , God be thanked , 't is well ; ) yet , if a Comparison must be made , I do think , the Order of the Prayers , as now they stand in the Scottish Liturgy , to be the better , and more agreeable to use in the Primitive Church ; and I believe , they which are Learned , will acknowledge it . And therefore these Men do bewray a great deal of Will and Weakness , to call this a New-Communion ; only because all the Prayers stand not in the same Order . But they say ; there are divers secret Reasons of this Change , in the Order . Surely there was Reason for it , else why a Change ? But that there was any hidden secret Reason for it ( more than that the Scottish Prelates thought fit that Book should differ in some things from ours in England ; and yet that no differences could be more safe , than those which were in the Order of the Prayers ; especially since both they , and we , were of Opinion , that of the two this Order came nearest to the Primitive Church ) truly I neither know , nor believe . As for the only Reason given of this Change , 't is in my Judgment a strange one . 'T is , forsooth , for no other end ( they say ) but that the Memorial and Sacrifice of Praise mentioned in it may be understood according to the Popish meaning , not of the Spiritual Sacrifice , but of the Oblation of the Body of the Lord. Now Ignorance , and Jealousie , whither will you ? For the Sacrifice of Praise and Thanksgiving , no Man doubts , but that is to be Offer'd up : Nor doth any Man of Learning question it , that I know , but that according to our Saviour's own Command , we are to do , whatsoever is done in this Office , as a Memorial of his Body and Blood Offered up and shed for us . S. Luc. 22. Now 't is one thing to Offer up his Body , and another to Offer up the Memorial of his Body , with our Praise , and Thanks , for that infinite Blessing : So that were that Change of Order made for this end , ( which is more than I know ) I do not yet see , how any Popish Meaning , so much feared , can be fastned upon it . And the Words in that Prayer are plain , ( as they are also in the Book of England ) That we offer and present unto God , our Selves , our Souls and Bodies , to be a reasonable , holy , and lively Sacrifice unto him . What is there here , that can be drawn to a Popish Meaning , unless it be with the cords of these Mens Vanity ? Yet thus much we have gained from them ; That this Prayer comes in the Book of England pertinently after the Communion . Any approbation is well of that Antichristian Service-Book ( as 't is often called : ) And I verily believe , we should not have gained this Testimony of them for it , but only that they are content to approve that , to make the greater hatred against their own . Next they tell us — 2. It seems to be no great matter , that without warrant of the Book of England , the Presbyter going from the North end of the Table , shall stand during the time of Consecration , at such a part of the Table , where he may with the more ease and decency use both his Hands ; Yet being tryed , it importeth much : As that he must stand with his hinder parts to the People ; representing ( saith Durand ) that which the Lord said to Moses , Thou shalt see my hinder parts . Truly , this Charge is , as it seems , no great matter . And yet here again they are offended , that this is done without warrant of the Book of England . How comes this Book of England to be so much in their esteem , that nothing must be done without warrant from it ? Why , 't is not that they approve that Book , for they will none of that neither : But 't is only , to make their Complaint more acceptable in England . Yet they say , this very remove of the Presbyter during the time of Consecration , upon tryal imports much . The Rubrick professes , that nothing is meant by it , but that he may use both his Hands with more ease and decency about that work . And I protest in the presence of Almighty God , I know of no other Intention herein , than this . But these Men can tell more . They are sure it is , that he may turn his hinder parts to the People , representing that which the Lord said to Moses . And what Warrant have they for this ? Why Durand says so . Now truly the more Fool he . And they shall do well to ask their own Bishops , what acquaintance they have with Durand ? For as for my self , I was so poorly satisfied with the first Leaf I Read in him , that I never medled with him since . Nor indeed , do I spend any time in such Authors as he is . So I have nothing to do with this . Yea , but they find fault with the Reason given in the Rubrick . For they say — He must have the use of both his Hands , not for any thing he hath to do about the Bread and the Wine ; ( for that * may be done at the North end of the Table , and be better seen of the People . ) But ( as we are taught by the Rationalists ) That he may be stretching † out his Arms , represent the extension of Christ on the Cross. But the Reason given in the Rubrick doth not satisfie them : For they say plainly , They have no use of both their Hands , for any thing that is to be done about the Bread and the Wine . Surely these Men Consecrate these Elements in a very loose and mean way , if they can say truly , that they have not use of both their Hands in this work . Or , that whatsoever is done , may as well be done at the North end of the Table ; which in most places is too narrow , and wants room , to lay the Service-Book open before him that Officiates , and to place the Bread and Wine within his reach . So that in that place 't is hard for the Presbyter to avoid the unseemly disordering of something , or other , that is before him , perhaps the very Elements themselves ; which may give Scandal to them which come to Communicate : Especially , since in the Margin of the Prayer of Consecration , he is ordered to lay his Hand upon the Bread and the Wine , which he Consecrates . As for his being better seen of the People ; that varies according to the Nature of the Place , and the Position of the Table : So that in some Places he may be better seen , and in some not . Though I am not of Opinion , that it is any End of the Administration of the Sacrament to have the Priest better seen of the People . Thus much against the * Reason given in the Rubrick . Next , they produce other Reasons of this Position of his at the Holy-Table . And first , they say , 't is not for the more convenient use of both his Hands , in the Celebration of that Work : But it is ( say they ) that he may , by stretching out his Arms , represent the Extension of Christ on the Cross. Why , but I say not this ; nor is there any such thing Ordered or Required in the Book ; nor doth any English Divine practise this that I know . Why then is this Charged upon me ? Nor is it sufficient for them to say , they are taught thus by the Rationalists ; unless I did affirm , or practise , as those Rationalists do . Here 's a great deal of Charity wanting . But they bring another Reason , as good as this is : And that is — That he may the more conveniently lift up the Bread and Wine † over his Head to be seen , and adored , of the People ; who , in the Rubrick of General Confession a little before , are directed to kneel humbly on their Knees , that the Priests Elevation , so magnified in the Mass , and the Peoples Adoration may go together . Good God! whither tends this Malice ? There is not a Word in the Book of this neither : Not of lifting the Bread and Wine over his Head ; much less is there any thing , to have it Adored by the People . And as there is nothing in the Book , so nothing hath ever been said , or done , by me , that tends this way . Now , if none of this hath been said , or done by me ; what means this ? Sure they mean to charge the Rationalists with this , and not me ; unless I did by Word , or Deed , approve them herein . Yea , but a little before , in the Rubrick of General Confession , the People are directed to kneel humbly on their Knees . That 's true : And what Posture so fit , as that which is Humble , when Men are making Confession of their Sins to God ? But that which follows , namely , that the Priest's Elevation , and the Peoples Adoration , may go together , is utterly false . There is not one Word of it in the Rubrick , nor ever was there one Thought of it in my self , or ( as I verily believe ) in any of the Compilers of that Book . And 't is well known , that through the whole Church of England , the Form is to receive that Blessed Sacrament Kneeling ; and yet without any Adoration at all of the Bread and Wine . So this Charge , which way soever it look , cannot hit me . However , God forgive this Malice . For are the People directed to Kneel , to the end the Priest's Elevation , and the Peoples Adoration , may go together ? why then so let them go : For the Priest with us makes no Elevation ; nor therefore the People any Adoration , of those Elements . But there is yet more behind : For they say — That in this Posture , speaking with a low Voice , and muttering ( for at some times he is Commanded to speak with a loud voice , and distinctly ) he be not heard by the People ; which is no less a mocking of God and his People , than if the Words were spoken in an unknown Language . This again , by my Accusers good leave , is utterly false . For there is no Rubrick in the whole Book , that commands the Priest to use a muttering or low Voice . This therefore is drawn in only by consequence , and that an ill one . As if , because he is sometimes commanded to speak aloud , he were thereby enjoyned , in other parts of the Service , to speak with a low Voice ; which is not so . In the Book of England , in some places the Minister is directed before he begins the Prayer , to say , Let us Pray ; which is but to keep their Attention waking ; and to put them in mind what they are doing , or ought to do . And shall any Man infer upon this , Let us Pray ; therefore they were not at Prayer before ? So here , if in some principal part of the Service , there be a Caveat given , that the Presbyter shall speak with a loud Voice , and Distinctly : ( I say [ If ] for I do not yet find the Rubrick where it is ) It implies , That he be very careful in that place , that his Voice be Audible and Distinct ; but it imports not , that therefore in other parts of the Service , it may be low , or confused , or unheard . And yet , if such a Consequence were to be drawn ; 't is no new thing in the Church of Christ , that the Minister did Pray sometimes in the Publick Assembly , in a very low Voice , if at all Audible . For it was ordered in the * Council of Laodicea , That among the Prayers which were made by the Faithful , after the Hearers and the Penitents were gone out , that the first should be in Silence : Perhaps for the Presbyter to commend himself , and his Office which he was then to execute , privately to God. But howsoever , in the Publick Service , that all should be Publick , I rather approve . As for that which follows ; That to utter the Common Service of the Church in a low voice , not heard by the People , is no less a mocking of God , and his People , than if the Words were spoken in an Unknown Tongue : This were well Charged , if any Man did command that the Publick Service should be Read in so low a voice , that the People might not hear it . But since no Man , that I know , approves it , and since there is nothing in the Book that requires it ; I know not to what end 't is urged here . And yet this by their leave too ; were Prayers Read in so low a voice , it were a mocking of the People I confess , to call them to Church , and not let them hear . But how either Prayer in a low voice , or a Tongue unknown to the People , should be a mocking of God , I cannot conceive ; unless these Men think ( as Elias put it upon the Prophets of Baal ) That their God is talking , or journeying , or perhaps sleeping , and must be awaked before he can hear ; or , that any Tongue unknown to the People , is unknown to God also . But this I presume they will not dare to say , if it be but for that of St. Paul ; He that speaks in the Church in an unknown tongue , speaks not unto Men , for they understand him not ; yet he speaks to God , and doubtless doth not mock him ; for he edifies himself ; and in the Spirit speaks Mysteries : neither of which can stand with the mocking of God. Now say they — As there is no word of all this in the English Service ; so doth the Book in King Edward's Time , give to every Presbyter his liberty of Gesture : which yet gave such offence to Bucer ( the Censurer of the Book , and even in Cassander his own Judgment , a Man of great Moderation in Matters of this kind ) that he calleth them , Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus ; and would have them to be abhorred , because they confirm to the Simple and Superstitious , ter-impiam & exitialem Missae fiduciam . As there is no word of all this in the English Service ; so neither is there , in the Book for Scotland , more , or other , or to other purpose , than I have above expressed . For the Book under Edw. 6. at the end of it , there are some Rules concerning Ceremonies ; and it doth give liberty of Gesture to every Presbyter . But it is only of some Gestures , such as are there named , & Similes , not of all . But if any will extend it unto all , then I humbly desire , it may be Piously and Prudently considered ; whether this confusion , which will follow upon every Presbyters Liberty and Choice , be not like to prove worse , than any Rule that is given in either Book for Decent Uniformity . And yet ( say they ) these Gestures , for all this Liberty given , gave such offence to Bucer the Censurer of the Book , that he calls them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus , the never sufficiently execrable Gestures of the Mass. First 't is true ; Bucer did make some Observations upon that Common-Prayer-Book under Edw. 6. And he did it at the intreaty of Arch-Bishop Cranmer : And after he had made such Observations upon it , as he thought fit , he writ thus to the Arch-Bishop . a Being mindful how much I owe to your most Reverend Father-Hood and the English Churches , that which is given me to see and discern in this business , I will subscribe : This done , your most Reveverend Father-hood , and the rest of your Order ( that is , the rest of the Bishops ) may judge of what I write . Where we see , both the care of Bucer to do what was required of him , and his Christian Humility , to leave what he had done , to the judgment of the then Governours of this Church . By which it appears , that he gave his Judgment upon that Book , not as being the Censurer of it , ( as these Men call him ) but as delivering up his Animadversions upon it , to that Authority which required it of him . Much less was it such a Censure , as must bind all other Men to his Judgment , which he very modestly submits to the Church . Howsoever , this has been the common Error ( as I humbly conceive ) of the English Nation , to entertain and value Strangers in all Professions of Learning beyond their desert , and to the contempt , or passing by at least , of Men of equal worth of their own Nation ; which I have observed , ever since I was of ability to judge of these things . But be this as it may . These Men have Notoriously corrupted Bucer . For they say , he calls them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus , referring the Execration to the Ceremonial Gestures . But Bucer's words are , Nunquam-satis-execrandae Missae gestus , referring the Execration to the Mass it self , not to the Gestures in it , of bowing the Knee , or beating the Breast , or the like , which in themselves , ( and undoubtedly in Bucer's Judgment also ) are far enough from being Execrable . As for that which follows , ( and which are Bucer's words indeed ) That , These Gestures , or any other which confirm to the simple , ter impiam & exitialem Missae fiduciam ( as he there calls it ) the thrice impious and deadly Confidence of the Mass , are to be abhorred , there 's no doubt to be made of that : Unless , ( as Cassander infers well out of Luther and Bucer both , ) they be such Ceremonies , as Impeach not the free Justification of a Sinner by Faith in Christ , and that the People may be well instructed concerning the true use of them . Now all this at the most , is but Bucer's Speech against such Ceremonies ( and in such time and place , must be understood too ) as are apt to confirm the simple People in their Opinion of the Mass. But such Ceremonies are neither maintained by me , nor are any such Ordered or Established in that Book . Therefore this Charge falls away quite from me , and Bucer must make his own Speeches good . For my own part , I am in this point of Ceremonies of the same Mind with Cassander , ( that Man of great Moderation in Matters of this kind , as my Accusers here call him : ) And he says plainly a little after , in the same place , concerning Luther's and Bucer's Judgment in these things , Quanquam est , quod in istis viris desiderem ; though I approve them in many things , yet there is somewhat which * I want in these Men. But the Charge goes on . — 3. The † Corporal Presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament , is also to be found here . For the Words of the Mass-Book , serving to that purpose , are sharply censured by Bucer in King Edward's Lyturgy , and are not to be found in the Book of England , and yet are taken in here . Almighty God is in called , that of his Almighty Goodness he may vouchsafe so to Bless and Sanctifie with his Word and his Spirit these gifts of Bread and Wine , that they may be unto us the Body and Blood of Christ. The change here , is made a work of God's Omnipotency : The words of the Mass , ut fiant nobis , are Translated in King Edward's Book , that they may be unto us ; which | is again turned into Latin by Alesius , ut fiant nobis . They say , the Corporal Presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament , is to be found in this Service-Book . But they must pardon me ; I know it is not there . I cannot be my self of a contrary Judgment , and yet suffer that to pass . But let 's see their proof . The words of the Mass-Book , serving to that purpose , which are sharply censured by Bucer , in King Edward's Liturgy , and are not to be found in the Book of England , yet are taken into this Service-Book . I know no words tending to this purpose in King Edard's Liturgy , fit for Bucer to censure sharply ; and therefore not tending to that purpose : For did they tend to that , they could not be censured too sharply . The words it seems are these . * O Merciful Father , of thy Almighty Goodness , vouchsafe so to Bless and Sanctifie with thy Word and Holy Spirit , these thy Gifts and Creatures of Bread and Wine , that they may be unto us the Body and Blood of thy most dearly beloved Son. Well ; if these be the words , how will they squeeze Corporal Presence out of them ? Why , first the Charge here , is made a work of God's Omnipotency . Well , and a work of Omnipotency it is , what ever the Change be . For less than Omnipotence cannot Change those Elements , either in Nature , or Vse , to so high a Service as they are put in that great Sacrament . And therefore the Invocating of God's Almighty Goodness to effect this by them , is no proof at all , of intending the Corporal Presence of Christ in this Sacrament . 'T is true , this passage is not in the Prayer of Consecration in the Service-Book of England ; but I wish with all my Heart it were . For though the Consecration of the Elements may be without it ; yet is it much more solemn and full by that Invocation . Secondly , these words ( they say ) intend the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament , because the Words in the Mass are * ut fiant nobis , that they may be unto us , the Body and the Blood of Christ. Now for the good of Christendom , I would with all my Heart , that these words , ut fiant nobis ; That these Elements might be , To us , worthy Receivers , the blessed Body and Blood of our Saviour ; were the worst Error in the Mass. For then I would hope , that this great Controversie , which to all Men that are out of the Church , is the shame , and among all that are within the Church , is the division of Christendom , might have some good Accommodation . For if it be only , ut fiant nobis , that they may be to us , the Body and the Blood of Christ ; it implies clearly , that they are to us , but are not Transubstantiated in themselves , into the Body and Blood of Christ , nor that there is any Corporal Presence , in , or under the Elements . And then nothing can more cross the Doctrine of the present Church of Rome , than their own Service . For as the Elements after the Benediction , or Consecration , are , and may be called , the Body and Blood of Christ , without any addition , in that real and true Sense in which they are so called in Scripture : So , when they are said to become the Body and the Blood of Christ , nobis , to us that Communicate as we ought ; there is by this addition , fiant nobis , an allay in the proper signification of the Body and Blood : And the true Sense , so well signified and expressed , that the words cannot well be understood otherwise , than to imply not the Corporal Substance , but the Real , and yet the Spiritual use of them . And so the words , ut fiant nobis , import quite contrary to that which they are brought to prove . And I hope , that which follows , will have no better success . On the other side , the Expressions of the Book of England , at the delivery of the Elements ; of feeding on Christ by Faith ; and of eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for thee , are utterly deleted . Before , they went about to prove an intendment to establish the Doctrine of the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament , by some positive words : And here they go about to prove the same by the omission of some other words of the Book of England . For they say ( and 't is true ) that those words are expressed in the English Liturgy , at the delivery of the Elements , and are left out of the Book prepared for Scotland . But it is altogether false , either that this omission was intended to help to make good a Corporal Presence ; or that a Corporal Presence can by any good consequence be proved out of it . For the first , of feeding on Christ by Faith , if that omission be thought to advantage any thing toward a Corporal Presence ; surely , neither the Scottish Bishops , nor my self , were so simple to leave it out here , and keep these words in * immediately after ; that thou dost vouchsafe to feed us , which have duly received those Holy Mysteries , with the Spiritual food of the most precious Body and Blood of thy Son. For the feeding on Christ by Faith , and the Spiritual Food of the Body and Blood of Christ , are all one ; and 't is hard , that the asserting of a Spiritual Food , should be made the proof a Corporal Presence ; or , that the omitting of it in one place , should be of greater force , than the affirming it in another . The like is to be said of the second omission , of eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for us . For that remembrance of his Death and Passion , is expressed almost immediately † before . And would not this have been omitted as well as the other ; had there been an intention to forget this remembrance , and to introduce a Corporal Presence ? Besides , St. Paul himself , in the 1 Cor. 11. adds this , in remembrance of me : But in the 1. Cor. 10. The Cup of blessing , which we bless , is it not the Communion of the Blood of Christ ? The Bread which we break , is it not the Communion of the Body of Christ ? Which Interrogation there , is a pressing Affirmation ; and these words in remembrance of Christ , are omitted . And what then will these my Learned Adversaries say , that St. Paul omitted this to establish a Corporal Presence ? I hope they will not . But whatsoever this omission may be thought to work ; it cannot reflect upon me . For when I shall come to set down , ( as I purpose God willing to do ) the brief Story , what hand I had in this Liturgy for Scotland ; it shall then appear , that I laboured to have the English Liturgy sent them , without any Omission or Addition at all , this or any other ; that so the Publick Divine Service might , in all his Majesty's Dominions , have been one and the same . But some of the Scottish Bishops prevail'd herein against me ; and some Alterations they would have from the Book of England , and this was one ; as I have to shew under the then Bishop of Dunblain's Hand , Dr. Wetherborne , whose Notes I have yet by me , concerning the Alterations in that Service-Book . And concerning this particular , his words are these : The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ , which was given for thee , preserve thy Body and Soul unto Everlasting Life : And so , The Blood of , &c. whereunto every Receiver answer'd , Amen . There is no more in King Edw. 6. his first Book . And if there be no more in ours , the Action will be much the shorter . Besides , the words which are added since , take , eat in remembrance , &c. may seem to relish somewhat of the Zuinglian Tenet , That the Sacrament is a bare Sign taken in remembrance of Christ's Passion . So that for my part , First , I see no hurt in the omission of those latter words , none at all : And next , if there be any , it proceeded not from me . That which follows , is a meer flourish in the general : For they say — Many Evidences there be in this part of the Communion of the Bodily presence of Christ , very agreeable to the Doctrine taught by his * Sectaries ; which this Paper cannot contain . They teach us , that Christ is received in the Sacrament Corporaliter , both Objectivè , & Subjectivé . Corpus Christi est objectum , quod recipitur ; at Corpus nostrum est subjectum , quo recipitur . Many weak Collections and Inferences are made by these Men out of this part of the Communion of the Bodily Presence of Christ ; but not one Evidence is , or can be shewed . As for Sectaries , I have none , nor none can have in this Point . For no Men can be Sectaries , or Followers of me in that , which I never held or maintained . And 't is well known , I have maintained the contrary , and perhaps , as strongly , as any my Opposits , and upon Grounds more agreeable to the Doctrine of the Primitive Church . Among these Sectaries , which they will needs call mine ; they say there are , which teach them , that Christ is received in the Sacrament Corporaliter , both Objectivè , & Subjectivé . For this Opinion , be it whose it will , I for my part do utterly condemn it , as grosly Superstitious . And for the Person that affirms it , they should have done well to name him , and the place where he delivers this Opinion . Had this been done , it had been fair : And I would then have clearly acknowledged what Relation ( if any ) the Person had to me ; and more fully have spoken to the Opinion it self , when I might have seen the full scope together , of all that he delivered . But I doubt , there is some ill Cause , or other , why this Author is not named by them . Yet the Charge goes on — 4. The Book of England , abolishes all that may import the Oblation of † an unbloody Sacrifice : but here we have , besides the * preparatory Oblation of the Elements , which is neither to be found in the Book of England now , nor in King Edward's Book of old ; The Oblation of the Body , and the Blood of Christ , which Bellarmin calls , Sacrificium Laudis , quia Deus per illud magnoperè laudatur . This also agrees [ | well ] with their late Doctrine . First , I think no Man doubts , but that there is , and ought to be offered up to God at the Consecration and Reception of this Sacrament , Sacrificium Laudis , the Sacrifice of Praise : And that this ought to be expressed in the Liturgy , for the Instruction of the People . And these Words , We entirely desire thy Fatherly Goodness , Mercifully to accept this our Sacrifice of Praise , and Thanksgiving , &c. are both in the Book of England , and in that which was prepared for Scotland . And if Bellarmin do call the Oblation of the Body , and the Blood of Christ a Sacrifice of Praise , sure he doth well in it ; ( for so it is ) if Bellarmin mean no more , by the Oblation of the Body , and the Blood of Christ , than a Commemoration , and a Representation of that great Sacrifice offered up by Christ himself : As Bishop Jewel very Learnedly , and fully acknowledges . * But if Bellarmin go farther than this ; and by the Oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ , † mean , that the Priest Offers up that , which Christ himself did , and not a Commemoration of it only ; he is Erroneous in that , and can never make it good . But what Bellarmin's Opinion and Meaning is , when he calls it Sacrificium Laudis , a Sacrifice of Praise , I cannot tell ; till they be pleased to cite the place , that I may see , and consider of it . In the mean time there is as little said in the Liturgy for Scotland , which may import an Oblation of an unbloody Sacrifice , as is in the Book of England . As for the * Oblation of the Elements ; that 's fit , and proper : And I am sorry for my part , that it is not in the Book of England . But they say farther . We are ready ( when it shall be judged convenient , and we shall be desired ) to discover much more of Matters in this kind , as Grounds laid for Missa Sicca , or the Half Mass ; for Private Mass without the People ; of Communicating in one kind ; of the Consumption by the Priest , and Consummation of the Sacrifice ; of receiving the Sacrament in the Mouth , and not in the Hand , &c. Here 's a Conclusion of this Charge against me concerning the Service-Book : And these charitable Men , which have sought no less than my Life , now say , they are ready , when it shall be convenient , and that they shall be desired , to deliver much more in this kind . Sure the time can never be more convenient for them than now , when any thing they will say shall be believed , even against apparent Evidence , or most full Proof to the contrary . And I do desire them , that notwithstanding this is Hora vestra , & Potestas Tenebrarum , their most convenient time ; that they will discover any thing which they have more to say . But the Truth is ; here 's nothing in this threatned Heap , but Cunning and Malice . For they would seem to reckon up many things ; but divers of them are little different , as Missa Sicca , and Communicating in one kind . And neither these , nor any of the rest , offered with any Proof ; nor indeed are they able to prove , that any Grounds are laid for any one of them , in that Service-Book . And for my own part , I have expressed my self as fully against these particulars , as any Protestant that hath Written . Yet they say — Our Supplications were many against these Books : But Canterbury procured them to be Answered with † Horrible Proclamations . We were constrained to use the Remedy of Protestation : But for our Protestations , and other Lawful Means , which were used for our Deliverance , Canterbury procured us to be declared Rebells and Traytors to all the Parish-Kirks of England * where we were seeking to possess our Religion in Peace , against those Devices , and Novations ; Canterbury * kindles War against us . In all these it is known , that he was , although not thes ole , yet the principal , Agent and Adviser . Their Supplications against these Books of the Canons and the Service , were many indeed : But how well qualified , ( the matter duly considered ) I leave to them , who shall take the pains to look into them . And howsoever , most untrue it is , that I caused them to be answered with Horrible Proclamations . Nor were they constrained by any thing that I know , but their own wilfulness , to use the Churlish Remedy of Protestation against their Sovereigns Lawful Power in Lawful Things . They add , that for their Protestations , and other Lawful Means , which they used for their Deliverance , Canterbury procured them to be proclaimed Rebels . Now truly I know no other Lawful means , that they used , but taking up of Arms professedly against the King : And I for my part do not conceive , that Lawful for Subjects to do , in any Cause , of Religion , or otherwise ; and this I am sure , was the Ancient Christian Doctrine And yet when they had taken up Arms , I did not procure them to be declarered Rebels , and Traytors . The Proclamation for that went out by Common Advise of the Lords of the Council ; and their carriage at that time deserv'd it plentifully ; let them paint over that Action how they can . And let the World , and future Ages judge ; whether to take Arms against their Sovereign were a Christian , and an orderly , seeking to possess their Religion in Peace ; especially being against no worse Devices , or no greater Novations , than they have quarelled at , in these Books . Yet for all this , I shall after make it appear , that I kindled no War against them , but kept it off from them , as much , and as long as I could . And as themselves confess , I was not the Sole ; so neither they , nor any man else , shall ever be able to prove , I was the Principal , Agent or Adviser of that War. Yea but — When by the Pacification at Barwick , both Kingdoms looked for Peace and Quietness ; he spared not openly in the hearing of many , often before the King , and privately at the Council-Table , and the Privy Junto , to speak of us , as of Rebels and Traytors ; and to speak against the Pacification , as dishonourable , and meet to be broke . Neither did his malignancy and bitterness ever suffer him to rest ; till a new War was entred upon , and all things prepared for our destruction . This Article about the breach of the Pacification , the Parliament of England have thought fit to make a part of their Charge against me : And therefore I shall put off the main of my Answer , till I come to those Articles . In the mean time thus much in brief I shall say to some circumstantial things in this Charge . And first , I do not think , that any thing can be said to be Privately spoken at the Council-Table , that is openly delivered there , in the hearing of his Majesty and all the Lords present : And so was all which I spake there . Secondly , they say , I did openly , and often speak of them ( the Scots ) as of Rebels and Traytors . That indeed is true ; I did so : And I spake as I then thought , and as I think still . For it was as desperate a plotted Treason , as ever was in any Nation . And if they did not think so themselves , what needed their Act of Oblivion in Scotland ? or the like in England , to secure their Abetters here ? Thirdly , For the Pacification at Barwick , whatever I said touching the Dishonour of it ( as shall after appear ) yet no Man can truly Charge me , that I said , it was meet to be broken . Fourthly , I had no Malignity answerable to their bitterness against the Church of England ; nor did the entring upon a new War proceed from my Counsels ; nor did I give farther way to it , than all the Lords of the Junto did . Lastly , it is manifest here , how truly the King was dealt with on all Hands . For here ye see , they take on them to know , not only what was done at the Council-Table , but what was said also at the private Junto : When in all that time his Majesty could get no information of any thing , that proceeded in Scotland . But they proceed yet farther against me . By him was it , that our Covenant , approven by National Assemblies , Subscribed by his Majesty's Commissioner , and by the Lords of his Majesty's Council , and by them commanded to be Subscribed by all the Subjects of the Kingdom , as a Testimony of our Duty to God and the King : By him was it still called , Ungodly , Damnable , Treasonable : By him were Oaths invented , and pressed upon divers of our poor Countrymen , upon the pain of Imprisonment , and many [ * other ] Miserie 's , which were unwarranted by Law , and contrary to their National Oath . This their Covenant indeed , as it was made at first , without at least , if not against , the King , I did utterly dislike . And if I did say , it was Vngodly , Damnable , and Treasonable ; I said no more than it deserved . Nor was it any thing the better , but much the worse , if ( as it was so made at first ) it were approved by National Assemblies : For that was but the greater sign , that the Rebellious Faction grew stronger . But I never found fault with their Covenant , after they were pleased to take in the King , and by his Authority , signified by the Subscription of his Commissioner , to do what was fit to be done . Nor was there any Oath invented or pressed by me upon their Countrymen , unwarrantable by Law ; for I neither invented nor pressed any : But whatsoever was done in this kind , was done by Publick Authority at the Council Table . And if any Oath , tendred to them there , were contrary to their National Oath ; I doubt it will easily be found , that their National Oath ( if such it be ) was contrary to their due and Natural Allegiance . But what 's next ? Why , this : When our Commissioners did appear to render the Reasons of our demands ; he spared not , in the presence of the King and the Committee , to rail against our National Assembly , as not daring to appear before the World and Kirks abroad ; where himself and his Actions were able to indure tryal : And against our just and necessary Defence , as the most malicious and treasonable Contempt of Monarchical Government , that any by-gone Age had heard of . His hand also was at the Warrant of Restraint and Imprisonment of our Commissioners , sent from the Parliament , warranted by the King , and seeking the Peace of the Kingdom . There are divers things in this part of the Charge . And the first is , that I railed at their National Assembly , in the presence of the King and the Committee . But that under favour is not so . Nor is it my fashion to rail at any body , much less in such a Presence . I was then openly taxed , and by Name , by the L. Lowdon , one of the Commissioners ; and that which I said in answer to him , was in my own defence : And it was to this effect . That whatsoever their Assembly had concluded , did not much move me . For I did assure my self , nothing they could say or do , could sink my Credit in Christendom ; going upon grounds , which would every where abide tryal : And I somewhat doubted , whether the Acts of their Assembly would do so ; since even at home , not the Bishops only , but the Learned Divines of Aberdeen , opposed divers of them . This was not railing against their Assembly . And if it shall be thought too much to be spoken by ( though for ) my self ; I humbly desire the Christian Reader to remember , That even S. Paul was forced to commend himself , when false Brethren accused him , 2 Cor. 12. Next , they say , I spake against their just and necessary defence . Truly not I : That which I spake , was against their defence , as being neither Just nor Necessary . And if I then said ( speaking of things , as they stood then ) that they were Treasonable Contempts of Monarchical Government ; then , being such , their defence of them could neither be Just , nor Necessary . And truly , as they stood then I held them very desperate , against the Honour and just Power of the King. I say , as they stood then . For since his Majesty hath referred them to Honourable Commissioners of both Nations , and out of his Clemency and Goodness , hath admitted all , or most of them , ( which I believe few Kings would have done ; ) I have spoken nothing of them , but in Prayer , that God will graciously be pleased to turn all these things , to the Good and Peace of both Kingdoms ; which must be little less than a Miracle , if he do . As for my Hand , that it was at the Warrant of Restraint of the Commissioners , sent from the Parliament , &c. This also is but a meer clamour , to bring me into further hatred , which hath been their aim all along . For why else , is my Hand picked out alone ; whereas , the Hands of all ( for ought I know ) that were then present at the Committee , were subscribed to that Warrant ? And yet it seems , no Hand hath troubled them but mine . And for these Commissioners , seeking the Peace of the Kingdom , I will not offer to enter upon their Thoughts , what they sought ; but leave it to future times , that will discover the success of things , and by it open the aim of the Agents , how they sought the Peace of these Kingdoms . But yet they go on — For when we had ( say they ) by our Declarations , Remonstrances , and Representations , manifested the Truth of our Intentions , and Lawfulness of our Actions to all the good Subjects of the Kingdom of England ; when the late Parliament * would not be moved to assist , or enter into a War against us , maintaining our Religion and our Liberties ; Canterbury did not only advise the breaking up of that High and Honourable Court , to the great grief and hazard of the Kingdom ; but ( which is without Example ) did sit still in the Convocation , and make Canons and Constitutions , against us , and our Just and Necessary defence . They did indeed offer by many Pamphlets , Printed and sent into England , to manifest the Truth of their Intentions ; which was to join close with their Party here , and come and gain some good Booty in England : And this end they have obtained . But the lawfulness of their Actions , they neither have , nor can make good , to any Impartial and Judicious Reader of them . And whereas they say , they have made the lawfulness of them manifest , to all the good Subjects of the Kingdom of England ; you must know , that they are only such English as joyn with them in their Plot , or at least † in Affection to Religion : And 't is easie , to make any thing that fits their Humour , and comes from their Associats , manifest enough . But God forbid , these should be all the good Subjects of England , which ( it may too justly be feared ) are none of them . And yet it cannot be denied , but that England hath , at this day , much too many of these good Subjects . They add further ; that the late Parliament would not assist , nor enter into a War against them . I believe that is true ; and I leave the Parliament to give their own Reasons , why they would not . But I am sure , that which follows is most untrue , That I gave Advice for the breaking of it up ; as appears , by that which I have formerly set down , and will not repeat . And I shall ever wish from my Heart , that the Kingdom may never be hazarded more than it hath been by my Counsels ; and then , by God's Blessing , it shall be a happier Kingdom , than the youngest now alive are like to see it , if things go on in the Track they now are . Next they say ; that without all Example , I sat still in Convocation , though the Parliament were risen : Without Example : What is that to them , if it were so ? But the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury have sate in Convocation , and made Canons too , when no Parliament hath been sitting ; as is most manifest by the Records of that See. Yea , but there is no Example of it since the Reformation . Be it so : Nor is it , for all that , forbidden in the Statute of the submission of the Clergy , 25 H. 8. so they sit by the King 's Writ . And yet here I was so careful , as that I caused the great Lawyers of the Kingdom to be consulted abaut it , and followed their Judgments , as is before expressed . And for the Canons which were made , they were not against them . One branch indeed of the first Canon , is against Subjects bearing Arms against their King , offensive , or defensive , under any pretence whatsoever . But this , as it is the Antient Doctrine , which the Church of Christ hath ever Taught in all times and places : So is it not against them at all , unless they , against † Christian Religion , and Natural All giance , bear Arms against their King. But if they do , or have done so ; the Canon , that was not made against them , hits them full . And in this Case , let them pretend what they list , their Defence can neither be Just nor Necessary . Yea , but they say farther , that I — Ordained under all highest pains , That hereafter the Clergy shall Preach four times in the Year , such Doctrine , as is contrary not only to our Proceedings , but to the Doctrine * of other Reformed Kirks , to the Judgment of all sound Divines and Politicks , and tending to the utter Slavery and Ruine of all States and Kingdoms , and to the dishonour of Kings and Monarchs . This goes high indeed ; if it were as full in proof , as 't is loud in expression . But here is not one shew of Proof added , either from Reason or Authority , Divine or Humane , more than their bare word ; And therefore I must answer it in the same Key . First then , 't is true , that in the Preface of the first Canon , every Minister is injoyned , under a Penalty , to Publish to his People the Exposition of Regal Power contained in that Canon ; and this once every quarter of a Year . So then , if the Doctrine contained in that Canon be true , ( and it was approved for Truth , by the whole National Synod of England ; ) then all this high Charge falls low enough . Besides , it will concern them to consider well , what their Proceedings have been . For as for this Canon , it is according to the Doctrine and Practice of the Primitive Church : And they , surely , were both Pious and Sound Divines that lived in it ; and I , for my part , shall hold no Man a Sound Divine , that runs contrary to it . Now , that the Primitive Christians were of Opinion , that Subjects ought not to take Arms against their Kings , Offensive or Defensive , upon any pretence whatsoever ( which are the words in our a Canon , which they are so angry with ) no , not for , or under , pretence of Religion , see the Proofs in the Margin . b For in the most bitter Times of Persecution , for the very highest points of Religion , whatever Miseries they indured , they still contained themselves within the bounds of their Obedience : And that too , not out of any want of Power , but will , to hurt . And if the Doctrine of other Reformed Churches be contrary to this , they shall do well to shew it ; and then I 'll give such farther Answer as is fit . But if the Canon be contrary to the Judgment of sound Politiques ; I know not which they call sound . For if they mean such as are of their Feather , I think their Judgments are alike Sound ; that is , neither . And if they mean Learned and well experienced Politiques , I believe they will be able to shew none of their Opinion ; unless they be such , as have been bred up either in their Faction , or in the Opposite at Rome . For a Bodin is clear , That Arms may not be taken up against the Prince , be he never so Impious and Wicked : And instances in Saul , and b Nebuchadnezzar . And Grotius doth not only say as much as Bodin , but Censures them which hold the contrary , to be Men which serve Time and Place , more than Truth . Nor is it any whit more Lawful for Inferiour Magistrates , to make this resistance against the King , than it is for private Men. c And this is universally true , where the Princes are free , and have not undertaken the Government , under that or the like Condition ; or being free , seek with a Hostile Mind to ruine their People , which is scarce possible . And a great Civilian d tells us , that he is properly a Rebel , that resists the Emperor or his Officers , in things belonging to the State of the Empire . Some Cases he lays down indeed , in which the pleasure of a Prince may not be obeyed , but none , in which his * Power is to be resisted . Nor is it any marvel , that Christians do disallow the taking up of Arms against the Prince ; since even the soundest Politicks among the Heathen , have declared so likewise . e Aristotle was of this Opinion , that if the Magistrate strike , yet he is not to be struck again : And f Seneca ; that Men are to bear the unjust , as well as the just Commands of Princes . And g Tacitus , that good Emperours are to be desired , but whatever they be , to be born with . And h Plutarch , that it is not Lawful to offer any Violence to the Person of the King. And k Cicero , That no Force is to be offered either to a Man's Parent , or to his Country : And therefore ( in his Judgment ) not to the Prince , who is Pater Patriae , the Father of his Country . And the truth is , where-ever the contrary Opinion is maintained , the Prince can never be safe , nor the Government setled . But so soon as a Faction can get a fit Head , and gather sufficient strength ; all is torn in pieces , and the Prince lost for no considerable Errour , or perhaps none at all . For a strong Party , once Heated , can as easily make Faults , as find them , either in Church or Common-wealth : And make the King say , as Zedekiah sometimes did to his potent Nobles , Behold Jeremiah is in your Hands ; for the King is not he , that can do any thing against you . Jerem. 38. But whereas they say ; it is a Doctrine , that tends to the utter Slavery and ruin of all States and Kingdoms : That will appear most untrue by the very Letter of the Canon it self ; which gives way to no Tyranny , but expresses only the true Power of a King given by God , and to be exercised according to God's Law , and the several Laws of Kingdoms respectively . And , I hope , there will ever be a real difference found in Christian Kingdoms , between the Doctrine that tends to Slavery and Ruine , and that which forbids taking up of Arms against their Sovereign ; which is all that this Canon doth . And in the mean time , I pray God this , not Doctrine only , but Practice also , of taking up Arms against the Lord 's Anointed , under meer pretence of Religion , do not in a shorter time , than is fear'd , bring all to Confusion , where-ever 't is Practised . For howsoever it bears a shew of Liberty , yet this way of maintaining it is not only dishonourable to Kings , but the ready way to make them study ways of Force , and to use Power , when-ever they get it , to abridge the Liberties of such over-daring Subjects . And in all times it hath sown the Seeds of Civil Combustions , which have ended in Slavery and Ruine of flourishing Kingdoms . And I pray God , these do not end so in this . But they go on — And as if this had not been sufficient , he * procures six Subsidies to be lifted of the Clergy , under pain of Deprivation to all who should refuse . The giving of the King Subsidies is no new thing . The Clergy have bin ever willing to the uttermost of their Power ; But what I and my Brethren of the Clergy did at this time therein , is * before set down : And I hold it not fit to lengthen this Tract with the needless Repetition of any thing . And which is yet † more , and above which Malice it self cannot ascend ; by his means a Prayer is framed , Printed , and sent through all the Parishes of England , to be said in all Churches in time of Divine Service , next after the Prayer for the Queen and Royal Progeny , against our Nation by Name , as Trayterous Subjects , having cast off all Obedience to our Anointed Sovereign , and coming in a Rebellious manner to Invade England ; that shame may cover our Faces , as Enemies to God and the King. We are now come to the last part of their Charge ; and that 's the Prayer , which was made and sent to be used in all Churches when the Scots came into England . But this Prayer was made not by my means , or procurement , but by his Majesties special Command to me to see it done . And it hath bin ever usual in England , upon great and urgent occasions , to have one or more Prayers made by some Bishop or Bishops , nearest hand , to fit the Present business . And this may appear by divers Forms and Prayers so made , and publickly used in all times since the Reformation . And since this Prayer was made by his Majesties own Command ; I am sorry they should say of it , that Malice it self cannot ascend above it . Though I perswade my self they thought to hit me , not him in this Speech . Now , what I pray is that , above which Malice it self cannot ascend ? Why , first it is , That they were called in that Prayer , trayterous Subjects , which had cast off all Obedience to their Anointed Sovereign . Why , but Truth spake this , not Malice ? For Trayterous Subjects they were then , if ever a King had any : And the Kings Proclamation called them so before that Prayer came forth . And what Title soever it is fit to give them now , since his Majesty hath bin graciously pleased to treat with them , and pass by their Offence , that 's another thing ; but as the case stood then , they had shaken off all Obedience , and were as they were then called , Trayterous Subjects . And I had a special Charge from the King , not to spare that Name . Secondly , They except against this , that 't is there said , that they came in a Rebellious manner to Invade this Kingdom . And that is most true too ; for whereas they said , they came in a peaceable manner to deliver their Petitions to the King , for the Liberty of their Religion and Laws : Is it a peaceable way to come two or three and twenty Thousand Men strong , and Armed , to deliver a Petition ? Let the whole World judge , whether this were not a Rebellious Invasion . Thirdly , They say 't is desir'd in the Prayer , that God would with shame cover the Faces of his , and the King's Enemies . Out of doubt , this Petition proceeds from Devotion , not from Malice . And if the Scots ( when they Invaded England , upon a Treacherous Plot , and * Conjuncture with the like Faction here , that so both might have their Ends against the King , and the Church , ) were not God's Enemies , and the Kings , the Prayer meddles not with them : If they were ( as for my part I must believe , if I judge by their Actions ) they deserve all that can be prayed against them , so long as they continue in that Disobedience . And yet the Prayer was not ( as 't is said ) against their Nation by Name : No , God forbid ; their Nation hath I doubt not very many devout Servants to God , and Loyal Subjects to their King. But it was aginst that prevailing Faction among them , which in that great Rebellious Action became Enemies both to God , and the King. Now follows the Conclusion . Whosoever † will Impartially Examin what hath proceeded from himself in these two Books of Canons , and Common Prayer ; what Doctrine hath bin Published and Printed these Years * past in England , by his Disciples and Emissaries ; What gross Popery in the most material Points we have found , and are ready to shew in the Posthume Writings of the Prelates of Edinburgh and Dunblaine , his own Creatures , his nearest Familiars , and most willing Instruments to advance his Counsels and Projects ; shall perceive , that his Intentions were deep and large against all the Reformed Kirks , and Reformation of Religion , which in his Majesties Dominions was Panting , and had by this time rendred up the Ghost , if God had not in a wonderful way of Mercy prevented † us . The Conclusion is like the rest ; much said in it , and nothing proved . Where first I desire no favour , but an Impartial Examination of a Discreet , Pious , and Judicious Reader , of all things done by me in the one Book or the other . Next , for the Doctrine which hath been Printed these Years past ; ( though little or none hath been Published by any Disciple or Emissary of mine : ) I perswade my self , the Intelligent , and Impartial Reader will find it to be as sound and Orthodox , as any that hath been Printed in any so many Years since the Reformation . And if they , whom I was necessarily to trust in that Business , have slipped any thing ; they are subject to answer the Laws in that behalf . Thirdly , what gross Popery they have found in the Posthume Writings of the Prelates of Edinburgh and Dunblaine , I know not . This I know ; 't is an Easie , but a base thing , to abuse the Dead , who cannot answer for themselves : And they which are so over-bold with the Living , may easily and justly enough be suspected not to hold over-fair quarter with the Grave . But whereas it is said , that these worthy Men ( for such they were ) were my Creatures , my nearest Familiars , my willing Instruments , and the like : This I do here avow for truth ; I was a meer Stranger to Dr. Forbys , * late Prelate of Edinburgh . The first time that ever I saw him , was when I attended as a Chaplain in Ordinary upon King James of blessed Memory , in the Year 1617. At which time I heard him Preach very learnedly before his Majesty . After that time I never saw him , till I attended his Majesty , that now is , as Dean of his Chappel , into Scotland , in the Year 1633. In the mean time I had contracted no Friendship ; no Letters had passed between us . Then he Preached again very Learnedly , and his Majesty resolved to make him Bishop of Edinburgh ; which was done accordingly ; and to my Remembrance , he lived not above a Year after , or very little more . And this was all the near Familiarity that was between him and me . With the Bp. of Dunblaine , Dr. Wedderborne ; I confess , I had more , and longer Acquaintance ; for he lived some Years in England , and was recommended unto me , as a Man that had very good parts and Learning in him . He lived long with Mr. Isaac Casaubon , who was not like to teach him any Popery , and who certainly would not have retained him so long , or so near unto him , had he not found him a deserver . After I came acquainted with him , I wished him very well for his worth sake , and did what I could for him to enable him to live . But sure if my Intentions were so deep , as they are after said to be , he could be no fit Instrument for me ; he being a meer Scholar , and a Book-Man , and as unfit for , as unacquainted with , such Counsels and Projects , as these Men would make me Author of . And if my Intentions were so deep ; out of doubt I had Brains enough to make a wiser Choice of Instruments to advance them . This for the Men. But for the Matter , if any posthume Papers of theirs be other than they ought ; their Credit must answer for them to the World , as their Conscience hath already done to God. And for my own part , I protest I do not , nor ever did , know of any such Papers which they had , or left behind ; nor do I believe , they left any behind them , but such as were worthy their Learning and Integrity . But my Intentions ( they say ) were deep and large against all the Reformed Kirks . Surely the deeper , the worse , if they were so ill . But as I cannot be so vain , to assume to my self any such depth : So I humbly thank God for it , I am free from all such wickedness . The worst thought I had of any Reformed Church in Christendom , was to wish it like the Church of England ; and so much better , as it should please God to make it . And the deepest intention I had concerning all or any of them , was how they might not only be wished , but made so : As for the Reformation of Religion in his Majesties Dominions , which ( they say ) was panting , and had given up the Ghost , if God had not in a wonderful way of Mercy prevented them . First , this is , under Favour , most untrue , and a base and most undeserved Scandal put upon his Majesty's Government . Secondly , I shall take leave to Prophesy , that unless after all this Tumbling the People can be 〈◊〉 , that all stand for matters of Religion , both Doctrine , and Discipline ( and that rather with addition to the Churches Power , than detracting from it ) as they then did , when these Men say the Reformation was pantting , and giving up the Ghost : I much doubt , that neither they , nor their Childrens Children after , shall see such Happy Days again for all things , as these were , which they so unthankfully to God and their King , murmured against , and as these Men yet snarl at . And for the Spirit which prevented them in this Action , in such a wonderful way of Mercy , if ever they awake out of this Lethargy ( for better it is not ) they will then see whence he is , and whither he tends . They add to this — That if the Pope himself had been in his place , he could not have been more Popish ; nor could he more Zealously have Negotiated for Rome against the Reformed Kirks , to reduce them to the Heresies in Doctrine , the * Superstition , and Idolatry in Worship , and the Tyranny in Government , which are in that See , and for which the Reformed Kirks did separate from it , and came forth of Babel . From him certainly hath issued all this Deluge , which almost hath overturned all . What , not the Pope himself ? now surely he could do little then . For ( as I told you in the very last Passage ) I never intended more to the Reformed Churches , than to wish them in Doctrine and Discipline , like the Church of England . And I hope , that was neither to Negotiate for Rome , nor to reduce them to Heresie in Doctrine , nor to Superstition and Idolatry in Worship , no , nor to Tyranny in Government . All which are here most wrongfully imputed to me . And this comparing of me with the Pope himself , I could bear with more ease , had I not Written more against Popish Superstition , than any Presbyter in Scotland hath done . And for my part I wou'd be contented to lay down my Life to Morrow , upon Condition the Pope and Church of Rome would admit and confirm that Service-Book , which hath been here so eagerly charged against me : For were that done , it would give a greater blow to Popery ; which is but the Corruption of the Church of Rome , than any hath yet been given : And that they know full well . And whereas they say , that for these things the Reformed Churches did separate from it , and came forth of Babel . That is true , that they did separate ; and for these things : But not till for the maintaining of the contrary to these things , they were Excommunicated , and Thrust out . Then indeed they separated , but not till they were forced by a double necessity ; of Truth , from which they might not depart ; and of that Punishment , which would not suffer them to enter . And yet the Reformed Churches , all and every of them , had need look well to themselves : For if they came out of Babel to run down into Egypt , they 'll get little by the Bargain . Now they end in Confidence . We are therefore confident , that your Lordships ( this they speak to the English Commissioners , who were to deliver this their Charge against me into the Lords House ; ) will by your means deal effectually [ with the Parliament ] that this great Fire-brand may be presently removed from his Majesties Presence ; and that he may be put to Tryal , and † have his deserved Censure , according to the Laws of the Kingdom : Which shall be good Service to God , Honour to the King and Parliament ; Terror to the Wicked , and Comfort to all good Men ; and to us in special , who , by his means principally , have been put to so many and grievous Afflictions ; wherein we had Perished , if God had not been with us . Decemb. 14. 1640. Ad. Blayer . They were , and they might well be confident upon their Lordships : For all , or some chief of that Committee were in league with them : And some of them the principal Men which brought the Scots in , to have their ends upon the King. And they did deal effectually with the Parliament : For ( as appears by the Date ) this Charge was delivered to the English Commissioners , Decemb. 14. It was Read in the upper House , and transmitted to the House of Commons ; and such haste made of it there , that they , though they had no Articles drawn , yet came up in haste , and accused me to the Lords of High Treason , desiring my Commitment , and Promising the bringing up of their Articles and Proof against me in convenient time . So upon this Accusation only , I was , upon Decemb. 18. committed to Mr. James Maxwell , the Officer of the House , and so removed from his Majesty's Presence ; which was the great aim against me . For they conceiv'd I wou'd speak my Conscience , if I came near him : And they could not with any Colour of Justice take me from him , but by an Accusation of High Treason ; of which I would not for all the World be as Guilty as some of them are , which Accused me . This was their desire for my Commitment . Their next desire was , That I might be brought to Tryal , and receive my Censure according to the Laws . And this hath been , and yet is my desire , as well as theirs . For I long for nothing more than a Tryal ; and I can fear no Censure that is according to Law ; and am as free from the Breach of any Law , that can make me guilty of Treason , as I was when my Mother bare me into the World. And when I was thus far on upon my Answer , I had remained at Mr. Maxwell's , and in the Tower Eleven Months ( so many it was when I writ this ) But before I came to my Hearing I had been Thirteen Months in Prison , and neither brought to Tryal , no nor so much as a Particular Charge brought up against me , that I might prepare for an Answer , in so heavy a Business . And I am somewhat farther of my Accusers Mind ; That to bring me to a just Tryal according to Law , would be good Service to God , Honour to the King , and the Parliament , who cannot but suffer in the Judgment of Moderate Men , for laying a Man of my Place and Calling so long in Prison , ( a thing without all Precedent ) and yet charging me with no particular . Nay , and I think , in a good Sense too , it would be a Terrour to the Wicked , to see an Innocent Man brought to such a Tryal . Yea , and yet a Comfort to all Good Men too , when they see , that an Innocent Man shall not be let lye , and languish to Death in Prison , ( which may be my Case for ought I see ) but that in some time they may hope for Tryal : Yea , and to them , the Scots in special . For this Bold , and most true Word I 'll speak : The Scottish Nation in general , the City of Edinburgh in special , and very many particular Men of good Worth , and some Men of Honour , besides Clergy-men of all sorts , during the time I had Interest in Court , have been more beholding to me , than to any ten English Subjects of what rank and condition soever : And this his Majesty knows , and I dare say will Witness . And for their present Afflictions which they speak of , the Current of this Discourse will shew to the indifferent Reader , what a Principal means I have been of them . In the mean time , I little deserved from them the Name of This great Firebrand ; for many of them have warmed themselves at me , but yet I never Fired any of them . Nor can I make any doubt but that God will deliver me out of the midst of this Fire , which he knows I kindled not . Howsoever letthem take heed , for as sure as they now make themselves in the † Conjuncture of a great Party , in which one Wave seconds , and keeps up another ; yet though these Waves of the Sea are mighty , and rage horribly , the Lord that dwelleth on High is Mightier . And under him I rest , and I hope shall , till their Waves be broken against some Rock or other . CAP. IV. NOW follows Adam Blair the second , with a Codicil , or a Corollary to this Charge . And this though it concerns my Brethren , the Bishops , as much as me ; yet because it charges upon the Calling , and was delivered in with the Charge against me , though under another date , of December 15. I shall express what I think of that too . For I think the Scotch Commissioners took another day in upon advice , that they might have a fling at the whole Calling . And I cannot but think , it was upon design among them , when I consider , how eagerly the House of Commons hath followed Episcopacy ever since . This Codicil to their last Will and Testament concerning me begins thus : We do indeed confess , that the Prelates of England have been of very different humours , some of them of a more hot , and others of them Men of a moderate Temper ; some of them more , and some less inclinable to Popery : yet what known Truth , and constant Experience , hath made undeniable , we must at this Opportunity * express . And so must we : For we as ingenuously confess , that the Presbyters of Scotland have been of very different humours ; some of them of a more hot , and others of them Men of a moderate Temper . And the more moderate for Temper , and the more able for Learning among them , have ever declared for the Episcopacy of England . But whereas they say , some of the Bishops of England , are more , and some less inclinable to Popery ; that may seem to imply , that all of them are more or less inclinable to Popery : which I dare say is a loud untruth . Perhaps that which some of them call Popery , is Orthodox Christianity , and not one whit the worse for their miscalling it , though they much the worse for disbelieving it . But now you shall hear , what that known truth is , which constant experience ( they say ) hath made undeniable . That from the first time of the Reformation of the Kirk of Scotland , not only after the coming of King James of Happy Memory into England , but before , the Prelates of England have been by all means uncessantly working the overthrow of our Discipline and Government . A little change in the words answers this . For from the very first of the Reformation of the Church of England , as well before , as after , the coming in of King James of Happy Memory , the Presbyters of Scotland have been by all means uncessantly working the overthrow of Episcopacy , our Discipline and Government : As appears most manifestly in † Archbishop Bancroft's Works . So then , either this is a loud untruth , if our Prelates did not so practise against them : Or if it be truth , our Bishops had altogether as much reason , ( if not more , the justice of the Cause considered ) to work the overthrow of their Discipline , than they had of Episcopacy . But they tell us : It hath come to pass of late , that the Prelates of England having prevailed and brought Vs to Subjection in point of Government , and finding their long-waited-for Opportunity , and a rare Congruity of many Spirits and Powers ready to co-operate for their Ends , have made a strong Assault upon the whole External Worship and Doctrine of our Kirk . Surely for their Doctrine , 't is too large a Field to beat over at this time . Yet many Doctrines are on foot amongst them , which are fitter to be weighed , than swallowed , would they permit them to be brought to the Sanctuary and Balanced there . And for the whole External Worship which they speak of , I have heard it said , they have none at all ; and out of doubt , 't is very little they have , if any . And therefore if the Prelates of England had gotten an Opportunity , and a Congruity of Spirits and Powers to co-operate , ( which yet is not so ) they had been much to blame , if they had not pursued it , till they had brought both the one and the other to a better Condition than they stand in at present . And if they had such an Opportunity , they were much to blame that deserted it ; And if they had not , these Men are unworthy for asserting it . But what End had the Prelates of England in this ? Why sure — By this their doing they did not aim to make us conform to England ; but to make Scotland first ( whose weakness in resisting they had before experienced in Novations of Government , and of some Points of Worship ) and * therefore England , conform to Rome , even in those matters wherein England had separated from Rome , ever since the time of Reformation . These Men out of doubt have , or take on them to have , a great insight into the Hearts and Souls of the Prelates of England . They know that we did not aim to make them conformable to England , but to make Scotland first , and then England , conformable to Rome . But I know the contrary ; and will leave the Book it self to be judged by the Learned in all parts of Christendom , ( for it is carefully Translated into Latin ; ) whether it teach , or practise Conformity with Rome , or not : which trial is far beyond their unlearned , and uncharitable † Assertion . And if any other of my Brethren have had this aim , they should do well to name them . But they are so void of Charity ; that they cannot forbear to say , that we aim to make them Conformable to Rome , even in those things wherein England had separated from Rome , ever since the Reformation . Which is so monstrous an untruth that I wonder how Impudence it self dare utter it ; considering what the Bishops of England have written in defence of their Reformation against Rome , and how far beyond any thing which the Presbyters of Scotland have written against it . As for the Reason , which is given , why we began with Scotland , namely , because we had experience of their weakness in resisting Novations of Government , and of some Points of Worship : I know not what they mean by their weakness in resisting , unless it be , That they did not prevail against King James of Blessed Memory , ( for resist they did to their power ; ) when he brought in Bishops , ( which it seems they call Novations in Government , ) and the Articles of Perth , which they stile Novations in some Points of Worship . And if this be that which they mean ; there is no Novation in the one , or the other . And for their weakness in resisting , you may see what it is . For no sooner have they gotten the Opportunity , which they speak of in the beginning of this Codicil , but they cast out all their Bishops ; reversed all the Articles of Perth ; all the Acts of Parliament , which confirmed both ; brought back all to the rude draught of Knox and Buchanan ; saving that they have made it much worse , by admitting so many Lay-Elders with Votes in their General Assemblies , as may inable the Lay-men to make themselves what Religion they please : A thing which the Church of Christ never knew in any part of it . Nor have they stayed here ; but made use of the same Opportunity , to cry down the Bishops , and Church-Government in England : As you will see by that which comes next . An Evil therefore , which hath issued , not so much from the Personal Disposition of the Prelates themselves , as from the innate Quality and Nature of their Office , and Prelatical Hierarchy , which did bring forth the Pope in Ancient times , and never † ceaseth till it * bring forth Popish Doctrine and Worship , where it is once rooted , and the Principles thereof fomented , and constantly followed . They tell us here , that this Conformity with Rome , is an Evil that issues not so much from the Personal Disposition of the Prelates themselves , as from the innate Quality and Nature of their Office. Conformity with Rome in any Error , or Superstition , is doubtless an Evil ; but that it issues from the Nature of a Bishop's Office , cannot be . For that Office is to Preach Christ , and to govern the Church of Christ , according to his Laws . If any Bishop break this , 't is his Personal Error , and most unnatural to his Office ; to which if he adhere , he can neither teach , nor practise , Superstition . Therefore certainly , what Error soever comes , is from his Person , not his Office. And 't is great Ignorance to call this Evil an innate Quality of the Office ; when the Office is a thing of Institution , not of Nature ; and therefore cannot possibly have any innate Quality in it . But since they will needs have it thus ; let us invert it a little , and see how it will fit them , against their King ; more than it can fit the Bishops for the Pope . For if we should say ( as perhaps we may too truly ) that the dangerous Positions , which too many of the Presbyterian Faction publickly maintain , and in Print , proceed not so much from the Personal Disposition of the Presbyterians themselves , as from the innate Quality and Nature of their Presbyteries , and their Antimonarchical Party ; I believe it would trouble them to shape a good Answer to it , unless they will admit of that which I before have given . But then , if they do this , they Charge themselves with falshood in that which they lay upon the Bishops Office. Next they tell you , that this Prelatical Hierarchy did bring forth the Pope in Ancient times . But truly I think they are thus far deceived ; The Hierarchy cannot be said to bring forth the chief parts of it self . Now the Patriarchs , ( of which the Bishop of Rome was one , if not Prime in Order , ) were the Principal parts of the Hierarchy : Therefore the Hierarchy cannot well be said to bring them forth . But suppose it be so , that the Pope were brought forth by the Bishops ; what fault is there in it ? For the Pope was good , both Nomine & Re , in name , and in being , as they were at first . For thirty of them together were Martyrs for Christ * : And the Church of Rome was famous for her Faith over the World in the very Apostles times . Rom. 1. And if either the Popes , or that Church , have degenerated since ; that is a Personal Crime , and not to be imputed to the Office. And therefore these Men do very ill , or very ignorantly , to affirm , that this Office ( of Episcopacy ) never ceases till it bring forth Popish Doctrine and Worship . For in all the time of these thirty Popes , there was no Doctrine brought forth , which may justly be accounted Superstitious , or called Popery . For the last of those thirty died in the Year 309. ..... And they cannot be ignorant that a Bishop Jewell , on the behalf of the Church of England , challenged the Current of the Fathers , for full Six Hundred Years , to be for it , against Rome , in very many and main Points of Popery . And therefore I may well say , there was no Popery in the World , when the Thirtieth Pope died . Well , if this Evil do not arise from the Hierarchy ; yet it doth — From the Antipathy and Inconsistence of the two Forms of the Ecclesiastical Government , which they conceived , and not without Cause , one Island , * joyned also under one Head and Monarch , was not able to bear : The one being [ † the same ] in all the Parts and Powers which it was in the time of Popery , and still is in the Roman Kirk : The other being the Form of Government received , maintained , and practised by all the Reformed Kirks ; wherein , by their own Testimonies and Confessions , the Kirk of Scotland had amongst them no small Eminency . Sure these Men have forgotten themselves . For they tell us immediatly before , that this Evil of bringing forth Popish Doctrine and Worship , proceeds from the very Office of a Bishop : And now they add , and from the Antipathy of these two Forms of Church Government . Doth the Bishops Office produce Popery ? And doth the Antipathy between the Presbytery and Episcopacy produce Popery too ? So then belike in these Men's Judgments both Bishops , and they which oppose Bishops , produce Popery . And if that be true , Popery must needs increase , that is produced on all sides . An Evil then there is , though perhaps not this , which issues from that Antipathy and Inconsistence of these two Forms of Ecclesiastical Government , which ( they say ) we Prelates of England conceived , and not without Cause , one Island , joyned also under one Head and Monarch , was not able to bear : And that Evil was ( as I conceive ) the continual Jarrs and Oppositions , which would daily arise among His Majesties Subjects of both Kingdoms , concerning these different Forms of Government : And these would bring forth such Heart-burnings and Divisions among the People , that the King might never be secure at home , nor presume upon united Forces against a Foreign Enemy . And this is Evil enough to any Monarch of two divided Kingdoms ; especially lying so near in one Island . Now , if the Bishops of England did conceive thus , and , as our Adversaries here confess , not without Cause ; Then certainly by their own Confession , the Prelates of England had Reason to use all just endeavours to remove , and take away this Inconsistence , that the Form of the Ecclesiastical Government might be one , in one Island , and under one Monarch , that so Faction and Schism might cease ; which else , when they get Opportunity , find a way to rent the Peace of Kingdoms , if not Kingdoms themselves . And this Island ( God of his Mercy preserve it ) is at this * time in great hazard to undergo the fatality of it in a great measure . The next is a manifest untruth . For though there be ( as is said ) an Inconsistence between the Governments , which makes one Island under one King unable to bear both , in the different parts of the Island ; or at least unsafe , while it bears them : Yet neither is Episcopacy in all the Parts and Powers of it , that which it was in time of Popery , and still is in the Roman Church . And this is most manifest to any Man , that will but look upon what Power the Prelates had before , and what they have since the Statute of the Submission of the Clergy in Hen. 8. time : Beside all those Statutes which have since been made in divers Particulars , to weaken their Power . Nor is the other Form of Government received , maintained , and Practised in all other Reformed Churches ; unless these Men be so strait Laced , as not to admit the Churches of Sweden , and Denmark , and indeed , all , or most of the Lutherans , to be Reformed Churches . For in Sweden they retain both the Thing and the Name ; and the Governours of their Churches are , and are called Bishops . And among the other * Lutherans the Thing is retained , though not the Name . For instead of Bishops they are called Superintendents , and instead of Archbishops , General Superintendents . And yet even here too , these Names differ more in sound , than in sense . For Bishop is the same in Greek , that Superintendent is in Latin. Nor is this change very well liked by the Learned . Howsoever Luther , since he would change the Name , did yet very wisely , that he would leave the Thing , and make choice of such a name as was not altogether unknown to the Ancient Church . For a St. Augustine mentions it as plainly and as fully as any of these . As for the Eminency which ( they say ) their Kirk of Scotland had amongst them ; I envy it not ; but God bless it so , that it may deserve Eminence , and have it . And now we are come to the close of all , in which their desire is expressed . This also we represent to your Lordships most serious Consideration : That not only the Fire-brands may be removed , but the Fire may be provided against ; that there be no more * Combustion afterwards . Decemb. 15. 1640. Ad. Blayer . Their request is , That not only the Bishops , whom they are pleased to call the Fire-brands ( which indeed themselves and their Adherents are ) but the Office , or Episcopacy it self , ( which they call the Fire ) may be provided against ; That there may be no combustion after . This I as heartily wish , as any Man can ; but see as little cause to hope for . For what hope can there be against after-Combustion , while the Fire , which they themselves have kindled , while they call other Men Incendiaries , burns on still , and is like to fasten upon the very Foundations , to the eating of them out ? Yet I desire here that the Justice , and the Indifferency of these Men may be well considered , and that in two things . The one in the Cause it self : For Episcopacy is settled by Law here ; Nay it is many ways woven into the Laws and Customs of this Realm . And their great Complaint is , that their Presbyteries ( which they say are established by their Law ) were offer'd to be supprest : So they are angry that their Presbyteries should be touch'd against their Law ; but Episcopacy must be destroyed , though it be never so much against our Law. The other piece of their Justice , is Personal to me . For here , at one and the same time , and in this one and the same Charge , they do by Consequences lay load on me , as if I had invaded their Laws : while they invade ours avowedly , and dare present this their Invasion , as well as that by Arms , in full and open Parliament of England , to have their Will in the one , and their Reward for the other . Now if these two Forms of Ecclesiastical Government , by Episcopacy , and by Presbyteries , be inconsistent under one Monarch ( as they themselves here confess ) then I ( were I at liberty ) would humbly beseech the Lords to consider , First , whether these men have any shew , or colour of Justice in this their demand . Secondly , whether that Form of Church-Government , which hath come down from the Apostles , continued to this Day , is established by the Laws , and usage of this Kingdom , ever since it was Christian , be not fitter for them to embrace and settle ; than that Form which is but of Yesterday , and hath no acquaintance at all with our Laws , nor is agreeable with Monarchy ? And lastly , when the Bishops are taken away , and a Parity ( the Mother of confusion ) made in the Church , and the Church-Lands Sacrilegiously made a Prey ( which I have long feared is not the least Aim of too many ) whether then the Temporal Lords shall not follow after ? And whether their Honour will not then soon appear too great , and their Means too full , till a Lex Agraria will pass upon them , and lay them level with them , whom some of them Favour too much ? And when these things are considered , God Bless them , whom it most concerns , to lay it to Heart betimes , if Time be not slipped already . Here ( having answer'd to all , which the Scots have laid in against me ) I would have the Scotch Service inserted and Printed . The Book lyes by me , very exactly translated into Latin : And so I hope , this Tract shall be . CAP. V. AND now having answered ( and I hope sufficiently ) to all the Particulars in the Charge of the Scots against me ; I must return to the History again , as I left it : Where I told you , the House of Commons were very angry with the late Canons ; and joyning this Accusation of the Scots to such Articles , as they in their Committee had framed against me , upon Decemb. 18. 1640. they accused me of High Treason ( † as is before expressed ) and I was committed to Custody to Mr. James Maxwell , the Officer of the Vpper House . When they had lodg'd me here , I was follow'd with sharpness in both Houses , upon all Occasions of any Complaint made against the proceedings at Council-Table , Star-Chamber , High-Commission , or any place , or thing , in which I had ought to do . Nothing omitted by some cunning Agents , which might increase the Rage and Hatred of the People against me . The chief Instruments herein were the Brownists , and they which adhered unto them ; who were highly offended with me , because I hindred , and Punished ( as by Law I might ) their Conventicles , and Separation from the Church of England . And though I pitied them ( as God knows ) from my very Heart ; yet because necessity of Government forc'd me to some Punishment , their Malignity never gave me over . Among , and above the rest , there were three Men , Mr. Henry Burton , a Minister Benificed in Friday-street in London , Dr. John Bastwick , a Phisician , and Mr. William Pryn , a Common Lawyer , who were censured Junii 14. 1637. in the Star-Chamber , for notorious Libels , Printed , and Published by them against the Hierarchy of the Church . They were then and there Sentenced to stand in the Pillory , and lose their Ears ; and because they should not stay farther to infect London , they were sent away by Order of that Court ; Mr. Burton to Garnsey , Dr. Bastwick to Silly , and Mr. Pryn to Jersy . In the giving of this Sentence I spake my Conscience ; and was after commanded to Print my Speech . But I gave no Vote ; because they had fallen so personally upon me , that I doubted many Men might think Spleen , and not Justice , led me to it . Nor was it my Counsel that advised their sending into those remote Parts . The Brownists , and the preciser Part of the Kingdom , were netled at this ; and the Anger turned upon me , tho' I were the Patient all along . For they had published most venomous Libels against me ; and I did but shew such as came to my Hands to the State , and there left them to do what they pleased in it . But that for which they were Sentenced , was a Book Written by Mr. Burton , and Printed and sent by himself to the Lords sitting in Council ; and a Letany , and other Scandalous things , scattered , and avowed by Dr. 〈◊〉 ; and things of like nature by Mr. Pryn. And he was thought to deserve less Favour than the rest ; because he had been censured before in that great Court , for gross abuses of the Queens Gracious Majesty , and the Government , in his Book Intituled Histriomastix . This Censure being past upon these Men , though I did no more than is before mentioned , yet they , and that Faction continued all manner of Malice against me : And I had Libel upon Libel , scattered in the Streets , and pasted upon Posts . And upon Friday July 7. 1637. a Note was brought to me of a short Libel , pasted on the Cross in Cheapside , that the Arch-Wolf of Canterbury had his Hand in persecuting the Saints , and shedding the Blood of the Martyrs . Now what kind of Saints and Martyrs these were , may appear by their Libellous Writings ; Courses , with which Saints and Martyrs were never acquainted . And most certain it is , that howsoever the Times went then , or go now , yet in Queen Elizabeth's Time , Penry was Hanged , and Vdal Condemned , and Dyed in Prison for less than is contained in Mr. Burton's Book ; as will be evident to any Man that compares their Writings together . And these Saints would have lost their Lives , had they done that against any other State Christian , which they did against this . And I have yet one of the desperatest * Libels by me , that hath ordinarily been seen , which was sealed up in form of a Letter , and sent to me by Mr. Pryn , with his Name to it : And but that it is exceeding long , and from the present business , I would here have inserted it . To return then : The Faction of the Brownists , and these three Saints , with their Adherents , ( for they were now set at Liberty by the House of Commons , and brought into London in great Triumph ) filled the Press almost Daily , with Ballads and Libels , full of all manner of Scurrility , and more Untruth , both against my Person , and my Calling . These were cried about London-streets , and brought ( many of them ) to Westminster , and given into divers Lords Hands , and into the Hands of the Gentlemen of the House of Commons : And yet no Order taken by either House to suppress the Printing of such known and shameless Lyes , as most of them contained : A thing which many sober Men found much fault withall , and which ( I believe ) hath hardly been seen , or suffered , in any Civil Common-wealth , Christian or other . But when I saw the Houses of Parliament so regardless of their own Honour , to suffer these base and Barbarous Courses against an Innocent Man , and as then not so much as Charged in general ; I thought fit to arm my self with Patience , and endure that which I could not help . And by God's Blessing I did so ; though it grieved me much more for my Calling , than for my Person . And this spreading of Libellous , Base Pamphlets continues † to this Day without controul ; and how long it will continue to the Shame of the Nation , I cannot tell . While I was thus committed to Mr. Maxwell , I found I was , by the course of the House , to pay in Fees for my Dyet and Custody , Twenty Nobles a day : This grew very heavy . For I was stayed there full ten weeks , before so much as any General Charge was brought up by the House of Commons against me ; which in that time came to Four Hundred Sixty Six Pound Thirteen Shillings and Four Pence : And Mr. Maxwell had it all , without any Abatement . In the mean time , on Munday December 21. upon a Petition of Sir Robert Howard , I was Condemned to pay Five Hundred Pounds unto him for false Imprisonment . And the Lords Order was so strict ; that I was commanded to pay him the Money presently , or give Security to pay it in a very short time . I payed it , to satisfie the Command of the House ; but was not therein so well advised as I might have been , being Committed for Treason . Now , the Cause of Sir Robert Howard was this . He fell in League with the Lady Viscountess Purbeck . The Lord Viscount Purbeck being in some weakness and distemper , the Lady used him at her pleasure , and betook her self in a manner , wholly to Sir Robert Howard , and had a Son by him . She was delivered of this Child in a Clandestine way , under the Name of Mistress Wright . These things came to be known , and she was brought into the High-Commission ; and there , after a Legal Proceeding , was found guilty of Adultery , and Sentenced to do Pennance : Many of the great Lords of the Kingdom being present in Court , and agreeing in the Sentence . * Upon this Sentence she withdrew her self , to avoid the Penance . This Sentence passed at London-House , in Bishop Mountain's time , Novemb. 19. An. Dom. 1627. I was then present , as Bishop of Bath and Wells . After this , when the Storm was somewhat over , Sir Robert Howard conveyed her to his House at ....... in Shropshire , where she Lived avowedly with him some Years , and had by him ... Children . At last , they grew to that open boldness ; that he brought her up to London , and lodged her in Westminster . This was so near the Court , and in so open view ; that the King and the Lords took notice of it , as a thing full of Impudence , that they should so publickly adventure to outface the Justice of the Realm , in so fowl a business . And one day , as I came of course to wait on his Majesty , he took me aside , and told me of it , being then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ; and added , that it was a great Reproach to the Church and Nation ; and that I neglected my Duty , in case I did not take order for it . I made answer , she was the Wife of a Peer of the Realm ; and that without his leave I could not attach her ; but that now I knew his Majesty's pleasure , I would do my best to have her taken , and brought to Penance , according to the Sentence against her . The next day I had the good hap to apprehend both Her and Sir Robert ; and by Order of the High-Commission-Court , Imprisoned her in the Gate-House , and him in the Fleet. This was ( as far as I remember ) upon a Wednesday ; and the Sunday sevennight after , was thought upon her to bring to Penance . She was much troubled at it , and so was he . And therefore in the middle of the week following , Sir Robert dealt with some of his Friends , and among the rest , with one Sir ....... of Hampshire ; who with Mony , corrupted the Turn-Key of the Prison ( so they call him ) and conveyed the Lady forth , and after that into France in Man's Apparel ( as that Knight himself hath since made his boast . ) This was told me the Morning after the escape : And you must think , the good Fellowship of the Town was glad of it . In the mean time , I could not but know , though not perhaps prove as then , that Sir Robert Howard laboured and contrived this conveyance . And thereupon , in the next sitting of the High-Commission , Ordered him to be * close Prisoner , till he brought the Lady forth . So he continued close Prisoner about some two or three Months . For this the Fine above mentioned was imposed upon me , as being a most Unjust and Illegal Imprisonment . Whereas the Parliament ( to the great Honour of their Justice be it spoken ) have kept me in Prison now † full thirteen Months , and upward , and have not so much as brought up a particular Charge against me ; and how much longer they will keep me , God knows . Now say that all Forms of Law were not observed by me ; yet somewhat was to be indulged , in regard I did it to vindicate such a crying Impiety . But yet , I do here solemnly protest , I observed the Order of the Court in which I sat , and that Court setled by an Act of Parliament , 1. Eliz. And I did not knowingly err in any particular . More I could say in these my sufferings ; but I will blast no Family of Honour for one Man's fault . On Thursday , Januar. 21. 1640. A Parliament-Man , of Good Note † in the House of Commons , and well interessed in divers Lords , gave me to understand ; that some Lords were very well pleased with my patient and moderate carriage since my Commitment : And that four Earls , of great power in the House , should say , that the Lords were not now so sharp against me , as they were at first ; and that now they were resolved , only to Sequester me from the King's Counsels , and to put me from my Arch-Bishoprick . I was glad to hear of any favour , considering the Times ; but considering my Innocency , I could not hold this for favour . And I could not but observe to my self , what Justice I was to expect ; since here was a Resolution taken among the Leading Men of the House , what Censure should be laid upon me , before any Charge , so much as in general , was brought up against me . CAP. VI. UPon Friday , Feb. 26. I had been full ten weeks in restraint , at Mr. Maxwell's House : And this day , being St. Augustine's day , my Charge in general Articles was brought up from the House of Commons to the Lords , by Sir Hen. Vane the Younger . It consisted of Fourteen Articles . These Generals they craved time to prove in Particular ; and that I in the mean time might be kept safe . Upon this I was presently sent for to the House , and the Articles were Read to me at the Bar. When the Clark of the Parliament had done Reading , I humbly craved leave of the Lords , to speak a few words ; which were to this effect . My Lords ; This is a great and a heavy Charge ; and I must be unworthy to live , if it can be made good against me : For it makes me against God , in point of Religion ; Against the King , in point of Allegiance ; And against the Publick , in point of Safety , under the Justice and Protection of Law. And though the King be little , if at all mentioned ; yet I am bold to Name him , because I have ever been of Opinion , that the King and his People are so joyned together , in one Civil and Politick Body , as that it is not possible for any Man to be true to the King , as King , that shall be found Treacherous to the State Established by Law , and work to the Subversion of the People : Though perhaps every one , that is so , is not able to see thorough all the Consequences , by which one depends upon the other . So my Charge , my Lords , is exceeding heavy in it self ; though I as yet , do not altogether feel the weight of it . For 't is yet ( as your Lordships see ) but in Generals ; And Generals make a great noise , but no Proof : Whereas , 't is Proof upon Particulars , that makes the weight of a Charge sit close upon any Man. Now , my Lords , 't is an old and a true Rule , Errare contingit descendendo , Error doth most often happen , and best appear , when Men descend to Particulars : And with them when I shall be Charged , I hope my Innocence will furnish me with a sufficient Answer to any Error of mine , that shall be thought Criminal , or any way worthy the Cognizance of this High and Honourable Court. As for Humane Frailties , as I cannot acquit my self of them , so I presume your Lordships will be favourable Judges of them : Since in the Transaction of so many businesses as passed my Hands , Men , far abler than ever I can be , have been subject to them , and , perhaps , to as many , and as great . But for Corruption in the least degree ( I humbly praise God for it ) I fear no Accuser , that will speak Truth . But ( my Lords ) that which goes nearest unto me among these Articles , is , that I should be thought foul and false in the profession of my Religion : As if I should profess with the Church of England , and have my Heart at Rome , and labour by all cunning ways to bring Romish Superstition in upon the Kingdom . This ( my Lords ) I confess , troubles me exceedingly ; and if I should forget my self , and fall into passion upon it ; I should but be in that case which St. Jerome confessed he was in ; when he knew not how to be patient , when Falshood in Religion was charged upon him . And yet that was nothing so high a Charge as this which is laid against me : Which is not only to be basely false my self ; but withal , to labour to spread the same Falshood over the whole Kingdom . And here I humbly besought their Lordships , that I might a little inlarge my self , and I did so . But because I purpose here to set down the general Articles , that were brought up against me , and that one of them comes home to this point of Religion ; I shall put it off till I come to * that Article , and there set it down at large , what I now said . And this I do , to avoid an useless and a tedious Repetition . Here then follow the Articles themselves , as they were that day Charged upon me , with my general Answer to each of them . And more I cannot give , till Particulars shall be put up against me . CAP. VII . ARticles of the Commons assembled in Parliament , in maintenance of their Accusation against William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury , whereby he stands Charged with High Treason , and other High Crimes and Misdemeanours † . 1. That he hath Trayterously endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws and Government of * the Kingdom : And instead thereof to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government against Law : And to that end hath wickedly and Trayterously advised His Majesty , that he might at his own Will and Pleasure Levy and take Money of his Subjects without their consent in Parliament . And this he affirmed , was warrantable by the Law of God. I did never endeavour to subvert the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom of England ; nor to introduce an Arbitrary or Tyrannical Government , contrary to Law. I could not endeavour this ; my knowledge and judgment going ever against an Arbitrary Government , in comparison of that which is settled by Law. I learned so much long ago , out of * Aristotle ; and his Reasons are too good to be gone against . And ever since I had the honour to sit at the Council Table , I kept my self as much to the Law as I could ; and followed the Judgment of those great Lawyers which then sat at the Board . And upon all References which came from His Majesty , if I were one , I left those freely to the Law , who were not willing to have their business ended any other way . And this the Lord Keeper , the Lord Privy Seal , and the Councel Learned , which attended their Clients Causes , can plentifully witness . I did never advise His Majesty , that he might at his own Will and Pleasure levy Money of his Subjects without their Consent in Parliament . Nor do I remember that ever I affirmed any such thing , as is Charged in the Article . But I do believe , that I may have said something to this effect following : That howsoever it stands by the Law of God , for a King , in the just and necessary defence of himself and his Kingdom , to levy Money of his Subjects ; yet where a particular National Law doth intervene in any Kingdom , and is settled by mutual consent between the King and his People , there Moneys ought to be Levied by and according to that Law. And by God's Law , and the same Law of the Land , I humbly conceive , the Subjects , so met in Parliament ought to supply their Prince , when there is just and necessary cause . And if an Absolute necessity do happen by Invasion , or otherwise , which gives no time for Counsel or Law ; such a Necessity ( but no pretended one ) is above all Law. And I have heard the greatest Lawyers in this Kingdom confess ; that in times of such a Necessity , The King 's Legal Prerogative is as great as this . And since here is of late such a noise made about the Subversion of the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom , and Mens Lives called this way in question ; 't is very requisite , that these Fundamental Laws were known to all Men : That so they may see the danger , before they run upon it : Whereas now , the Common Laws of England have no Text at all . In so much , that many , who would think themselves wronged , if they were not accounted good Lawyers , cannot in many points assure a Man what the Law is . And by this means , the Judges have liberty to retain more in Scrinio Pectoris , than is fitting ; and which comes a little too near that Arbitrary Government , so much and so justly found fault with : Whereas there is no Kingdom ( that I know ) that hath a setled Government , but it hath also a Text , or a Corpus Juris of the Laws written , save England . So here shall be as great a punishment , as is any where , for the breach of the Laws , and no Text of them for a Man's direction . And under favour , I think it were a work worthy a Parliament , to Command some prime Lawyers , to draw up a Body of the Common Law , and then have it carefully Examined by all the Judges of the Realm , and thoroughly weighed by both Houses , and then have this Book Declared and Confirmed by an Act of Parliament , as containing the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom . And then let any Man go to Subvert them at his Peril . 2. He hath for the better accomplishment of that his Trayterous Design , advised and procured , divers Sermons and other Discourses , to be Preached , Printed , and Published , in which the Authority of Parliaments , and the force of the Laws of this Kingdom are denied , and an Absolute and Vnlimited Power over the Persons and Estates of his Majesties Subjects is maintained and defended , not only in the King , but also in himself , and other Bishops , above and against the Law. And he hath been a great Protector , Favourer , and Promoter of the Publishers of such false and pernicious Opinions . I have neither advised nor procured the Preaching , Printing , or Publishing of any Sermons , or other Discourses , in which the Authority of Parliaments , and the force of the Laws of this Kingdom are denied , and an Absolute and Unlimited Power over the Persons and Estates of his Majesty's Subjects maintained and defended . Nay , I have been so far from this , that I have , since I came into place , made stay of divers Books , purposely written to maintain an Absolute Power in the † Kingdom , and have not suffered them to be Printed , as was earnestly desired . And were it fit to bring other Mens Names in question , and expose their Persons to danger , I have some of those Tracts by me at this present . And as I have not maintained this Power in the King's Majesty ; so much less have I defended this , or any other Power against Law , either in my self , or other Bishops , or any other Person whatsoever : Nor have I been a Protector , Favourer , or Promoter of any the Publishers of such false and pernicious Opinions , knowing them to be such Men. 3. He hath by Letters , Messages , Threats , Promises , and divers other ways , to Judges and other Ministers of Justice , interrupted and perverted ; and at other times by the means aforesaid , hath indeavoured to interrupt and pervert , the course of Justice , in his Majesty's Courts at Westminster , and other Courts , to the Subversion of the Laws of this Kingdom ; whereby , sundry of his Majesty's Subjects have been stopped in their Just Suits , and deprived of their Lawful Rights , and subjected to his Tyrannical Will , to their utter Ruin and Destruction . I have neither by Letters , Messages , Threats , nor Promises , nor by any other Means , endeavoured to interrupt or pervert the course of Justice in his Majesty's Judges , or other Ministers of Justice , either to the Subversion of the Law , or the stopping of the Subjects in their Just Suits : Much less , to the ruin or destruction of any one ; which God forbid I should ever be guilty of . The most that ever I have done in this kind , is this . When some poor Clergy-Men , which have been held in long Suits , some Seven , Nine , Twelve Years , and one for Nineteen Years together , have come and besought me with Tears , and have scarce had convenient Clothing about them to come and make their address ; I have sometimes underwritten their Petitions to those Reverend Judges , in whose Courts their Suits were , and have fairly desired Expedition for them . But I did never desire , by any Letter , or Subscription , or Message , any thing for any of them , but that which was according to the Law and Justice of the Realm . And in this particular , I do refer my self to the Testimony of the Reverend Judges of the Common Law. 4. That the said Arch-Bishop hath Traiterously and Corruptly sold Justice to those that have had Causes depending before him , by Colour of his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , as Arch-Bishop , High-Commissioner , Referree , or otherwise ; and hath taken unlawful Gifts and Bribes of his Majesty's Subjects : And hath , as much as in him lyeth , indeavoured to corrupt other Courts of Justice , by advising [ and procuring ] his Majesty to sell places of Judicature , and other Offices , [ and procuring the Sale of them ] contrary to the Laws and Statutes in that behalf . I did least of all expect this Charge . For I have not corruptly sold Justice , either as Arch-Bishop , High-Commissioner , Referree , or otherwise : Nor have I taken any unlawful Gift or Bribe , of any his Majesty's Subjects . And though in this Article , there is no particular mentioned , more than in the rest ; yet I am not ignorant , that I have been Charged in the House of Commons , for taking two Pipes of Sack , from one Mr. Tho. Stone , as a Bribe for the abarement of a Fine , imposed upon some Men of Chester , by the High-Commission at York : Which power of Abatement was in me , by vertue of a Broad-Seal granted me to that purpose , bearing Date ..... Now , because there is no Particular known to me but this , belonging to this or any other Article ; and because I know not what course the Parliament will hold with me ; namely , whether they will produce Particulars , or proceed by Bill of Attainder , I will take opportunity here to unfold all that is true in this odious Accusation of Stone . And the Case is thus , Mr. Stone , knowing that these Fines with other were given by his Majesty towards the repair of St. Pauls in London ; and that the Trust of that Business , with Power to abate any Fine , was committed to me , under the Broad Seal of England ; became a very earnest Suiter to me in the behalf of these Chester-Men , fined at York . And he set divers of his Friends and mine upon me , for abatement of this Fine : And among others , his own Son-in-Law , Mr. William Wheat , Barrister at Law , who had been bred under me in St. John's Colledge in Oxford ; and Mr. Wheat 's Brother , Doctor Baylie , then Dean of Salisbury . In this Suit Stone pretended and protested too , that these Men ought him two or three Thousand Pound , ( I well remember not whether ) and that he should lose it all , if these Mens Fines were not abated . For they would hide their Heads , and never appear again . During this Suit , he came twice , if not thrice , to my Steward , and told him , he had at present excellent Sack , and that he would send in two Pipes for me . My Steward at each time refused his motion , and acquainted me with it ( as my Command ever was he should do in Cases of receiving any thing into my House . ) I at every of these times commanded it should not be received . Mr. Stone then protested to my Steward , that he did not offer this as any Bribe or Gratuity for the business of the Chester-Men ; but meerly as a Token of his Thankfulness for many and great Kindnesses done by me to himself , his Son-in-Law , and his Friend Doctor Baylie . Notwithstanding this , I gave absolute Command the Sack should not be received : When Mr. Stone saw this , he found a time to send in the Sack when my Steward was not in the House , and told my Under-Servants that my Steward was acquainted with it . The next time Mr. Stone came to the House , which ( as far as I remember ) was the very next day : My Steward told him , he would send back the Sack , and was about to do it ( as he after assured me . ) Then Mr. Stone was very earnest with him , that he would save his Credit , and not send the Wine back to his disgrace ; renewing his former deep Protestations , that he had in this no relation at all to the Chester-Mens business . Upon this , my Steward being acquainted with him , and his fore-named Friends , trusted him , and let the Wine stay , contrary to my former Commands . After all this , this unworthy Man put the price of this Wine upon the Chester-Mens Account ; as if for that Gift I had abated their Fine ; and so gave them an occasion to complain of me to the Parliament . Whereas both the Chester-Men , and Mr. Stone himself , had before acknowledged , I had used them kindly in the Composition for their Fine , and wished they had been referred to me for the whole Cause . And for my whole carriage in this business , I dare refer my self to the Testimony of Mr. Stone 's own Son-in-Law , and Doctor Baylie , who were the chief Men whom Mr. Stone imployed to me . Besides , after all this cunning , it will appear by my Servants their Accounts , that the Wine was not brought into my House , in the cunning manner before mentioned , till divers days after I had compounded with the Chester-Men for their Fine ; so a Bribe for doing a business it could not be . And upon the whole matter , I am verily perswaded , considering Stone 's Profession in Religion , ( for he is a Brownist , or next Neighbour to him ) that he did this of set purpose , to see if he could insnare me in this way . Lastly , I desire the Lords , and all Men , that have had any thing to do with me , to look upon me in the whole course of my Life ; wherein they shall find me untainted with so much as the value of Six-pence in this base way . And it is not unknown to the World , that for many Years together I had opportunities enough to inrich my self by such a way , had I been minded to take that course : Whereas now , it is well known , my Estate is the meanest of any Arch-Bishop's of Canterbury that hath sate for many Years . And having carried it thus along for all my Life , I presume no Man can be so injurious to me , as to think I would now in mine Old Age ( being Sixty Eight when this was Charged upon me ) sell either my Conscience , or my Honour , for a Morsel of Bread , or a Cup of Wine . And for the other part of this Article . I did never advise his Majesty , to sell Places of Judicature , or other Offices , or procure the Sale of them contrary to Law. 5. He hath Traiterousty caused a Book of Canons to be Composed and Published , [ and those Canons to be put in Execution ] without any lawful Warrant and Authority in that behalf . In which pretended Canons , many Matters are contained contrary to the King's Prerogative , to the Fundamental Laws and Statutes of this Realm , to the Right of Parliament , to the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects , and Matters tending to Sedition , and of dangerous Consequence ; and to the Establishment of a vast , unlawful , and presumptuous Power in himself and his Successors : Many of the which Canons , by the practice of the said Arch-Bishop , were surreptitiously passed in the last Convocation , without due Consideration and Debate ; others by fear and 〈◊〉 were Subscribed to by the Prelates and Clerks there 〈◊〉 ; which had never been Voted and passed in the Convocation , as they ought to have been . And the said Arch-Bishop hath contrived and endeavoured , to assure and confirm the Vnlawful and Exorbitant Power , which he hath Vsurped and Exercised over his Majesty's Subjects , by a Wicked and Vngodly Oath , in one of the said pretended Canons , enjoyned to be taken by all the Clergy , and many of the Laity of this Kingdom . I Composed no Book of Canons : The whole Convocation did it , with unanimous Consent . So , either I must be free , or that whole Body must be guilty of High-Treason . For in that Crime all are Principals , that are guilty ; Accessory there is none . Neither did I publish , or put in Execution those Canons , or any of them , but by Lawful Authority . And I do humbly conceive , and verily believe , there is nothing in those Canons contrary either to the King's Prerogative , the Fundamental Laws of the Realm , the Rights of Paliament , the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects , or any matter tending to Sedition , or of dangerous consequence , or to the establishment of any vast or unlawful Power in my self and my Sucessors . Neither was there any Canon in that Convocation surreptitiously passed by any practice of mine , or without due Consideration and Debate . Neither was there any thing in that Convocation , but what was voted first , and subscribed after , without fear or compulsion in any kind . And I am verily perswaded , there never sate any Synod in Christendom , wherein the Votes passed with more freedom , or less practice , than they did in this . And for the Oath injoyned in the sixth Canon , as it was never made to confirm any unlawful or exorbitant Power over his Majesty's Subjects ; so I do humbly conceive , that it is no Wicked or Ungodly Oath in any respect . And I hope I am able to make it good in any learned Assembly in Christendom , that this Oath , and all those Canons ( then made and here before recited ) and every Branch in them , are Just and Orthodox , and Moderate , and most necessary for the present Condition of the Church of England ; how unwelcom soever to the present Distemper . 6. He hath traiterously assumed to himself a Papal and Tyrannical Power , both in Ecclesiastical and Temporal Matters , over his Majesty's Subjects in this Realm of England , and other places ; to the Disinherison of the Crown , Dishonour of his Majesty , and Derogation of his Supreme Authority in Ecclesiastical Matters . And the said Arch-Bishop claims the King 's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , as incident to his Episcopal and Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom ; and doth deny the same to be derived from the Crown of England ; which he hath accordingly exercised , to the high contempt of his Royal Majesty , and to the destruction of [ * divers of ] the King's Liege-People in their Persons and Estates . I have not assumed Papal or Tyrannicl Power , in matters Ecclesiastical or Temporal ; to the least Disinherison , Dishonour , or Derogation of his Majesty's Supream Authority in matters Ecclesiastical or Temporal . I never claimed the King's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , as incident to my Episcopal or Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom : Nor did I ever deny , that the exercise of my Jurisdiction was derived from the Crown of England . But that which I have said , and do still say , concerning my Office and Calling , is this , That my Order , as a Bishop , and my Power of Jurisdiction , is by Divine Apostolical Right , and unalterable ( for ought I know ) in the Church of Christ. But all the Power I , or any other Bishop hath to exercise any the least Power , either of Order or Jurisdiction , within this Realm of England , is derived wholly from the Crown : And I conceive it were Treasonable to derive it from any other Power , Foreign or Domestick . And for the Exercise of this Power under his Majesty , I have not used it to the Contempt , but to the great Advantage of his Royal Person , and to the Preservation , not the Destruction of his People : Both which appear already by the great Distractions , Fears , and Troubles , which all Men are in since my Restraint ; and which ( for ought I yet see ) are like to increase , if God be not exceeding Merciful above our Deserts . 7. That he hath traiterously endeavoured to alter and subvert God's true Religion by Law established in this Realm ; and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry ; and to that end hath declared and maintained in Speeches and Printed Books divers Popish Doctrines and Opinions , contrary to the Articles of Religion established [ * by Law. ] He hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and Superstitious Ceremonies , without any warrant of Law , and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same , by Corporal Punishment and Imprisonment ; and most unjustly vexed others who refused to conform thereto , by Ecclesiastical Censures of Excommunication , Suspension , Deprivation , and Degradation ; contrary to the Law of the Kingdom . I never endeavoured to alter or subvert God's true Religion established by Law in this Kingdom ; or to bring in Romish Superstition . Neither have I declared , maintained , or Printed any Popish Doctrine , or Opinion , contrary to the Articles of Religion established , or any one of them , either to the end mentioned in this Article , or any other . I have neither urged nor injoyned any Popish or Superstitious Ceremonies without warrant of Law ; nor have I cruelly persecuted any Opposers of them . But all that I laboured for in this particular was , that the external Worship of God in this Church , might be kept up in Uniformity and Decency , and in some Beauty of Holiness . And this the rather , because first I found that with the Contempt of the Outward Worship of God , the Inward fell away apace , and Profaneness began boldly to shew it self . And secondly , because I could speak with no conscientious Persons almost , that were wavering in Religion , but the great motive which wrought upon them to disaffect , or think meanly of the Church of England , was , that the external Worship of God was so lost in the Church ( as they conceived it ; ) and the Churches themselves , and all things in them , suffered to lye in such a base and slovenly Fashion in most places of the Kingdom . These , and no other Considerations , moved me to take so much care as I did of it ; which was with a single Eye , and most free from any Romish Superstition in any thing . As for Ceremonies ; all that I injoyned , were according to Law. And if any were Superstitious , I injoyned them not . As for those which are so called by some Men , they are no Innovations , but Restaurations of the ancient approved Ceremonies , in , and from the beginning of the Reformation , and setled either by Law or Custom ; till the Faction of such as now openly and avowedly separate from the Church of England , did oppose them , and cry them down . And for the Censures which I put upon any , I presume they will to all indifferent Men , which will Understandingly and Patiently hear the Cause , appear to be Just , Moderate , and according to Law. 8. That for the better advancing of his Traiterous Purpose and Designs , he did abuse the great Power and Trust his Majesty reposed in him ; and did intrude upon the Places of divers great Officers , and upon the Right of * divers his Majesty's Subjects ; whereby he did procure to himself the Nomination of sundry Persons to Ecclesiastical Dignities , Promotions and Benefices , belonging to his Majesty , and divers of the Nobility , Clergy , and others ; and hath taken upon him the † Nomination of Chaplains to the King ; by which means he hath preferred to his Majesty's Service , and to other great Promotions in the Church , such as have been Popishly affected , or other wise Vnsound and Corrupt both in Doctrine and Manners . I did never wittingly abuse the Power or Trust , which His Majesty reposed in me . Nor did I ever intrude upon the Places of any great Officers , or others , to procure to my self the Nomination of Persons Ecclesiastical , to Dignities , Promotions , and Benefices , belonging to His Majesty , the Nobility , or any other . And though here be no Particular named ; yet I guess at that which is meant , and will clearly set down the Truth . His Majesty , some few Years since , assumed to himself , from the Right Honourable the Lord Coventry , the Lord Keeper that then was , and from my Lord Cottington , then Master of the Court of Wards , the disposing of all such Benefices , as came to the King's Gift by Title of Wardship , of what value soever they were . The Reason , which moved His Majesty to do this , was ; The Lord Keeper and the Lord Cottington became humble Suitors to him , to end a Contention between them , about the giving of those Benefices , both for their own Quiet , and the Peace of other His Majesties Subjects . For the Course was , when any thing fell void in the Gift of a Ward , he of these two great Officers , which came first to know of the avoidance , gave the Living . This caused great , and oft-times undue , Practising among them which were Suitors for the Benefices . And many times the Broad-Seal , and the Seal of the Court of Wards , bore Date the same Day : And then the Bishop , which Clerk soever he Instituted , was sure to offend the other Lord. And these Lords too many times , by the earnest putting on of Friends , were not well pleased one with another in the Business . Upon this Suit of their own , His Majesty gave a Hearing to these Lords ; and in Conclusion of it , took the Disposal of all such Benefices into his own Hands , and ( for ought I know ) with both their liking and content . In the disposing of these Benefices to such Men , as had served His Majesty at Sea , or otherwise , I was trusted by the King ; and I served him in it faithfully ; but proceeded no farther , nor otherwise , than he directed , and commanded me . But I never took the Nomination of any one to my self , or my own disposing . And the Truth of this , as His Majesty knows ; so I am Confident , my Lord Cottington , who is yet living , will Witness . For the Nomination of Chaplains to the King , if I had done it , I think the work was as proper for the Arch-Bishop , as for any Man : Yet because by Ancient Custom it was conceived to belong in a great part to the Lord Chamberlain ( who was then the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembrook ; ) I never Named any to His Majesty , but I did fairly acquaint the Lord Chamberlain with it , and desired his favour . But in all my time I never was the means to prefer any Man to His Majesties Service , as a Chaplain , or to any Promotion , whom I knew to be Popishly affected , or any way Corrupt in Doctrine or Manners . 9. He hath for the same Trayterous and Wicked intent , chosen and employed such Men to be his [ * own Domestical ] Chaplains , whom he knew to be Notoriously disaffected to the Reformed Religion ; grosly addicted to Popish Superstition ; and Erroneous , and unsound both in Judgment and Practice : And to them , or some of them , he hath committed Licensing of Books to be Printed ; By which means divers false and Superstitious Books have been Published , to the great Scandal of Religion , and to the seducing of many of His Majesties Subjects . I never chose any Man to be my Chaplain , who I knew , or had good Cause to suspect , was Popishly affected : Nor any that was unsound in Judgment or Practice . Nor did I commit the Licensing of Books to any such ; but to those only , who I then did , and do still believe , are Orthodox and Religious Divines , and Men of very good Judgment , for that Necessary and great Service . And if they , or any of them , have by negligence , or otherwise suffered any Erroneous and Dangerous Books to pass the Press ; they must answer both the Church and the State , for whatsoever they have done amiss in that kind ; for it is not possible for the Archbishop to perform all those Services in Person : And in the committing of them to my Chaplains , and other Divines of Note , I have done no new thing , but that which my Predecessors have done before me . This I am sure of : I gave often , and express and strict Command to all and every of them , that they should License nothing that was contrary to the Doctrine and Discipline Established in the Church of England , or might Personally or otherwise give Offence or Distaste . And I hope they have Obeyed my Directions : If not , they must Answer for themselves . 10. He hath Trayterously and Wickedly endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome : And for the effecting thereof hath Consorted , and Confederated with divers Popish Priests and Jesuits , and hath kept secret intelligence with the Pope of Rome ; And by himself , his Agents and Instruments , treated with such as have from thence received Authority and Instruction . He hath permitted and countenanced a Popish Hierarchy or Ecclesiastical Government to be Established in this Kingdom . By all which Trayterous and Malicious Practices this Church and Kingdom have been exceedingly indangered , and like to fall under the Tyranny of the Roman See. The Article is now come , of which I spake before ; and in my Answer to which I promised to set down the substance of that which I spake in the Parliament House , to the Lords , when this General Charge was brought up against me ; and I shall somewhat inlarge it , yet without any Change of the Grounds upon which I then stood . And now I shall perform that Promise . And I shall be of all other least afraid to answer all that is here said concerning Religion . For my Heart ( I bless God for it ) is sound that way , to the uttermost of my Knowledge ; and I think I do well understand my Principles . And my Old Master Aristotle hath taught me long since , that † Qui se bene habent ad divina , audaciores sunt ; they which are well and setledly composed in things pertaining to God , ( that is , in Religion ) are much the bolder by it : And this not only against Slanders and Imputations cast upon Men for this , but in all other Accidents of the World , what ever they be . And surely I may not deny it : I have ever wished , and heartily Prayed for , the Unity of the whole Church of Christ , and the Peace and Reconciliation of torn and divided Christendom . But I did never desire a Reconciliation , but such as might stand with Truth , and preserve all the Foundations of Religion entire . For I have Learned from a | Prime School-Man of their own ; That every Vnion doth not perfect the true Reason , or Definition of that which is good ; but that only , upon which depends , Esse perfectum Rei , the perfect Essence of that thing . So that in this particular , if the substance of Christian Religion be not perfected by any Vnion ; that Vnion it self cannot have in it Rationem boni , the true Being and Nature of Good. And therefore I did never desire , that England and Rome should meet together , but with forsaking of Errour and Superstition ; especially such as grate upon and frett the Foundations of Religion . But were this done , God forbid , but I should Labour for a Reconciliation ; if some Tenets of the Roman Party on the one side , and some deep and imbittered Disaffections on the other , have not made it impossible ; as I much doubt they have . But that I shou'd practice with Rome , as now it stands , and to that end should confederate with Priests and Jesuits ; or hold secret intelligence with the Pope , or treat with him , or any Instruments Authorised by him , or by any Agents , is utterly untrue : As I hope may fully appear by that which follows . * vid. init . libri . And First , ( in hope that they which have observed my Life in times past , will give me Credit in this time of my Affliction ) I do here make my solemn Protestation , in the Presence of God , and this great Court , that I am Innocent of any thing , greater or less , that is charged in this Article , or any part of it . And I do here offer my Corporal Oath ( Please it the Lords to give it me ) in the strictest form that any Oath can be conceived ; that I am wholly Innocent of this Charge . And let nothing be tendred against me but Truth , and I do challenge whatsoever is between Heaven and Hell to come in and Witness whatsoever they can against me in this Particular . For all that I have feared in all this Charge against me , is not Guilt , but Subornation of Perjury : Against which Innocency it self cannot be safe . And I have found the deadly Hatred of some Men against me to be such , as that , though I cannot suspect the House of Commons of such an Irreligious Baseness , yet I have great Cause to suspect some particular Men , which I see make no Conscience of the Way , so they may compass their End. Secondly ; Should I practice ( be it with whom you will ) to superinduce Romish Tyranny and Superstition over the true Religion established in England , I have taken a very wrong way to it . For I have hindred as many from going to the Roman Party , and have reduced as many from it ; and some of great Quality , and some of great Learning and Judgment ; as I believe any Divine in England hath done . And is this the way to bring in Romish Superstition , to reduce Men from it ? Or is this the Reward from the State , which Men must look for , that have done these Services ? Thirdly ; The Book , which I have Written against Mr. Fisher the Jesuit , must of Necessity either acquit me of this Calumny , or proclaim me a Villain to the World. And I hope , I have so lived , as that Men have not that Opinion of me ; sure I am , I have not deserved it . And had this Book of mine been written according to the Garb of the Time , fuller of Railing than Reason ; a Learned Jesuit would have Laughed at it and me ; and a Learned Protestant might have thought I had Written it only to conceal my self and my Judgment in those Difficulties . But being Written in the way it is , I believe no Romanist will have much Cause to Joy at it , or to think me a Favourer of their Cause . And since I am thus put to it , I will say thus much more . This Book of mine is so Written ( by God's great blessing upon me ) as that whensoever the Church of England ( as they are growing towards it apace ) shall depart from the Grounds which I have therein laid , she shall never be able , before any Learned and disingaged Christian , to make good her Difference with , and her Separation from , the Church of Rome . And let no Man think I speak Pride or Vanity in this . For the Outrages , which have been against me , force me to say it ; and I am confident , future times will make it good ; unless Profaneness break in , and over-run the whole Kingdom ; which is not a little to be feared . Fourthly ; I must confess , I am in this Particular most unfortunate . For many Recusants in England , and many of that Party beyond the Seas , think I have done them and their Cause more Harm , than they which have seemed more fierce against them . And I doubt not , but I shall be able to prove , that I have been accounted beyond Sea , the greatest Enemy to them that ever sat in my Place . And shall I suffer on both sides ? Shall I be accounted an Enemy by one part for opposing the Papist ; and accused for a Traytor by the other for Favouring and Complying with them ? Well ; If I do suffer thus , 't is but because Truth usually lies between two Extreams , and is beaten by both : ( As the poor Church of England is , at this day , by the Papist and the Separatist . ) But in this , and all things else , in despight of all Malice , Truth shall be either my Protection from Suffering , or my Comfort while I suffer : And by God's gracious assistance I shall never depart from it , but continue at the Apostle's Ward , 2 Cor. 13. Nihil possum contra veritatem , I can do nothing against the Truth ; and for it , I hope God will enable me patiently to suffer any thing . Fifthly ; If I had practised with the Pope , or his Agents , for the alteration of Religion in England ; surely I must have used many great and dextrous Instruments to compass my end . And in a business of so great Consequence , Difficulty and Danger , to all that should have a Hand , nay but a Finger in it , no Man would venture to meddle without good pay . And 't is well known , that I have filled no Purse , nor laid up any store , to set ill Instruments on work , upon that or any other unworthy design . Sixthly ; I am a Man in Years , great Years for a Man so loaded with business as I have been all my Life : And it cannot be long , before I must go to give God Almighty an account of all my Actions . And whatsoever the Malignity of the Time may put upon me ; yet they which know me and my ways , will easily believe , that I have not so little Conscience , or care of my Soul , as to double with God to my very Death . Nay , could I have doubled thus , I could easily have seen a way through all this difficulty ; and how to have been as gracious with the People , as any , even the worst , of my Predecessours . But I have ever held , that the lowest depth of Baseness , to frame Religion to serve turns ; and to be carried about with every wind of vain Doctrine , to serve and please other Mens Fancies , and not a Man 's own either Understanding or Conscience . Seventhly ; I think the greatest Enemies I have , are of Opinion , that if I would have turned to the Roman Party , especially if I would have been such an active Instrument for them , as this Article would make me , I might have been welcome to them , and should have been rewarded by them ; at least , that I should have been made able to live in Credit , if not in Honour . And this being granted ; I would fain know , what could stay me here , save only my Conscience in and to the Truth . Surely , not any care of Wife and Children , for I have them not : And as this Storm drives upon me , I most humbly and heartily bless God for it , that I have not any of these Clogs to hang about me . Not the Greatness of my Place : For if in this present Tumble , any thing be put either upon it or me , that a knowing Conscience ought to check at , the World shall soon see , how little I value Canterbury in regard of Conscience . Not the Honour of my place neither : For if I stood upon that , I cannot but see how Malice hath laid that in the Dust , or lower if it may be . And can any Man think then , that I would indure so much hatred , and so many base Libels , as have filled the Streets against me , and such bitter revilings of me in Print , as the Gall of some Pens have cast upon me , when I might go live elsewhere with Content and Reputation ? Sure nothing but Conscience could stay me here in such a Condition . Not the Wealth to be gotten in my place : For the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury is far short of the value put upon it , ( according as I have given a faithful Account to his Majesty . ) And if it were of never so great a value , I have made it manifest to the World , that Wealth is not my aim . For whatsoever benefit hath accrewed to me , over and above my necessary and decent Expences , I have refunded back upon the Poor , or the Publick , or the Church from whence I had it ; as in better times Church-Men were wont to do . So there could be no external motive to work upon me , to make me stay here , if my Conscience went along with Rome . And my Conscience being not that way set , ( as most certainly it is not ) no Man can so much as probably think , I should with hazard of my Life and Honour , and all things , practise the Change of Religion , and that against my Conscience . Eighthly ; This scandalous false Report , that I should Negotiate with the Pope , and with Rome , for the Change of Religion in this Kingdom , was first spread by the Scots , who * shamelesly Printed it in these words ; Canterbury did Negotiate with Rome , about the frame of our Service-Book and Canons , &c. Now if this be false , why did they Print it ? And if it be true , why do they desert it ? It comes a great deal more home , than double all else they have said against me . And yet it seems , when they had considered better of it , and found they could not make it good , they left it quite out of those Articles which they preferred into the Parliament of England against me . And I presume , they would never have left that out which they had published in Print to the World , could they have gotten any shew of Proof . Immediately upon the arrival of this Pamphlet in England , Court , City , and Country grew presently full of it ; that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had Negotiated with Rome about the alteration of Religion . And since they have thus Defamed me , and that in Print , I do challenge Mr. Alexander Henderson , ( who doubtless was either sole Author of that Remonstrance , or had a great hand in it ) either to make it good against me ; or by like Publick acknowledgment of it in Print , give me satisfaction for so foul a Calumny ; or to answer me , when I shall not fail to challenge him for it , at the Bar of Christ. Lastly ; I received Information out of Holland , when his Majesty was last in the North , that there was a Plot laid of a dangerous Treason against his Majesty's Life : That this Treason was plotted here in England , by Signior Con and his Complices ; and that these Contrivers took a deep dislike against me , because they could not get within me , nor make me pliable to their Projects about Religion ; and that they were so angry with me for it , as that they resolved my Life must be first taken away , before they could hope to get their Will of the King. This Advertisement came to me from one , that professed he was in the Bosom of Con , and knew all the Secrets of his Imployments hither . This business was first made known under an Oath of 〈◊〉 ( as I remember ) to Sir William Boswell , his Majesty's Agent in Holland ; and it was ordered between them , that his Papers should be sent over sealed to me , as they were , and that by an Express ; and a Charge to deliver them to no Hand but mine , as he tendred the King's safety , in regard so many Great Men were ( as he said ) in the Treason . I sent away these Letters and Papers to his Majesty's own Hands ; and received direction , what Answer I should give to Sir William Boswell . At his Majesty's return , at the beginning of this Parliament , he named a Committee of Lords to hear this business , and commanded me to bring the Papers thither . This I did , and they were all Read before his Majesty and the Committee . Sir William Boswell's Letters and the other Papers are yet all in my Hands ; but it seems , the Particulars could not all be got out . Now this is a hard straight , into which I am cast . The Pope's Agent ( as 't is said ) plots my Death on the one side , because I will not be wrought upon to help to bring in the Roman Superstition ; and the Parliament on the other side Articles to overthrow me , out of a Jealousie that I go about to bring it in . So that I am in the Prophet David's Case , Ps. 31. For I ( also ) have heard the Blasphemy of the Multitude , and fear is on every side , while they conspire together against me , and take their Counsel to take away my Life . But my hope hath been ( and is ) in thee , O Lord. And for the latter part of this Article , it is utterly untrue , that ever I either permitted or countenanced any Popish Hierarchy or Ecclesiastical Government to be Established in this Kingdom : And if any such be Established , it is more than I know , to this Instant . But this I am sure of , and can prove , that when the Queen's Almoner was to be made a Bishop , I laboured as much against it as I could : Whereupon he delayed the taking of his Bishoprick upon him , for a good time . And when divers Offers were made on his behalf , and the Queen grew earnest for his Preferment ; I was called again by his Majesty , in the presence of a Secretary of State , and commanded to speak my Judgment and my Conscience . And I did so : And declared clearly against any Bishops of the Roman Party his coming into the Kingdom , to reside , or exercise any Jurisdiction here . And I gave then for my Reason , the very self-same which is since Published by the 〈◊〉 of Commons in their Remonstrance ; A different and inconsistent Church within a Church , which ever brought hazard upon the State. And in this Judgment I persisted , and never permitted , much less countenanced , any Popish Hierarchy to settle in this Kingdom ; but hindred it , by all the 〈◊〉 and means I could . 11. He in his own Person , and his Suffragans , Visitors , Surrogats , Chancellors , or other Officers , by his Command , have caused divers Learned , Pious , and Orthodox * Preachers of Gods Word , to be Silenced , Suspended , Deprived , Degraded , Excommunicated , or otherwise grieved and vexed , without any just and lawful Cause ; whereby , and by divers other Means , he hath hindred the Preaching of God's Word , caused divers of his Majesty's Loyal Subjects to forsake the Kingdom , and increased and cherished Ignorance and Prophaneness amongst the People : That so he might the better facilitate the way to the effecting of his own Wicked and Trayterous † Designs , of altering and corrupting the True Religion here Established . I have neither by my self , nor by my Command to my Officers , Silenced , Suspended , Deprived , Degraded , or Excommunicated any Learned , Pious , and Orthodox Preachers , nor any other , but upon Just Cause Proved in Court , and according to Law. And I think it will appear , that as few ( be the Cause never so Just ) have been Suspended or Deprived in my Diocess , as in any Diocess in England . Nor have I by these Suspensions , hindred the Preaching of Gods Word , but of Schism and Sedition ; as now appears plainly by the Sermons frequently made in London , since the time of Liberty given and taken since this Parliament [ first began . ] Nor have I caused any of his Majesty's Subjects to forsake the Kingdom ; but they forsook it of themselves , being Separatists from the Church of England ; as is more than manifest to any Man , that will but consider what kind of Persons went to New-England . And whereas in their late * Remonstrance they say ; The high Commission grew to such excess of Sharpness and Severity , as was not much less than the Romish Inquisition ; and yet in many Cases by the Arch-Bishops Power was made much more heavy , being assisted and strengthned by Authority of the Council-Table . I was much troubled at it , that such an Imputation from so great a Body should be fastned on me . And therefore first I considered , that my Predecessors were all or most of them strengthned with the same Authority of the Council-Table , that I was : And therefore if I did use that Authority to worse ends , or in a worse manner , than they did , I was the more to blame . Therefore to satisfie my self and others in this particular , I did in the next place cause a diligent search to be made in the Acts of that Court ( which can deceive no Man ) what Suspensions , Deprivations or other Punishments had past in the Seven Years of my Time before my Commitment . Then I compared them with every of the Three Seven Years of my immediate Predecessor ( for so long he sat , and somewhat over , and was in great esteem with the House of Commons all his Time ) and I find more by Three Suspended , Deprived , or Degraded , in every Seven Years of his Time , than in the Seven Years of my Time , so cryed out upon ( as you see ) for Sharpness and Severity , even to the equasling of that Commission almost to the Romish Inquisition . So safe a thing it is for a Man 〈◊〉 Imbarque himself into a Potent Faction ; and so hard for any other Man , be he never so intire , to withstand its Violence . 12. He hath 〈◊〉 endeavoured to cause Division and Discord between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches : And to that end hath Suppressed and Abrogated the Priviledges and Immunities , which have been by his Majesty and his Royal Ancestors granted to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom ; And divers other ways hath expressed his Malice and Disaffiction to these Churches ; that so by such † Disunion the Papists might have more advantage for the Overthrow and Extripation of both . I never endeavoured to set Division between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches : And if I had so done , it had been a very Unchristian and unworthy Act ; but yet no Treason , as I conceive . And for the Priviledges and Immunities , granted by his Majesty , and his Royal Progenitors , to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom ; I did not seek to Suppress or Abrogate any of them , which kept Conform to their first Toleration here ; much less did I labour by any Disunion betwixt them and us to advantage the Papists , to the overthrow of both . But this I found , that they did not use their Priviledges with that Gratitude and Fairness to his Majesty , the State , and Church of England , as they ought to have done . And hereupon I acquainted his Majesty and the Lords , in full and open Council , with what I conceived concerning that business . As Namely , 1. That their living as they did , and standing so strictly to their own Discipline , wrought upon the Party in England , which were addicted to them , and made them more averse , than otherwise they would have been , to the present Government of the Church of England . 2. That by this means they lived in England , as if they were a kind of God's Israel in Egypt , to the great Dishonour of the Church of England , to which at first they fled for Shelter against Persecution . And in that time of their Danger , the Church of England was in their Esteem not only a true but a glorious Church . But by this Favour , which that Church received , it grew up and incroached upon us , till it became a Church within a Church , and a kind of State within a State. And this I ever held dangerous , how small beginning soever it had : And that upon two main Reasons . The one , because I find the Wisdom of God against it . For he says plainly to his prime People , One Law , ( and especially for Divine Worship ) shall be to him that is home-born , and to the Stranger that Sojourns among you , Exod. 12. And the other , because I find the Wisdom of this State against it . For this Parliament , in their Remonstrance , give the self-same Reason against the Papists , * but must hold good against all Sects that labour to make strong and inlarge themselves . The Words are these , † Another State moulded within this State , independent in Government , contrary in Interest and Affection , 〈◊〉 corrupting the Ignorant or Negligent Professors of our Religion , and closely Vniting and Combining themselves against such as are sound , in this posture waiting for an Opportunity , &c. And the Words are as true of the one Faction , as the other ; and I ever pressed the Argument alike against both ; as I can prove by good Witness , if need be . And I pray God , this Faction , too little feared , and too much nourished among us , have not now found the Opportunity waited for . 3. That they live here , and enjoy all freedom , and yet for the most part scorn so much as to learn the Language , or to converse with any , more than for advantage of Bargaining . And will take no Englishman to be their Apprentice , nor teach them any of their Manufactures : which I did then , and do still , think most unreasonable . 4. That for Religion , if after so many descents of their Children born in the Land , and so Native Subjects , these Children of theirs should refuse to Pray and Communicate with the Church of England , into whose bosom their Parents fled at first for succour ; I thought then , and do still , that no State could with safety , or would in Wisdom , endure it . And this concerning their Children , was all that was desired by me : As appears by * the Act , which my Vicar General made concerning those Churches at Canterbury , Sandwitch , and Maidstone , in my Diocess , and † the Publication of this Act in their Congregations , by their own Ministers , in this Form following . I am commanded to signifie unto you , that it is not his Majesty's intent , nor of the Council of State , to dissolve our Congregations . And to that end , his Majesty is content to permit the Natives of the first degree , to continue Members of our Congregations , as before . But the Natives in this Church , after the first descent , are injoyned to obey my Lord Arch-Bishop his Injunction ; which is to conform themselves to the English Discipline and Liturgy , every one in his Parish ; without inhibiting them notwithstanding , from resorting sometimes to our Assemblies . And my Lord Arch-Bishop of 〈◊〉 means notwithstanding ; that the said Natives shall continue to contribute to the Maintenance of the Ministry and Poor of this Church , for the better subsisting thereof : And promiseth to obtain an Order from the Council , if need be , and they require it , to maintain them in their Manufactures , against those which would trouble them by Informations . Now that which I injoyned the French and Dutch Churches , was to a syllable all one with this , in all parts of my Province where these Churches resided : As at South-hampton , and Norwich . And I have a * Letter to shew , full of thanks , from the Ministers and Elders of the French and Walloon-Churches at Norwich . All which is far from an endeavour to suppress any just Priviledges and Immunities , which these Churches had in England , or ought to have in any well-governed Kingdom . And since this time I have not only seen , but gotten , the very Original Letter of Queen Elizabeth of Happy Memory , written to the Lord Treasurer Pawlet , specifying what Order she would should be taken with , and for , these Churches . The Letter is Signed with her Majesty 's own Hand and Signet ; and gives them not half so much Liberty , I do not say as they take , but as I have been ever most content to give them . For the Queen in these Letters allows them nothing contrary to her Laws ; and therefore nothing but our Liturgy in their own Language , not another Form of Divine Service and Discipline , much different from it . This was the Wisdom of those times , which I pray God we may follow . The Queen's Letter follows in these words . Elizabeth . RIght Trusty and right well-beloved Cozen , we greet you well . Whereas in the time of our Brother , and Sister also , the Church of the late Augustine Fryars was appointed to the use of all the Strangers reparing to the City of London , for to have therein Divine Service ; considering , that by an Universal Order , all the rest of the Churches have the Divine Service in the English Tongue , for the better edifying of the People , which the Strangers Born understand not . Our Pleasure is , that you shall Assign and Deliver the said Church , and all things thereto belonging , to the Reverend Father in God the Bishop of London , to be appointed to such Curates and Ministers as he shall think good , to serve from time to time in the same Churches , both for daily Divine Service , and for Administration of the Sacraments , and Preaching of the Gospel : so as no Rite nor Use be therein observed , contrary or derogatory to our Laws . And these our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant and Discharge in that behalf . Given under Our Signet at Our Palace of Westminster the ...... of February , the Second Year of our Reign . To our Trusty and right well beloved Cousin and Counsellor , the Marquess of Winchester , High Treasurer of England . 13. He hath maliciously and Trayterously Plotted , and endeavoured to stir up War and Enmity betwixt his Majesty's two Kingdoms of England and Scotland ; and to that purpose hath laboured to introduce into the Kingdom of Scotland divers Innovations both in Religion and Government , all or the most part tending to Popery and Superstition ; to the great Grievance and Discontent of his Majesty's Subjects of that Nation . And for their refusing to submit to such Innovations , he did trayterously Advise his Majesty to Subdue them by Force of Arms : And by his own Authority and Power , contrary to Law , did procure sundry of his Majesty's Subjects , and inforced the Clergy of this Kingdom , to contribute toward the Maintenance of that War. And when his Majesty with much Wisdom and Justice had made a Pacification betwixt the two Kingdoms ; the said Arch-Bishop did presumptuously censure that Pacification , as Dishonourable to his Majesty ; and [ by his Counsel and Endeavours ] so incensed his Majesty against his said Subjects of Scotland , that he did thereupon , by Advice of the said Arch-Bishop , enter into an offensive War against them , to the great 〈◊〉 of his Majesty's Person , and his Subjects of both Kingdoms . I did not Endeavour to stir up War between his Majesty's two Kingdoms of England and Scotland ; but my Counsels were for Peace : As may appear by the Counsel which I gave at Theobalds in the beginning of these unhappy Differences . For there my Counsel only put a stay upon the Business , in hope his Majesty might have a better Issue without , than with a War. And if I were mistaken in this Counsel , yet it agreed well with my Profession and with the Cause , which was differences in Religion , which I conceived might better be composed by Ink than by Blood. And I think it cannot easily be forgotten that I gave this Counsel : For my Lord the Earl of Arundel opposed me openly at the Table then , and said my Grounds would deceive me . And my Lord the Earl of Holland came to me , so soon as we were risen from Counsel , and was pleased to say to me , that I had done my self and my Calling a great deal of Right , and the King my Master the best Service , that ever I did him in my Life . And Mr. Patrick * Male , of his Majesty's Bed-chamber , when he heard what I had done , came and gave me a great deal of Thanks in the Name of that Nation . Nor did I labour to introduce into the Kingdom of Scotland any Innovations in Religion or Government : Neither do all , or the most part , or indeed any of those pretended Innovations tend to Popery or Superstition , as hath before been sufficiently proved . Neither did I , upon their refusal to submit to these , Advise his Majesty to Subdue them by force of Arms , but the Counsels which I gave were open , either at the Committee , or the Council-Table . Neither did I by my own Power and Authority , contrary to Law , procure any of his Majesty's Subjects , or inforce the Clergy of England to contribute to the maintenance of that War : But the Subsidies which were given to his Majesty at that time , were given freely , and in open Convocation , and without any practice of my self , or any other ; as appears by what I have formerly laid down . But because so much noise hath been made against me both in the Scottish Charge before answered , and in this Article about Popish Innovations in that Service-Book , and that I laboured the introducing both of it and them : I think it fit , if not necessary , to set down briefly the Story what was done , and what I did , and by what Command in all that Business . And it follows . Dr. John Maxwel , the late Bishop of Ross , came to me from his Majesty , it was during the time of a great and dangerous Fever , under which I then laboured : It was in the Year 1629. in August or September , which come that time is † Thirteen Years since . The Cause of his coming was to speak with me about a Liturgy for Scotland . At his coming I was so extream Ill , that I saw him not . And had Death ( which I then expected daily , as did my Friends and Physicians also ) seized on me , I had not seen this heavy time . After this , when I was able to sit up , he came to me again , and told me it was his Majesty's Pleasure , that I should receive Instructions from some Bishops of Scotland concerning a Liturgy for that Church ; and that he was imployed from my Lord the Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews , and other Prelates there about it . I told him I was clear of Opinion , that if his Majesty would have a Liturgy setled there , it were best to take the English Liturgy without any variation , that so the same Service-Book might be established in all his Majesty's Dominions : Which I did then , and do still think would have been a great Happiness to this State , and a great Honour and Safety to Religion . To this he replyed , that he was of a contrary Opinion , and that not he only , but the Bishops of that Kingdom thought their Country-men would be much better satisfied , it a Liturgy were framed by their own Clergy , than to have the English Liturgy put upon them ; yet he added , that it might be according to the Form of our English Service-Book . I answered to this , that if this were the Resolution of my Brethren the Bishops of Scotland , I would not entertain so much as Thoughts about it , till I might by God's Blessing have Health and Opportunity to wait upon his Majesty , and receive his farther directions from himself . When I was able to go abroad , I came to his Majesty , and represented all that had passed . His Majesty avowed the sending of Dr. Maxwell to me , and the Message sent by him . But then he inclined to my Opinion , to have the English Service without any alteration to be established there : And in this Condition I held that Business , for two if not three Years at least . Afterwards , the Scottish Bishops still pressing his Majesty that a Liturgy Framed by themselves , and in some few things different from ours , would relish better with their Countrymen . They at last prevailed with his Majesty , to have it so , and carried it against me , notwithstanding all I could say or do to the contrary . Then his Majesty Commanded me to give the Bishops of Scotland my best Assistance in this Way and Work. I delayed as much as I could with my Obedience ; and when nothing would serve , but it must go on ; I confess I was then very serious , and gave them the best help I could . But wheresoever I had any doubt , I did not only acquaint his Majesty with it , but Writ down most of the Amendments or Alterations in his Majesty's Presence . And I do verily believe , there is no one thing in that Book , which may not stand with the Conscience of a right Good Protestant . Sure I am his Majesty approved them all ; and I have his Warrant under his Royal Hand for all that I did about that Book . And to the end the Book may be extant , and come to the view of the Christian World , and their Judgment of it be known ; I have caused it to be exactly Translated into Latin , and , if right be done , it shall be Printed with this History . This was that which I did concerning the Matter and Substance of this Service-Book . As for the way of Introducing it , I ever advised the Bishops , both in his Majesty's Presence , and at other times , both by Word and by Writing , that they would look carefully to it , and be sure to do nothing about it but what should be agreeable to the Laws of that Kingdom : And that they should at all times be sure to take the Advice of the Lords of his Majesty's Council in that Kingdom , and govern themselves and their Proceedings accordingly . Which Course if they have not followed , that can no way reflect upon me , who have both in this , and all things else , been as careful of their Laws as any Man who is a Stranger to them could be . And in a Letter of mine after my last coming out of Scotland , thus I wrote to the late Reverend Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews , Septemb. 30. 1633. concerning the Liturgy : That whether that of England , or another were resolved on , yet 〈◊〉 should proceed Circumspectly ; Because his Majesty had no intendment to do any thing , but that which was according to Honour and Justice , and the Laws of that Kingdom : And a Copy of this Letter I have yet by me to shew : And for the truth of this Narration , I know His Majesty , ( and my Lord of Ross ) himself will avow it . And here I take leave to acquaint the Reader , That this was no new Conceit of His Majesty , to have a Liturgy framed , and Canons made for the Church of Scotland : For he followed his Royal Father King James his Example and Care therein , who took Order for both at the * Assembly of Perth , An. 1618. And now to return again to the Article . There is one Charge more in it , and that 's concerning the † Pacification made the 〈◊〉 Year . The Article says I did Censure it as Dishonourable ; and Advise for a new War : But I did neither . That which I spake , was openly at the Council-Table , and in His Majesty's presence : And it was this . There arose a debate at the Table , about these Affairs , and the Pacification ; and I said that I did often wish from my Heart that His Majesty had kept the Army which he had at Barwick together but Eight or Ten Days longer : And that I did not doubt , but that if he had so done , he might have had more Honourable Conditions of his Scottish Subjects . This I said , and more or otherwise I said not ; and whosoever shall relate them otherwise , forgets Truth . Now to say , that His Majesty might have had more Honourable Conditions , doth not infer , that the Pacification then made was upon Dishonourable Conditions ; but only upon less Honourable than it might have been . And I had great Reason to observe my own words , and remember them ; because I saw some Lords at the Table touched with them , perhaps in their own Particulars . Nor was I alone in this Judgment : For my Lord the Earl of Holland , though he then said nothing at the Council-Table ; yet at his first return from Barwick , his Lordship did me the Honour to come and see me at Lambeth : And in the Gallery there , while we were discoursing of the Affairs in the North ; of himself he used these words to me : That His Majesty did too suddenly dissolve his Army there ; indeed so suddenly , that every body wondered at it : And that for his part he was so sorry , especially for the dismissing of all the Horse ; ( which he said were as good as any were in Christendom : ) And farther , that he offer'd His Majesty to keep one Thousand of them for a Year at his own and his Friends Charge , till the King might see all things well setled again in Scotland . By which it is apparent , that in his Lordships Judgment things might have been better , had not that Army been so suddenly dissolved : And I hope it was no Sin in me to wish the best success , and the most Honour to the King's Affairs . Now that which moved me to say thus at the Council-Table , was this . The last Article in the Pacification was , To restore to every one of His Majesties Subjects their Liberties , Lands , Houses , Goods and Means whatsoever , taken and detained from them by whatsoever means since the aforesaid time : But within two Days ( or three at the most ) after the Pacification agreed upon , and concluded , the Lord Lindsay made an open and publick Protestation either in the Camp at Dunns , or at the 〈◊〉 in Edenburgh , or both , that no Clergy Man , his Goods or Means † was included in the Pacification : Which yet expresses every one of His Majesties Subjects . And this , I did then conceive , ( and do still ) was a very bold audacious Act of that Lord , very injurious to the Poor Clergy , and not so Honourable for the King. And this made me say , and I say it still , His Majesty might have had more Honourable Conditions , and his Pacification better kept , had he continued his Army but Eight or Ten Days longer : For in all probability the Scots could not so long have continued their Army together . And I did farther conceive , that by this Act of the Lord Lindsay in protesting , and by the Scots making his Protestation good against the Clergy , there was a direct and manifest Breach of the Pacification on their behalf . And then , though I saw no Reason why the King should be bound to keep that mutual Pacification , which they had broken ; ( for a Knot must be fast at both ends , or loose at both : ) Yet remembring my Calling , I did not Incense His Majesty against his Subjects in Scotland ; nor did hereupon advise the undertaking of an Offensive War against them ; nor ever give other Counsel in this Particular , than what I openly gave before the Lords , either in the Committee , or at the Board : And there my Concurring in Opinion with all the rest of the Lords , was ( I hope ) no other , nor no greater fault , than in them , though I be thus singled out . And for the Pacification , I shall say thus much more : Though I could with all my Heart have wished it more Honourable for the King , and more express and safe for my Brethren of the Clergy ; yet all things Considered , which were put unto me , I did approve it . For before the Pacification was fully agreed upon , His Majesty did me the Honour to write unto me all with his own Hand : In this Letter He Commanded me , all delay set apart , to send him my Judgment plainly and freely what I thought of the Pacification ; which was then almost ready for conclusion . I in all Humility approved of the Pacification , as it was then put to me ; and sent my Answer presently back , and my Reasons why I approved it : Little thinking then , but that my Poor Brethren the Bishops of Scotland should have had all restored unto them , according to the Article of the Pacification , before recited ; or at least for so long , till they had defended themselves and their Calling , and their Cause , in a free General Assembly , and as free a Parliament . Now this was ever * assumed to me should be done ; and to procure this , was all which the Bishops seemed to desire of me . And for the Truth of this I appeal to His Majesty , to whom I writ it : And to my Lord Marquess Hamilton , to whom the King shewed my Letter , ( As my Lord Marquess himself told me at his return . ) And to Dr. Juxon Lord Bishop of London , then Lord High Treasurer of England ; to whom I shewed my Letter before I sent it away . And this is all I did concerning the Pacification . 14. That to preserve himself from being questioned for these and other his Trayterous Courses , he hath laboured to subvert the Rights of Parliament , and the Ancient Course of Parliamentary proceedings ; And by false and malicious Slanders to incense His Majesty against Parliaments . By which Words , Counsels , and Actions , he hath Trayterously , and contrary to his Allegiance , laboured to alienate the Hearts of the Kings Liege People from his Majesty , to set a Division between them , and to 〈◊〉 and Destroy his Majesty's Kingdoms . For which they do impeach him of High Treason against our Soveraign Lord the King , his Crown and Dignity . I did never Labour to subvert the rights of Parliaments , or the antient Course of their Proceedings : And not doing it at all , I could not do it to keep my self from being questioned . Much less did I by any malitious Slanders , or any other way , incense his Majesty against Parliaments , nor ever thereby labour to alienate the Hearts of the King's Liege People from his Majesty , nor to set any Division between them , or to Ruine and Destroy his Majesty's Kingdoms . And am no way Guilty in the least Degree of High Treason against our Soveraign Lord the King , his Crown and Dignity . It is true , I have been much and very often grieved , to see the great distractions which have happened of later Years , both in King James his time , and since , about the Breaches which have been in Parliaments . And I have as heartily wished , and to my Power endeavoured , that all Parliaments which have been called , might come to their Happy Issue , and end in the Contentment of the King and his People . And I have ever been of Opinion , and I shall Live and Dye in it ; That there can be no true and setled Happiness in this or any other Kingdom , but by a fair and Legal , as well as Natural Agreement between the King and his People ; and that , according to the Course of England , this Agreement is in a great proportion founded upon Parliaments . Now Parliaments ( as I humbly conceive ) can never better preserve their own Rights , than by a free and honourable way , to keep up the Greatness and Power of their King ; that so he may be the better able , against all Forreign Practices , to keep up the Honour as well as the Safety of the Nation ; both which usually stand or fall together . And if any particular Mens Miscarriages have distempered any Parliaments , and caused or occasioned a Breach ; I have ( upon the Grounds before laid ) been as sorry as any Man for it , but never contributed any thing to it . And I hope it is not Criminal to think , that Parliaments may sometimes , in some things , by Misinformation or otherwise , be mistaken , as well as other Courts . This in conclusion I clearly think , Parliaments are the best preservers of the Ancient Laws and Rights of this Kingdom . But this I think too , that Corruptio optimi est Pessima ; that no Corruption is so bad , so foul , so dangerous , as that which is of the best . And therefore , if Parliaments should at any time be misguided by practice of a 〈◊〉 Party ; nothing then so dangerous as such a 〈◊〉 ; because the highest Remedy being Corrupted , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sure Redress left at all . And we had a lamentable 〈◊〉 of such a Parliament , 〈◊〉 Hen. 4. was set up . For that 〈◊〉 was the Cause of 〈◊〉 the Civil Wars , and that great 〈◊〉 of Blood which followed soon after in this Kingdom . God make us mindful and careful to prevent the like . The said Commons do farther aver , that the said William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , during the time , in which the * Treasons and Offences afore-named were Committed , hath been a Bishop , or Arch-Bishop in this Realm of England , one of the King's Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Matters , and † of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council : And that he hath taken an Oath for his Faithful discharge of the said Office of Counsellor , and hath likewise taken the Oath of Supremacy and Allegiance . And the said Commons by Protestation , saving to themselves the Liberty of Exhibiting at any time hereafter , any other Accusation or Impeachment against the said Arch-Bishop , and also of replying to the Answers that the said Arch-Bishop shall make unto the said Articles , or to any of them ; and of offering farther Proof also of the Premises , or any of them [ | or of any other Impeachment or Accusation that shall be exhibited by them ] as the Case shall , according to the Course of Parliaments , require ; do pray that the said Arch-Bishop may be put to answer to all and every the Premises ; and that such Proceedings , Examinations , Tryal and Judgment may be upon every of them had and used , as is agreeable to Law and Justice . This is the Conclusion of these general Articles then put up against me ; and is added only for Form , and so requires no Answer from me . But in the Close , they of the House of Commons make two Petitions to the Lords ; and both were granted , as 't is fit they should . The one is , That they may add farther Accusations , or farther Proof of this , as the Course of Parliaments require . And I refuse no such either Accusation or Proof ; so the due Course of Parliaments be kept . The other is , That there may be such Proceedings , Examinations , Tryal and Judgment , as is agreeable to Law and Justice . And such Proceedings my Innocency can never decline . But whether the Proceedings hitherto against me , be according to the Antient Proceedings in Parliament , or to Law and Justice , I leave Posterity to judge : Since they which here seem so earnestly to call for Examinations , Tryal and Judgment , have not to * this Day proceeded to any Tryal , nay , have not so much as brought up any particular Charge against me , it being almost a full Year since they brought up this general Charge , and called for Examinations and Tryal ; and yet have kept me in Prison all this while , to the great Weakning of my Aged Body , and Waste of my poor Fortunes : And how much longer they mean to keep me there , God knows . Whereas all that I do desire , is a Just and Fair Tryal , with such an Issue , better or worse , as it shall 〈◊〉 God to give . CAP. VIII . WHen these Articles had been Read unto me in the Upper House , and I had spoken to the Lords , in a general Answer to them , what I thought fit , as is before expressed : I humbly desired of the Lords ( this being upon Friday Feb. 26. ) that my going to the Tower might be put off till the Monday after , that so I might have time to be the better fitted for my Lodging . This I humbly thank their Lordships was granted . I returned to Mr. Maxwell's Custody , and that Afternoon sent my Steward to Sir William Balfore , then Lieutenant , that a Lodging might be had for me with as much convenience as might be . On Munday March 1. Mr. Maxwell carried me in his Coach to the Tower. St. George's Feast , having been formerly put off , was to begin that Evening . By this means Mr. Maxwell ( whose Office tied him to attendance upon that Solemnity ) could not possibly go with me to the Tower at Evening , as I desired . Therefore Noon , when the Citizens were at Dinner , was chosen as the next fittest time for Privateness . All was well , till I passed through Newgate Shambles , and entred into Cheapside . There some one Prentice first Hallowed out ; † more and followed the Coach , ( the Number still increasing as they went ) till by that time I came to the Exchange , the shouting was exceeding great . And so they followed me with Clamour and Revilings , even beyond Barbarity it self ; not giving over , till the Coach was entred in at the Tower-Gate . Mr. Maxwell , out of his Love and Care , was extreamly troubled at it ; but I bless God for it , my Patience was not moved : I looked upon a higher Cause , than the Tongues of Shimei and his Children . The same Day there was a Committee for Religion named in the Upper House of Parliament ; Ten Earls , Ten Bishops , and Ten Barons . So the Lay Votes will be double to the Clergy ; that they may carry what they will for Truth . This Committee professes to meddle with Doctrine , as well as Ceremonies ; and to that end will call some Divines to them , to consider of and prepare Business . This appears by a Letter sent by Dr. Williams , then Lord Bishop of Lincoln , now Lord Arch-Bishop of York , to some Divines , which were named to attend this Service . The Copy of the Letter follows . WIth my best Wishes unto you in Christ Jesus . I am Commanded by the Lords of the Committee for Innovations in Matters of Religion , to let you know , that their said Lordships have assigned and appointed you to attend on them as Assistant in that Committee . And to let you know in general , that their Lordships do intend to examine all Innovations in Doctrine or Discipline , introduced into the Church without Law since the Reformation ; and ( if their Lordships shall in their Judgments find it behoveful for the good of the Church and State ) to Examine after that , the degrees and perfection of the Reformation it self : Which I am directed to intimate unto you , that you may prepare your Thoughts , Studies and Meditations accordingly : Expecting their Lordships pleasure for the particular points , as they shall arise ; and giving you to understand , that their Lordships next sitting , is upon Friday next in the Afternoon . I recommend you to God's protection , being Your very loving Friend and Brother , Jo. Lincoln . West . Coll. 12 Martij 1640. To my very loving Friends and Brethren , Dr. Brownrig . Mr. Shute . Dr. Featly . Mr. Calamy . Dr. Hacket . Mr. White . Dr. Westfield . Mr. Marshal . Dr. Burges . What use will be made of this Committee , for the present I shall expect ; but what it shall produce in future , I dare not prophesie . But it may be , it will prove in time superiour to the National Synods of England : And what that may work in this Church and State , God knows . I setled my self in my Lodging in the Tower , where I yet am , and pass my weary time as well as I can . On Saturday , Mar. 13. Divers Lords dined with the Lord Herbert . Son to the Earl of Worcester , at his new House by Fox-Hall in Lambeth . As they came back after Dinner , three young Lords were in a Boat together , and St. Paul's Church was in their Eye . Hereupon one of them said , he was sorry for my Commitment , if it were but for the building of St. Pauls , which would go but slowly on there-while . The Lord Brook , who was one of the three , replyed , I hope one of us shall live to see , no one stone left upon another of that building . This was told and avowed by one of the Lords present : And when I heard it , I said , now the Lord forbid ; and bless his poor Church in this Kingdom . CAP. IX . ON Munday , Mar. 22. the Earl of Strafford's Tryal began in Westminster-Hall : And it continued with some few Intermissions till the end of April . The Earl got all the time a great deal of Reputation by his Patient , yet Stout and clear Answers , and changed many Understanding Mens Minds concerning him : Insomuch , that the great Lawyers of his Council affirmed there openly , That there was no Treason appearing to them by any Law. Upon this the House of Commons ( who were all the while present in a Body ) left the Hall , and instead of leaving the whole Cause to the Judgment of the Lords in the ordinary Way of Parliaments , betook themselves to their Legislative Power , and so passed a Bill of Attainder against him ; and having none , made a Law to take away his Life . This Bill was denyed by two or three and fifty , as able Men as any in the House of Commons . But the Faction grew so hot , that all their Names were Pasted up at the Exchange under the Title of Straffordians , thereby to increase the Hatred of the People , both against him and them ; and the Libels multiplyed This Bill went on with great haste and earnestness ; which the King observing , and loth to lose so great and good a Servant , his Majesty came into the House of Lords , and there upon Saturday Maii 1. Declared unto both Houses how carefully he had heard and observed all the Charge against the Earl of Strafford , ( for he was present at every Days Hearing ) and found that his Fault , whatever it were , could not amount to Treason : And added , That if they meant to proceed by Bill , it must pass by him , and that he could not in his Conscience find him guilty , nor would ever wrong his Honour or his Conscience so far , as to pass such a Bill ; or to that Effect . But advised them to proceed by way of Misdemeanour , and he would concur with them in any Sentence . This displeased mightily , and I verily think it hastened the Earl's Death . And indeed to what end should the King come voluntarily to say this , and there , unless he would have abode by it , whatever came ? And it had been far more Regal to reject the Bill when it had been brought to him , ( his Conscience standing so as his Majesty openly professed it did ) than to make this Honourable Preface , and let the Bill pass after . The House of Commons , and some Lords too , it seems , eagerly bent against the Earl of Strafford , seeing by this the King 's bent , grew more sharp , and pursued the Bill the more violently : In so much that within two or three Days after , some Citizens of London and Prentices came down in Multitudes to the Parliament , called there for Justice , and pretended all Trade was stopp'd , till Justice was done upon the Earl of Strafford . Who brought on the People to this way , I would not tell you if I did certainly know ; but wise Men see that plain enough without telling . These People press upon the Lords in a way unknown in the English Government , yea or in any setled Government in Christendom . In conclusion , they are taught to threaten the King and his Court in a strange Manner , if they may not have speedy Justice . The Bill comes up to the Lords , when the House was none of the fullest , ( but what made so many absent I know not ) and there it past . And upon Sunday , May 9. the King was so laid at , and so frighted with these Bugbears , that if Justice were not done , and the Bill Passed for the Earl of Strafford's Execution , the Multitude would come the Next Day , and pull down White-Hall , ( and God knows what might become of the King himself ) that these fears prevailing , his Majesty gave way , and the Bill passed ; and that Night late , Sir Dudly Carlton , one of the Clerks of the Council , was sent to the Tower , to give the Earl warning that he must prepare to Dye the Wednesday Morning following . The Earl of Strafford received the Message of Death with great Courage , yet Sweetness ; ( as Sir Dudly himself after told me : ) On Munday Morning the Earl sent for the Lord Primate of Armagh to come to him . He came ; and the same Day visited me , and gave me very high Testimony of the Earl's Sufficiency and Resolution : And among the rest this ; That he never knew any Lay-man in all his Life , that so well and fully understood Matters of Divinity , as the Earl did ; and that his Resolutions were as firm and as good . In this Interim before the Day of his Death , he made by his Friends two Suits to his Majesty : The one , that he might Dye privately within the Tower ; the other , That his Death might be Respited till the Saturday , that he might have a little more time to settle his Estate . His Majesty sent these Requests to the Houses . Answer was returned to the first , That the People would not besatisfied , nor believe he was Dead , unless they saw him Dye publickly . And to the second , That time enough was given already ; and that if any farther delay were used , the People would think Justice should not be done at all , and resort thither again in Multitudes , to the hazzard of Publick Peace . The Earl made these two Suits ; and in the mean time one Offer was made to him . It was this , That if he would employ his Power and Credit with the King , for the taking of Episcopacy out of the Church , he should yet have his Life . His Christian Answer was very Heroical ; Namely , That he would not buy his Life at so dear a rate . The Man that sent him this Message was his Brother-in-Law , Mr. Denzill Hollis , one of the great Leading Men in the House of Commons : And my Lord Primate of Armagh , avowed this from the Earl of Strafford's own Mouth . And as he was of too Generous a Spirit to lye basely , so being in preparing of himself to leave the World , it cannot be thought he would with a Dying-Mouth bely his Brother . These Answers being returned , the Earl prepared himself : And upon Wednesday Morning , about Ten of the Clock , being May the Twelfth , he was Beheaded on the Tower-Hill , many Thousands beholding him . The Speech which he made at his End , was a great Testimony of his Religion and Piety , and was then Printed : And in their Judgment , who were Men of Worth , and some upon , some near the Scaffold , and saw him Dye , he made a Patient , and Pious , and Couragious end ; insomuch , that some doubted whether his Death had more of the Roman or the Christian in it , it was so full of both . And notwithstanding this hard Fate , which fell upon him , he is dead with more Honour , than any of them will gain who hunted after his Life . Thus ended the Wiseest , the Stoutest , and every way the Ablest Subject , that this Nation hath bred these many Years . The only Imperfections which he had , that were known to me , were his want of Bodily Health , and a Carelesness ( or rather Roughness ) not to oblige any : And his Mishaps in this last Action were , that he groan'd under the Publick Envy of the Nobles , served a Mild and a Gracious Prince , who knew not how to be , or be made great ; and trusted false , perfidious and cowardly Men in the Northern Imployment , though he had many Doubts put to him about it . This Day was after called by divers , Homicidium Comitis Straffordiae , the Day of the Murder of Strafford : Because when Malice it self could find no Law to put him to Death , they made a Law of purpose for it . God forgive all , and be Merciful . The Earl being thus laid low , and his great Services done in Ireland made part of his Accusation , I cannot but observe two things : The one , That upon Sunday Morning before , Francis Earl of Bedford ( having about a Month before lost his second Son , in whom he most Joyed ) Dyed ; the Small Pox striking up into his Brain . This Lord was one of the Main Plotters of Strafford's Death : And I know where he , with other Lords , before the Parliament Sat down , resolved to have his Blood. But God would not let him Live to take Joy therein , but cut him off in the Morning , whereas the Bill for the Earl of Strafford's Death was not Signed till Night . The other is , That at this time the Parliament tender'd two , and but two Bills to the King to Sign . This to cut off Strafford's Head was one , and the other was , that this Parliament should neither be Dissolved , nor Adjourned , but by the consent of both Houses ; in which , what he cut off from himself , Time will better shew than I can . God Bless the King and his Royal Issue . I told you before , the People came in a Tumultuous Way to call for Justice : And half an Eye may see how , and by whom they were set on . In the mean time let me tell you farther , that this Art being once begun , without Consideration of the Danger , or Care of the Dishonour of such Proceedings ; whensoever there was any thing proposed in the House of Commons , which it was thought the Lords would stick at , or the King not grant , by and by the Rabble came about the Houses , and called for this and that Justice , as they were prompted . God Bless the Government of this Kingdom , or all is lost . I must tell you farther , that from the time that the Earl of Strafford was first brought to his Answer in Westminster-Hall , the bitter and fierce Libels of the factious People came daily out , to keep up and increase the Peoples Hate against him . And though they were full of most notorious Untruths , yet coming from that Party , were swallowed and believed by the most . Among divers others , they spread one , in which they delivered to the World , that the Earl of Strafford drawing near to his End , when he saw no Remedy , but he must Dye , fell into great and passionate Expressions against me ; That I and my Counsels had been the Ruine of him and his House ; and that he cursed me bitterly . Now as this is most false in it self , so am I most able to make it appear so . For his Lordship , being to Suffer on the Wednesday Morning , did upon Tuesday in the Afternoon desire the Lord Primate of Armagh , then with him , to come to me , and desire me that I would not fail to be in my Chamber Window at the open Casement the next Morning , when he was to pass by it , as he went to Execution ; that though he might not speak with me , yet he might see me , and take his last leave of me . I sent him word I would , and did so . And the next Morning as he passed by , he turned towards me , and took the Solemnest leave , that I think was ever by any at distance taken one of another ; and this in the sight of the Earl of Newport , then Lord Constable of the Tower , the Lord Primate of Armagh , the Earl of Cleveland , the Lieutenant of the Tower , and divers other Knights and Gentlemen of Worth. Besides , though during the time of both our Restraints , and the nearness of our Lodgings , we held no Intercourse each with other ; yet Sir William Balfore , then Lieutenant of the Tower , told me often what frequent and great expressions of Love the Earl made to me : Which cannot stand with that base Slander which the lewd Libel vented . But I leave that Honourable Person in his Grave , and while I live shall Honour his Memory . But must here a little go back . For May the first , after the King had declared his Conscience and his Judgment concerning the Earl of Strafford's Offences to both Houses ( as is before set down ) and was gone away , a Letter was read in the Vpper House from the Scots , in which their Army did earnestly desire to be gone . It was moved to have a present Conference with the Commons about it ; and the Debate was very short , many Lords being desirous to lay hold of that Opportunity to be rid of the Scots . But so good and so quick was the Intelligence from some of the Lords , that the House of Commons was risen before the Messengers from the Lords could get thither , and so the Conference was not only prevented , but things so ordered , that the Scots stayed in England till the middle of August following , at a marvellous great Charge to the Kingdom , and with what Wrong and Dishonour to King and Kingdom , let Posterity Judge . Before the Death of the Earl of Strafford , the Libels came out thick , and very Malitious against him . And all this to whet the Malice that was against him , and make the People more greedy for his Death . But no sooner was he gone into his Rest , but the Libellers , which during that time reviled him , fell on me ; and no question but to the same end . And the Libels and Ballads against me were frequently spread through the City , and sung up and down the Streets . And ( I thank God for it ) they were as full of Falshood as Gall. Besides , they made base Pictures of me ; putting me into a Cage , and fastning me to a Post by a Chain at my Shoulder , and the like . And divers of these Libels made Men sport in Taverns and Alehouses ; where too many were as Drunk with Malice , as with the Liquor they sucked in . Against which my only Comfort was , that I was fallen but into the same Case with the Prophet David , Psal. 69. For they that sat in the Gate spake against me , and I was the Song of the Drunkards . About this time I fell into a Tertian Ague , which was Comfortless in a Prison . But I humbly Praise God for it , after seven or eight Fits he restored me to my Health ; the only Comfort which I have under him in this time of my Affliction . CAP. X. UPon Wednesday , June 23. I acquainted His Majesty by my Lord of London , that now I had answered all Complaints come against me concerning the Vniversity of Oxford , I thought it requisite for me to Resign the Chancellorship of that place : And I gave His Majesty such Reasons , as he approved , for my so doing . And the truth is , I suffered much by the Clamours of the Earl of Pembroke , who thought it long , till he had that place , which he had long gaped for : And after the Cloud was once spread over me , spared me in no Company ; though I had in all the time of my Prosperity observed him in Court , more than ever he had deserved of me . And I had reason , notwithstanding all his causless Heat , to keep the place till I had justified my self against the Towns-Mens Petition to the Lords ; wherein they Charged me with no less than Treason , for setting out a Proclamation about Regulating the Market in my own Name : But I made it appear to the Lords , that I did no more therein , than the Earl of Leicester in Queen Elizabeth's time , or the Earl of Dorset in King James his time , did before me , when they were Chancellors of that Vniversity . And I was able to shew the Lords , and did so , the Copies of both their several Proclamations in Print in their own Names . And farther I made appear by the Vniversity Records , that the Chancellors for the time being had frequently done it , ever since the time of King Edward 3 : And that the Lord Mayor of London , and other Mayors having the Clark-ship of the Market , ( as the Chancellors of Oxford have , and not the Mayor ) do it daily . So this great , and most Malicious Complaint of the City of Oxford , vanished , when they , and some body else for them had shewed their Teeth , but could not bite . But having ended this Business , and my Vice-Chancellor ( whom I was not willing to Expose to anothers * hand ) had finished his Year , and that according to Duty , I had given His Majesty an Account of the Business , I pursued my Resolution : And upon Friday , June the 25th , I sent down my Resignation of the Chancellorship of Oxford , to be Published in Convocation ; which was done accordingly , and the Earl of Pembroke had his desires , and was chosen into it . God bless the Vniversity there-while , and grant they may never have need of me , now unable to help them . On Tuesday , August 10. His Majesty rode away Post into Scotland ; the Parliaments Sitting in both Kingdoms , and the Armies not yet dissolved . There was great Scanning about this Journey : And the House of Commons sent some Commissioners thither , as the Scots had some here . Among the Scotch Commissioners the Prime Man was the Earl of Róthes , who also was one of the greatest , and most Zealous Leaders of the Scottish Rebellion under the pretence of Religion , and a deadly Enemy to the Earl of Strafford , and was heard to say more than once , they would have his Head ; And they had it . But much about this time , Rothes his Zeal was so hot among the Ladies , and the Citizens Wives , that he fell very foully into the Pox : And divers of his Friends ( as they told me themselves ) going to visit him were not admitted to see him ; and at last he was conveyed from London to Richmond by his Aunt the Lady Roxborough , where he dyed : But this base and dishonourable End of his in Rottenness , they concealed as much as they could . What the King did in Scotland , hath no Relation , for ought I yet hear , to this poor Story of mine . And the Parliament here made a Recess † Aug. ... till Octob. ..... leaving a considerable Committee Sitting to prepare Business against the House met again . During this Recess there was all silence concerning me ; And as is conceived , upon this Ground ; Because before the Recess , the Committee appointed for that Business , failed in some Proofs , which they well hoped should have reached me home in Matters of Religion ; and thereupon have done little since : And the Libels since that time have neither been so frequent , nor so Malicious against me . God quiet this Storm ; though ( I praise God ) I know not why it was raised so high against me . On Thursday , September : 23 : 1641. Mr : Adam Torless , my Ancient , Loving , and Faithful Servant , and then my Steward , after he had served me full Forty and Two Years , dyed , to my great both loss and grief . For all my Accounts since my Commitment , were in his Hands ; and had he not been a very Honest and Careful Man , I must have suffered much more than I did ; yet I suffered enough besides the loss of his Person , who was now become almost the only Comfort of my Affliction , and my Age. So true it is , that Afflictions seldom come single . CAP. XI . DUring the Recess of the Parliament , Sir Hen : Martyn dyed , and I made Dr : Merricke Judge of the Prerogative : Dr : Duck missing his hopes of this Office , by his own absence and default , and finding me under this thick Cloud , hoped to have wrested this Office out of my Hands , and his to whom I had given it . This was one of the basest , and most ungrateful parts , that ever any Man played me . But he failed in his hopes , and his Petition was cast out of the Lords House , to try his Right at Law ; which was all that was asked by Dr : Merricke . Yet upon the earnestness of the then Lord Bishop of Lincoln , and now Arch-Bishop of York , the Lords Sequestred my Jurisdiction , and put it into the Hands of my Inferiour Officers ; and added in the Order , that I should dispose of neither Benefice , nor any other thing , but I should first acquaint them with it . The Order follows , in haec verba . Die Sab. 23. Octob. 1641. IT is Ordered by the Lords in Parliament , that the Jurisdiction of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury shall be Sequestred , until he shall be Convicted or Acquitted of the Charge of High Treason against him ; and the same in the mean time to be Executed by his Inferiour Officers . And farther , concerning those Ecclesiastical Benefices , Promotions , or Dignities , that are in his disposing , he shall present to this House the Names of such Persons , as shall be Nominated by him for the same , to be Approved of first by this House , before they be Collated or Instituted . Jo. Browne , Cler. Parliam . &c. For my Jurisdiction ( I Thank God ) I never knowingly abused it . And of the other Restraint about the giving of my Benefices , I cannot but think it very hard in two respects : The one is , that I should be put to Name to them , before I give that , which by Law is mine to give . In the mean time they cry out of the violation of the Propriety which each Subject hath in his Goods ; and yet I must not give my own : So also they condemn Arbitrary Government , and yet press upon me an Arbitrary Order against Law. The other is , that if in Obedience to this Order I shall Nominate any Man to them , be he never so worthy for Life and Learning ; yet if upon Misinformation , or otherwise , the House should refuse him , I should not only , not do him the good I intended , but blast him for all the remainder of his Life : And whensoever he shall seek for any other Preferment , that shall be * laid unto him , that he was thought unworthy by the High Court of Parliament . Yet how to ease my self against this Order , I know not . This day , Novemb. 1. News came to the Parliament of the Rebellion in Ireland ; The King being then in Scotland , where there were Troubles enough also . The Irish pretended the Scots Example , and hoped they should get their Liberties , and the Freedom of their Religion , as well as they . But that Rebellion is grown fierce and strong ; and what end that War will have , God knows : A happy one God of his Mercy send . For this Nation is in many difficulties at once ; and we have drawn them all upon our selves . But this belongs not to my Story . Only this I shall add ( which is the Judgment of all Prudent Men that I speak with , both of Ireland and England ) that if the Earl of Strafford had Lived , and not been blasted in his Honour and Service , no Rebellion had been stirring there . And if this be so , 't is a soar Account must be given for his Blood ; If either that Kingdom be upon this occasion quite lost from the Crown of England , or not recover'd without great Expence , both of Treasure and Blood. On Thursday Novemb. 25. the King returning from Scotland , entred into London , was received with great State and Joy , and Sumptuously Entertained . This made divers Men think , there would have been a Turn in the present Business . And what it might have proved , if the King would have presently and vigorously set himself to vindicate his own Just Power , and leave them their Antient and Just Priviledges , is not I think hard to judge . But he let it cool , and gave that which is truly the Malignant Faction ( but call others so ) time to underwork him , and bring the City round , and all ran then stronger in the same Current than ever it did . So God of his Mercy bless all . On Thursday , Decemb. 30. the Lord Arch-Bishop of York , and Eleven other Bishops , were sent to the 〈◊〉 for High Treason ; and two other Bishops , Duresme , and Coventry and Litchfield , to Mr. Maxwell's ; for setting their Hands to a Petition , and delivering of it with a Protestation , that this was not a free Parliament ; since they who had Antient Right there , could not come to give their Votes as they ought , without danger of their Lives . For by this time it was grown common , that the Multitude came down in heaps , if either the Lords or the King denyed any thing which the House of Commons affected . But how it came to pass that these Multitudes should come down in such disorder , and yet be sent back and dissolved so easily , at a word or beck of some Men , let the World judge . The Petition and Protestation , which the Bishops delivered in , was as follows ; and perchance it was unseasonably delivered ; and perhaps some Words in it might have been better spared ; but the Treason ( and peradventure that 's my Ignorance ) I cannot find in it . The Petition and Protestation of Twelve Bishops , for which they were Accused of High-Treason by the House of Commons , and Committed by the Lords to the Black-Rod . THat whereas the Petitioners are called * upon , by several and respective Writs , under great Penalties , to Attend in Parliament , and have a clear and indubitable Right to Vote in Bills , and all other Matters whatsoever † debated in Parliament , by the Antient Customs , Laws and Statutes of this Realm , and are to be protected by your Majesty , quietly to attend [ | and prosecute ] that great Service : They humbly remonstrate and protest before God , your Majesty and the Noble * Peers now Assembled in Parliament , that as they have an indubitable Right to Sit and Vote in the House of Lords , so they , if they may be protected from force and violence , are most ready and willing to perform † that Duty accordingly ; and that they do abominate all Actions and Opinions tending to Popery , * or any inclination to the Malignant Party , or any other side and Party whatsoever , to the which their own Reasons and Consciences shall not † adhere . But whereas , they have been at several times violently Menaced , Affronted and Assaulted by multitudes of People , in coming to perform their Service to that Honourable House , and lately chased away and put in danger of their Lives , and * find no Redress or Protection , upon sundry Complaints made to both Houses in † that particular : They likewise * protest before your Majesty and that Noble House of Peers , that saving to themselves all their Rights and Interests of Sitting and Voting in † your House at other times , they dare not sit * to Vote in the House of Peers , † unless your Majesty shall further secure them from all Affronts , Indignities and Danger in the Premises . Lastly , whereas their fears are not built upon Fancies and Conceipts , but upon such Grounds and Objects , as may well terrifie Men of * great Resolution and much Constancy ; they do in all Humility and Duty , protest before your Majesty , and the Peers of † this most Honourable House of Parliament , against all * Votes , Resolutions and Determinations ; and that they are in themselves null , and of no effect , which in their absence since the Twenty Seventh of [ this instant Month ] December , 1641. have already passed , and likewise against all such , as shall hereafter pass in that most Honourable * Assembly , during † such time of * their forced and † violented absence from the said most Honourable House : Not denying , but if their absenting of themselves , were wilful and voluntary , that most * Noble House might proceed in all these Premises , their absence and † Protestation notwithstanding . And humbly beseecheth your Most Excellent Majesty , to command the Clerk of the House of Peers , to enter this their Petition and Protestation † in their Records . They will ever pray God to bless and preserve , &c. Jo. Eborac . Williams . Geo. Hereford , Coke . Tho. Duresme , Moorton . Rob. Oxon , Skinner . Rob. Co. Lich. Wright . Ma. Ely , Wren . Jos. Norwich , Hall. Godfr . Glouc. Goodman . Jo. Asaphen , Owen . Jo. Peterburg , Towers . Guil. Ba. & Wells , Pearce . Mor. Llandaff , Owen . On Tuesday January 4. his Majesty went into the House of Commons ; some number of Gentlemen accompanyed him to the Door , but no farther . There he demanded the Persons of Mr. Denzil Hollis , Sir Arthur Haselrigge , Mr. Jo. Pymm , Mr. Jo. Hampden , and Mr. William Strode , whom together with the Lord Kimbolton , Sir Ed. Herbert , his Majesty's Attorney General , had the day before charged with High Treason , in the Vpper House , upon seven Articles of great consequence ; It seems they had information of the King 's coming , and were slipt aside . This made a mighty noise on all hands . But the business was so carried , that the House adjourned to sit in a Committee at Guild-Hall , and after at the Grocer's-Hall : Where things were so Ordered , that within two or three days , these Men were with great salutes of the People , brought , and in a manner guarded to the Committee , and after to the House at Westminster ; and great stir made to and fro , about the Accusation of these Men , and the breach of the Priviledges of Parliament , by his Majesty's coming thither in that manner . Things were carried in a higher strain than ever before . The King left the City , and withdrew privately , first to Hampton-Court , after that to Windsor . Many puttings on and puttings off , concerning this and other great Affairs , between the King and the House : All which I leave to publick Records , as not concerning this poor History : Yet could not omit to say thus much in the general ; because much of the Church-business , as well as the States , and much of mine , as well as the Churches , will depend upon it . CAP. XII . UPon Thursday , January 20. upon no Complaint that I know ( for I am sure I never deserved any in that kind ) there was an Order made in the Lords House to take away my Arms. They stood me in above Three Hundred Pounds . I provided them for the Service of the State , as Need might require ; I never employed any of them to any the least Disservice of it , nor ever had thought to do . Yet the Order is as follows , both to my Disgrace to have them so taken from me , and to my loss ; for though the Sheriffs of London be to take them upon Inventory , yet of whom shall I demand them when they are out of their Office ? Die Jovis , 20. Jan. 1641. IT is this Day Ordered by the Lords in Parliament , That the Sheriffs of the City of London , or either of them , shall receive by inventory , all such Ordnance and other Arms , as belong to any private Persons , which are to be kept to their Uses , remaining now at Fox-Hall , Canterbury-House , the Arch-Bishop of York's House in Westminster , and in the Bishop of Winchester's House ( a fit proportion of Arms being left at each Place for necessary Security thereof : ) The said Sheriffs being to receive their Directions from a Committee lately appointed by the Parliament . But the Intents of the Lords are , and it is farther Ordered , that such Ordnance and Arms as do belong to his Majesty , shall be forthwith sent unto the King's Magazine in the Tower. Upon Saturday , Feb. 6. the Bill passed , That the Bishops should have no Votes in Parliament , nor have to do in Civil Affairs . This was mightily strugled for , almost all this Session , and now obtained . The Bishops have ever had this in Right and Possession ever since there was any use of Parliaments in England , which the antientest Family of the Nobility , which now sit there , and thrust them out , cannot say . There was great Joy upon the Passing of this Bill in both Houses , and in some Parishes of London Ringing and Bonfires . The King gave way to this Bill , and so that is setled : And if it after prove that the King and Kingdom have Joy in it , it is well . But it may be , that the Effects of this Eclipse may work farther than is yet thought on , and the Blackness of it darken the Temporal Lords Power , more than is yet feared . And here I must tell you two Things : The one , that for the compassing of their ends in this Bill , the nowbecome-usual Art was pursued , and the People came in Multitudes , and Clamour'd for the outing of the Bishops and the Popish Lords Votes ( so they were still joyned ) out of the House . Insomuch , that not the People of London only , but Petitioners were brought out of divers Counties with Petitions either sent unto them , or framed ready for them here against they came ; and they in every Petition for preservation of the Priviledges of Parliament , desired the taking away of the Bishops and the Popish Lords Votes out of the House , as if it were a common Grievance : The other , That now the Bishops have their Votes taken away by Act of Parliament , you shall not see in haste any Bill at all Pass for taking away the Votes of the Popish Lords ; which will infer this , as well as some other things , That these were joyned together , to make the Bishops more odious to the People , as if they were Popishly affected themselves , and to no other end . The Court removed from Windsor to Hampton-Court , and on Thurs-Day , Febr. 10. The King and Queen came to Greenwich ; and on Friday , Febr. 11. they went from thence toward Dover , the Queen resolving to go into Holland with her young Daughter the Princess Mary , who the Year before was Married to the Prince of Aurange his Son. But the true Cause of this intended Journey , was to be out of the Fears , Discontents and Dangers ( as she conceived ) of the present Times . And doubtless her Discontents were many , and great ; and what her Dangers might have been by staying , or may be by going , God alone knows . His Majesty , while he was upon that Journey , sent a Message to both Houses . This was Printed Febr. 14. By this the King puts all into the Hands of the Parliament . His Words are concerning the Government and Liturgy of the Church , his Majesty is willing to declare , that he will refer that whole Consideration to the Wisdom of his Parliament , which he desires them to enter into speedily , that the present Distractions about the same may be composed : But desires not to be pressed to any single Act on his part , till the whole be so digested and setled by both Houses , that his Majesty may clearly see , what is fit to be left , as well as what is fit to be taken away . So here they are made Masters of all , and in a time of great exasperation against the Clergy and the Bishops , and their Votes being newly thrust out of the House . So God bless the poor Church of England , for I very much fear this can bode no good . The same Day , being Munday , there came an Order from the Lords that the Twelve Bishops which were Committed Decemb. 30. might put in Bayl if they would ; and that they should have their Hearing upon Friday , Febr. 25. They were glad Men , procured their Bayl , and went out of the Tower , on Wednesday , Febr. 16. This Order of the Lords was known to the House of Commons well enough ; yet they would take no Notice of it , nor offer to stay the Bishops . But on Wednesday , after they were sure the Bishops were come forth and gone to their several Lodgings , they sent a Message to the Lords , that they desired the Bishops might be presently remanded to safe Custody , or else they might and would Protest against their Lordships for Breach of the Priviledges of their House : Because being Impeached by them , the Lords had Bayled them , without acquainting them first with it in a Parliamentary way . This Message was very high , and so delivered by Mr. Denzil Hollis . The Lords yielded : And the poor Bishops were brought back again to the Tower the next Morning , Febr. 17. But with an Order that they should not pay new Fees , and with a Promise that their Cause should be heard on Saturday , Febr. 19. I will not so much as dispute any Priviledge of the House of Commons , and I presume the Lords were not willing to break any . This I am sure of , that as this Business was carried , though the Bishops had a great Indignity and Scorn put upon them ; yet that which was put upon the Lords was far greater , and might certainly have been carried in a smoother way on all Hands . On Saturday , Febr. 19. according to appointment , the Twelve Bishops were all at the House ; and at the Bar Mr. Glin pressed the Charge of High Treason against them in the Name of the House of Commons . The Bishops said not much , but their Counsel were very earnest , that they might be presently Heard : But they were not admitted to speak . And so the Business was put off to Thursday , Febr. 24. That Night , when the Commons were returned into their own House , there was a Motion made to proceed against the Bishops by Bill , and not in the other Ordinary Way . CAP. XIII . ON Sunday , Feb. 20. there came a tall Gentleman , by the Name of Mr. Hunt , to my Lodging in the Tower to speak with me : I was then in my Bed-Chamber speaking with Mr. Edward Hide , one of the House of Commons . I went forth to speak with this Mr. Hunt. When I came , he professed , that though he was unknown to me , yet he came to do me service in a great Particular : And Prefaced it farther , that he was not set on to come to me by any States-Man , or by any of the Parliament , nor did expect any Reward , but only was desirous to serve me . I wondred what the matter should be . Then he drew a Paper out of his Pocket , and gave it me to read . It contained four Articles fairly Written , and drawn up against me to the Parliament . All of them were touching my near Conversation with Priests , and my endeavour by them to subvert Religion in England . He told me ( when I had read them ) that the Articles were not yet put into the House . They were subscribed by one Willoughby , who he said was a Priest , but now turned , and come away from them . I asked him what Service it was that by this he could do to me ? He said , he left me to think on that ; but professed he looked for no advantage to himself . I conceived hereupon , this was some piece of Villany , and bad him tell Willoughby from me , that he was a Villain to subscribe such a Paper ; and for the Articles , let him put them into the Parliament when he pleased . Mr. Hunt desired me to take nothing ill from him , for he meant me Service . I reply'd , that he came to me Civilly , and used me in Speech like a Gentleman : But Willoughby was in this , as I had called him . I left him and his Paper , and returned to Mr. Hide into my Bed-Chamber . There I told him , and my Servant Mr. Richard Cobb , all that passed : And they were glad I gave him so short and so harsh an Answer , and did think as I my self did , that it was a Plot to intrap me . After they were gone , I sat thinking with my self , and was very Sorry that my Indignation at this base Villany had made me so hasty to send Hunt away , and that I did not desire Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower to seize on him , till he brought forth this Willoughby . I am since informed , that this Hunt is a Gentleman that hath spent all or most of his Means ; and I verily believe this was a Plot between him and Willoughby to draw Money from me to conceal the Articles ; in which way had I complyed with him , I had utterly undone my self . But I thank God for his Mercy to me , I am Innocent , and defy in this Kind what any Man can truly say against me . On Friday , Mar. 4. the two Bishops which were at Mr. Maxwell's , namely , Thomas Moreton Bishop of Duresme , and Robert Wright Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield , having formerly Petitioned , were present in the House of Commons to speak for themselves ; and they did so . At the same time the Petition of the other ten Bishops ( which were in the Tower ) which was sent into that House upon the Example of the other two was read . After this a Committee was named to draw up a Bill . But what it shall contain is not yet known : So herein they departed not from their former Resolution . On Sunday , Mar. 6. after I came from Sermon , I walked in a large Room , of which I had the use , before I went to Dinner : And after I had walked a pretty while , expecting some Company , upon the sudden , as I walked on , I heard a great Crack , as loud as the Report of a small Dag , to my thinking . And the Noise being near me , I had a conceit that one of the Boards brake under me ; but it was a Tendon of my right Leg which brake asunder , God knows how . For I was upon plain Boards , and had no uneven step nor slip , not so much as a turning of my Foot aside upon any Chink . This Tendon , or part of the main Sinew above my Heel , brake just in the same Place where I had unhappily broken it before , Febr : 5 : 1627. as I was waiting upon King Charles to Hampton-Court . But I recovered of it , and could go strongly upon plain Ground . God be merciful unto me , now that he is pleased to humble me yet farther , and to take from me the use of my Limbs , the only Comfort under him , in the midst of my Afflictions . And this Lameness continued two whole Months , before I was able to go down Stairs to take any Air to refresh my self ; and long after , before I received any competent Measure of Strength . CAP. XIV . ST : Leonards Foster-Lane , London , is in the Gift of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster . Mr : William Ward the Incumbent had resigned , and besides was Censured by a Committee in Parliament , for Innovations , and I know not what . One Mr : George Smith was tender'd ( it seems ) to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster . How things were carried there , I know not ; but they let their Living fall in Lapse to the Lord Bishop of London . His six Months likewise were suffered to slide over , and the Benesice was lapsed to me , as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , about March the 〈◊〉 In all this time Mr : Ward had not the * Providence to seek to the King for remedy , or to the Original Patrons , whose Presentation at any time before the Bishop had filled the Church , was ( as I am inform'd ) good in Law. This Benefice being now in my dispose , the Precise part of the Parish Petition the Parliament for the aforesaid Mr. George Smith ; and by the means of my Lord Kimbolton ( a great Patron of such Men ) obtain this Order following . Die Jovis , 17 : Martij : 1641. UPon the reading of the Petition of the Parishioners of St. Leonards Foster-Lane , London , it is Ordered by the Lords in Parliament , that Mr : George Smith , elected and approved by the Dean of Westminster , and the Parishioners of 〈◊〉 Leonards Foster-Lane , be especially recommended to the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace from this House , that the said Mr : Smith may be forthwith Presented to the Parish-Church of the said St : Lawrence . John Brown Clericus Parliament . This Order was brought me by the Church-Wardens , and some of the Parish , on Saturday , March 19. I was sorry for the honest Incumbent's sake , Mr : Ward ; and troubled in my self to have such an Order sent me : Especially , considering that the Lords former Order ( though as I was informed against all Law ) yet was so moderate , as to suffer me to Nominate to Benefices , so that the Men were without Exception . I put them off till Monday . In the mean time I advised with my Learned Councel , and other Friends . All of them agreed in this ; That it was a great and a violent Injustice put upon me ; yet in regard of the Time , and my Condition , they perswaded me to give way to their Power , and Present their Clerk. On Munday , Mar. 21. they repaired to me again : I sent them to my Register , to draw a Presentation according to the Order of Parliament , and advised them while that was in drawing , to send Mr. Smith to me . One of them told me very boldly , that it was not in the Order of Parliament , that Mr. Smith should come to me ; and another told me that Mr. Smith would not come to me . Upon this unworthy Usage of me , I dismissed them again , having first in Obedience to the Order Sealed and set my Hand to the Presentation , ready for delivery when Mr. Smith came for it . The next Morning these men repair again to the Lords House , and on Wednesday , Mar. 23. procure another Order , strictly commanding me forthwith to deliver the Presentation to the Parishioners . This Order being setled , the Earl of Holland made a Motion , and put the Lords in Mind that I lay under a heavy Charge , and had long lain so : That it would be Honourable for the Parliament to bring my Cause to Hearing , that so I might receive Punishment if I were found to deserve it , or otherwise have some end of my Troubles : There was a great dispute among my Friends , Quo Animo , with what Mind this Lord moved it , especially then , when almost all my Friends in both Houses were absent . Howsoever I took it for the best , desiring nothing more than an end ; and therefore sent a Gentleman the next Day to give his Lordship Thanks for his Nobleness in remembring me . And if he did it with an Ill Mind , God forgive him , and preserve me . But whatsoever his Lordship's Intent was , his Motion after some Debate , begat a Message to the House of Commons , to ripen my Business ; but it dyed again , and nothing done . The Order last above written , concerning Mr. Smith , the Parishioners brought to me the same Day in the Afternoon . It happened that the Lord Primate of Armagh was then with me . I shewed him the Order , and he blessed himself to see it ; yet advised me to obey , as my other Friends had done . I farther desired him to stay and hear my Answer to them , which was this , That I knew not what Report they had made of me and my Obedience to the Lords ; and that therefore I would give their Lordships in Writeing an Account of my Proceedings ; but would deliver the Presentation to Mr. Smith , when he came . The Lord Primate cryed shame of them to their Faces : So they went away . On Thursday , March 24. in an humble Petition I informed the Lords how ready I was to obey : Only desired that Mr. Smith might come to me , that I might see his Orders , and examine his Sufficiency ; to both which I stood bound both in Conscience , and by Law. Upon reading of this Petition , some Lords said Mr. Smith was an unmannerly Fellow , not to come to me : But the Lord Kimbolton told them he was a very worthy Man , and that he might go to me afterward ; but it was fit their Order should be obeyed . And the Earl of Warwick added , that I desired Mr. Smith might come to me , only that I might pick a Quarrel with him , to frustrate the Order of the House . Upon this there followed Instantly a Peremptory Order , commanding me to present Obedience . So Mr. Smith was left to come to me afterwards , if he pleased ; and he came not at all , which was as good as if he had come , to have his Sufficiency examined for that which he had already in possession . But how worthy and fit he proved , I refer to all honest Men that heard him afterwards . Upon this Order ( according to the former Advice of my Friends ) I delivered the Presentation to the Churchwardens and Parishioners ; and if any thing proved amiss in the Man ( as after did in a high Measure ) or hurtful in the thing it self ; I humbly besought God to have Mercy on me , and to call for an Account of them who laid this pressure upon me . CAP. XV. BEfore this time the Rectory of Stisted in Essex was fallen void , and in my Gift . The E : of Warwick was an earnest Suitor to me for it , for one Mr : Clark : I delayed , having Six Months time by Law to dispose of my Benefices . During this delay Mr : Richard Howlett , a Batchelour of Divinity , and a Man of very good worth , a Dean in Ireland , was by the Rebels there turned out of all he had , and forced , for safety of his Life , to come with his Wife and Children into England : His Wife was my near Kinswoman . At their coming over I was forced to relieve them , else they might have begged . Hereupon I resolved in my self to give Stisted to Mr : Howlett , and to gratifie Mr : Clark with something after . Nothing doubting but that the Parliament would readily give way in such a case of Necessity , for so worthy a Man as Mr : Howlett was known to be . While these things were in my Thoughts , two other great Benefices fell into my disposal , Bocking , and Lachingdon , both in Essex . Presently the Parishioners Petition me ; They of Bocking for Dr : Gawden , a Chaplain of the Earl of Warwick's ; They of Lachingdon , that they might chuse their own Minister . I gave a fair Answer to both , but reserved my self . Then I was pressed with Letters from the Earl of Warwick , for Dr : Gawden . My Answer was , I could not gratifie Dr : Gawden with Bocking , and Mr : Clark with Stisted . Then Dr : Gawden brings me a very earnest Letter , but very Honourable , from the Earl of Hertford . When I saw my self thus pressed , I resolved to name fit Men to all three Benefices , presently , and see how the Parliament would be pleased to deal with me . Before I did this , I thought fit to make a fair Offer to the Earl of Warwick , who by Dr : Gawden's intreaty came to me to the Tower. I freely told his Lordship my Resolution , which was , that at the desire of his Lordship , and my Honourable Friend the Lord Marquess of Hertford , I would give Bocking to Dr : Gawden ; Lachingdon to Mr : Howlett , in regard of his Alliance to me , and his present Necessities ; and Stisted to Mr : Newested , to whom I was pre-ingaged by Promise to my Ancient worthy Friend Sir Tho : Rowe , whom Mr : Newested had served in his Embassages seven Years ; and for Mr : Clark , he should have the next Benefice which fell in my Gift , for his Lordship's sake . His Lordship seemed to be very much taken with this Offer of mine , and promised me , and gave me his Hand upon it , that he would do me all the kindness he could , that these my Nominations might pass with the Lords . Upon this I rested , and according to my Promise , Petitioned the Lords , as is expressed . Upon the Reading of this Petition , the Lords Order'd me presently to Collate Bocking upon Dr : Gawden ; which I did , the Order being brought unto me the next Day . But for the other two the Lords took time to consider . The Earl of Warwick was then present in the House , and ( as I am informed ) said little or nothing . This made me fear the worst : And therefore I advised Mr : Howlett to get a full Certificate of the Lord Primate of Armagh , both for Life and Learning , and attend with it at the Parliament , to make the best Friends for himself . The Business stuck still . At last he met with the Lord Kimbolton , who presently made all Weather fair for him : And upon his Lordships motion to the House , an Order passed for Mr : Howlett to have Lachingdon . The Motive this ; Mr : Howlett was Fellow of Sidney College in Cambridge , and Tutor at that time to two Sons of the Lord Mountague , the Lord Kimbolton's Uncle : At which time also the Lord Kimbolton himself was a Student in the same College , and knew the Person and worth of Mr : Howlett . This his Lordship Honourably now remembred ; else it might have gone hard with Mr : Howlett's Necessities . So upon the Order thus obtained , I Collated Lachingdon upon him . After this the Earl of Warwick went Lord Admiral to Sea , by appointment of the Parliament : And forthwith I was served with another Order to give Stisted to Mr : Clark. Hereupon I Petitioned again , and set forth my Resolutions and Ingagements to Sir Tho : Rowe : And Dr : Gawden having told me , that the Earl of Warwick had left that Business for me in trust with the Lord Roberts , I made bold to write to his Lordship , and intreat his lawful Favour . The Lord Roberts denied that any such Order or Care of that Business was left with him , nor would he meddle in it ; but referred me to the Lord Kimbolton , who still followed the Business close for Mr : Clark. By all which it appeared to me , that the Earl of Warwick had forgotten his Promise to me , to say no more . Soon after I received another Order , to give Stisted to Mr : Clark. To this I answered again by Petition , but with like Success : For another Order came forth Peremptorily to Command me to give Stisted to Mr : Clark. But it so fell out , that this Order was not brought to me till Ten Days after the Date ; I sent my Councel to attend the Lords , that I might not fall into Contempt . The Business was not then called on , and by the Sixteenth of the same Month , Stisted fell in Lapse to His Majesty : So I lost the giving of the Benefice , and some body else their Ends upon me . CAP. XVI . ON May 15. Sunday , I made a shift between my Man and my Staff , to go to Church . There Preached one Mr : * Joslin . His Text , Judge 5 : 23. Curse ye Meroz , &c. To pass over what was strangely Evil thoroughout his Sermon , his Personal Abuse of me was so foul and so palpable , that Women and Boys stood up in the Church , to see how I could bear it : And this was my first Welcome into the Church , after my long Lameness . But I humbly thank God for it , I bare his Virulence patiently , and so it vanished : As did much other of like Nature , which I bare both before and after this . God forgive them . After this I had some quietness ; most Particulars lying dead , out of several respects unknown to me . But all things grew higher and higher between the King and the Parliament , to the great Dammage and Distraction of the Kingdom . God of his Mercy send a speedy and a blessed Issue , and preserve his Majesty , the Kingdom , and this poor Church from Ruin : But I much fear our Sins are ripe for a very great , if not a final Judgment . Friday , August the 19. Captain Royden and his Company , by Order of Parliament , came about seven of the Clock in the Evening to my House at Lambeth , to take away my Arms. They stayed there all Night , and searched every Room , and where any Key was not ready , brake open Doors : And the next Morning they carried my Arms away in Carts to Guild-Hall , London ; and I was sufficiently abused all the way by the People , as my Arms passed . They gave out in London , there were Arms for Ten Thousand Men ; whereas there was not enough for Two Hundred . And the Arms I bought of my Predecessor's Executors ; only some I was forced to mend , the Fashion of Arms being changed . He left to defend that large House , but six Swords , six Carbines , three Halberds , and two half Pikes : Though the Order formerly made by the Lords , required necessary defence for the House should be left . But it seems Captain Royden's Order now given was stricter ; for he was towards me and my House very Civil in all things . This day , Sept. 1. 1642. the Bishops were Voted down in the House of Commons : And that Night there was great Ringing and Bonfires in the City ; which I conceive was cunningly ordered to be done by Alderman Pennington , the new Lord Mayor , chosen in the room of Sir Richard Gurney , who was then in the Tower , and put out of his Office by the Parliament . And my Mind gives me , that if Bishops do go down , the City will not have cause to joy in it . About this time the Cathedral Church of Canterbury was grosly Prophaned ; yet far worse afterward . All-Hallows Bredstreet was now fallen void , and in my Gift ; and September 9. there came an Order from the House of Peers for me to give it : But having Six Months Respite by Law , I delayed it for that time , which created me much trouble from the Parishioners , who often sollicited me . About the Tenth of this Month , the Bishops were Voted down in the Vpper House . So it seems I must live to see my Calling fall before me . Upon Saturday , Octob. 15. it was Resolved upon the Question , That all Rents and Profits of all Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans and Chapters , and other Delinquents , should be Sequestred for the Use and Service of the Common-Wealth : According to which Ordinance , all the Profits of my Arch-Bishoprick were taken away from me , and not one Penny allowed me for Maintenance . Nay , whereas this Order was not made till a full Fortnight after Michaelmas ; yet so hard a hand was carried over me , as that my Rents , due at Michaelmas , were seized on to the use of the Parliament : By which means my Estate was as good as Sequestred almost from our Lady-day before ; more * than two parts of three of the Rents being payable only at Michaelmas . An Order came from the House , Octob. 24. that no Prisoner should keep above two Servants , nor speak with any Man , but in the presence and hearing of his Warder . My Case for the former Branch of this Order , differ'd from all other Prisoners . For they lay in several Warders Houses , in which they might be fitted by the Servants of the House for Ordering their Dyet ; but I was in a Prison-lodging , void of all Comfort and Company . And therefore upon Octob. 27. ( which was the very next day after the Order was shewed to me ) I humbly besought the Lords for a Cook and Butler , beside the Two which were to attend me in my † Prison , by Reason of my Age and Infirmities ; which , though with difficulty , yet I humbly thank their Lordships , was granted me , Octob. 28. On Wednesday , Novemb. 2. I Dreamed ( that Night ) that the Church was undone , and that I went to St : Johns in Oxford , where I found the Roof off from some part of the College , and the Walls ready to fall down . God be merciful . Upon Wednesday , Novemb. 9. about Five of the Clock in the Morning , Captain Brown and his Company entred my House at Lambeth , to keep it for Publick Service . Hereupon I Petitioned the Lords the same day , for the safety of the Library , of my own Study , and of such Goods as were in my House : All which was very Honourably granted unto me by a full Order of the Lords that very day ; with a strict Charge , that they which were there employed in the Publick Service , should take special care that all the fore-named things should be preserved in safety . Either this day , or the day before , Mr : Holland and Mr : Ashurst , two of the House of Commons , came accompanied with some Musketeers , and entred my House , and searched for Mony ; and took away Seventy and Eight Pound , from my Receiver Mr : Walter Dobson , and said it was for the Maintenance of the Kings Children . God of his Mercy look favourably upon the King , and bless his Children from needing any such poor Maintenance . Novemb. 16. Wednesday , an Order forbidding the Prisoners Men to speak one with another , but in the presence of the Warder , and to bar them the liberty of the Tower : Only this Order was so far inlarged , Novemb. 22. that any of them might go out of the Tower to buy Provision or other Necessaries . On the 24th of this Month , the Souldiers at Lambeth-House brake open the Chappel-doors , and offer'd violence to the Organ ; but before much hurt was done , the Captain heard of it , and stayed them . Upon the Death of Sir Charles Caesar , the Mastership of the Faculties fell into my gift ; but I could not dispose of it , by Reason of the Order of Parliament , of Octob. 23. 1641. but with their Approbation . Therefore I Petitioned the Lords , that I might give it to 〈◊〉 Aylet or Dr : Heath , both then Attendants in that Honourable House ; well knowing it would be in vain to Name any other : And the Lords sent me an Order to give it to 〈◊〉 Aylet ; and I did it accordingly . The Vicaridge of Horsham in Sussex was in my gift , and fell void . At the intreaty of Sir John Conniers then Lieutenant of the Tower , I Petitioned the House that I might give it to Mr. Conniers the Lecturer at Bow. But before my Petition came to be delivered , the House had made an Order against him , upon complaint from Horsham of his disordered Life ; so busie were that Party of Men to complain of all Men , who were not theirs in Faction ; and such ready admittance had both they and their Complaints in both Houses . For my part the Man was a Stranger to me , and inquiring after him ( as well as a poor Prisoner could ) I heard no ill of him for his Life . Nevertheless , hearing how the Lords were possessed against him , I forbare the sending of that Petition , and sent another for my own Chaplain , 〈◊〉 William Brackstone . But he was refused ; yet no exception taken against him , for Life or Learning ; nor indeed could any be . Upon the 〈◊〉 of the same Month , 〈◊〉 Layton came with a Warrant from the Honourable House of Commons , for the Keys of my House at Lambeth to be delivered to him , that Prisoners might be brought thither . I referred my self to God , that nothing might trouble me : But then I saw it evident , that all that could , should be done to break my patience . Had it not been so , some body else might have been sent to Lambeth , and not Layton , who had been Censured in the Star-Chamber to lose his Ears , for a base and a most virulent Libel against Bishops and the Church-Government Established by Law : In which Book of his were many things , which in some Times might have cost him dearer . The same day it was Ordered by the Honourable House of Commons , that Mr : Glyn , Mr. Whitlock , Mr. Hill , or any two of them , should take care for the securing of the Publick Library belonging to the See of Canterbury , the Books , Writings , Evidences , and Goods in Lambeth-House , and to take the Keys into their Custody : And a Reference to the Committee , to prepare an Ordinance for the regulating of Lambeth-House for a Prison , in the manner as Winchester-House is regulated . And upon Jan. 5. a final Order from both Houses came for the setling of Lambeth Prison : In which Order it was included , that all my Wood and Coal then in the House , should remain there for the use of the Souldiers . And when Motion was made , that I might have some to the Tower for my own necessary use , it would not be hearkned to . There was then in the House , above two hundred pounds worth of Wood and Coal which was mine . The next day I received a Letter from the Earl of Manchester , commanding me , in the Name of the House , to give All-Hallows-Bredstreet to 〈◊〉 Seaman . This I was no way moved at ; because I had before expressed my self to my Lord of Northumberland , that I would give this Benefice , out of my Respects to his Lordship , to Mr. Seaman his Chaplain . Yet I cannot but observe , that though this was made known to the Earl of Manchester , yet he would not forbear his Letter , that the Benefice might be given by Order , and not seem to come from any Courtesie of mine to that Honourable Person . CAP. XVII . ON Thursday , January 26. the Bill passed in the Lords House for abolishing of Episcopacy . God be merciful to this sinking Church . By this time the Rectory of Chartham in Kent was fallen void , by the Death of the Dean of Canterbury , and in my Gift . It was a very good Benefice , and I saw it would create me much trouble in the Collating of it . The first onset upon me for it was by Dr. Heath ; and it was to give it to Mr. Edward Corbet of Merton-College , of which House Dr. Heath had formerly been . Very earnest he was with me , and told me the Lord General was earnest for him , and that it would be carried from me , if I did it not willingly ; which I were better do . My Answer was , I could not help that : But Mr. Corbet had many ways disserved me in Oxford , and that certainly I would never give it him . So we parted : And though I could not be jealous of Dr. Heath , yet neither could I take it well . And on Tuesday , Feb. 14. I received a Letter from his Majesty , bearing Date January 17. in which Letters the King Commands me to give Chartham to one Mr. Reading , a Man of good Note in the Church ; or if I were otherwise Commanded by Parliament not to give , then to Lapse it to him , that he might give it . I returned a present Answer by word of Mouth , and by the same Messenger , that I would either give , or Lapse the Benefice , as his Majesties Gracious Letters required of me . I was now in a fine Case between the King and the Parliament : One I was sure to offend . Yet these Letters of the King 's came happily in one respect : For that very Afternoon , the Earl of Warwick came to me to the Tower , and after a few fair words bestowed on me , drew out an Order of Parliament , to give Chartham to one Mr. Culmer , who his Lordship said was a very worthy Man ; and perhaps I might have believed his Lordship , had I not known the contrary : But I well knew him to be ignorant , and with his Ignorance , one of the most daring Schismaticks in all that Country . This Order of Parliament bare Date , Febr. 4. but was not shewed me till then . My Answer to my Lord was , that I had received a Letter from his Majesty , which required me to give that Benefice to another Man , or else Lapse it to him ; and therefore humbly desired his Lordship to do me good Offices in the Honourable House , considering in what difficulties I was , and how many great Livings I had given by Orders of Parliament , and none at the King's Command till now . So we parted . After this , Mr. Culmer came to me about the Benefice , and protested his Conformity to the Church . I think the Man forgot that I knew both him and his ways . I told him I had given my Lord of Warwick my Answer . But Mr. Culmer rested not so : But got a Servant of mine down the Stairs to him , and there was very earnest with him to know , whether it were not possible to work me to give him Chartham . And then out of the abundance of his honesty and worthiness offer'd my Servant a Hundred and Fifty Pound to procure him the Benefice : And added , that he should have no cause to distrust him , for he should have the Money presently paid him . This is as worthy a piece of Symony as need to be : And but that the Earl of Warwick is a Man of Honour , and unfit to stoop to such base Courses , it is enough to make a Man think Mr. Culmer would have been very thankful to his Lordship for so much pains , as to come to the Tower and solicit for him . The Earl of Warwick at his next opportunity in the House , told the Lords , that whereas they had made an Order , that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury should give Chartham to Mr. Culmer , a very worthy Preacher ; he had been with me himself about it , and that I pretended Letters from the King , and refused to obey their Order . This was like to have stirred great Heat against me , but that a Lord stood up , and doubted of the Order ; Putting them in Mind , that the Lord General was ingaged for this Benefice for Mr. Corbet , and had left the Care of it upon himself , and some other Lords in his absence . Hereupon there was inquiry made , when , and how , that Order passed for Culmer , and it was found to be slipped out at a very empty House . So the Earl of Warwick excused the Matter , that he knew not of the Lord General 's purpose ; and so the Business slept , and never awaked more for Culmer . The Lord Brook was now in Action . A bitter Enemy he was to the Church , and her Government by Bishops . On March : 2 : he was going to give Onset upon the Close of the Cathedral at Lichfield : And as he was taking view of the place , from a Window in a House opposite to the Close , and his Bever up , so that a Musket at such a distance could have done him but little harm ; yet was he Shot in the left Eye , and killed Dead in the place without speaking one word . Whence I shall observe three things . First , that this great and known Enemy to Cathedral-Churches died thus fearfully in the Assault of a Cathedral . A fearful manner of Death in such a Quarrel ! Secondly , that this happened upon Saint Chads Day , of which Saint the Cathedral bears the Name : Thirdly , that this Lord coming from Dinner about two Years since , from the Lord Herbert's House in Lambeth , upon some Discourse of St. Paul's Church , then in their Eye upon the Water , said to some young Lords that were with him , that he hoped to live to see that one Stone of that Building should not be left upon another . But that Church stands yet , and that Eye is put out that hoped to see the Ruins of it . Many heavy Accidents have already fallen out in these unnatural Wars ; and God alone knows , how many more shall , before they end : But I intend no History but of my own sad Misfortunes ; nor would I have mentioned this , but that it relates to the Church , which for my Calling sake , I take as a part , and a near one of my self . On Friday , March 24. one Mr. Ford came to me to the Tower , and told me , there was a Plot to send me , and my Lord of Ely Bishop Wren , as Delinquents , to New England , within fourteen days : And that Mr. Wells , a Minister that came thence , offer'd Wagers of it . The Meeting where he heard this , was ( he said ) at Mr. Barnes , a Mercers House in Friday-Street , a Son in Law of Mr. Fords . This Gentleman told me he was a Suffolk man ; but I never saw him before , and was doubtful of the Truth of his Relation : Partly , because I knew no motive he had to take such care of me , being a Stranger to him ; And partly , because it could not sink into me , that the Honourable Houses , after so long Imprisonment , would send me into such a Banishment , without hearing me or my Cause . Yet he protested the truth of it very deeply , and wished me to endeavour to prevent it . That I knew not how to do : For to Petition against it upon such a private Information , might rather call it on , than keep it off , seeing what an edge there was against me . Therefore I referred my self to God , my constant Anchor , and so rested my Thoughts as well as I could . It was now known in the House to the Lord General 's Friends , that I had a resolution not to give Chartham to Mr. Corbet : And it may be it was thought also , that I did but pretend the Kings Letters about it ; and that if some other Man were named , against whom I had no Exception , it might be that I would give it : And if I did give it , then they should discover , that either I had no Letters from the King ; Or that I could make bold to dispence with them , so Mr. Corbet were not the Man. And if they could have gained this upon me , that notwithstanding his Majesties Letters , I would have given that Benefice to another man , they would then have recalled their Order * from him , and commanded me for Mr. Corbet . That this my Conjecture hath Truth in it , seems evident to me by all the future carriage of this Business . For one Mr. Hudson came and Preached at the Tower , and gave all men very good content : And on Tuesday , March 28. he brought me an Order from the Lords , requiring me to give Chartham to him . And this Order was known in the Tower : For some Prisoners of Note said , I might do well to give it him , being so good a Preacher . My answer to him was fair ; yet I told him truly , that the King had written to me for another : That I had promised to give it , or lapse it , as his Majesty required me : That the King never asked any of me till now : That I hoped the Parliament would not take it ill , that I gave this one at the Kings requisition , since I had already given as many Benefices upon their Orders , as came to above Eight hundred Pounds a year , passing by my own Friends and Chaplains , honest and able men : And for his particular , I might live to pleasure him with another , so I were not over-pressed concerning this . Hudson either mistook my Answer , or wilfully misreported it and me to the House ; and thereupon came another Order to me of April 11. to give him Chartham . I was not willing to be mistaken again , and therefore desired Mr. Lieutenant to deliver me a Petition to the House on Thursday , Apr. 13. in which I set forth my true Answer , as is above expressed , and in all Humility desired their Favour . That very day another quick Order was made for Hudson , and brought to me the next day , April 14. I Petitioned the House again , the same day , with all submission ; yet professed , that I could not disobey the King in so fair a Command . When all this would not serve , the Mask was pulled off , and a peremptory Order , bearing date April 21. was brought to me on Saturday April 22. to Collate Chartham upon Mr. Edw. Corbet . And upon Monday April 24. I humbly gave my Answer , as before ; but in the softest Terms I could express it , and in a Petition . Monday , May 1. the Windows of my Chappel at Lambeth were defaced , and the Steps to the Communion-Table torn up . And on Tuesday , May 2. the Cross in Cheapside was taken down , to cleanse that great Street of Superstition . The same day in prosecution of the former Plot , March 24. it was moved in the House of Commons , to send me to New England ; but it was rejected . The Plot was laid by Peters , Wells , and others of that Crew , that so they might insult over me . Then followed an Exemplary piece of Justice , and another of Mercy . Of Justice : For my Goods in Lambeth-House , and my Books were seized upon , and my Goods set to Sale by Captain Guest , Dickins , and Layton . And my Goods were sold , and scarce at a third part of their worth , all save what Layton took to himself , who usually said , all was his , House , Land , Goods and all . This was on Tuesday , May 9. And all this before any Proceedings had against me . And of Mercy : For the same day there came out an Order , for my farther Restraint , that I might not go out of my Lodging without my Keeper , so much as to take Air. Much about this time I received another Letter from his Majesty , in which he requires me ( as he had formerly done , for Chartham in particular ) that as oft as any Benefice or other Spiritual Promotion whatsoever should fall void in my Gift , I should dispose it only to such as his Majesty should name unto me ; Or if any Command lay otherwise upon me from either , or both Houses of Parliament , I should then let them fall into Lapse , that he might dispose of them to Men of worth . Upon Tuesday , May 16. there came out an Ordinance of both Houses , ( for now the Order was grown up into an Ordinance ) requiring me to give no Benefice , or Spiritual Promotion now void , or to be void at any time before my Trial , but with leave and Order of both Houses of Parliament . This Ordinance was delivered unto me the next day : And upon the reading of it I foresaw a Cloud rising over me , about this Business of Chartham , for which I did assure my self the Ordinance was made : And soon after came another Ordinance , requiring me by vertue of the said Ordinance to give Chartham to Mr. Corbet . This Order was not brought to me till Friday , May 26. Then it was brought unto me by Mr. Corbet himself , and Sir John Corbet a Parliament Man came with him . Now upon the Tuesday before I had sent an humble Petition to the Lords for Maintenance : The Prayer of which Petition was as follows : Humbly prayeth that your Lordships will take his sad condition into your Honourable Consideration , that somewhat may be allowed him out of his Estate to supply the Necessities of life ; assuring himself that in Honour and Justice you will not suffer him either to beg or starve . And your Petitioner shall ever pray , &c. The Answer which this Petition had in the Lords House was , Let him give Chartham as is Ordered , and then We will consider of Maintenance . So my Petition was sent down to the House of Commons . To the last forenamed Order , I gave my former Answer , and humbly Petitioned the Lords accordingly , May 27. following . So they departed , and as they went down the Hill together , Sir John was over-heard to say to Mr. Corbet thus : The Archbishop hath Petitioned the Lords for Maintenance , and they have sent his Petition to the Commons ; And since he will not give you the Benefice , I 'll warrant you he shall have no Maintenance . And so accordingly my Petition was rejected in the House of Commons . CAP. XVIII . THis was Wednesday , the last of May : It was the Fast-Day . A Search came betimes in the Morning into the Tower upon all the Prisoners , for Letters and other Papers . But I have some Reasons to think the Search had a special aim at me . First , because following me thus close about Chartham as they did , I conceive they 〈◊〉 desirous to see whether I had any such Letter from the King , as I pretended : If I had not , they had advantage against me for my Falshood ; if I had , they meant to see what Secret passed from his Majesty to me . Secondly , because I had lately Petitioned for Maintenance , and by this Search they might see what I had by me . And he that searched my Chamber , told me upon occasion , that he was to take all Papers which might discover Delinquents Estates . Thirdly , because all other Prisoners had their Papers re-delivered them before the Searchers went from the Tower ; except some few Verses of Sir Edward Hern's : But mine were carried to the Committee ; yet with promise , that I should have them again within two or three Days . Fourthly , because as Layton was put into Lambeth-House , so my implacable Enemy , Mr. Pryn , was picked out ( as a Man whose Malice might be trusted ) to make the search upon me . And he did it exactly . The manner of the Search upon me was thus . Mr. Pryn came into the Tower , with other Searchers , so soon as the Gates were open . Other Men went to other Prisoners ; he made haste to my Lodging , Commanded the Warder to open my Doors , left two Musketeers Centinels below , that no Man might go in or out , and one at the Stair-head ; with three other , which had their Muskets ready Cocked , he came into my Chamber , and found me in Bed ( as were also my Servants in theirs . ) I presently thought upon my Blessed Saviour , when Judas led in the Swords and Staves about him . Mr. Pryn seeing me safe in Bed , falls first to my Pockets to rifle them ; and by that time my two Servants came running in , half ready . I demanded the sight of his Warrant ; he shewed it me , and therein was Expressed , that he should search my Pockets . The Warrant came from the Close Committee , and the Hands that were to it , were these . E. Manchester , W. Saye and Seale , Wharton , H. Vane , Gilbert Gerard , and John Pim. Did they remember when they gave this Warrant , how odious it was to Parliaments , and 〈◊〉 of themselves , to have the Pockets of Men searched ? When my Pockets had been sufficiently ransacked , I rose and got my Cloaths about me , and so half ready , with my Gown upon my Shoulders , he held me in the search till past Nine of the Clock in the Morning . He took from me Twenty and One Bundles of Papers , which I had prepared for my Defence ; the two Letters before named , which came to me from his Gracious Majesty about Chartham and my other Benefices ; the Scottish Service-Book , with such Directions as accompanied it ; a little Book , or Diary , containing all the Occurrences of my Life ; and my Book of Private Devotions ; both these last written through with my own Hand . Nor could I get him to leave this last ; but he must needs see what passed between God and me : A thing , I think , scarce ever offer'd to any Christian. The last place which he rifled , was a Trunk which stood by my Bed-side . In that he found nothing , but about Forty Pound in Money for my necessary Expences ( which he meddled not with , ) and a Bundle of some Gloves . This Bundle he was so careful to open , as that he caused each Glove to be looked into ; upon this I tender'd him one pair of the Gloves ; which he refusing , I told him he might take them , and fear no Bribe , for he had already done me all the Mischief he could , and I asked no Favour of him : So he thanked me , took the Gloves , bound up my Papers , left two Centinels at my Door , ( which were not dismissed till the next Day Noon , ) and went his way . I was somewhat troubled to see my self used in this manner ; but knew no help but in God , and the Patience which he had given me : And how his Gracious Providence over me , and his Goodness to me , wrought upon all this , I shall in the End discover , and will magnisie , however it succeed with me . CAP. XIX . UPon my last Answer to the House concerning Chartham , there came out an Ordinance against me , to take all my Temporalities into the Parliament's hands ; that so they might give not only Chartham , but all things else , which fell into my Gift : And because it is an Ordinance of a great Power and Extent , I shall set it down , as it was Printed and Published , Junij 10. being Saturday . Whereas by an Ordinance of the Lords and Commons , in this present Parliament , of the 17. of May , 1643. the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury is required , from time to time until his Tryal , to Collate such fit Persons unto any Ecclesiastical Preferment in his Patronage , as shall by both Houses be Nominated unto him ; and in pursuance of the said Ordinance , another Ordinance of the Lords and Commons , past the 20th of the same Month , requiring the said Arch-Bishop to Collate upon Ed. Corbet , Fellow of Merton Colledge in the University of Oxford , the Rectory of Chartham in the County of Kent , void by the Death of Dr. Bargrave , the last Incumbent ; and whereas the said Arch-Bishop * refuseth Obedience to the said Ordinance : It is therefore Ordered , and be it so Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , that all the Temporalities of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury be hereby Sequestred , by , and unto the Parliament ; And William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury † Suspended ab Officio & Beneficio , & omni , & omnimodâ Jurisdictione Archiepiscopali , until he be either Convicted or Acquitted of High Treason , for which he stands now Accused ; and whatsoever Livings , Dignities , or Ecclesiastical Promotions , in the said Arch-Bishop's Gift or Collation are , or hereafter shall be void , shall henceforth be Instituted and Inducted unto by the Arch-Bishop's Vicar General , or any other having Authority in * this behalf , upon the Nomination and Recommendation of both Houses of Parliament , during the time of the Suspension and Seque stration aforesaid . And upon this Ordinance it is Ordered , and be it so Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , that the said Ed. Corbet be , and is hereby Nominated and Recommended , forthwith upon sight hereof , to be Admitted , Instituted and Inducted by the Vicar General aforesaid , or any other having Authority in † this behalf , into the said Rectory of Chartham , Ratione suspensionis Domini Gulielmi Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis * Temporalium Archiepiscopatûs , in Manibus Supremae Curiae Parliamenti jam existentium , the same belonging unto their Gift . And it is hereby farther Ordained , by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , that during the Suspension and Sequestration aforesaid , the Jurisdiction of the said Arch-Bishop shall be Executed and Exercised by his Vicar General , and other his inferiour Judges and Officers , as formerly the same hath been . This Ordinance was laid as a great Punishment upon me : But I humbly thank both Houses for it , as for the greatest Benefit they have bestowed on me since my Troubles ; especially since the Sequestration of my Jurisdiction , Novemb. 2. 1641. For it appears before in this History , how ever since that time I have been troubled for every Benefice which hath fallen in my Gift ; disinabled to prefer any Friend or Chaplain of my own , were he never so worthy : And ( which is worse by much ) forced to admit such Men , how unworthy so-ever , as were by them Nominated to me , or else fall under a Contempt of their Ordinances , and such Arbitrary Punishment as they shall thereupon load me with : Whereas now , I am freed both from the Trouble and the Sin of admitting unworthy Persons into the Church-Service , and leave them to the Business , and the Account for it . On Sunday , Junij 11. One came and Preached at the Tower , ( his Name I could not learn. ) In his Sermon , after he had liberally railed on me , he told the Auditory , that Mr. Pryn had found a Book in my Pocket , which would discover great things : This to inflame the People against me ; Et si non satis insanirent suâ sponte , instigare . This is Zealous Preaching ! God forgive their Malice . An Ordinance passed on Munday , Junij 12. that the Synod of Divines formerly Named by both Houses ( not chosen by the Clergy ) should begin to sit on the first of July following : And they did begin to sit that day ; Dr. Twiss in the Chair ; and he made the Latin Sermon . The Names of these Synodical Men , are to be seen in the Ordinance Printed Junij 12. Where any Man that will , may see a great , if not the greater part of them , Brownists , or Independents , or New-England-Ministers , if not worse , or at the best refractory Persons to the Doctrine or Discipline , or both , of the Church of England Established by Law , and now brought together to Reform it . An excellent Conclave ! But I pray God , that befal not them , which Tully observes fell upon Epicurus , Si quae corrigere voluit , deteriora fecit ; He made every thing worse that he went about to mend . I shall for my part never deny , but that the Liturgy of the Church of England may be made better ; but I am sure withal it may easily be made worse . And howsoever , it would become this Synod well , to remember , that there is a Convocation of the English Prelates and Clergy , lawfully Chosen and Summoned , and by no Supream or Legal Authority as yet dissolved : And can there be two National Synods at one time , but that one must be irregular ? Belike we shall fall to it in the Donatists way : They set up Altare contra Altare in Africk ; and these will set up Synodum contra Synodum in England : And this , without God's Infinite Mercy , will bring forth a Schism , fierce enough to rent and tear Religion out of this Kingdom : Which God for the Merits and Mercies of Christ forbid . A Committee of the House of Commons sent Mr. Dobson my Controwler to me to the Tower , to require me to send them word under my Hand , what Originals I had of the Articles of Religion Established , 1562 , & 1571. This was on Wednesday , July 12. And I returned by him the same day this Answer in Writing , with my Name to it . The Original Articles of 1571. I could never find in my Paper-Study at Lambeth , or any where else : And whether any Copy of them were ever left there , I cannot tell . The Original Articles of 1562. with many Hands to them , I did see , and peruse there : But whether the Bishops Hands were to them or not , I cannot remember . This Answer satisfied them ; but what their Aim was I cannot tell , unless they meant to make a search about the two first Lines in the twentieth Article , concerning the Power of the Church ; in these words : The Church hath Power to decree Rites or Ceremonies , and Authority in Controversies of Faith : Which words are left out in divers printed Copies of the Articles , and are not in the one and twentieth Article of Edw. 6. nor in the Latin Copy of the Articles 1571. But in the Original Articles of 1562. the words are plain and manifest , without any Interlining at all . If this were their Aim , 't is probable we shall see somewhat , by what their Synod shall do concerning that Article . On Tuesday , August 3. my Servant Mr. Edw. Lenthrop , came to me and told me , that the day before he met with Sir K. Digbye , who had the leave to go out of Prison , ( by the Suit of the French Queen ) and to Travel into France . But before he took his Journey , he was to come before a Committee , and there ( he said ) he had been . It seems it was some Committee about my Business ; for he told Mr. Lenthrop , and wished him to tell it me , that the Committee took special notice of his Acquaintance with me , and Examined him strictly concerning me and my Religion , whether he did not know , that I was offer'd to be made a Cardinal ; and many other such like things . That he Answer'd them , That he knew nothing of any Cardinal-ship offer'd me : And for my Religion he had Reason to think , I was truly and really as I professed my self ; for I had laboured with him against his return to the Church of Rome : ( Which is true , and I have some of my Papers yet to shew . ) But he farther sent me word , that their Malice was great against me ; though he saw plainly , they were like Men that groped in the Dark , and were to seek what to lay to my Charge . But soon after Mutterings arose , that Mr. Pryn in his Search had found great Matters against me , and that now I should be brought to Tryal out of Hand . Some Men now it seems made Overture for Peace , and some good hopes of it began to shew themselves ( as it was then said ) in both Houses . This was on Saturday , Aug. 5. But there wanted not those , which made themselves ready for Battel : For on Sunday , Aug. 6. Printed Bills were pasted up in London , to animate the People to go to Westminster against Peace ; and the like Bills were Read in some Churches . Excellent Church-work ! And on Munday , Aug. 7. some Thousands , Men and Women ; went to the Parliament and clamorously Petitioned against Peace ; and the next day five or six Hundred Women , and these were as earnest for Peace : But ye may observe , 't is but Hundreds for Thousands that came against it . Yet on Wednesday , Aug. 9. the number of Women increased , when it seems Men durst not appear . But their desire for Peace was answer'd by some Troops of Horse which were sent for , by which some of the Women were killed , and divers of them shrewdly wounded . God of his Mercy set an end to these bloody Distractions . In the midst of this Fury of the People , on Thursday , Aug. 10. came out Rome's Master-Piece . This Book Mr. Pryn sets forth in print , upon occasion of some Papers which he had in his search taken from me : And 't was done to drive the People headlong into mischief , whose Malice against me needed not his setting on . After this the Diurnal and other Pamphlets began to mention me , and that now a Charge was drawing up against me . Upon Friday , Aug. 11. Sir Robert Harlowe was made Lieutenant of the Tower , in the room of Sir Jo. Conniers . And on Tuesday , Aug. 15. he removed Mr. Bray , who had been my Warder from my first Commitment to the Tower , and put Mr. Cowes , another of the Warders , to be my Keeper . The cause of this change I could never learn. The Nineteenth of Aug. after , being Saturday , Alderman Pennington , then Lord Mayor of London , was made Lieutenant of the Tower , and took possession of it . The next day being Sunday , in the Afternoon , one Preached in the Tower-Church , in a Buff-Coat and a Scarf , but had a Gown on . He told the People , they were all Blessed that dyed in this Cause , with much more such Stuff . His Name ( as I then heard ) was Kem , Parson or Vicar of * Loe-Layton in Essex , and then Captain of a Troop of Horse . Quam bene conveniunt ! But the next Sunday , Aug. 27. during the Afternoon Sermon , a Letter , Subscribed John Browne , was thrust under the Door of my Prison . When I opened it , I found it a most bitter Libel . God forgive the Author of it . On Munday , Septem . 11. the new Lieutenant the Lord Mayor , changed my Warder again , removed Mr. Cowes , and put Mr. Spencer to attend me . And when I moved him , that I might not have such often change put upon me , as no other Prisoner had ; His Answer was , that if he did not remove Mr. Cowes , the Committee would . So I knew not how to help my self , but by Patience . Then came the Covenant , that excellent Piece of ...... from Scotland , and was Sworn by the Parliament and the Synod , in St. Margarets Church in Westminster , on Munday , September 25. The Effects which followed , were as strict as the Covenant : For on Munday , Octob. 3. the Order made that time Twelve-Month , was renewed , and all Prisoners locked up , and no Man suffered to speak with them , but by leave from the Lieutenant , and in the presence of their several Warders respectively . CAP. XX. BY this time Mr. Pryn's malice had hammer'd out something : And on Tuesday , Octob. 24. an Order was brought me from the Lords , Dated Octob. 23. with a Copy of ten Additional Articles , brought up by the Commons against me . This Order required me to make my Answer in Writing by the Thirtieth of the same Month. These Articles charged me not with Treason only , as the former did , but with Treason , and other high Crimes and Misdemeanours . I sent instantly by the same Messenger a Petition for longer time ; for Means out of my Estate to Fee my Councel , and bear the necessary Charge of my Trial ; for Councel , and for a Solicitor , and some Servants to attend my Business . The Lords , I humbly thank them , gave me longer time , and assigned me Mr. Hearn , Mr. Chute , Mr. Hales ; and at my Petition , added Mr. Gerrard . For Money they referred me to the Committee of Sequestrations ; but delayed their Answer concerning my Servants , and the Papers of my Defence , which Mr. Pryn took from me . For though he promised me a faithful Restitution of them within three or four days , yet to this day ( being almost five Months after ) I had received but three Bundles of the Twenty and one , which he had from me . Friday , Octob. 27. I Petitioned again , that the Papers of my Defence being ( as I was informed ) in the hands of the Close Committee , might be delivered unto me ; and sent my Petition with the Order of the Lords annexed to the Committee for Sequestrations . There many were very favourable , till Mr. Glyn was pleased to say , They were not to allow me Means , and there was a known Course in Law , which was , that I might go on in Formâ Pauperis ; and so was left without any Allowance out of my Estate , to Fee my Councel , or supply other Wants . This succeeding so ill with me , I Petitioned the Lords again on Saturday , Octob. 28. and then Mr. Dell my Secretary was assigned me for my Solicitor ; and I was allowed two Servants more to go about my Business : And the House of Commons by their Order agreed to the Lords , that I should have Copies of any the Papers taken from me ; but it should be at my own Charge . Wonderful Favour this , and as much Justice ! My Estate all taken from me , and my Goods sold , before ever I came to Hearing : And then I may take Copies of my Papers at my own Charge . On Tuesday , Octob. 31. I humbly Petitioned the Lords for direction of my Councel , how to carry themselves towards me and my Defence : and that they would Honourably be pleased , in regard the Articles Charged me with Treason and Misdemeanour , and were intermixed one with another ; to distinguish which were for Treason , and which for Misdemeanour ; as also for longer time to put in my Answer . The Lords upon this gave an Order , that I should have time till Novemb. 13. but would declare no Opinion touching the distinguishment of the Articles , but left me to my Councel to advise as they pleased . My Councel told me plainly , I were as good have no Councel , if the Articles were not distinguished ; for they were so woven one within another , and so knit up together in the Conclusion , that they might refer all to Treason , and so they be suffer'd to give me no Councel at all in matter of Fact. Hereupon they drew me another Petition to the same effect , which I caused to be delivered Novemb. 6. But it received the same Answer . Then Novemb. 7. being Wednesday I Petitioned the House of Commons to the same purpose : And Novemb. 8. this my Petition was read in the House of Commons ; and , after a short Debate , the Resolution was , that they being my Accusers would not meddle with any thing , but left all to the Order of the Lords , before whom the Business was , and my Councel's own Judgment thereupon . This seemed very hard , not only to my self and my Councel , but to all indifferent Men , that heard it . In the mean time I could resort no whither but to Patience and God's Mercy . Novemb. 13. I appeared in the Parliament-House according to the Order , and was at the Bar. That which I spake to the Lords was this : That I had no Skill to judge of the Streights into which I might fall by my Plea , which I had resolved on , being left without all assistance of my Councel , in regard of the nature and form of the Impeachment , that was against me . That yet my Innocency prompted me to a ready Obedience of their Lordships Order , casting my self wholly upon God's Mercy , their Lordships Justice , and my own Innocency . Then I humbly desired that their Lordships Order first , and the Impeachment after might be read . This done , I put in my Answer in Writing , as I was ordered to do , and humbly prayed it might be entred . My Answer was : All Advantages of Law against this Impeachment saved and reserved to this Defendant , he pleads , Not Guilty to all , and every part of the Impeachment , in manner and form as 't is Charged in the Articles : And to this Answer I put my Hand . My Answer being thus put in , I humbly besought their Lordships to take into their Honourable Consideration , my great Years , being Threescore and ten compleat , and my Memory , and other Faculties , by Age and Affliction much decayed : My long Imprisonment , wanting very little of three whole Years , and this last year little better than close Imprisonment : My want of skill and knowledge in the Laws to defend my self : The Generality and Incertainty of almost all the Articles , so that I cannot see any Particulars against which I may provide my self . In the next place I did thankfully acknowledge their Lordships Honourable Favour in assigning me such Councel as I desired : But I told their Lordships withal , that as my Councel were most ready to obey their Lordships in all the Commands laid upon them , so there were certain Doubts arisen in them , how far they might advise me without Offence ; considering the Charges against me were so interwoven , and left without all distinguishment , what is intended as a Charge of Treason , and what of Crime and Misdemeanour : That to remove these Doubts , I had humbly besought their Lordships twice for distinguishment , by several Petitions : That their Lordships not thinking it fit to distinguish , I have without advice of Councel put in my Plea , as their Lordships see . But do most humbly pray , that their Lordships will take me so far into Consideration , as that I may not lose the Benefit of my Councel for Law in all , or any ; and for Law and Fact , in whatsoever is not Charged as Treason , when it shall be distinguished : As still my Prayers were , that by their Lordships Wisdom and Honourable Direction , some way might be found to distinguish them : And that having ( not without much difficulty ) prevailed with my Councel to attend ; their Lordships would be pleased to hear them speak in this perplexed Business . While I was speaking this , the Lords were very attentive , and two of them took Pen and Paper at the Table , and took Notes : And it was unanimously granted , that my Councel should be heard ; and so they were . And the Order then made upon their Hearing was , that they should advise me , and be heard themselves in all things concerning matter of Law , and in all things , whether of Law or Fact , that * was not Charged as Treason ; and that they would think upon the distinguishment in time convenient . This was all I could get , and my Councel seem'd somewhat better content , that they had gotten so much . Not long after this , I heard from good Hands , that some of the Lords confessed , I had much deceived their expectation ; for they found me in a Calm , but thought I would have been stormy . And this being so , I believe the two Lords so careful at their Pen and Ink , made ready to observe any Disadvantages to me , which they thought Choler and Indignation might thrust forth . But I praise God the Giver , I am better acquainted with Patience , than they think I am . So this my main Business staid a while . In the mean time , that I might not rust , I was warned , Decemb. 8. to appear in Parliament the 18th . of that Month , as a Collateral Defendant in a Case of Smart against Dr. Cosin , formerly heard in the High Commission . This Cause had been called upon both in this and former Parliaments ; but I never heard , that I was made a Defendant till now : Nor do I know any thing of the Cause , but that in the High Commission I gave my Vote according to my Conscience , and Law too , ( for ought I know ) and must refer my self to the Acts of that Court. On Wednesday , Decemb. 13. I Petitioned for Councel in this Cause , and had the same assigned me : And on the 18. day I appeared according to my Summons , but I was not called in , and the Business put off to that day three Weeks . On Thursday , Decemb. 28. which was Innocents day , one Mr. Wells , a New-England Minister , came to me , and in a boisterous manner demanded to know , whether I had Repented or not ? I knew him not , till he told me he was Suspended by me , when I was Bishop of London , and he then a Minister in Essex . I told him , if he were Suspended , it was doubtless according to Law. Then upon a little further Speech , I recalled the Man to my Remembrance , and what care I took in Conference with him at London-House , to recall him from some of his turbulent ways ; but all in vain : And now he inferred out of the good words I then gave him , that I Suspended him against my Conscience . In conclusion he told me , I went about to bring Popery into the Kingdom , and he hoped I should have my Reward for it . When I saw him at this heighth , I told him , he and his Fellows , what by their Ignorance , and what by their Railing , and other boisterous Carriage , would soon actually make more Papists by far , than ever I intended ; and that I was a better Protestant than he , or any of his Followers . So I left him in his Heat . This Man was brought to my Chamber by Mr. Isaac Pennington , Son to the Lieutenant . By this time something was made ready again in my great Business : And Wednesday at Night , Januar. 3. I received an Order for my Appearance , and to Answer to the Impeachment against me , on the Munday following , Januar. 8. This Summons seem'd sudden after so great an Intermission : Yet I could not Petition for more time , till Saturday , Januar. 6. because ( as the Messenger told me ) the House sat not again till then . Then I Petitioned for more time , in regard my Councel were not in Town : And I had time given till Tuesday , Januar. 16. and that Day set peremptorily . Notwithstanding the shortness of this time , my Councel being out of Town , as not expecting it , I was on Sunday , Januar. 7. Ordered again to appear in Mr. Smart's Suit the next day . The Warrant bare date a Fortnight before ; yet partly to Sanctifie the Sabbath * , and partly to shew his great Civility to me in giving me Warning , I was not served with it till Sunday night at Seven of the Clock . The next Morning I went to Westminster , as I was commanded : But I was sent back , and not so much as called upon . So , beside the Charge I was at , that Day was lost and taken from me and my Business , as short time as I had given me . Then Tuesday came on , Januar. 16. And whereas I was Ordered to appear at the Lords House , at Nine in the Morning , I was by another Order put off to One of the Clock in the Afternoon . Then I appeared . The Committee that were to press the Evidence against me , began to proceed upon the former general Articles , as well as upon the latter . But to the first Articles I had never been called to Answer , nor ever joyned Issue . Upon this , there was much looking one upon another , as if they meant to ask where the Failure was : But by this means there could not then be any Proceeding . So I was there peremptorily Ordered to put in my Answer on Munday , Jan. 22. both to the Original and to the Additional Articles , and in Writing . At this day and time I appeared , as I was Ordered to do ; but could not obtain of the Lords , either to take my former Answer off from the File , if I must put in another ; nor to distinguish the Articles , which were Treason , and which Misdemeanour : Nor leave for my Councel to speak to the Generality and Uncertainty of the Original Articles , which they professed were such , as no Man living could prepare Answer for . But I must put in my Answer presently , or be taken Pro Confesso . So in these Streights I put in my Answer to both Articles ; which follows in haec verba . THE Humble Answer of William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , to the first and farther Articles of Impeachment brought up by the Honourable House of Commons against him , and by Order of the Right Honourable the Lords in Parliament of the 16th of this Instant , directed to be put in . As to the 13th Article of the said first Articles , and the Matters therein charged , and all Matters or Things in the same , or any of the rest of the said Articles contained , which concern any Act of Hostility , whether between the King and his Subjects , or between Subject and Subject , or which may be conceived to arise upon the coming of any English Army against Scotland , or the coming of the Scottish Army into England ; or upon any Action , Attempt , Assistance , Counsel or Device , having relation thereunto , and falling out by the occasion of the late Troubles , preceding the late conclusion of the Treaty , and return of the Scottish Army into Scotland : This Defendant saith ; That it is Enacted by an Act made during the Sitting of this present Parliament , that the same , and whatsoever hath ensued thereupon , whether Trenching upon the Laws and Liberties of the Church and Kingdom , or upon his Majesty's Honour and Authority , in no time hereafter may be called in question , or resented as a Wrong , National or Personal ; and that no mention be made thereof in time coming , neither in Judgment nor out of Judgment ; but that it be held and reputed , as though never such things had been thought or wrought ; as by the said Act may more at large appear : With this , that this Defendant doth Aver , that he is none of the Persons Excepted by the said Act , or the said Offences charged upon this Defendant , any of the Offences excepted by the said Act. And as to all the rest of the said first and farther Articles , this Defendant , saving to himself all Advantages of Exception to the said Articles , Humbly saith ; He is not Guilty of all , or any the Matters by the said Articles charged , in such Manner and Form as the same are by the said Articles charged against him . This day the Thames was so full of Ice , that I could not go by Water . It was Frost and Snow , and a most bitter day . I went therefore with the Lieutenant in his Coach , and twelve Warders with Halberts went all along the Streets . I could not obtain either the sending of them before , or the suffering them to come behind , but with the Coach they must come ; which was as good as to call the People about me . So from the Tower-gate to Westminster , I was sufficiently railed on , and reviled all the way . God of his Mercy forgive the misguided People . My Answer being put in , I was for that time dismissed ; and the Tyde serving me , I made a hard shift to return by Water . And now , notwithstanding all this haste made to have my Answer in , Mr. Pryn cannot make this broken Business ready against me . Therefore to fill up some time , I was Ordered to be at the House again on Munday , Jan. 29. about Mr. Smart's Business . But being put to this Trouble and Charge , and shewed to the People for a farther Scorn , I was sent back again , and had nothing said to me . All February passed over , and Mr. Pryn not yet ready ; he had not yet sufficiently prepared his Witnesses . But on Munday , Mar. 4. an Order passed to call me to the House , to answer my Charge of High-Treason , on Tuesday , March 12. following . And on Saturday , March 9. I received a Note from the Committee , which were to press the Evidence against me , what Articles they meant to begin with ; which had a shew of some fair Respect ; but the Generality and Uncertainty of the Articles was such , as rendred it a bare shew only ; no Particular being charged , concerning which I might provide for any Witnesses or Counter-proof . CAP. XXI . AND now being ready to enter upon the Hearing and the Tryal it self , I hold it necessary for me to acquaint the Reader with some General things before that begin : Partly to the end he may see the course of this Tryal , and the carriage which hath been in it ; and partly to avoid the often and tedious Repetition , which else must necessarily be of some of them ; and especially that they may not be mingled , either with the Evidence , or my Answers to it , to interrupt the Current , or make any thing more obscure . 1. The Committee appointed by the House of Commons , to manage and press the Evidence against me , were Serjeant Wilde , Mr. Browne , Mr. Maynard , Mr. Nicolas , Mr. Hill : But none spake at the Bar , but the first four ; Mr. Hill was Consul-Bibulus ; Mr. Pryn was trusted with the providing of all the Evidence , and was Relater and Prompter , and all : Never weary of any thing , so he might do me mischief . And I conceive in future times , it will not be the greatest Honour to these Proceedings , that he , a Man twice Censured in the High Court of Star-Chamber , set in the Pillory twice ; once for Libelling the Queen's Majesty , and other Ladies of great Honour ; and again for Libelling the Church , and the Government and Governours of it , the Bishops , and that had his Ears there cropt ; should now be thought the only fit and indifferent Man to be trusted with the Witnesses and the Evidence against me , an Arch-Bishop , and sitting at his Censure . 2. Mr. Pryn took to him two Young Men to help to turn his Papers , and assist him ; Mr. Grice , and Mr. Beck . Mr. Grice was Son to Mr. Tho. Grice , Fellow of St. Jo. Bapt. Colledge in my time , and after Beneficed near Stanes . I know not what the matter was , but I could never get his Love : But he is Dead , and so let him rest . And now his Son succeeds , and it seems he Inherits his Father's Disposition towards me ; for I hear his Tongue walks liberally over me in all Places . For Mr. Beck , he hath received some Courtesie from me , and needed not in this kind to have expressed his Thankfulness . But I leave them both to do the Office which they have undertaken , and to grow up under the shadow of Mr. Pryn ; God knows to what . 3. It was told me by a Man of good Credit , that was present and heard it , That my Name coming in question among some Gentlemen , after divers had spoken their Thoughts of me , and not all one way , a Parliament-Man being there , was pleased to say , That I was now an Old Man , and it would be happy both for me and the Parliament that God would be pleased to take me away : And yet I make no doubt , but that if Age , or Grief , or Faintness of Spirit had ended my Days , many of them would have done as Tiberius did in the case of Asinius Gallus ; That is , Incusarent Casus , qui reum abstulissent , antequam coram Convinceretur . They would * cry out against this hard Chance , that should take away so guilty a Person from publick Tryal , when they were even ready for it . After this when a Friend of mine bemoaned my Case to another Parliament-Man ( of whom I had deserved very well ) and said , he knew I was a good Man : The Parliament-Man replyed , Be he never so Good , we must now make him Ill for our own Sakes . What the meaning of these Speeches is , let understanding Men Judge . And even during my Tryal , some Citizens of London were heard to say , that indeed I answered many things very well : But yet I must suffer somewhat for the Honour of the House . 4. So all my Hopes now , under God , lay wholly on the Honour and Justice of the Lords . Yet seeing how fierce many of the People were against me , and how they had Clamour'd in other Cases , and that Mr. Pryn was set up at once to mischief and to scorn me , and foreseeing how full of Reproaches my Tryal was like to be ; I had a strong Tentation in me , rather to desert my Defence , and put my self into the Hands of God's Mercy , than indure them : But when I considered what Offence I should commit therein against the Course of Justice , that that might not proceed in the ordinary way ; what Offence against my own Innocency and my good Name , which I was bound both in Nature and Conscience to maintain by all good means , which by deserting my Cause could not be : But especially , what Offence against God , as if he were not able to protect me , or not willing , in Case it stood with my Eternal Happiness , and his blessed Will of Tryal of me in the mean time ; I say when I considered this , I humbly besought God for Strength and Patience , and resolved to undergo all Scorns , and whatsoever else might happen to me , rather than betray my Innocency to the Malice of any . 5. And though my Hopes under God were upon the Lords , yet when my Tryal came on , it did somewhat trouble me , to see so few Lords in that great House . For at the greatest Presence that was any day of my Hearing , there were not above Fourteen , and usually not above Eleven or Twelve . Of these , one third part at least , each day took , or had occasion to be gone , before the Charge of the day was half given . I never had any one day the same Lords all present at my Defence in the Afternoon , that were at my Charge in the Morning : Some leading Lords scarce present at my Charge , four days of all my long Tryal , nor three at my Defence : And which is most , no one Lord present at my whole Tryal , but the Right Honourable the Lord Gray of Wark , the Speaker , without whose Presence it could not be a House . In this Case I stood in regard of my Honourable Judges . 6. When my Hearing came on , usually my Charge was in giving till almost Two of the Clock . Then I was commanded to withdraw ; and upon my Humble Petition for time to Answer , I had no more given me , than till Four the same Afternoon ; scarce time enough advisedly to peruse the Evidence : My Councel not suffer'd to come to me , till I had made my Answer , nor any Friend else , but my Solicitor Mr. Dell , to help to turn my Papers ; and my Warder of the Tower to sit by to look to this . And this was not the least Cause , why I was at first Accused of no less than Treason ; Ne quis necessariorum juvaret periclitantem Majestatis Crimina subdebantur , as it fell out in Silanus his Case , who had more Guilt about him ( yet not of Treason ) than ( God be thanked ) I have ; but was prosecuted with like Malice , as appears in that Story . At Four a Clock , or after , the House sate again ; and I made my Answer : And if I produced any Witness , he was not suffer'd to be Sworn ; so it was but like a Testimony at large , which the Lords might the more freely believe or not believe , as they pleased . After my Answer , one , or more of the Committee , replyed upon me . By that time all was done , it was usually half an Hour past Seven . Then in the heat of the Year ( when it overtook me ) I was presently to go by Water to the Tower , full of Weariness , and with a Shirt as wet to my Back with Sweat , as the Water could have made it , had I fallen in : Yet I humbly thank God for it , he so preserved my Health , as that though I were weary and saint the day after , yet I never had so much as half an Hours Head-ach , or other Infirmity , all the time of this Comfortless and Tedious Tryal . 7. Now for the Method , which I shall hold in this History of my Tryal , it shall be this . I will set down the Evidence given on each day , by it self , and my Answer to it . But whereas all the Evidence was given together , and so my whole Answer after ; to avoid all looking back , and trouble of turning Leaves to compare the Answer with the Evidence , I will set down each particular Evidence , and my Answer to it , and so all along , that the indifferent Reader , may without farther trouble , see the force of the one , and the satisfaction given in the other , and how far every Particular is from Treason . And if I add any thing to my Answers in any place , either it is because in the shortness of time then given me to make my Answer , it came not to my present Thoughts ; or if it did , yet I forbare to speak it with that sharpness ; holding it neither fit nor safe in my Condition , to provoke either my Accusers or my Judges . And whatsoever is so added by me , in either of these respects , the Reader shall find it thus marked in the Margent , as here it stands in this . 8. Nor did I wrong Mr. Pryn , where I say , that for all the haste to put in my Answer , Jan. 22. he could not make this broken Business so soon ready against me : For 't is well known , he kept a kind of School of Instruction for such of the Witnesses as he durst trust , that they might be sure to speak home to the purpose he would have them . And this an Vtter Barrister , a Man of good Credit knows ; who in the hearing of Men beyond Exception , said , The Arch-Bishop is a Stranger to me , but Mr. Pryn's tampering about the Witnesses , is so palpable and foul , that I cannot but pity him and cry shame of it . When I heard this , I sent to this Gentleman , to know if he tendered my Case so far , as to witness it before the Lords . The Answer I received was ; that the Thing was true , and that very Indignation of it made him speak : But heartily prayed me , I would not produce him as a Witness ; for if I did , the Times were such , he should be utterly undone : And 't is not hard to guess by whom . Upon this I consulted some Friends ; and upon regard of his safety on the one side , and my own doubt , lest if forced to his undoing , he might through Fear , blanch and mince the Truth to my own prejudice , who produced him ; I forbare the business , and left Mr. Pryn to the Bar of Christ , whose Mercy give him Repentance , and amend him . But upon my Christianity this Story is Truth . CAP. XXII . The First Day of my Hearing . AND now I come to Tuesday , March 12. the Day appointed for my Tryal to begin ; and begin it did . When I was come , and settled at the Bar , Serjeant Wilde made a Solemn Speech for Introduction . I had a Character given me before of this Gentleman , which I will forbear to express ; but in this Speech of his , and his future Proceedings with me , I found it exactly true . His Speech my decayed Memory cannot give you at large ; but a Skeleton of it I here present , according to such Limbs as my brief Notes then taken , can now call to my Memory . He began , and told the Lords , That the Children , which I had travel'd with , were now come to the Birth ; and that my Actions were so foul , and my Treason so great , as that the like could not be read in any History ; nay so great , as that Nullus Poet a fingere , No Poet could ever fain the like : And that if all Treason were lost , and not to be found in any Author what it is , it might be recovered and found out in me and my Actions ; with divers Pieces of Latin Sentences to this effect . [ And though these high and loud Expressions troubled me much at the present ; yet I could not but think , that in this Canto of his he was much like one of them which cry up and down the City , Have you any old Ends of Gold and Silver ? ] After this he proceeded to give Reasons why I was not sooner proceeded against , having now lain by it above three years . The first Reason he gave , was the Distractions of the Time. [ And they indeed were now grown great ; but the Distractions which were now , can be no Argument why I was not proceeded against at the beginning of the Parliament , when things were in some better quiet . ] His second Reason was the * Death of some Persons . [ But this could be no reason at all : For if the Persons he speaks of were Witnesses against me , more might die , but the Dead could not be made alive again by this delay ; unless Mr. Serjeant had some hope , the Resurrection might have been by this time , that so he might have produced them . And if the Persons were Members of the House of Commons , as all Men know Mr. Pym was in the Chair for Preparation of my Tryal ; Then this is known too , that Mr. Pym came up to the Committee of Lords full of great hopes , to prove God knows what against me . The Persons to be examined , were William Lord Bishop of London , and Matthew Lord Bishop of Ely , my very Worthy Friends , and Men like to know as much of me as any Men. A Lord then present told me , there were some Eighteen or Nineteen Interrogatories , upon which these Bishops were to be Examined against me , concerning my Intercourse with Rome ; but all were built upon the first , which was their knowledge of the Man , who ( it seems ) was thought to be my Chief Agent in that Secret. But both the Bishops denying upon their Oaths , that they , or either of them ever knew any such Man , all the rest of the Interrogatories , what Relations he had to me , and the like , must needs fall to nothing , as they did : And the Lord told me farther , he never saw Mr. Pym , and the rest , so abashed at any thing in his Life . After this Mr. Pym ( as 't is well known ) gave over that Chair , despairing to do that against me , which was desired . ] His third Reason , was a good large one , and that was * other Impediments . [ And that 's true , some Impediments there were , no doubt , or else I had come sooner to Hearing . And , as I conceive , a chief Impediment was , that there was not a Man whose Malice would make him diligent enough to search into such a forsaken Business , till Mr. Pryn offered himself to that Service : For I think I may be confident , that that Honourable and Great House would not seek any Man out of their own Body for any such Imployment , had not Suit , some way or other , been made for it . ] After these Reasons given for the delay of my Tryal , he fell upon me again as foul as at first ; as that I was the Author of all the Extravagancies in the Government , and of all the Concussions in the State : That the Quality of my Person aggravated my Crime : That my Abilities and Gifts were great , but that I perverted them all : And that I was guilty of * Treason in the highest Altitude . [ These were the Liveries , which he liberally gave me , but I had no mind to wear them : And yet I might not desire him to wear this Cloth himself , considering where I then stood , and in what Condition . ] This Treason in the Altitude , he said , was in my Endeavour to alter the Religion established by Law , and to subvert the Laws themselves : And that to effect these I left no way unattempted . For Religion , he told the Lords , That I laboured a Reconciliation with Rome : That I maintained Popish and Arminian Opinions : That I suffered * Transubstantiation , Justification by Merits , Purgatory , and what not to be openly Preached all over the Kingdom : That I induced Superstitious Ceremonies , as † Consecrations of Churches , and Chalices , and Pictures of Christ in Glass-Windows : That I gave liberty to the Prophanation of the Lords-day : That I held Intelligence with Cardinals and Priests , and endeavoured to ascend to Papal Dignity ; Offers being made me to be a Cardinal . [ And for the Laws , he was altogether as Wild in his Assertions , as he was before for Religion : And if he have no more true sense of Religion , than he hath knowledge in the Law , ( though it be his Profession ) I think he may offer both long enough to Sale , before he find a Chapman for either . ] And here he told the Lords , That I held the same Method for this , which I did for Religion . [ And surely that was to uphold both , had the Kingdom been so happy as to believe me ; ] But he affirmed ( with great Confidence , ) * That I caused Sermons to be Preached in Court to set the Kings Prerogative above the Law , and Books to be Printed to the same effect : That my Actions were according to these : Then he fell upon the Canons , and discharged them upon me . Then , that I might be guilty enough , [ if his bare Word could make me so ] he Charged upon me the Benevolence , the Loan , the Ship-money , the Illegal pulling down of Buildings , Inclosures ; saying , that as Antichrist sets himself above all that is called God , so I laboured to set the King above all that is called Law. And after a tedious stir , he concluded his Speech with this , That I was like Naaman the Syrian , a great Person ( he confessed ) but a Leper . [ So ended this Noble Celeustes . ] I was much troubled to see my self , in such an Honourable Assembly made so vile : Yet seeing all Mens Eyes upon me , I recollected my self , and humbly desired of the Lords two things : One , that they would expect Proof , before they give up their Belief to these loud , but loose Assertions : Especially , since it is an easie thing for Men so resolved , to Conviciate , instead of Accusing ; when as the Rule given by Optatus holds firm , Quum intenditur Crimen , when a Crime is objected , ( especially so high a Crime , as this Charged on me ) 't is necessary that the Proof be manifest , which yet against me is none at all . The other , that their Lordships would give me leave , not to Answer this Gentleman's Particulars , ( for that I shall defer till I hear his Proofs ) but to speak some few things concerning my self , and this grievous Impeachment brought up against me . Which being yielded unto me , I then spake as follows . My Lords , my being in this Place , and in this Condition , recalls to my memory that which I long since read in Seneca ; Tormentum est , etiamsi absolutus quis fuerit , Causam dixisse : 'T is not a grief only , no , 't is no less than a Torment , for an ingenuous Man to plead * Criminally , much more Capitally , at such a Bar as this ; yea , though it should so fall out , that he be absolved . The great truth of this I find at present in my self : And so much the more , because I am a Christian ; And not that only , but in Holy Orders ; And not so only , but by Gods Grace and Goodness preferred to the greatest Place this Church affords ; and yet now brought , Causam dicere , to Plead , and for no less than Life , at this Great Bar. And whatsoever the World thinks of me , ( and they have been taught to think † more ill , than , I humbly thank Christ for it , I was ever acquainted with ; ) Yet , my Lords , this I find , Tormentum est , 't is no less than Torment to me to appear in this Place to such an Accusation . Nay , my Lords , give me leave , I beseech you , to speak plain Truth : No Sentence , that can justly pass upon me , ( and other I will never fear from your Lordships ) can go so near me as Causam dixisse , to have pleaded for my self , upon this occasion , and in this Place . For as for the Sentence ( I thank God for it ) I am at St. Paul's Ward : If I have committed any thing worthy of death , I refuse not to die : For I bless God , I have so spent my time , as that I am neither ashamed to live , nor afraid to die . Nor can the World be more weary of me , than I am of it : For seeing the Malignity which hath been raised against me by some Men , I have carried my Life in my Hands these divers years past . But yet , my Lords , if none of these things , whereof these Men accuse me , merit Death by Law ; though I may not in this Case , and from this Bar appeal unto Caesar ; yet to your Lordships Justice and Integrity , I both may , and do Appeal ; not doubting , but that God of his Goodness will preserve my Innocency . And as Job in the midst of his Affliction said to his mistaken Friends , so shall I to my Accusers ; God forbid , I should justifie you ; till I Dye I will not remove my Integrity from me ; I will hold it fast , and not let it go ; my Heart shall not reproach me , as long as I live . My Lords , I see by the Articles , and have now heard from this Gentleman , that the Charge against me is divided into two main Heads ; * the Laws of the Land , and the Religion by those Laws established . For the Laws first , I think I may safely say , I have been , to my Understanding , as strict an Observer of them all the Days of my Life , so far as they concern me , as any Man hath ; and since I came into Place , I have followed them , and been as much guided by them , as any Man that sat where I had the Honour to sit . And for this I am sorry I have lost the † Witness of the Lord Keeper Coventry , and of some other Persons of Honour , since Dead . And the Learned Councel at Law , which attended frequently at the Council Table , can Witness ( some of them | ) that in References to that Board , and in Debates arising at the Board , I was usually for that part of the Cause where I found Law to be : And if the Councel desired to have their Clyents Cause referred to the Law , ( well I might move in some Cases for Charity , or Conscience , to have admittance , but ) to the Law I left them , if thither they would go . And how such a Carriage as this through the whole Course of my Life , in private and publick , can stand with an Intention , nay a Practice to overthrow the Law , and to introduce an Arbitrary Government , which my Soul hath always hated , I cannot yet see . And 't is now many Years since I learned of my great Master ( In humanis ) Aristotle , Periculosum esse ; that it is a very dangerous thing to trust to the Will of the Judge , rather than the written Law. And all Kingdoms and Commonwealths have followed his Judgment ever since ; and the School-Disputes have not dissented from it . Nay more , I have ever been of Opinion , that Humane Laws bind the Conscience , and have accordingly made Conscience of observing them . And this Doctrine I have constantly Preached , as occasion hath been offered me . And how is it possible I should seek to overthrow those Laws , which I held my self bound in Conscience to keep and observe ? Especially , since an endeavour to overthrow Law , is a far greater Crime than to break or disobey any particular Law whatsoever ; all Particulars being swept away in that General . And , my Lords , that this is my Judgment , both of Parliaments and Laws ; I beseech your Lordships that I may read a short Passage in my Book against Fisher the Jesuit , which was Printed and Published to the World , before these Troubles fell on me , and before I could so much as suspect this Charge could come against me ; and therefore could not be purposely written to serve any Turn . [ I had leave , and did read it ; but for Brevities sake refer the Reader to the Book it self . ] As for Religion , I was born and bred up in , and under the Church of England , as it yet stands Established by Law. I have , by God's Blessing and the Favour of my Prince , grown up in it to the Years which are now upon me , and to the Place of Preferment which I * yet bear : And in this Church , by the Grace and Goodness of God , I resolve to Dye . I have ever since I understood ought in Divinity , kept one constant Tenor in this my Profession , without variation or shifting from one Opinion to another , for any worldly Ends : And if my Conscience would have suffered me to shift Tenets in Religion with Time and Occasion , I could easily have slid through all the difficulties which have pressed upon me in this kind . But , of all Diseases , I have ever † hated a Palsie in Religion ; well knowing , that too often a Dead-Palsie ends that Difease , in the fearful forgetfulness of God and his Judgments . Ever since I came in Place , I laboured nothing more , than that the External Publick Worship of God ( | too much slighted in most parts of this Kingdom ) might be preserved , and that with as much Decency and Uniformity , as might be ; being still of Opinion , that Vnity cannot long continue in the Church , where Vniformity is shut out at the Church-Door . And I evidently saw , that the Publick neglect of God's Service in the outward Face of it , and the nasty lying of many Places Dedicated to that Service , had almost cast a Damp upon the true and inward Worship of God ; which while we live in the Body , needs External helps , and all little enough to keep it in any vigour . And this I did to the uttermost of my Knowledge , according both to Law and Canon , and with the consent and liking of the People : Nor did any Command Issue out from me against the one , or without the other , that I know of . Farther , my Lords , give me leave , I beseech you , to * tell you this also : That I have as little Acquaintance with Recusants of any sort , as I believe any Man of † Place in England hath : And for my Kindred , no one of them was ever a Recusant , but Sir William Webb , Grandchild to my Uncle Sir William Webb , sometimes Lord Mayor of London ; and | him , with some of his Children , I reduced back again to the Church of England , as is well known , and I as able to prove . One thing more I humbly desire may be thought on ; 't is this , I I am fallen into a great deal of Obloquy in Matter of Religion , and that so far , as that 't is charged in the Articles , That I have endeavoured to advance and bring in Popery . Perhaps , my Lords , I am not ignorant , what Party of Men have raised this Scandal upon me ; nor for what End ; nor perhaps by whom set on : But howsoever , I would fain have a good Reason given me ( if my Conscience * lead me that way , and that with my Conscience I could Subscribe to the Church of Rome ) what should have kept me here ( before my Imprisonment ) to indure the † Libels , and the Slanders , and the base usage in all kinds , which have been put upon me , and these to end in this Question for my Life : I say , I would fain know a good Reason of this . For first , My Lords ; Is it because of any Pledges I have in the World to sway me against my Conscience ? No sure . For I have nor Wife nor Children , to cry out upon me to stay with them ; and if I had , I hope the Call of my Conscience should be heard above them . Or Secondly ; Is it , because I was loth to leave the Honour and the Profit of the Place I was risen unto ? Surely no : For I desire your Lordships , and all the World else should know , I do much scorn Honour and Profit , both the one and the other , in comparison of my Conscience . Besides , it cannot be imagined by any Reasonable Man , but that if I could have complyed with Rome , I should not have wanted either Honour or Profit . And suppose I could not have so much of either , as here I had ; yet sure , would my Conscience have served me that way , less of either with my Conscience , would have prevailed with me , more than greater against my Conscience . Or Thirdly : Is it because I lived here at ease , and was loth to venture the loss of that ? Not so neither : For whatsoever the World may be pleased to think of me , I have 〈◊〉 very painful Life , and such as I could have been very well content to change , had I well known how . And had my Conscience * led me that way , I am sure I might have lived at far more ease ; and either have avoided the barbarous Libellings , and other bitter and grievous Scorns which I have here indured , or at the least been out of the hearing of them . Nay , my Lords , I am as Innocent in this business of Religion , as free from all Practice , or so much as thought of Practice for any alteration to Popery , or any way blemishing the True Protestant Religion Established in the Church of England , as I was when my Mother first bare me into the World. And let nothing be spoken against me but Truth , and I do here Challenge whatsoever is between Heaven and Hell , to say their worst against me in point of my Religion : In which by God's Grace I have ever hated Dissimulation ; and had I not hated it , perhaps it might have been better with me for worldly safety , than now it is . But it can no way become a Christian Bishop to halt with God. Lastly ; If I had any purpose to blast the True Religion Established in the Church of England , and to introduce Popery ; sure I took a very wrong way to it . For , my Lords , I have stayed * as many that were going to Rome , and reduced † as many that were already gone , as ( I believe ) any Bishop or other Minister in this Kingdom hath done ; and some of them Men of great Abilities ; and some of them | Persons of great Place . And is this the way , my Lords , to introduce Popery ? I beseech your Lordships consider it well . For surely , if I had blemished the True Protestant Religion , I could not have setled such Men in it : And if I had * purposed to introduce Popery , I would never have reduced such Men from it . And though it please the Author of the Popish Royal Favourite , to say , That scarce one of the swaying Lord Prelats is able to say , that ever he Converted one Papist to our Religion ; yet how void of Charity this Speech of his is , and how full of Falshood , shall appear by the number of those Persons , whom by Gods Blessing upon my Labours , I have setled in the True Protestant Religion Established in England : And with your Lordships leave , I shall Name them , that you may see both their Number and their Condition ; though I cannot set them down in that order of time , in which I either Converted or Setled them . 1. And first , Hen : Birk-head of Trinity Coll. in Oxford , was seduced by a Jesuit , and brought up to London to be conveyed beyond the Seas . His Friends complained to me : I had the happiness to find him out , and the blessing from God to settle his Conscience . So he returned to Oxford , and there continued * . 2. 3. Two Daughters of Sir Rich : Lechford in Surrey , were sent to Sea to be carried to a Nunnery . I heard of it , and caused them to be brought back , before they were got out of the Thames . I setled their Consciences , and both of them sent me great thanks , since I was a Prisoner in the Tower. 4. 5. Two Scholars of St : John's Coll. in Cambridge , Topping and Ashton , had slipped away from the College , and here at London had got the French Embassadour's Pass , ( I have the Pass to shew : ) I found means to get them to me , and I thank God setled both their Minds , sent them back to their College . Afterwards hearing of Topping's Wants , I allowed him Means till I procured him a Fellowship † : And he is at this time a very hopeful Young Man , as most of his time in that University , a Minister , and Chaplain in House at this Present , to the Right Honourable the Earl of Westmerland . 6. 7. 8. Sir William Web my Kinsman , and two of his Daughters ; and the better to secure them in Religion , I was at the Charge ( their Father being utterly decayed ) to Marry them to two Religious Protestants ; and they both continued very constant . And his Eldest Son I took from him , placed him with a careful Divine , maintained him divers Years , and then setled him with a Gentleman of Good Worth. 10. 11. The next , in my remembrance , was the Lord Maio of Ireland , who , with another Gentleman ( whose name I cannot recal ) was brought to me to Fulham , by | Mr. Jefford , a Servant of his Majesty's , and well known to divers of your Lordships . 12. The Right Honourable the Lord Duke of Buckingham was almost lost from the Church of England , between the continual cunning Labours of Fisher the Jesuit , and the Perswasions of the Lady his Mother * . After some Miscarriages , King James of ever Blessed Memory Commanded me to that Service . I had God's Blessing upon me so far , as to settle my Lord Duke to his Death . And I brought the † Lady his Mother to the Church again ; but she was not so happy , as to continue with us . 14. The Lady Marchioness Hamilton was much solicited by some Priests , and much troubled in Mind about it . My Lord spake with me of it ; and though at that present I was so overlaid with Business , that I could not ( as I much desired ) wait upon that Honourable Person my self ; yet I told my Lord , I would send one to his Lordship , that should diligently attend that Service , and that I would give him the best direction I could . And this I did , and God be thanked , she dyed very quietly , and very Religiously , and a good Protestant : And my Lord Marquess told me , he had acknowledged this Service of mine to an Honourable Lord , whom I now see present . 15. Mr. Chillingworth's * Learning and Abilities are sufficiently known to all your Lordships . He was gone , and setled at Dowaye . My Letters brought him back ; and he Lived and Dyed a Defender of the Church of England . And that this is so , your Lordships cannot but know : For Mr. Pryn took away my Letters , and all the Papers which concerned him , and they were Examined at the Committee . 16. 17. Mr. Digby was a Priest ; and Mr. James † Gentleman , a School-master in a Recusant's House . This latter was brought to me by a Minister ( as far as I remember ) in Buckinghamshire . I converted both of them , and they remain setled . 18. Dr. Hart a Civilian , Son to a Neighbour of mine at Fulham . He was so far gone , that he had written part of his Motives which wrought ( as he said ) that Change in him . I got sight of them ; shewed him wherein he was deceived ; had God's Blessing to settle his Conscience ; and then caused an able Divine to Answer his Motives , and give him the Copy . 19. There were beside these , Mr. Christopher Seburne , a Gentleman of an Ancient Family in Hereford-shire ; and Sir William Spencer of Yarnton in Oxfordshire . The Sons and Heirs of Mr. | Wintchome , and Mr. * Williscot , whom I sent with their Friends good liking to Wadham-College in Oxford ; and I received a Certificate , Anno 1638. of their continuing in conformity to the Church of England : Nor did ever any of these relapse again to Rome , but only the Old Countess of Buckingham , and Sir William Spencer , that ever I heard of † . And if any of your Lordships doubt of the Truth of any of these Particulars , I am able and ready to bring full proof of them all . And by this time I hope it appears , that one of the swaying Prelats of the time is able to say , he hath Converted one Papist to the Protestant Religion . And let any Clergy Man of England come forth , and give a better account of his Zeal to this present Church . And now , my Lords , with my most humble Thanks for your Lordships favour and patience in hearing me ; I shall cease to be farther troublesom for the present ; not doubting but I shall be able to Answer whatever shall be particularly objected against me . After I had ended this Speech , I was commanded to withdraw . As I went from the Bar , there was Alderman Hoyle of York , and some other , which I knew not , very Angry , and saying , it was a very strange Conversion that I was like to make of them ; with other Terms of Scorn . I went patiently into the little Committee-Chamber at the entring into the House . Thither Mr. Peters followed me in great haste , and began to give me ill Language , and told me that he , and other Ministers , were able to name Thousands * that they had Converted . I knew him not , as having never seen him ( to my remembrance ) in my Life , though I had heard enough of him . And as I was going to answer him , one of my Councel , Mr. Hearn , seeing how violently he began , stepped between us , and told him of his uncivil Carriage towards me in my Affliction : And indeed he came as if he would have struck me . By this time , some occasion brought the Earl of Essex into that Room , and Mr. Hearn complained to him of Mr. Peters his usage of me ; who very Honourably checked him for it , and sent him forth . Not long after , Mr. Hearn was set upon by Alderman Hoyle , and used as coursly as Peters had used me , and ( as far as I remember ) only for being of Councel with such a one as I ; though he was assigned to that Office by the Lords . What put them into this Choler , I know not ; unless they were Angry to hear me say so much in my own Defence ; especially for the Conversion of so many , which I think they little expected . For the next day a great Lord met a Friend of mine , and grew very Angry with him about me ; not forbearing to ask what I meant , to Name the Particulars , which I had mentioned in the end of my Speech , saying , many Godly Ministers had done more . And not long after this , ( the day I now remember not ) Mr. Peters came and Preached at Lambeth , and there told them in the Pulpit , that a great Prelat , their Neighbour , ( or in words to that effect ) had bragged in the Parliament-House , that he had Converted Two and Twenty ; but that he had Wisdom enough , not to tell how many Thousands he had Perverted ; with much more abuse . God of his Mercy relieve me from these Reproaches , and lay not these Mens causeless Malice to their Charge . After a little stay , I received my Dismission for that time , and a Command to appear again the next day at Nine in the Morning : Which was my usual Hour to attend , though I was seldom called into the House in two Hours after . CAP. XXIII . The Second Day of my Hearing . I Came as commanded . But here before the Charge begins , I shall set down the Articles , upon which , according to the Order of March 9. they which were intrusted with the Evidence , meant this Day to proceed . They were the First and Second Original Articles , and the Second Additional Article : which follow in these words . 1. That he hath Traiterously endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws and Government of the Kingdom of England , and instead thereof , to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government against Law ; and to that end hath wickedly and traiterously advised his Majesty , that he might at his own Will and Pleasure Levy and take Money of his Subjects , without their Consent in Parliament ; and this he affirmed was Warrantable by the Law of God. 2. He hath for the better accomplishment of that his traiterous Design , advised and procured divers Sermons and other 〈◊〉 to be Preached , Printed and Published ; in which the Authority of Parliaments , and the Force of the Laws of the Kingdom are denyed , and an Absolute and Unlimited Power over the Persons and Estates of his Majesty's Subjects is maintained and defended , not only in the King , but also in himself and other Bishops , above and against the Law ; and he hath been a great Protector , Favourer and Promoter of the Publishers of such false and Pernicious Opinions . Second Additional Article , 2. That within the space of Ten Years last past , the said Arch-Bishop hath Treacherously endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws of this Realm ; and to that end hath in like manner endeavoured to advance the Power of the Council-Table , the Canons of the Church and the King's Prerogative , above the Laws and Statutes of the Realm . And for manifestation thereof , about Six Years last past , being then a Privy Counsellor to his Majesty , and sitting at the Council-Table , he said , That as long as he sate there , they should know that an Order of that Board , should be of equal Force with a Law or Act of Parliament . And at another Time used these Words , That he hoped e're long , that the Canons of the Church and the King's Prerogative , should be of as great Power as an Act of Parliament . And at another Time said , That those which would not yield to the King's Power , he would crush them to pieces . These three Articles they begun with ; and the first Man appointed to begin was Mr. Maynard : And after some general things against me , as if I were the most violent Man for all illegal Ways ; The First Particular charged against me was out of my Diary . The Words these , The King Declared his Resolution for a Parliament in Case of the Scottish Rebellion . The First Movers of it were my Lord Deputy of Ireland , the Lord Marquess Hamilton , and my self : And a Resolution voted at the Board , to Assist the King in Extraordinary Ways , if the Parliament should prove peevish , and refuse , &c. The Time was Decemb. 5. 1639. That which was inforced from these Words , was , First , that I bestowed the Epithete Peevish upon the Parliament : And the Second , that this Voting to Assist the King in Extraordinary Ways , in Case the Parliament refused , proceeded from my Counsel . 1. To this I replyed : And first I humbly desired once for all , that all things concerning Law may be saved entire unto me , and my Councel to be heard in every such Particular . 2. Secondly , that the Epithete Peevish was a very Peevish Word , if written by me . I say , If : For I know into whose Hands my Book is fallen ; but what hath been done with it I know not . This is to be seen , some Passages in that Book are half burnt out , whether Purposely , or by Chance , God knows : And some other Papers taken by the same Hand from me , are now wanting . Is it not possible therefore some Art may be used in this ? Besides , if I did use the Word Peevish , it was in my Private Pocket Book , which I well hoped should never be made Publick ; and then no Disgrace thereby affixed to the Parliament . And I hope , should a Man forget himself in such an Expression of some Passage in some one Parliament , ( and this was no more ) it is far short of any thing that can be called Treason . And yet farther , most manifest it is in the very Words themselves , that I do not bestow the Title upon that Parliament , in that Case ; but say only , If it should prove Peevish ; which is possible , doubtless , that in some particulars a Parliament may : Though for the Happiness of this Kingdom , I would to God it were impossible . But suppose the Word Peevish had been absolutely spoken by me ; is it Lawful upon Record to say the Parliament An. 42. Hen. 3. was Insanum Parliamentum , a Mad Parliament ; and that in the 6. Hen. 4. Indoctum , an Unlearned Parliament ; and that in the 4. Hen. 6. a Parliament of Clubbs ? And shall it be High Treason in me to say a Parliament in some one Particular was Peevish ? or but to suppose if it were ? Canany Man think , that an Vnlearned , or a Mad Parliament , or one of Clubbs did not do something Peevishly ? Might my Precessor , Tho. Arundel , tell the Commons openly in Parliament , that their Petitions were Sacrilegious ? And may not I so much as suppose some one Action of a Parliament to be Peevish , but it shall be Treason ? May an ordinary Historian say of that Vnlearned Parliament , that the Commons were fit to enter Common with their Cattle , for any Vertue they had more than Brute-Beasts ? And may not I in my private Notes write the Word Peevish of them , without Treason ? 3. Thirdly , Whereas 't is said , That the Voting at the Council-Table to assist the King in Extraordinary Ways , if , &c. was by my Counsel : There is no such thing in my Diary . There is , that I with others advised a Parliament : But there is not one Word , that the Voting mentioned at the Council-Table proceeded from any Advice of mine . So there is no Proof from my Diary ; and other Proof beside that , was not so much as urged ; which was not in Favour , but because they had it not . For had they had any other Proof , I see already , it should not have been lost for want of urging . Where , I desired their Lordships also to observe , in what a difficulty I have lived with some Men , who will needs make me a great Enemy to Parliaments , and yet are angry with me , that I was one with others who moved for that Parliament . So it seems , nothing that I do can content some Men : For a Parliament , or against it ; nothing must be well , if the Counsel be mine . 4. Fourthly , For the Voting of Assistance in Extraordinary Ways , I was included in the general Vote of the Table ; and therefore that cannot be called or accounted my Counsel . 5. Fifthly , It is expressed in my Diary , whence all this Proof is taken ; that it was in and for the Scottish Business , and so is within the Act of Oblivion . And these Answers I gave to Mr. Brown , when , in the summing up of the Charge against me in the Honourable House of Commons , he made this to be my Counsel to the King : And he began with it , in his Charging of the Points against Law. The Second Particular this Day 〈◊〉 against me , was , That after the Ending of the late Parliament , I did use these Words to the King , That now he might use his own Power , or Words to that Effect . This was attested by Sir Henry Vane the Elder , then a Counsellor , and present . 1. To this my Answer was , That I spake not these Words , either in Terms , or in Sense , to the uttermost of my Knowledge . 2. Secondly , If I had spoken these Words , either they were ill advised Words , but no Treason ; and then they come not home to the Charge : Or they are Treasonable , and then I ought by Law to have been tryed within Six Months . Mr. Brown , in his Reply to me in the House of Commons , said , That this Statute expired with the Queen , because it concerned none but her , and the Heirs of her Body . I had here urged * Sir Edward Coke , as urging this Statute , and commending the Moderation of it . But I was therein mistaken for he speaks of 1. Eliz. c. 1. And that Statute is in force , and is for Tryal within Six Months , for such Crimes as are within that Statute . So it comes all to one for my Cause , so either of the Statutes be in force . And to this Charge in general , I gave the same Answers which are here . 3. Thirdly , Sir Henry Vane is in this a single Witness ; whereas by Lav , he that is accused of Treason , must be convicted by two Witnesses , or his own Confession without Violence ; neither of which is in this Case : And strange it is to me , that at such a full Table , no Person of Honour should remember such a Speech , but Sir Henry Vane . 4. Fourthly , both this and the former Charge relate to the Scottish Business , and so are within the Act of Oblivion , which I have Pleaded . Besides , here is nothing expressed in the Words Charged , which savours of Practice , Conspiracy , Combination or Force ; and cannot therefore possibly be adjudged Treason ; especially since there is no Expression made in the Words Witnessed , what Power is meant . For what should hinder the King to use his own Power ? But Legal still : Since nothing is so properly a King 's own Power , as that which is made or declared his own by Law. As for the Inference , That this was called his own , in opposition to Law : First , Sir Henry Vane is a Witness to the Words only , and not to any Inference : So the Words have but one Witness , and the Inference none . And perhaps it were as well for themselves , as for Persons questioned in great Courts , if they who are imployed about the Evidence , would be more sparing of their Inferences ; many Men laying hold of them without Reason or Proof . Lastly , For the Honour of Sir Henry Vane let me not forget this ; he is a Man of some Years , and Memory is one of the first Powers of Man , on which Age works ; and yet his Memory so good , so fresh , that he alone can remember Words spoken at a full Council-Table , which no Person of Honour remembers but himself . Had any Man else remembred such Words , he could not have stood single in this Testimony . But I would not have him brag of it : For I have read in St : Augustin , That Quidam Pessimi , some , even the worst of Men , have great Memories , and are Tanto Pejores , so much the worse for having them . God Bless Sir Henry . I have stayed the longer upon these Two , because they were apprehended to be of more weight than most which follow . The next was a Head containing my Illegal Pressures for Money , under which the next Particular was , That in the Case of Ship-Money I was very angry against one Samuel Sherman of Dedham in Essex . That I should say Dedham was a Maritime Town : And that when the Sum demanded of him was Named , I should say , a Proper Sum ; whereas the Distress came to eleven Subsidies . To this I Answered : First , here was no Proof but Sherman ; and in his own Cause . Secondly , he himself says no more , than that he believes I was the Instrument of his Oppression ( as he called it ; ) whereas his Censure was laid upon him by the Council-Table , not by me : Nor was I in any other Fault , than that I was present , and gave my Vote with the rest . So here 's no Proof at all , but his Belief . Lastly , here can be no Treason , but against Dedham , or Sherman , that I can discover . The next to Sherman comes in my great Friend , Alderman Atkins ; and he Testifies , That when he was brought to the Council-Table , about the Ship-Money , none was so violent against him as I was , and that this Pressure for Ship-Money was before the Judges had given Sentence for the King. And that at another time I pressed him hard to lend Money , the King being present : At which time he conceived that I favoured Alderman Harrison for Country sake ; because himself was Committed , and not the other . To this I must confess , I did use to be Serious and Zealous too in his Majesty's Service ; but not with any the least intention to violate Law. And if this here instanced were before the Judgment given for the King , yet it was long after the Judges had put the Legality of it under their Hands . And I for my part could not conceive the Judges would put that under their Hands to be Law , which should after be found unlawful . Therefore in this , as I Erred with Honourable Company at the Council-Table , so both they and I had , as we thought , sufficient Guides to lead us . As for the 〈◊〉 which he puts upon me in preserving my Country-man , Alderman Harrison , from Prison : First , he himself durst not affirm it upon his Oath , but says only that he Conceives I favoured him ; but his Conceit is no Proof . Secondly , if I had favoured him , and done him that Office , 't is far short of Treason . But the Truth is , Alderman Harrison gave a modest and a civil Answer ; but this Man was Rough , even to Unmannerliness , and , so far as I remember , was Committed for that . And whereas he says , I Pressed him hard to lend Money , and that none was so violent as I ; he is much mistaken . For of all Men in that Fraternity , I durst never Press him hard for any thing , least of all for Money . For I knew not what Stuffing might fly out of so full a Cushion , as afterwards 't is said did , when being a Colonel he was pressed , but not hard , in a little Skirmishing in Finsbury-Fields . Then it was urged , that I aggravated a Crime against Alderman Chambers , and told him , that if the King had many such Chambers he would have never a Chamber to Rest in : That in the Case of Tunnage and Poundage , he laboured to take Bread from the King : And that I Pressed upon him in the Business of Coat and Conduct-Money . To this I gave this Answer , That by the Affection Mr. Chambers then shewed the King , I had some Reason to think , he desired so many Chambers to his use , that if the King had many such Subjects , he might want a Chamber for himself ; or to that effect : And the violence of his Carriage in that Honourable Assembly gave just Occasion to other Men to think so . But as for the Business of Tunnage and Poundage , and of Coat and Conduct-Money , I conceived both were Lawful on the King's part . And I was led into this Opinion by the express Judgment of some Lords present , and the Silence of others in that behalf ; none of the great Lawyers at the Table contradicting either : And no Witness to this , but Alderman Chambers himself . The sixth Particular was , That I urged the business of Ship-Money upon Alderman Adams . To this my Answer was ; That I never pressed the Ship-Money , but as other Lords did at the Council-Table , nor upon other grounds : Nor doth Alderman Adams say any more , than that he was pressed to this payment by me and others . And to me it seems strange , and will I hope to all Men else , that this , and the like , should be a common Act of the Lords at the Council-Table , but should be High-Treason in no body but in me . And howsoever , if it be Treason , 't is against three Aldermen , Atkins , Chambers , and Adams . The Seventh Particular was , that I was so violent about the slighting of the King's Proclamations , as that I said , A Proclamation was of as great force , or equal to a Statute-Law : And that I compared the King to the Stone spoken of in the Gospel , That whosoever falls upon it , shall be broken ; but upon whomsoever it falls , it will grind him to powder . And for this they brought three Witnesses , Mr. Griffin , and Tho. Wood , and Rich. Hayles . 1. This was in the Case of the Soap-business , and * the two Witnesses were Soap-boylers . They and their Company slighted all the Proclamations which the King set out ; and all the Lords in the Star-Chamber were much offended , ( as I conceive they had great Reason to be ) at the great and open daring of that whole Company . And whatsoever Sentence passed upon them in that whole Business , was given by the Court of Star-Chamber , not by me . For the Words ; First , these Men have good Memories , that can punctually , being plain ordinary Men , Swear Words spoken full Twelve Years since : And yet , as good as their Memory is , they Swear doubtfully touching the time ; as that the Words were spoken in May 1632 , or 33. 2. Secondly , my Lords , 't is impossible these Words should be spoken by me . For I think no Man in this Honourable Presence thinks me so ignorant , as that I should not know the vast difference that is between an Act of Parliament and a Proclamation . Neither can these Gentlemen , which press the Evidence , think me so wilfully foolish so to speak , considering they accuse me here for a Cunning Delinquent . So God forgive these Men the Falshood and the Malice of this Oath . 3. For the Words spoken of the Stone in Scripture , 't is so long since , I cannot recal whether I said it or no : Nor have I any great Reason to believe these Angry Witnesses in their own Cause . But if , by way of Allusion , I did apply that place to the King and them , 't is far enough from Treason . And let them , and their like , take heed lest it prove true upon themselves : For seldom do Subjects fall upon their King , but in the end they are broken ; and if it so happen , that he falls upon them , they are ground to powder . And Salomon taught me this Answer , where he says , The Anger of a King is Death . And yet I would not be mistaken . For I do not conceive this is spoken of a King and his Natural Anger , ( though it be good Wisdom to stir as little Passion in Kings as may be ; ) but of his Legal Anger : According to which , if the Stone roul strictly , few Men can so Live , but for something or other they may be in danger of grinding . 4. And for these Soap-boylers , they have little cause to be so vehement against me . For if the Sentence , passed against them in the Star-Chamber , were in any thing illegal , though it were done by that Court and not by me ; yet I alone , so soon as I heard but muttering of it , was the only means of resetling them and their Trade , which none of all the Lords else took care of . And the Summ of these Answers I gave to Mr. Browne , when he gave up the Summ of his Charge against me . The next Particular was about Depopulations . A Commission of Grace , to compound with some Delinquents in that kind , was Issued under the Broad Seal , to some Lords and other Persons of Honour of the Council , of which I was one . One Mr. Talboys was called thither . And the Charge about this was , that when he pleaded , that by Statute 39. Eliz. he might convert some to Pasture , I should say , Do you plead Law here ? Either abide the Order , or take your Tryal at the Star-Chamber : And that he was Fined 50 l. In this Particular Mr. Talboys is single , and in his own Cause ; but I was single at no sitting of that Commission : Nor did I ever sit , unless the Lord Privy-Seal , and Mr. Secretary Coke were present ; that we might have direction from their Knowledge and Experience . And for the Words ( if spoken ) they were not to derogate from the Law ; but to shew , that we sate not there as any Judges of the Law , but to offer his Majesty's Grace to such as would accept it . As for the Fine mentioned , we imposed none upon him or any other , but by the consent of the Parties themselves . If any Man thought he was not faulty , and would not accept of the Favour shewed him , we left him to the Law. But the plain truth is , this Gentleman , being Tenant to the Dean and Chapter of Christ-Church in Oxford , offer'd them ( as they conceived ) great wrong in the Land he held of them ; in so much as they feared other their Tenants might follow his Example , and therefore complained of him . And because I laid open his usage of his Landlords before the Commissioners , he comes here to vent his Spleen against me . And 't is observable , that in all the business of Depopulations , in which so many appeared , no one complained either against me or any other Lord , but only this Talboys . Mr. Browne , when he pressed the Summ of this Charge against me , added , That at the Council-Table , I was for all Illegal Projects , as well as for these Inclosures . But First , I was neither for this nor any other , either longer or otherwise than I understood them to be Lawful . And Secondly , I opposed there the business of Salt and the Base Mony ; and I alone took off that of the Malt , and the Brewing : And three Gentlemen of Hertfordshire ( which County was principally concerned in the Case of the Malt ) came over to Lambeth to give me Thanks for it . Then was charged upon me the Printing of Books , which asserted the King's Prerogative above Law , &c. The instance was in Dr. Cowell's Book , Verbo , * Rex : That this Book was decryed by Proclamation ; that Complaint was made to me , that this Book was Printing in a close House without Licence , and by Hodgkinson , who was my Printer ; that I referred them to Sir John Lambe ; that they came to me again , and a third time , and I still continued my Reference ; which Sir John Lambe slighting , the Book came forth . The Witnesses to this , were Hunt and Wallye , if I mistook not their Names . 1. For this Book of Dr. Cowell's , I never knew of it , till it was Printed ; or so far gone on in Printing , that I could not stay it : And the Witnesses say , it was in a close House , and without Licence ; so neither I nor my Chaplains could take notice of it . 2. They say , they informed me of it , but name no time , but only the Year 1638. But they confess I was then at Croydon : So being out of Town ( as were almost all the High Commissioners ) I required Sir John Lambe , who being a High Commissioner , had in that business as much power as my self , to look to it carefully , that the Book proceeded not ; or if it were already Printed , that it came not forth . If Sir John slighted his own Duty and my Command , ( as themselves say ) he is Living , and may answer for himself ; and I hope your Lordships will not put his Neglect upon my Account . 3. As for Hodgkinson , he was never my Printer ; but Badger was the Man whom I imployed , as is well known to all the Stationers . Nor was Hodgkinson ever imployed by me in that kind or any other : Upon just Complaint I turned him out of a place , but never put him into any : And therefore those Terms which were put upon me , of my Hodgkinson , and my Sir John Lambe , might have been spared . Sir John was indeed Dean of the Arches , and I imployed him , as other Arch-Bishops did the Deans which were in their Times ; otherwise no way mine : And Hodgkinson had his whole dependance on Sir Henry Martin , and was a meer Stranger to me . And this Answer I gave to Mr. Browne , when he summ'd up the Charge . Nor could any danger be in the Printing of that Book to mislead any Man : Because it was generally made known by Proclamation , that it was a Book Condemned , and in such Particulars : But for other things the Book very useful . The next Charge was , That when Dr : Gill , School-Master of Paul's School in London , was warned out by the Mercers ( to the Care of which Company that School some way belongs ) upon Dr : Gill's Petition to the King , there was a Reference to some other Lords and my self to hear the Business . The Charge is , that at this Hearing I should say , the Mercers might not put out Dr : Gill without his Ordinary's Knowledge : And that upon mention made of an Act of Parliament , I should reply , I see nothing will down with you but Acts of Parliament ; no regard at all of the Canons of the Church : And that I should farther add , That I would rescind all Acts which were against the Canons ; and that I hoped shortly to see the Canons and the King's Prerogative of equal force with an Act of Parliament . To this I Answer'd ; That if all this Charge were true , yet this is but the single Testimony of Samuel Bland , an Officer belonging to the Company of the Mercers , and no small Stickler against Dr. Gill , whose Aged Reverend Father had done that Company great Service in that School for many Years together . The Reference he grants was to me and others : So I neither thrust my self into the Business , nor was alone in it . And as there is a Canon of this Church , That no Man may be allowed to 〈◊〉 School , but by the Bishop of the Diocess ; so à paritate rationis , it stands good , They may not turn him out , without the said Bishops knowledge and Approbation . And 't is expressed in another Canon ; That if any School-Master offend in any of the Premises ( there spoken of ) he shall be 〈◊〉 by his Ordinary ; and if he do not amend upon that his 〈◊〉 , he shall then be Suspended from Teaching : Which I think makes the Case plain , that the Mercers might not turn out Dr. Gill , without so much as the Knowledge of his Bishop . And for the Words ; That I saw nothing would down with them but an Act of Parliament , and that no regard was had to the Canons ; I humbly conceive there was no offence in the Words . For though the Superiority by far in this Kingdom belongs to the Acts of Parliament ; yet some regard doubtless , is or ought to be had to the Canons of the Church : And if nothing will down with Men but Acts of Parliament , the Government cannot be held up in many Particulars . For the other Words , God forgive this Witness : For I am well assured , I neither did nor could speak them . For is it so much as probable , that I should say , I would rescind all Acts that are against the Canons ? What power have I or any particular Man , to rescind Acts of Parliament ? Nor do I think any Man that knows me , will believe I could be such a Fool , as to say , That I hoped shortly to see the Canons and the Kings Prerogative equal to Acts of Parliament ; Since I have lived to see ( and that often ) many Canons rejected , as contrary to the Custom of the Place ; as in choice of Parish-Clerks , and about the Reparation of some Churches ; and the King's Prerogative discussed and weighed by Law : Neither of which hath , or can be done by any Judges to an Act of Parliament . That there is Malice in this Man against me , appears plainly ; but upon what 't is grounded I cannot tell : Unless it be , that in this business of Dr. Gill , and in some other about placing Lecturers , ( which in some Cases this Company of the Mercers took on them to do ) I opposing it so far as Law and Canon would give me leave , crossed some way , either his Opinion in Religion , or his Purse-profit . I was ( I confess ) so much moved at the Unworthiness of this Man's Testimony , that I thought to bind this Sin upon his Soul , not to be forgiven him till he did publickly ask me Forgiveness for this Notorious Publick Wrong done me . But by God's Goodness I master'd my self ; and I heartily desire God to give him a sense of this Sin against me his poor Servant , and forgive him . And if these words could possibly scape me , and be within the danger of that Statute ; then to that Statute , which requires my Tryal within six Months , I refer my self . The Eleventh Charge of this day , was the Imprisonment of Mr. George * Waker , about a Sermon of his , Preached to prove ( as he said ) That 't is Sin to obey the greatest Monarchs in things which are against the Command of God : That I had Notes of his Sermons for four or five Years together , of purpose to intrap him ; That I told his Majesty he was Factious ; That Sir Dadly Carlton writ to keep him close ; That in this Affliction I protested to do him Kindness , and yet did contrary . My Answer was ; That for the Scope of his Sermon , To Obey God rather than Man , no Man doubts but it ought to be so , when the Commands are opposite . But his Sermon was viewed , and many factious Passages , and of high Nature , found in it . And yet I did not tell the King he was Factious , but that he was so complained of to me ; and this was openly at the Council-Table . And whereas he speaks of Notes of his Sermons for divers Years , with a purpose to intrap him ; all that he says is , that he was told so , but produces not by whom . And truly I never had any such Notes , nor ever used any such Art against any Man in my Life . For his Commitment , it was done by the Council-Table ; and after , upon some Carriage of his there , by the Court of Star-Chamber , not by me ; nor can that be imputed to me , which is done there by the major part , and I having no Negative . And if Sir Dudly Carlton writ to keep him close at his Brother's House , contrary to the Lords Order , let him answer it : And if he supposes that was done by me , why is not Sir Dudly examined to try that Truth ? As for the Protestation , which he says I made to his Wife and his Brother , that I complained not against him ; it was no Denyal of my Complaint made against him at the first , that I heard he was Factious ; but that after the time , in which I had seen the full Testimony of grave Ministers in London , that he was not Factious , I made no Complaint after that , but did my best to free him . And the Treason in these two Charges is against the Company of the Mercers , and Mr. Waker . The next Charge was , that Dr : Manwaring having been Censured by the Lords in Parliament for a Sermon of his against the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject , was yet after this preferred by me , in Contempt of the Parliament-Censure , both to the Deanery of Warcester , and the Bishoprick of St : Davids ; And my own Diary witnesses that I was complained of in Parliament for it ; And that yet after this I did consecrate him Bishop . 1. To this I answered , that he was not preferred by me to either of these ; and therefore that could not be done in contempt of the Parliament-Censure , which was not done at all . For as for St : Davids , 't is confessed , Secretary Windebank signified the King's Pleasure , not I. And whereas it was added , that this was by my means ; That is only said , but not proved . And for Worcester , there is no Proof but the Docket-Book : Now , my Lords , 't is well known in Court , that the Docket doth but signifie the King's Pleasure for such a Bill to be drawn , it never mentions who procured the Preferment : So that the Docket can be no Proof at all against me ; and other there is none . 2. For the Sermon , 't is true , I was complained of in Parliament , that I had been the Cause of Licensing it to the Press ; and 't is as true , that upon that Complaint , I was narrowly sifted , and an Honourable Lord now present , and the Lord Bishop of Lincoln , were sent to Bishop Mountain , who Licensed the Sermon , to Examine , and see , whether any Warrant had come from me , or any Message : But when nothing appeared , I was acquitted in open Parliament ; To some Body 's no small Grief . God forgive them , and their Malice against me ; for to my knowledge my Ruin was then thirsted for . And as I answered Mr. Brown's Summary Charge , when he pressed this against me , could this have been proved , I had been undone long since ; the Work had not been now to be done . That he was after Consecrated by me , is true likewise ; and I hope , 't is not expected I should ruine my self , and fall into a Premunire , by refusing the King 's Royal Assent ; and this for fear lest it might be thought I procured his Preferment . But the Truth is , his Majesty commanded me to put him in mind of him when Preferments fell ; and I did so : But withal I told his Majesty of his Censure , and that I fear'd ill Construction would be made of it . To this it was replyed , That I might have refused to Consecrate , the Cause why being sufficient , and justifiable in Parliament , and excepted in that Law. But how sufficient soever that Cause may be in Parliament , if I had been in a Premunire there-while , and lost my Liberty and all that I had beside , for disobeying the Royal Assent ; I believe I should have had but cold Comfort when the next Parliament had been Summoned ; no Exception against the Man being known to me , either for Life or Learning , but only this Censure : Nor is there any Exception which the Arch-Bishop is by that Law allowed to make , if my Book be truly Printed . Then followed the Charge of Dr. Heylin's Book against Mr. Burton ; out of which it was urged , That an unlimited Power was pressed very far ; and out of p. 40. That a way was found to make the Subject free , and the King a Subject ; that this Man was preferred by me ; that Dr. Heylin confessed to a Committee , that I commanded him to Answer Mr. Burton's Book ; and that my Chaplain Dr. Braye Licensed it . I Answer'd as follows ; I did not prefer Dr. Heylin to the King's Service ; it was the Earl of Danby , who had taken Honourable Care of him before in the University . His Preferments I did not procure : For it appears by what hath been urged against me , that the Lord Viscount Dorchester procured him his Parsonage , and Mr. Secretary Coke his Prebend in Westminster . For his Answer to the Committee , that I commanded him to Write against Burton , It was an Ingenuous and a True Answer , and became him and his Calling well ; for I did so . And neither I in Commanding , nor he in Obeying , did other than what we had good Precedent for in the Primitive Church of Christ. For when some Monks had troubled the Church at Carthage , but not with half that danger which Mr. Burton's Book threatned to this ; Aurelius , then Bishop , commanded St. Aug. to Write against it ; and he did so . His Words are , Aurelius Scribere Jussit , & feci . But though I did , as by my Place I might , Command him to Write and Answer ; yet I did neither Command nor Advise him , to insert any thing unsound or unfit . If any such thing be found in it , he must Answer for himself , and the Licenser for himself . For as for Licensing of Books , I held the same course which all my Predecessors had done : And when any Chaplain came new into my House , I gave him a strict Charge in that Particular . And in all my Predecessors Times , the Chaplains suffer'd for faults committed , and not their Lords ; though now all is heaped on me . As for the particular Words urged out of Dr. Heylin's Book , p. 40. there is neither Expression by them , nor Intention in them , against either the Law , or any Lawful Proceedings ; but they are directed to Mr. Burton and his Doctrine only . The words are : You have found out a way ( not the Law , but you Mr. Burton ) to make the Subject free , and the King a Subject : Whereas it would well have beseem'd Mr. Burton , to have carried his Pen even at the least , and left the King his Freedom , as well as the Subject his . From this they proceeded to another Charge : which was , That I preferred Chaplains to be about the King and the Prince , which were disaffected to the Publick Welfare of the Kingdom . The Instance was in Dr : Dove : And a Passage Read out of his Book against Mr : Burton : And it was added , that the declaring of such disaffection , was the best Inducement or Bribe to procure them Preferment . To this I then said , and 't is true ; I did never knowingly prefer any Chaplain to the King or Prince , that was ill-affected to the Publick . And for Dr. Dove , if he utter'd by Tongue or by Pen , any such wild Speech concerning any Members of the Honourable House of Commons , as is urged , thereby to shew his disaffection to the Publick ; he is Living , and I humbly desire he may answer it . But whereas it was said , That this was the best Inducement or Bribe to get Preferment ; This might have been spared , had it so pleased the Gentleman which spake it : But I know my Condition , and where I am , and will not lose my Patience for Language . And whereas 't is urged , That after this he was Named by me , to be a Chaplain to the Prince his Highness ; the Thing was thus , His Majesty had suit made to him , that the Prince might have Sermons in his own Chappel for his Family . Hereupon his Majesty , approving the Motion , commanded me to think upon the Names of some fit Men for that Service . I did so : But before any thing was done , I acquainted the Right Honourable the Lord Chamberlain , that then was , with it ; my Lord knew most of the Men , and approved the Note , and delivered it to his Secretary Mr : Oldsworth , to Swear them . This was the Fact : And at this time , when I put Dr : Dove's Name into the List , I did not know of any such Passage in his Book , nor indeed ever heard of it till now . For I had not Read his Book , but here and there by snatches . I am now come ( and 't is time ) to the last Particular of this day . And this Charge was , The giving of Subsidies to the King in the Convocation , without consent in Parliament ; That the Penalties for not paying were strict , and without Appeal , as appears in the Act ; where it is farther said , that we do this according to the Duty which by Scripture we are bound unto ; which reflects upon the Liberties of Parliaments in that behalf . But it was added , they would not meddle now with the late Canons for any thing else , till they came to their due place . 1. My Answer to this was : That this was not my single Act , but the Act of the whole Convocation , and could not be appliable to me only . 2. That this Grant was no other , nor in any other way , Mutatis Mutandis , than was granted to Queen Elizabeth in Arch-Bishop Whitgift's time . This Grant was also put in Execution , as appeared by the Originals which we followed . These Originals ( among many other Records ) were commanded away by the Honourable House of Commons , and where they now are I know not : But for want of them my Defence cannot be so full . 3. For the Circumstances ; as that the Penalties are without Appeal , and the like , 't is usual in all such Grants . And that we did it according to our Duty and the Rules of Scripture , we conceived was a fitting Expression for our selves , and Men of our Calling , without giving Law to others , or any intention to violate the Law in the least . For thus , I humbly conceive , lyes the mutual Relation between the King and his People , by Rules of Conscience . The Subjects are to supply a full and Honourable Maintenance to the King : And the King ( when Necessities call upon him ) is to ask of his People , in such a way as is , per pacta , by Law and Covenant agreed upon between them , which in this Kingdom is by Parliament ; yet the Clergy ever granting their own at all times . And that this was my Judgment long before this , appears by a Sermon of mine , appointed to be Preached at the opening of the Parliament ; in the Year 1625. My Words are these . If you would have indeed a flourishing both State and Church ; The King must trust and indear his People ; and the People must Honour , Obey , and Support their King , &c. This , I hope , is far enough from derogating from any Law : And if I should privately have spoken any thing to him contrary to this , which I had both Preached and Printed , how could his Majesty have trusted me in any thing ? CAP. XXIV . THis brought this tedious Day to an End. And I had an Order the same Day to appear again on Saturday , March 16. 1643. with a Note also from the Committee which were to Charge me , that they meant then to proceed upon part of the Second Additional Article , and upon the Third Original , and the Third and Fifth Additional Articles . The Second Additional Article is written down before . And here follow the rest now mentioned to be next proceeded upon . 3. The third Original is , He hath by Letters , Messages , Threats , Promises , and divers other ways , to Judges and other Ministers of Justice , Interrupted and Perverted , and at other Times by the means aforesaid , hath endeavoured to Interrput and Pervert the Course of Justice in his Majesty's Courts at Westminster , and other Courts , to the Subversion of the Laws of this Kingdom ; whereby sundry of his Majesty's Subjects have been stopped in their just Suits , and deprived of their Lawful Rights , and subjected to his Tyrannical Will , to their utter Ruine and Destruction . The Third and Fifth Additionals follow . 3. That the said Arch-Bishop , to advance the Canons of the Church and Power Ecclesiastical above the Law of the Land , and to Pervert and hinder the Course of Justice , hath at divers Times within the said Time , by his Letters and other undue Means and Solicitations used to Judges , opposed and 〈◊〉 the granting of his Majesty's Writs of Prohibition , where the same ought to have been Granted for Stay of Proceedings in the Ecclesiastical Court , whereby Justice hath been delayed and hindered , and the Judges diverted from doing their Duties . 5. That the said Arch-Bishop about Eight Years last past , being then also a Privy-Counsellor to his Majesty , for the End and Purpose aforesaid , caused Sir John Corbet of Stoak in the County of Salop Baronet , then a Justice of Peace of the said County , to be Committed to the Prison of the Fleet , where he continued Prisoner for the space of half a Year or more ; for no other Cause but for calling for the Petition of Right , and causing it to be Read at the Sessions of the Peace for that County , upon a just and necessary Occasion . And during the Time of his said Imprisonment , the said Arch-Bishop , without any Colour of Right , by a Writing under the Seal of his Arch-Bishoprick , granted away Parcel of the Glebe-Land of the Church of Adderly in the said County , whereof the said Sir Jo. Corbet was then Patron , unto Robert Viscount Kilmurry , without the consent of the said Sir John , or the then Incumbent of the said Church ; which said Viscount Kilmurry , Built a Chappel upon the said Parcel of Glebe-Land , to the great prejudice of the said Sir John Corbet , which hath caused great Suits and * Dissentions between them . And whereas the said Sir John Corbet had a Judgment against Sir James Stonehouse , Knight , in an Action of Waste in his Majesty's Court of Common Pleas at Westminster , which was afterward affirmed in a Writ of Error in the King's Bench , and Execution thereupon Awarded ; yet the said Sir John , by means of the said Arch-Bishop , could not have the Effect thereof , but was committed to Prison by the said Arch-Bishop and others at the Council Table ; until he had submitted himself unto the Order of the said Table , whereby he lost the benefit of the said Judgment and Execution . The Third Day of my Hearing . In the Interim , between the 13th and this 16th of March , upon some strict Charge to look to the Tower , my Solicitor was not suffer'd to come in to me . Whereupon , so soon as I was setled at the Bar , before the Evidence began to be open'd , I spake to the Lords as follows . My Lords ; I stand not here to complain of any thing , or any Man ; but only am inforced to acquaint your Lordships with my sad Condition . Your Lordships have appointed my Secretary to be my Solicitor , and given him leave to assist me in the turning of my Papers , and to warn in such Witnesses , and to fetch me the Copies of such Records , as I shall have occasion to use . And I humbly desire your Lordships to consider , that my self being Imprisoned , and so utterly disinabled to do these things my self ; it will be absolutely impossible for me to make any Defence , if my Solicitor be denyed to come to me , as now he is . * This was granted , and the Hearing adjourned till Munday following ; and I humbly thanked their Lordships for it . CAP. XXV . The Fourth Day of my Hearing . THE fourth Day of my Hearing was Munday , March 18. and was only my Answer to the third Day 's Charge , and the only time in which I was not put to answer the same Day . The first Charge of this Day was about St. Pauls . And first out of my Diary ; ( where I confess it one of my Projects to repair that Ancient Fabrick : ) And three strict Orders of the Lords of the Council for the demolishing of the Houses Built about that Church . One was Novemb. 21. 1634. The demolishing of the Houses commanded by this before Jan. 6. for one , and for the rest by Midsummer . Another was Mar. 26. 1631. a Committee appointed with Power to compound with the Tenants , and with Order to pull down , if they would not Compound . The third was Mar. 2. 1631. which gives Power to the Sheriffs to pull down , if Obedience be not yielded . To this I confess I did , when I came first to be Bishop of London , Project the Repair of that Ancient and famous Cathedral of St. Paul , ready to sink into its own Ruins . And to this I held my self bound in general , as Bishop of the Place ; and in particular for the Body of the Church , the Repair of which is by the Local Statutes laid upon the Bishop . And the Bishop was well able to do it , while he enjoyed those Lands which he had , when that Burthen was laid upon him . But what Sacrilegious Hands despoiled that Bishoprick of them , 't is to no purpose to tell . And truly , my Lords , since I am in this present Condition , I humbly and heartily thank God , that St. Pauls comes into my Sufferings ; and that God is pleased to think me worthy to suffer either for it , or with it any way : Though I confess I little thought to meet that here , or as a Charge any where else . And so God be pleased ( as I hope in Christ he will ) to Pardon my other Sins , I hope I shall be able ( Humane Frailties always set aside ) to give an easie Account for this . But whereas I said , the Repair of St. Pauls was a strange piece of Treason . And they presently Replyed , that they did not Charge the Repair upon me , but the Manner of doing it , by demolishing of Mens Houses . To that I Answered as follows ; with this first , that the Work hath cost me above One Thousand and two Hundred Pounds out of my own Purse , besides all my Care and Pains , and now this heavy Charge to boot : No one Man offering to prove , that I have Mis-spent or diverted to other use , any one Penny given to that work ; or that I have done any thing about it , without the Knowledge , Approbation and Order of his Majesty , or the Lords of the Council , or both . To the Particulars then . For the three Orders taken out of the Council-Books , I shall not need to repeat them . But what is the Mystery , that these Orders are reckoned backward , the last first ? Is it to aggravate , as if it rose by steps ? That cannot well be ; because the first Order is the Sourest , if I conceive it right . Besides , here was real Composition allotted for them , and that by a Committee named by the Lords , not by me . And I think it was very real ; for it Cost Eight or Nine Thousand Pounds ( as appears upon the Accounts ) meerly to take down the Houses ( which had no Right to stand there ) before we could come at the Church to Repair it . And if any thing should be amiss in any of these ( which is more than I either know or believe ; ) they were the Council's Orders , not mine . And shall that be urged as Treason against me , which is not Imputed to them so much as a Misdemeanour ? Besides , the Lords of the Council are in the ancient Constitution of this Kingdom one Body ; and whatsoever the Major Part of them concludes , is reputed the Act of the whole , not any one Man's . And this I must often Inculcate , because I see such Publick Acts like to be heaped upon my Particular . 1. The first Witness about this Business of St. Pauls is Mich. Burton , and 't is charged that his House was pulled down in King James's time ; That he was Promised relief , but had none : That hereupon he got a Reference from his Majesty that now is , and came with it to the Council , and was referred to the Committee . That Sir Hen. Martin told him that the Arch-Bishop was his hinderance . That he resorted to me , and that I bid him go to King James for his Recompence . To this my Answer was , That this House , which he says was his , was ( as is confessed by himself ) taken down in King James's Time , when an attempt was made about the Repair of this Cathedral , but nothing done . If he desired satisfaction , he was to seek it of them who took down his House , not of me . If his Majesty that now is gave him a Reference , he was by the Lords of the Council , or by me ( if to me it were Referred ) to be sent to the Sub-Committee , because Satisfaction for each House was to be Ordered by them . Nor had I any Reason to take it on my Care , which was done so long before . He says , that Sir Henry Martin told him that I hindred him : But that 's no Proof , that Sir Hen : Martin told him so : For 't is but his Report of Sir Henry Martin's Speech : And I hope , Sir Henry neither did , nor would do me such apparent Wrong . He was the third Man to whom I brake my Intentions touching the Repair , and the Difficulties which I foresaw I was to meet with : And he gave me all Encouragement . And it may be , when nothing would satisfie the eager Old Man , I might bid him go to King James for Recompence ; but 't is more than I remember if I did so . And this Man is single , and in his own Case ; and where lyes the Treason that is in it ? Besides , least Consideration was due to this House : For , not many Years before the Demolishing of it , it was Built at the West End of St. Pauls for a Lottery ; ( it was said to be the House of one Wheatly ; ) and after the Lottery ended , finished up into a Dwelling-House , to the great annoyance of that Church : The Bishop , and Dean , and Chapter being asleep while it was done . 2. The next Charge about St. Pauls was Witnessed by Mary Berry , That her Husband was fain to set up his Trade elsewhere , and that every Man reported , the Bishop was the Cause of it . Her Husband was forced by this Remove to set up his Trade elsewhere ; so she says : And perhaps in a better Place , and with Satisfaction sufficient to make him a better Stock : Where 's the Wrong ? Beside , she is single , and in her own Cause , and no Proof , but that every Man reported the Bishop was the means to remove him . And it is Observable , that in King James his Time , when the Commission issued out for the demolishing of these very Houses , the Work was highly applauded ; and yet no Care taken for Satisfaction of any Private Mans Interest : That now great Care hath been taken , and great Sums of Money Expended about it , yet I must be a Traytor , and no less for doing it . This makes me think , some Party of Men were heartily angry at the Repair it self ; though for very Shame it be turned off upon the demolishing of the Houses . 3. The next that came in , was Tho : Wheeler : He says that his House was pulled down by the Committee , by my Direction , above Eleven Years ago : And that Word was brought him of it . His House was pulled down ; but himself confesses it was by the Committee . It was , he says , above eleven Years ago , and the time limited in that Article is * Six Years . He says , that Word was brought him that I was the Cause , or gave the Direction . Word was brought him , but he Names not by whom , nor from whom ; so all this Proof is a single Hearsay of he knows not whom : Whereas I had the Broad-Seal of England for all that was done . It was replyed here , That for demolishing of these Houses the King's Commission was no full and legal Warrant ; I should have procured Authority from Parliament . I replyed to this Interruption , That Houses more remote from the Church of St. Pauls were pulled down by the King's Commission * only in K. Ed. 3. time ; and humbly desired a Salvo might be entered for me , till I might bring the † Record ; which was granted . 4. The last Instance for this Charge of St. Pauls , was the House of W : Wakern ; who Witnessed , that he had a Hundred Pound recompence for his House ; but then was after Fined in the High-Commission-Court 100 l. for Prophanation , of which he paid 30 l. To this I gave this Answer ; That his Charge is true ; and that after he had received 100 l. Composition , the Cry of the Prophanation brought him into the High-Commission . It was thus : The Skulls of Dead-Men ( perhaps better than himself ) were tumbled out of their Graves into his Draught , and part of the Foundation of the Church ( as appeared in the taking down of his House ) was broken , or pared away , to make room for the uncleanness to pass into the Vault : And surely were I to sit again in the High-Commission , I should give my Vote to Censure this Prophanation . But himself confesses , he paid but Thirty Pound of it , which was too little for such an Offence . And besides , my Lords , this was the Act of the High-Commission , and cannot be charged singly upon me . And I cannot forbear to add thus much more , That the Bishop , and Dean , and Chapter , whoever they were , did ill to give way to these Buildings , and to increase their Rents by a Sacrilegious Revenue : No Law that I know giving way to Build upon Consecrated Ground , as that Church-Yard is . But howsoever , the present Tenants being not in Dolo , I ever thought fit they should have Recompence for their Estates , and they had it . The next Charge was about the Shops of the Goldsmiths in Cheapside and Lumbard-street . An Order was made at the Council-Table , Novemb. 12. 1634. That within Six Months the Goldsmiths should provide themselves Shops there , and no where else , till all those Shops were furnished : And this under a Penalty , and to give Bond. These two were the ancient Places for Goldsmiths only , Time out of Mind : And it was thought fit by the Lords , for the Beauty of the Place , and the Honour of the City , to have these Places furnished as they were wont , and not to have other Trades mixed among them . Beside , it concerned all Mens Safety : For if any Plate were stoln , the enquiry after it might be made with more ease and speed : Whereas if the Goldsmiths might dwell here and there , and keep their Shops in every by-place of the City , stoln Plate might easily be made off , and never heard of . But howsoever , if in this Order there were any thing amiss , it was the Order of the Council-Table , not mine : And far enough off from Treason , as I conceive . 1. Upon this Charge there were two Instances . The first is Mr : Bartley ; who said , his House was taken from him , by Order to the Lord Mayor , 1637. That my Hand was to the Order ; That he was Imprisoned Six Months , and recovered 600. l. Damages of Sir Ed. Bromfield ; That after this he was Committed to Flamsted , a Messenger belonging to the High Commission , about Dr. Bastwick's and Mr. Burton's Books ; That after this he was sent for to the Council , and there heard my Voice only ; That when he desired some help , Sir Tho. Ailsbury's Man told him , he were as good take a Bear by the Tooth : That all this was for his entertaining a Man that came out of Scotland ; and lastly , That Dr. Haywood , my Chaplain , had Licensed a Popish Book . To which I gave this Answer : That if the Lord Mayor put him from his house , by Order from the Lords ( being a Stationer among the Goldsmiths ) then it was not done by me : And though my Hand were to the Order , yet not mine alone ; and I hope my Hand there subscribed no more Treason than other Lords Hands did : And if he did recover 600 l. against Sir Ed. Bromfield , who ( I think ) was the Lord Mayor spoken of , surely he was a Gainer by the Business . And whereas he says , he was after seized again , and Committed to Flamsted about the Books Named : If he were ( as was informed ) a great Vender of those , and such like Books , less could not be done to him , than to call him to Answer . He says farther , that he was sent for to the Council-Table , and there he heard my Voice only against him . It may be so , and without all fault of mine : For that heavy Office was usually put upon me and the Lord Keeper , to deliver the Sense of the Board to such as were called thither , and Examined there : And by this Means , if any sour or displeasing Sentence passed ( how just soever , it mattered not ) it was taken as our own , and the Envy of it fell on us . And that this was so , many Lords here present know well . He adds what Sir Thomas Ailsbury's Man said , when he would have Petitioned again : But since Mr. Bartley is single here , and in his own Cause , why doth he rest upon a Hearsay of Sir Thomas Ailsbury's Man ? Why was not this Man Examined to make out the Proof ? And if this Man did so far abuse me , as to speak such Words of me , shall I be Abused first , and then have that Abuse made a Charge ? That he was troubled thus for a Scotchman's coming to him , is nothing so , nor is any Proof offered : Though then the Troubles were begun in Scotland ; and therefore if this had any relation to that Business , I pleaded again the Act of Oblivion . For that of Dr. Haywood , I shall give my Answer in a more proper Place ; for 't is objected again . 2. The second Instance was in Mr Manning's Case . He speaks also of the Order of the Council , Novemb. 12. 1634. That the Goldsmiths in their Book make an Order upon it , June 15. 1635. That they which obey not , should be suspended , ( I think 't is meant from use of their Trade ; ) That when some intreated them to Obedience , I should say , This Board is not so Weak , but that it can Command ; or to that effect . For the Council's Order , it was theirs , not mine . For the Order which the Company of Goldsmiths made upon it , It was their own Act , I had nothing to do with it . For the Words , If I did speak them ( which is more than I remember ) he is single that Swears them , and in his own Cause . But , my Lords , I must needs say , whether I spake it then , or not , most true it is , that the Council-Table is very weak indeed , if it cannot Command in things of Decency , and for Safety of the Subject , and where there is no Law to the contrary . And this was then my Answer . The Third Charge of this Day , was , That I forced Men to lend Money to the Church of St : Pauls : And Mrs : Moore was called upon . But this was deserted . The next Charge was concerning a long and tedious Suit between Rich and Poole , about the Parsonage of North-Cerny in Glocestershire ; That Rich was turned out after three Years Possession , by a Reference procured by Poole , to the Lord Keeper Coventry and my self ; And that I did in a manner Act the whole Business at the Reference ; That Letters were sent from the Council to Sir William Masters , one of the Patrons , to see Poole Instituted , and to Imprison Rich if he refused Obedience : That after , by the Lord Marshal's procurement , there was another Reference obtained to thirteen Lords ; who awarded for Rich. I was never more weary of any Business in my Life , than I was of this Reference : And I was so far from Acting the whole Business , as that I did nothing , but as the Lord Keeper directed ; the Cause was so entangled with Quare Impedits , and many other Businesses of Law. Our Judgments upon full Hearing went with Poole , and we certified accordingly : And upon this ( it may be ) the Letters mentioned were sent down for Poole . And if the Lord Keeper that now is , then his Majesty's Solicitor , could not , or durst not meddle , but gave back his Fee ( as was farther urged ) his Lordship is living to tell the Cause himself ; for here was none set down , though it were urged , as if he did it because I was a Referree : And in the mean time this is but a bare Report concerning him . If the thirteen Lords , to whom it was after referred , were of another Opinion , that was nothing to us , who without any touch of Corruption , did as our Knowledge and Conscience guided us . And , my Lords , it seems this Title was very doubtful ; for after all this , it came into this Parliament , was referred to a Committee , where Mr. Rich was very willing to compound the Business . And well he might ; for I was since certified by a Gentleman , a Lawyer , that understood well , and was at the Hearing of that Cause , that it was one of the foulest Causes on Rich's side , that ever he heard . And out of this I took the Summ of my Answer , which I gave to Mr. Browne , when he Summed up my Charge . The Witnesses to this Charge were Mr. Rich his Brother , and my good Friend Mr. Talboys . But this latter witnesses nothing but that he heard me say , that Poole's Behaviour was unfit ; so there I checked the one Party : And that upon some words given me by Rich , I should say , do you throw dirt in my face ? And why might I not ask this Question , if his words deserved it ? So upon the Matter , here is Rich single in his Brother's Case ; and nothing throughout that looks like Treason . Here I had a snap given me , that I slighted the Evidence , whereas they ( as 't was said ) did not urge these Particulars as Treason , but as things tending to the violation of Law , and should be found to make Treason in the Result . The Truth is , I did then think within my self , that such Evidence might very well be slighted in an Accusation of Treason . But I thought better to forbear ; and so , in my continued patience , expected the next Charge . Which was Mr : Foxlie's Imprisonment about Popish Books . That he was tender'd the Oath ex Officio ; then brought before the Council , and imprisoned again by a Warrant under my Hand and others ; and my Hand first to the Warrant ; his Wife not suffer'd to come to him , till he was sick ; that the chief Cause of all this was the Impropriations , because he desired to Name the Men for the Feoffment . My Lords , This Man confesses , he was called in question about Popish-Books ; but expressing no more , I cannot tell what to make of it ; nor can I tell how to Accuse him of Popish Books . For I cannot tell which is least , his Understanding of them , or his Love to them . And for tendring him the Oath ex Officio , that was the usual proceeding in that Court. When he was brought before the Lords of the Council , he says the Warrant for his Imprisonment was under my Hand and others . This was according to course : So the Commitment of him was by the Lords , not by me . But my Hand was first ; so was it in all things else , to which I was to set it . And the restraint of his Wife from coming to him , was by the same Order of the Lords : And upon her Petition , when her Husband was sick , both of them confess she had admittance . But whereas he says , The chief Cause of his Commitment was the Feoffment , he is much mistaken : Himself says before it was about Popish Books . This I am sure of , the Feoffment was not so much as mentioned against him : Though he freely confesses , that he got twelve Men to undertake that Feoffment , which was a great deal more power than he could take to himself by Law. And his Wife speaks not one word to the Cause of his Imprisonment . So he is single , and in his own Cause ; and no Treason , unless it be against Mr. Foxlye . The next Charge of this day , was Mr : Vassall's Imprisonment : And to save Repetition , I shall weave all the circumstances of Aggravation and my Answer together . First , he is single in all , both Substance and Circumstance . Secondly , he says that he conceives I was the cause of his Imprisonment . But his Conceit is no proof . He says again , that I said at the Council-Table ( whither he was called , ) Why sit we here , if we be not able to Judge ? It may be , my Lords , I said so ; I remember not now ; but if I did say so , it was of such things only , as were fit and proper for that Honourable Board to judge of . Then he Charged me , that I should there say , That he did eat the Bread out of the King's Childrens Mouths ; and that if he were in another Country he would be Hang'd for it . I doubt this Gentleman has borrowed some of Sir Hen. Vane's Memory : But I remember no such thing . Yet if I did say it , it was no Treason : For if I did say he might be Hang'd for the like in some other Country ; it was because the Laws and Customs of other Countries , and this of ours , differ in many things . So that by this Speech , he was to thank the Law of the Land for his preservation , notwithstanding his opposition against Majesty ; which , where the Laws were not so favourable to the Subject , would not be indured . He says , He was fain to deposite 300 l. into the Hand of Sir Abra. Dawes , and that it was taken out the next day : But he says withal , it was done by a Decree at the Council-Board ; and I hope I shall not be held Author of all Decrees which passed there . He says , that I called him Sirrah : A high Crime , if I did so ! High Treason at least ! But sure this Gentleman's Spleen swell'd up Sir into Sirrah : For that is no Language of mine to meaner Men than Mr. Vassal is . The main of this Charge is Words ; and those ( if utter'd ) hasty , not Treasonable : And as M. Lepidus spake in the Case of C. Lutorius Priscus , Vana à scelestis , dicta à maleficiis differunt ; vain things differ from wicked , and words from malicious deeds ; and let any Man else be sifted as I have been for all the time I have been a Bishop , which is now upon the point of Twenty and three Years , and I doubt not but as high Words as these will be heard fallen from him upon less occasion , and of greater Personages than Mr. Vassal is . Besides , Mr. Vassal , at the end of his Testimony , desired the Lords he might have Reparation ; which altogether in Law infirms that which he Testified . After this followed a Charge about a Grant passed from his Majesty to one Mr. Smith . The difference was between Mrs. Burrill and him . As far as I can recall , it was thus . The King had made a Grant to Mr. Burrill , in his Life time , of a Wharf or something else belonging to the Thames . Mr. Smith conceals this , and gets a Grant from his Majesty , over the Head of the Widow and her Children . And , as himself confesses , His Majesty being informed that Mrs. Burrill was Sister to the Reverend Prelate Bishop Andrews , being then dead , * should say , that he would not have granted it to Mr. Smith , had he known so much . This was an Honourable Memory of his faithful Servant , her Worthy Brother . But whatsoever was done in this business , was by Order of the Council-Board , and not by me : As was also the 250 l. which ( he says ) was paid in to Sir William Beecher , ( by way of deposite , as I conceive ; ) In which if he had any hard Measure , the Law was open for his Right . And in the whole business he is single , and in his own Cause . The next Charge was Sir Jo : Corbett's ; which because it is expressed at large in the Article before recited , I shall not here repeat , but apply the Answer to it , which I then gave . Sir John says , he was sent for about Reading the Petition of Right , at a Sessions in the Country ; and that the Earl of Bridgwater should say , he was disaffected to the King. This concerns not me in any thing . He says , That for this he was Committed , lay long in the Fleet , and was denied Bail : But he says it was denyed by the whole Board . So by his own Confession , this was the Act of the Council , not mine . And this Answer I gave to Mr. Browne , when he put this part of the Charge into his Summ. In his Cause with Sir John Stonehouse about a Waste , I cannot recal the Particulars : But what-ever was done therein , himself confesses was by Order at the Council-Table , and His Majesty present , April 18. 1638. For the I le built by the Lord Viscount Kilmurrye ; the Grant which I made was no more , than is ordinary in all such Cases : And 't is expressed in the Body of the Grant , Quantum in nobis est , & de Jure possumus ; so there is nothing at all done to the prejudice of Sir John's Inheritance : For if we cannot Grant it by Law , then the Grant is voided by its own words . And that the Grant was such , and no other , I shew'd the Deeds ready Attested out of the Office. Besides , had I wronged him , there was an ordinary Remedy open , by Appeal to the Delegates . And this was well known to him ; for he did so Appeal from a like Grant against him , by the now Lord Bishop of Duresme , then of Lichfield , and Sir John's Diocesan . And whereas 't is alledged , That I made this Grant without the consent of him the Patron , or the then Incumbent ; Sir John acknowledges , like a Gentleman , that I sent unto him for his consent , if it might have been had . And this I foresaw also , that if I had denyed the Lord Viscount that which was not unusual ; then the Complaint would have fallen more heavy on the other side , that I made Persons of Quality in a manner Recusants , by denying them that conveniency which was in my power to grant . So I must be faulty , whatever I do . Then the business of the Tythes of London was raised up in Judgment against me . And it was Read out of my Diary , that I projected to give the Ministers assistance therein . I had been much to blame , having been Bishop of London , should I have had other thoughts . For their Case is very hard ; all their Offerings being shrunk a way into nothing , but a poor Easter-Book . The Ministers of London had often petitioned about some Relief long before my time : And I did then , and do still think it most just , they should have it . For they are now under the Taskmakers of AEgypt ; the Tale of Brick must be made , they must Preach twice a Sunday , get Straw where they can . And yet I never thought of any thing contrary to Law , had all been done which I desired . For that was no more , than that the Citizens would voluntarily yield to some reasonable addition , where Right and Need appeared : And this , I am sure , nor did nor could cross with the Act of Parliament concerning the Tythes of London . And Mr. Moss , who is their only Witness in this particular , says no more against me , but that I pressed this business much , and often : Which is most true I did , and held it my Duty so to do ; but still in the way before mentioned . After this came the great Charge ( as it was accounted ) concerning the Censure of Mr : Pryn , and Burton , and Bastwick , in the Star-Chamber , and their Banishment ( as 't is called ) upon it . The Witnesses produced in some Circumstances of that Cause , were Mr : Cockshott , Tho : Edwards , William Wickens , Mr : Burton , Mrs : Bastwicke , and Mr : Pryn himself . The Censure is known , and urged to be against Law : But so far as any Particular is put upon me , my Answer is present to it . 1. And first for Mr : Cockshott , he says , Mr. Attorney Bancks sent him ( being then his Servant ) to give me an Account of that Business : Hence 't is inferred , That I took care of it . This might have had some shew of Proof , if I had sent to Mr. Attorney to give me an account of it . But there 's no word of any such Proof . And yet , considering what relation their Cause had to the Church , if I had sent and desired some Account of the Proceedings ; I humbly conceive ( my Place in the Church considered ) it could have been no great Crime . 2. Then were Read certain Warrants : One Febr. 1. 1632. for Commitment ; another of Febr. 2. 1636. to bar access to them . These were Acts of the Lords sitting in Star-Chamber , not mine . Then was Read a third Order after Sentence given , of May 13. 1634. for the seizing of his Books . But this , as the former , was an Act of the Court ; not mine : And 't is expressed in the Order ( as the Charge it self lays it down ) for the disposal of the Books according to Law. Then the Warrant of their Commitment to the Islands , Aug. 27. 1637. This Commitment was no Device of mine ; nor did I ever hear of it , till it was spoken by others in the Star-Chamber : Nor do any one of these Warrants prove any thing , that can be call'd my Act : And I humbly conceive , that I ought not by Law , nor can by Usage of Parliamentary-Proceedings , be charged single for those things which were done in Publick Courts . The last Order was , November 12. 1637. about the Aldermen of Coventry , and the Quo Warranto resolved upon against the Charter of that City , only for supposed Favours shew'd to Mr. Pryn in his passage that way . First , 't is confessed in the Charge , that this was an Act of the Lords . Secondly , that it was made at a full Board . Thirdly , 't is not urged that any one Man disliked it . Fourthly , the Complaint which caused it , was , that both Aldermen and their Wives , and other Citizens , were not content to shew Mr. Pryn kindness ; but they both did , and spake that which was disgraceful to the Star-Chamber-Sentence . But howsoever , there is no Particular in that Order , that is , or can be Charged upon me . 3. This for the Warrants . The next Witness concerning this Charge was Tho. Edwards . He says , That three Hampers of Mr. Pryn's Books were taken out of his House ( whither it seems , they were conveyed for Safety , ) and no Warrant shewed to take them . The weaker Man he , to let his Friends Books go so . But this Witness hath not one Word of me . 4. The next Witness , was William Wickens ; he says , he knew of no Warrant neither ; but that License was given by the Sheriffs about Six Years since . Here 's never a Word concerning me ; nor am I to Answer for the Sheriffs Act. And whereas it is an Aggravation in the Charge , That all Mr. Pryn's Books were sold : Tho. Edwards says there were but Three Hampers of them ; and this Witness says he bought them for Two and Thirty Pounds : And these neither by Number nor Price , could be half of Mr. Pryn's Books , if I have heard Truth of his Library . 5. After this Man's Testimony comes Mr. Pryn himself in his own Cause . He made a long relation of the Business , and full of Bitterness against me . This I doubt not was purposely done , to represent me as Odious as he could , to the Lords and the Hearers . But I shall assume nothing to my self , that was done by Order of the Court of Star-Chamber : Whatsoever was done there by Common Consent , was their Act , not mine ; and if any Treason be in it , they are as guilty as I ; for Treason admits no Accessories . Nor will I meddle with the Language : God forgive him that , and what ever else he hath done against me : Only I shall answer to all such particulars of his , as seem to touch upon my self . ( 1 ) First then he says , he brought a Prohibition , An. 1629. and that was the Ground of my Hatred against him . For Prohibitions , I shall Answer when they are Charged : But as I remember not this , so I bare him no Hatred ; and bearing him none , it could not be for that Cause : Nor doth he so much as offer to prove it was . ( 2 ) Next he says , I gave Direction to Mr. Attorney Noy , and that Dr. Heylin drew some Informations for him . Dr. Heylin was well acquainted with Mr. Attorney ; but how long , or upon what grounds I know not : Nor did I give Mr. Attorney any direction . What Dr. Heylin did , if he did any thing , is nothing to me , unless I set him on ; which is not Proved , nor Sworn . ( 3 ) He farther says , That Mr. Attorney read his Book twice over , and said that he found nothing amiss in it . I know not what Mr. Attorney said to him ; nor what he may say of Mr. Attorney , now he is dead : This I am sure of , and 't is well known to some of your Lordships , he said far otherwise in open Court. ( 4 ) He says , That his Book was Licensed to the Press , and after that seized , and that the Messenger told him it was done by me . This was done by Warrant of the High Commission , not by me : Nor doth he offer any Proof against me , but that the Messenger told him so ; which is a bare Hearsay , and no Proof . ( 5 ) Then he says , That there was another Order given about his Business , and that I did it . But he brings no Proof for this , but that Mr. Ingram , the then Keeper of the Fleet , told him so . But this is as bare a Hearsay as the former , and Mr. Ingram not produced to make out the Proof . ( 6 ) Then he says , He writ me a Letter , and that I sent it to Mr. Attorney , to have him yet farther proceeded against . 'T is true , my Lords , he did Write unto me ; but whether it were a Letter , or a Libel , I leave other Men to Judge . This Letter I did send to Mr. Attorney ; but only to let him see how I was used , not to have any farther proceeding against him . But Mr. Attorny was so moved at the sight of it , that when he saw me next , he told me he would call him Ore tenus for it . Therefore it seems , somewhat was very much amiss in it , call the Writing what you will. ( 7 ) He says , Mr. Attorney thought he had not kept the Letter ; but he was deceived , for he had it . But how was Mr. Attorney deceived ? I 'le tell your Lordships what himself told me . When Mr. Attorney saw that I would not agree to any farther Prosecution , he sent for Mr. Pryn , shewed him the Letter , and thought after he had Read it to give him some good Counsel , to desist from that Libelling Humour of his . But Mr. Pryn , after he had got the Letter into his Hands , went to the Window , as if he meant to read it , and while Mr. Attorney was otherwise busied , he tare it into small Pieces , and threw it out at the Window , and then said unto him , This shall never rise in Judgment against me . Now he confesses he hath the Letter still , and that Mr. Attorney was deceived : Belike he tare some other Paper for it , and put the Letter in his Pocket . But that you may see the Honesty of this Man , and what Conscience he makes of that which he speaks upon his Oath ; Here he says he had the Letter still , and that Mr. Attorney was deceived : And yet after this , when he sets out his Breviate of my Life ; he confesses , in an unsavoury Marginal Note , That he Tare it , Mr. Attorney having need of such a Paper . And for this Breviate of his , if God lend me Life and Strength to end this first , I shall discover to the World the Base and Malicious Slanders with which it is fraught . ( 8 ) He went on , and said , There was an Order made against him when Term was done , so that he could have no Remedy . This is directly against the Court and their Order , not against me . ( 9 ) Then he cites out of the Epistle before my Speech in the Star-Chamber , that I Censured him for having his Hand in the Pamphlets of those times , and yet was doubtful of it . The Words are ; For I doubt his Pen is in all the Pamphlets . But first , 't is acknowledged I gave no Vote at all in his Censure : And if I did not Judicially Censure him , then sure I was not doubtful , and yet Censured . Secondly , he was Censured upon his own Pamphlet : And his Hand was certainly in his own , what doubt soever I might make of it's being in theirs . And Thirdly , if the Words be extended to their Pamphlets also , that 's nothing to prove I doubted of the Justness of the Sentence . For the Words are not , I doubt his Pen is in all those Pamphlets of Mr. Burton , and Dr. Bastwick ; but in all the Pamphlets , whether their Libels , or any others ; so I might be doubtful of the one , and yet certain enough of the other . ( 10 ) And whereas he adds , That he was joyntly Charged with Dr. Bastwick and Mr. Burton , yet could not be suffered to speak together for a joynt Answer ; and that his Cross Bill was refused . All this was done by the Court of Star-Chamber ; not by me . And your Lordships know well the Lord Keeper managed the Affairs of that Court , not I. ( 11 ) Then he says , That at last , Mr. Holt came to him , but was threatned that very Afternoon for it . But he doth not tell your Lordships by whom ; and for my part more than civil giving him the time of the Day , I never spake with him in all my Life . ( 12 ) He tells your Lordships next , how he passed through Coventry , ( to which I have spoken already ) and how through Chester , and how some Chester men were used concerning him , and his entertainment . But , my Lords , whatsoever was done in this , was by the High-Commission at York ; and if any thing be therein amiss , they must answer that did it . ( 13 ) Lastly , he spake of sending Sir William Balfore to me , and some other like Particulars . Of all which there is no Proof , but a bare Relation , what Mr. Hungerford , Mr. Ingram and Sir William Balfore said ; which is all Hearsay , and makes no Evidence , unless they were present to Witness what is said . And here give me leave to observe , that Mr. Pryn hath in this Charge woven together all that he cou'd say concerning both Causes , for which he was Censured : For in the third Particular he speaks of his Book , for which he was first Censured ; and in the Ninth and Tenth of his Cross-Bill , and the like , which were in his second Cause . 6. The sixth Witness was Mr. Burton , a Party too . For that which he said agreeable to Mr. Pryn , it received the same Answer . And he added nothing new , but that his Wife was kept from him by Warrant from the Lords : And if it was by the Lords Order , then was it not by me . And when it was replyed , that till he was Sentenced to Garnsey , his Wife had access to him : Mr. Burton answered , Yea ; but , my Lords , she was not suffered to be with me at Nights . At which the Lords fell a Laughing , and there ended his Charge . 7. The last Witness was Mrs. Bastwick : And she also said nothing different from Mr. Pryn ; but that she was kept from her Husband , and that she Petitioned the Lords about it : But of me in particular , not one Word . And though Mr. Brown , in his last Reply upon me , said , The Time of these Mens Censure was the noted Time of the Oppression of the Subjects Liberty ; yet I shall crave leave to say of these Men , as S. Augustin once said of two great Donatists in his time , who ( it seems ) had received some Sentence , and afterwards a return , not altogether unlike these Men : ( They were Felicianus and Pretextatus ; ) of those thus S. Augustin , If these Men were Innocent , why were they so Condemned ? And if they were Guilty , why were they with such Honour returned , and received ? This applies it self . And here I am willing to put the Reader in Mind too , that Mr. Brown drawing up an exact Summ of my Charge , and pressing it hard against me , to my Remembrance ( and I think my Notes could not have slipped it ) passed by this Charge concerning Mr. Pryn ; and I cannot but think , he had some Reason for it . This tedious Charge being over , the World ran round , and I was brought back again to another Charge about demolishing the Houses at St : Pauls ; and here three Witnesses more came against me . 1. The first was Mr. Bently . He said , there were above Sixty Houses pulled down . I Answered , I know not the number ; but if there were so many , the Recompence given was sufficient for more . He said farther , That there was Twenty Yards between the Church and some of the Houses . There were very few , if any such ( let him look to his Oath ; ) but then some were close upon the Wall of the Church . And suppose all had been Twenty Yards distant ; that was not room enough to bring in , and Lodge Materials for the Repair , and to turn the Carriages . And here again I made mention of my Salvo , before desired , for the Record of Ed. 3. touching the like Buildings , and their Demolition . 2. The second Witness was Mr. Goare . For the Sixty Houses as was before testified ; I gave the same Answer ; as also , that the Act of the Council-Table cannot be said to be my Act. For St. Gregory's Church , they were not left without a Place for Divine Service , ( as he would fain have it thought : ) For they were assigned to a part of Christ-Church , till another Church might be built for them . And for the pulling down of St. Gregory's , 't is well known to divers of that Parish , that I was not so much as one of the Referees , to whose view and consideration it was referred . But the Truth is , this Man Rented the Parsonage-House , and had a good Penniworth of it to gain by his Under-Tenant . The going down of that House troubles him , and not the Church . 3. The Third Witness , Walter Biggs , says nothing different from the two former ; but that I said I was opposed for the pulling down of the Houses . Whence it was inferred , that it was my Act ; because I was opposed . But , my Lords , I hope I might say [ I was Opposed ] without any Offence , or without taking the Order of the Council-Table to my self : For 't is well known , the Work of that Repair , under God , was mine ; and I took no indirect , no oppressing Way to it ; nor can I now be ashamed of that , which in future times , in despight of the present Malice , will be my Honour . So that the Care of the Work lying upon me , I might well say I was opposed , though the Opposition went higher , against the Orders of the Lords . The last Charge of this Day , was about the putting down of two Brewers in Westminster , because the Excessive and Noysom Smoak from thence much annoyed the King's House , Gardens and Park at St. James . These two were Mr : Bond , and Mr : Arnold . 1. For Mr. Bond , he begins with somewhat that I should say at the Council-Table : As Namely , that he must Seal a Bond of two Thousand Pounds , to Brew no more with Sea-Coal . Now this argues , if I did so speak , that it was in delivering to him the Sense of the Board ; which Office ( as I have before expressed , and is well known ) was usually put upon me , if I were present . And your Lordships may here again see , what Envy hath followed me upon that , which I could not decline . He says farther , that upon this Mr. Attorney Banks proceeded against him in the Exchequer ; That there , upon some occasion , the Lord Chief Baron should say , ye are wise Witnesses for the King ; That his Councel were forbid to Plead ; and so a Verdict passed for the King. All this is nothing to me ; I was neither Chief Baron nor Witness , nor one of the Jury that gave the Verdict . He says , he was informed , that there was an Order of Council made , that no Man should put up a Petition for him . But himself doth not so much as mention , that this Order was procured by me : And it is but a Report that no Petition might be delivered for him ; and none of them that told him so , produced for proof : So he scandalizes the Lords by Hearsay . Next he says , that the King graciously sent him with a Reference to the Council for satisfaction . First , I must believe , if he were so sent , the Wrong being only the Kings , and he willing he should have satisfaction however for his Loss ; that the Lords would never refuse in such a Case , whatsoever is here said to the contrary . Secondly , it may be observed , how Gracious the King was to the Subject ; that though the Annoyance was great to that House of his Recreation and retiring near the City ; yet he would not have Mr. Bond suffer without satisfaction : Notwithstanding which Goodness of the King , he comes into this great Court ; and so he may have a Blow at me , blasts ( as much in him lies ) all the King's Proceedings , under the Name of Oppression , and that in a high degree . He says also , That a Friend of his perswaded him to come to me , and offer me somewhat to St. Pauls ; and that he did come to me accordingly , and that I said I must have of him a Thousand Pounds to St. Pauls ; That he was not unwilling to give it , because his Brewing was worth twice as much to him . My Lords , I humbly desire your Lordships to consider this part of the Charge well . First , what Friend of his this was , that came so to him , he says not , nor do I know , and so have no possibility to Examine . Secondly , he says , not that I sent this Friend of his to him , thus to advise him ; and then his coming no way concerns me . Thirdly , when he was come upon this Friend's perswasion , if he were willing to give a Thousand Pounds to St. Pauls , in regard of his double gain from his Brew-House , as himself confesses ; I do not see ( under Favour ) what Crime or Oppression is in it . Lastly , I remember none of this , and let him well weigh his Oath with himself : For I cannot call to mind one Penny that he gave to St. Pauls : Nor yet shall I ever think it a Sin , to take a Thousand Pounds to such a work , from any Rich and Able Man that shall voluntarily offer it ; especially upon hope of gaining twice as much . To make this Charge the heavier , He says , I sent him to the Queen-Mother , who lay then at St. James's ; and that there he was laboured by some about her to change his Religion , and then he should have all Favour . This is a bold Oath ; let him look to it , for I sent him not . It may be I might tell him , that if the Queen Mother were offended with the Annoyance from his House , it would not be in my power to help him ; which was true . And that about his Religion , was added , to make your Lordships think , that I sent him thither for that purpose : But God be thanked , this Witness says not any one word tending that way . And for the Queen Mother , since she is thus mentioned , I shall crave leave to say two things : The one , that I did both in open Council , and privately , oppose her coming into England , with all the strength I had ; though little to my own ease , as I after found : The other , that after she was come , the Lords of the Council went in a Body to do their Duty to her : That time I could not but go ; but never either before or after was I with her . Then he concludes , that there was a Capias out for him , and that he was fain to make an Escape by Night , which he did to Alderman Pennington , who very Nobly Succoured him privately in his House . All which concerns me nothing . 2. The other Witness is Mr. Arnold ; who told as long a Tale as this , to as little purpose . He speaks of three Brew-Houses in Westminster , all to be put down , or not brew with Sea-Coal ; That Secretary Windebanck gave the Order . Thus far it concerns not me . He added , that I told him they burnt Sea-Coal : I said indeed , I was informed they did ; and that I hope was no Offence . He says , that upon Sir John Banks his new Information , four Lords were appointed to view the Brew-Houses , and what they burnt . But I was none of the four , nor did I make any Report , for or against . He says , Mr. Attorney Banks came one day over to him , and told him that his House annoyed Lambeth , and that I sent him over . The Truth is this ; Mr. Attorney came one-day over to Dine with me at Lambeth , and walking in the Garden before Dinner , we were very sufficiently annoyed from a Brew-House ; the Wind bringing over so much Smoak , as made us leave the place . Upon this Mr. Attorney asked me , why I would not shew my self more against those Brew-Houses , being more annoyed by them than any other ? I replyed , I would never be a means to undo any Man , or put him from his Trade , to free my self from Smoak . And this Witness doth after confess , that I said the same words to himself . Mr. Attorney at our parting said , he would call in at the Brew-House : I left him to do as he pleased , but sent him not : And I humbly desire Mr. Attorney may be Examined of the Truth of this . He farther says , that he came over to me to Lambeth , and confesses the words before mentioned ; and that he offer'd me Ten Pound Yearly to St. Pauls , and that I said he might give Twenty . He says , that I sent him to Mr. Attorney ; but withal told him , that if he found not such favour as I wished him , it was a sign he had more powerful Adversaries than my Friendship could take off . In all this I cannot see what Fault I have committed . And I foretold him Truth : For though the Business were after referred to Mr. Attorney and my self , ( as himself says ; ) yet we were not able to end it . Then he says , I would not suffer Sir Edw. Powell , Master of the Requests , to deliver his Petition to the King. But first , this is but Sir Edw. Powell's Report , and so no Proof , unless he were produced to justifie it . Secondly , the World knows I had no power in Sir Edward : He would then willingly have delivered Petition , or any thing else , that he thought might hurt me : And the Cause is known . Lastly , He says , Mr. Attorney sent out a Capias for him ; that the Sheriff came by force to take him , and what hard shift he made to escape : That after upon his Petition , the Lords gave him six Months time to provide himself elsewhere ; and that he was fain to give Five-Hundred-Pound-Bond not to Brew there . To all this I then said , and say still : First , here 's no one thing Charged upon me in particular . Secondly , here 's not a word of my Advice or Endeavour to set on Mr. Attorney , or to move the Lords to any thing against him . And whereas it hath been urged , that my Power was such , that I sway'd the Lords to go my way : This cannot be said , without laying an Imputation upon the Lords , as if they could so easily be over-wrought by any one Man , and that against Law ; which is a most unworthy Aspersion upon Men of Honour . And if all this were true , it is but Treason against a Brew-House . Nor yet may this be called slighting of any Evidence , which is but to Answer home in my own just Defence . And out of this I gave my Answer to Mr. Brown's summary Charge against me in the House of Commons , for that which concerned these two Brewers . And here , before I close this day , give me leave , I beseech your Lordships , to observe two things . First , that here have been thirteen Witnesses at least produced in their own Cause . Secondly , that whereas here have been so many things urged this day about the Star-Chamber and the Council-Table ; the Act made this Parliament , for the Regulating of the one , and the taking away of the other , takes no notice of any thing past ; and yet Acts past ( and those Joynt-Acts of the Council , and not mine ) are urged as Treasonable , or conducing to Treason , against me . Nay , the Act is so far from looking back , or making such Offences Treason , as that if any offend in future , and that several times , yet the Act makes it but Misdemeanour , and prescribes Punishments accordingly . CAP. XXVI . The Fifth Day of my Hearing . THE first Charge of this Day was concerning the Indictment of Mr : Newcommin , a Minister at Colchester , for refusing to Administer the Sacrament , but at the Rails ; and the Prosecution , which followed against Burrowes for this . The two Witnesses of the Particulars , are Burrowes and Mr. Aske . 1. The Testimony which Burrowes gave , was ; That Mr. Newcommin would not Administer the Communion , but at the Rail ; That he Indicted him for receiving it there ; That the Foreman threw it out , &c. If Mr. Newcommin did this , Complaint might have been made of him ; but howsoever here 's no one word of any Command from me . And it seems the Factious Malice of Burrowes was seen , that the Foreman at first threw away the Indictment . He says , that upon this he was called into the High Commission ; A Warrant from me ; His House beset ; Stockdall left the Warrant with the Mayor ; A Habeas Corpus not obeyed . The Warrant , by which he was detained , was from the High Commission , not from me : And himself says , there were six or seven Hands to the Warrant . But then he says , my Hand alone was to another Warrant ; which is impossible , for there must be three Hands at the least , or no Warrant can issue out : And all his Proof of this latter is , that he saw my Hand ; which I hope he may do , though other Hands besides mine were to it . For the Habeas Corpus , if the Mayor said ( for so Burrowes adds ) he would obey my Warrant , rather than the King 's Writ , because it came first ; he was extreamly ill advised : But if a Mayor of a Town give an undiscreet , or a worse Answer , I hope that shall not be imputed to me . And if there be any thing in this Business , why is not 〈◊〉 the Messenger produced , that knows those Proceedings ? Lastly , he speaks of a Letter sent to Judge Crawlye , and shew'd to Judge Hutton . But first , he says not , that Letter was sent by me , or by my means . Secondly , he names not the Contents of the Letter ; without which , no Man can tell , whether it Charge any thing upon me or not . And until the Letter be produced , or sufficiently witnessed , ( neither of which is offer'd ) 't is but like a written Hearsay . And I humbly pray you to observe from himself , that the two Reverend Judges looking into the Business , said , it was a meer Cheat for Money , and returned him back to Colchester : Which is a Proof too , that the Habeas Corpus was obeyed ; for if he were not brought up before them , how could he be returned by them ? 2. Then Mr. Aske , the second Witness , was produced . He said there came Players to Town , and that some , which said they came from me , were taken in a Tavern upon Easter-Eve at unseasonable Hours . I know not of any that were sent from me : But if any were , and kept any disorder in the Town , especially at such a time , Mr. Aske did very well to question them . He says , that upon the Matter I referred him twice to Sir John Lambe , and that at the second time he found the Plot was to make him an instrument about the Rails , which he absolutely refused . I did refer him ( and it may be twice ) to Sir John Lambe ; but if Sir John spake to him about the Rails , he had no Commission from me so to do . I understood Mr : Aske too well , to offer to make him an instrument in such a Business . His Zeal would have set the Rails on fire , so soon as ever he had come near them . Next he says , that Mr. Newcommin was indicted , as is aforesaid , and that Indictment found : That Letters missive were sent for him and his Wife , by Stockdall . If Letters Missive by Stockdall , then they were sent by the High Commission , whose Joynt Act cannot be Charged upon me : And if any thing can be proved , why is not Stockdall produced ? He says , that he went into Holland to avoid the Oath Ex Officio . The Oath Ex Officio was then the Common , and for ought I yet know , then the Legal Course of that Court : So I could not help the Tender of that Oath unto them , had they stayed and appeared . But the Truth is , he was too guilty to appear ; for his Wife was a Separatist , and himself confesses , that she came not to the Prayers of the Church . And as for him , I ever found him the great maintainer of all wilful opposition against the Church . He farther says , he came to me to Croyden ; and that there I told him he might have put the Indictment against Mr. Newcommin in his Pocket . Indeed , my Lords , if I did say so , I think I spake it truly . For if he had born any respect to the Reputation of the Clergy , I think he might have Pocketted it for one Sessions , without any prejudice at all to the Law , or any thing else . God knows , this is often done . And if thereupon I added ( as Mr. Aske says I did , ) That if he were so strictly set against Church-Men in the Temporal Courts , he must look for as strict Proceedings in the High Commission ; I see no great Crime in it : For we are as strictly bound to Prosecute in the one , as he was in the other . And if his Clerk ( as he says ) was attached , who Read the Indictment ; yet it is not said by himself , that he was Attached for reading it . And if it were so , that some Jurors were Attached , and not Mr. Aske's Clerk only , ( as Mr. Browne pressed it in the Summ of his Charge ) yet the Answer comes all to one . For no Witness says , these Jurors were called into the High Commission , for being Jurors , or discharging that Legal Duty . And then I hope a Man's being of a Jury shall not excuse him * for answering any Crime in any Court , that hath Power to call him : Provided he be not called off at the time of his Service , or while he is under the Priviledge of that Court , in which he is a Juror . And according to this I gave Mr. Browne my Answer . And howsoever , the Attachment goes of Course out from the Commission , and not from me . The second Charge of this Day was about the Censure which fell on the Inhabitants of Beckington in Sommersetshire , about their refusing to remove the Communion-Table according to the Order of their Diocesan : About which were produced three Witnesses , to whose Evidence I shall Answer in order . 1. The first was William Longe , who says he was Foreman of the Jury , when these Men were Indicted for a Riot ; and that as he conceives , the Parson spake with the Judge about it , which caused a sudden Verdict . The Parson of the Place spake with the Judge , and he conceives that produced a sudden Verdict : First , he doth but conceive so , and that can make no Proof . If it did make Proof , 't is only against the Parson , not against me . And if the Parson speaking of it , did say , ( as Mr. Longe affirms he did ) That this Riot was like a Waldensian , or Swisserland Commotion ; He must answer for his own Distempered Language ; me it cannot concern . 2. The second Witness was George Longe . He says , The Bishop of Bath Commanded the Communion-Table to be removed , and set at the upper end of the Chancel ; that the Church-Wardens refusing , were Excommunicated : But he says withal , that they Appealed to the Arches , and had remedy . Then he adds farther , that the Bishop proceeded again , but the Church-Wardens would not remove it , saying it was an Innovation , and against Law. But , my Lords , 't is neither : And therefore these Church-Wardens were in a great Contempt against their Bishop , to the ill Example of all that Country . And that it is no Innovation against Law , appears by the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth , where it is Commanded Expresly to be set there . The Words are : The Holy Table in every Church ( not Cathedrals only ) shall be decently made , and set in the place where the Altar stood . Now all Men know , that with us in England the Altar stood North and South , at the upper end of the Chancel : And to set it East , and West , had been cross the place where the Altar stood , and not in it . And this being Law in the beginning of the Reformation , cannot now be an Innovation . When they came to me again ( as they say they did ) if I then told them , they deserved to be laid by the Heels for the Contempt of their Bishop ; under Favour , my Lords , I spake Truth . And give me leave , I beseech you , to tell you this : It began to be a General Complaint , not of the Bishop of Bath only , but of other Bishops also , that they could do little or no Service in their several Countries , by reason of the Inhibitions which issued out of my Courts to stay their Proceedings . And I wanted no good Friends in Court to tell the King as much , when any thing was complained of . By this I was brought into great straights : Deny Appeals I might not : Frequent granting in my Courts destroyed in a manner the Bishops Jurisdictions . In this difficulty , seeing the wilfulness of these Men , and knowing they had received full benefit by their Appeal once already in the same Case ; I did refuse to hear any more of it ( unless there were new Matter ; ) but yet left them free to Appeal to the Delegats . For Mr. Hughes , the Parson there , if he gave ill Words , or laid violent Hands on any of his Neighbours , it concerns not me : Let him answer for what he hath said , or done . 'T is farther said , That Mr. Hughes was with me at Windsor , and had Letters from me to the Lord Chief Justice Finch . But this Witness delivers not this upon his own knowledge ; I sent no Letter by him , nor did he see me send by any other : So this is meerly a Report , and he doth not so much as tell from whom . Yea , but then he says , that Mr. Morgan ( a Man inward with the Judge ) told him , that the Judge told him , that the little Man had put a spoke in their Cart ; and thereupon ( as he conceives ) the Petty-Jury was Changed . Here are , if your Lordships mark them , two great Proofs . The one is the Witnesses Report of Mr. Morgan's Report , that the Judge had said so of me : But why is not Mr. Morgan produced to clear this ? The other is not the Knowledge , but the Conceit only of the Witness : He conceives , which I am Confident cannot sway with your Lordships for a Proof . Besides , were Mr. Morgan never so inward with that Judge , yet it follows not , that he must know all . And if that Judge did mean me ( for Name me he did not , ) he did me the more wrong . For I never desired any thing of any Judge , him , or other , but what was according to Law. Nay , I so expressed my self , as that , if by mistake or misinformation I had desired any thing which was not according to Law ; I humbly desired my Motion might be , as if it had never been made . 3. The third Witness is Mr. Jo. Ash. That which this Gentleman says , is , That Sir John Lambe told , that the Man which came about that Business , could have no Appeal admitted without me ; and that if he would be so troublesome , he should be laid by the Heels . I have given your Lordships an Account , why he could not have an Appeal without me : He had had the benefit of an Appeal before in the same Cause . And for this Witness , he delivers no knowledge of his own ; but only he says , the Man imployed , related it to him : So 't is a Relation , no Proof . He says , the Penance was injoyned them in three Churches . And truly , my Lords , their Disobedience to their Bishop was great ; but if the Penance injoyned were too heavy , it was the Act of their own Bishop , not mine . Then he says , that the Lord Finch told him , another powerful Hand was upon him , intimating me . First , this is no knowledge of the Witness , but a Speech of the Lord Finch . Secondly , if the Lord Finch did say so , of a powerful Hand , he wronged me much , but himself more , to confess he could be drawn awry in Judgment . Thirdly , this Witness says not that he named me , but that he Intimated me : I pray your Lordships Judgment , what a forward Witness this Man is , that can upon Oath deliver what is Intimated , and of whom . He says farther , That upon Petition to Sir William Portman , for some Assistance , the Bishop of Bath laid all upon me ; and that when himself came to me at the Tower , since my Restraint , I told him the Bishop of Bath did like an Obedient Bishop to his Metropolitan . For this , my Lords , here is no Proof , that the Bishop laid this Business upon me , but Sir William Portman's Report . Sir William is a worthy Gentleman ; why is not he produced ? Why is not the Bishop , that is said to lay all upon me , brought into the Court , that he may clear himself and me , if he said it not ; or that I may make him ashamed , if he said it ? For 't is confessed , that in the first Business , the Church-Wardens had Remedy by their Appeal to me ; but that then the Bishop began again , as the former Witness declared : Nor knew I any thing of this Business till the Appeal came . As for my Answer to himself , that , under Favour , is quite mistaken : For I did not say , That in this Particular , but that in his General Proceedings in his Diocess , the Bishop of Bath carried himself like an Obedient Bishop to his Metropolitan . Nor can my Words be drawn to mean this Particular : For how could I say , that in this Particular he carried himself like an Obedient Bishop to me , when after Remedy given to these Men by their first Appeal into my Court , he began with them again upon the same Cause ? Besides , my Lords , this is not the first time Mr. Ash hath mistaken me . Mr. Browne in summing up this Charge against me , falls twice very heavily upon this Business of Beckington . First , for the point of Religion : And there he Quoted a passage out of my Speech in the Star-Chamber , where I do reserve the indifferency of the standing of the Communion-Table either way ; and yet ( saith he ) they were thus heavily Sentenced for that , which I my self hold indifferent . But first , this Sentence was laid upon them by their own Bishop , not by me . Secondly , the more indifferent the thing was , the greater was their Contumacy to disobey their Ordinary : And had it not been a thing so indifferent , and without danger of advancing Popery , would Queen Elizabeth , who banished Popery out of the Kingdom , have endured it in her own Chappel all her time ? Thirdly , the heaviness of the Sentence so much complained of , was but to confess their Contumacy in three Churches of the Diocess , to Example other Men's Obedience . Secondly , for the same Point , as it contained Matter against Law , I answered Mr. Browne , as I had before answered the Lords . The third Charge was about certain Houses given to S. Edmunds Lumbard-street , where old Mr. Pagett is Parson . The Witnesses are Two. 1. The first is Mr. Symms ; who says , that after a Verdict , Mr. Pagett the Incumbent , upon a pretenc , that these Tenements were Church-Land , got a Reference to the Lord Bishop of London , then Lord Treasurer , and my self . My Lords , we procured not the Reference : But when it was brought to us under the King's Hand , we could not refuse to sit upon it . Upon full Hearing we were satisfied , that the Cause was not rightly stated , and therefore we referred them to the Law again for another Tryal ; and for Costs to the Barons of that Court. And this was the Answer which I gave to Mr. Browne , when he instanced in this Case . He says , the Houses were given to Superstitious Vses . But Possessions are not to be carried away for saying so . If Men may get Land from others , by saying it was given to Superstitious Uses , they may get an easie Purchase . And Mr. Symms is here in his own Case : But whether the Houses were given to Superstitious Uses , or not , is the thing to be tryed in Law , and not to be Pleaded to us . He complains , that I would not hear his Petition alone : And surely , my Lords , I had no reason , since it was referred to another with me . And yet I see , though I was not in the Reference alone , nor would hear it alone , yet I must be alone in the Treason . And here I desired that Mr. Pagett , the Incumbent , might be heard . 2. The other Witness , was Mr. Barnard . He says , he was present at the Hearing , and that Mr. Symms said he was undone , if he must go to a new Tryal . But , my Lords , so many Men say , that by their troublesomness in Law-Suits go about to undo others . He says , that Mr. Pagett named his own Referees . If that be so , 't is no fault of mine . He says , the Reference was made to us only to Certifie , not to make any Order in it . If this be so , here 's no Proof so much as offer'd , that we did not Certifie , as we were required ; and then had Power given to order it , which we did . And he confesses the Councel on both sides had full Hearing , before ought was done . The Fourth Charge of this Day was concerning the Imprisonment of one Grafton , an Upholster in London . The Witnesses Three . Of which , 1. The first is Grafton , in his own Cause ; and 't is much if he cannot tell a plausible Tale for himself . He says first , That twelve Years ago he was Committed , and Fined Fifty Pounds by other Commissioners . By others ( my Lords , ) therefore not by me : And an Act of the High Commission , by his own Words it appears to be . He says , He was continued in Prison by my procurement , as he verily believes . First , ( as he verily believes ) is no Proof . And the ground of his Belief is as weak : For he gives no reason of it , but this , That Dr. Ryves , the King's Advocate , spake with the Barons ; But he doth not say about what , or from whom . He adds farther , that Mr. Ingram , Keeper of the Fleet , would not give way to his Release , notwithstanding the Barons Orders , till he heard from me . Here 's no Man produced , that heard Mr. Ingram say so : Nor is Mr. Ingram himself brought to Testifie . Lastly , he says , that he then made Means in Court , and so repaired to the Barons again ; but all in vain : And that Baron Trevor cryed out , O the Bishop ! O the Bishop ! First , here 's a Confession of Means in Court made to the Judges : So belike , they may have Means made to them , so it be not by me . For the Particular , I did humbly desire , the Baron , being then present , might be asked . He was asked ; he blushed and fumbled , the Lords laughed , and I could not hear what he said . 2. The second Witness was Mr. Lenthall : But he said nothing , but that there was an Order for Grafton's Liberty ; which is not denied . 3. The third was Mr : Rivett . He says , that Mr. Ingram said , that Grafton was a Brownist , and must be brought into the Fleet again , because he did much hurt among the King's Subjects . This is a bare Report of a Speech of Mr. Ingram ; it no way concerns me . And a Separatist he is from the Church of England ; but whether a Brownist , or no , I cannot tell , there are so many Sects ( God help us . ) And much harm he hath done among weak People : For most true it is , which S. Cyril observes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That the Devil prepares these Schismatical Separations , that so much the more easily the Enemy may be received . As for this Man , he was in his way cunning enough ; for under pretence that he suffer'd by me , he got Madam Vantlett , and other of the French , to Negotiate with the Queens Majesty in his behalf . And this I found , that sometimes , when her Majesty knew not of it , they sent to the Barons for Favour for him . And yet I never heard , that Baron Trevor ever cryed out , O the French ! O the French ! Nor can I tell what stopped his Mouth in this Cry , and opened it so wide in the other , when we moved to defend our selves and our Proceedings . Where , I humbly desire , this Passage of the Law may be considered . In the Case of depraving the Common-Prayer Book ( so much Scorned and Vilified at this Day ) and for not coming to Church . The Words of the Law are ; For due Execution hereof , the Queens most Excellent Majesty , the Lords Temporal , and all the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled , do in God's Name earnestly require , and Charge all the Arch-Bishops , and Bishops , and other Ordinaries , that they shall endeavour to the uttermost of their Knowledge , that the due and true Execution hereof may be had throughout their Diocesses and Charges , as they will answer before God , &c. Now , if I do not this , here 's an apparent Breach of the Law : And if I do it against this common and great Depraver of this Book , then the Judge , who by this Law should assist me , Cries , O the Bishop ! and this Answer I gave Mr. Browne , when he Summ'd his Charge against me . The Fifth Charge of this Day , was Mr. John Ward 's Case , in a Suit about Symony in the High Commission . He says ( for he also is in his own Cause ; ) That upon a pretence of a Lapse by Symony , I procured a Presentation from the King to the Church of Dinnington . His Majesty trusted me with the Titles , which did accrew to him in that kind ; and because Symony had been so rife , Commanded me to be careful I might not betray this Trust ; and therefore the Symony being offer'd to be proved , I procured his Majesties Presentation for Tryal of the Title . And this I conceive was no Offence : Though this be that , which he calls , the heaviness of my Hand upon him . He farther says , That I sent to the Bishop of Norwich , to admit the King's Clerk , the Church being void , 7. Junij . 1638. Nor do I yet see , my Lords , what Crime it is in me , trusted especially as before , to send to the Bishop to admit , when the Church is void : Many Lay Patrons do that upon Allegation of Symony , before Proof : And Mr. Bland , produced as a Witness also , says , that the Lord Goring prevailed with the Lord Bishop of Norwich , not to admit . And I hope , an Arch-Bishop , and trusted therein by his Majesty , may as lawfully write to the Ordinary for Admission of the King's Clerk , as any Lay-Lord may write against it . But Mr. Ward says nothing to this of the Lord Goring ; but adds , That Sir John Rowse prevented this Admission by a Ne admittas , Junij . 12. And that thereupon I said , it was to no purpose for us to sit there , if after a long Tryal , and Judgment given , all might be stopped . If I did say so , I think it is a manifest Truth that I spake : For it were far better not to have Symony tryed at all in Ecclesiastical Courts , than after a long Tryal to have it called off into Westminster-Hall , to the double Charge and trouble of the Subject . But if the Law will have it otherwise , we cannot help that . Nor is this Expression of mine any Violation of the Law. Then he says , a Letter was directed from the Court of the High Commission , to the Judges , to revoke the Ne admittas ; and that I was forward to have the Letter sent . How forward soever I was , yet it is confessed the Letter was sent by the Court , not by me : And let the Letter be produced , it shall therein appear , that it was not to revoke the Ne Admittas , but to desire the Judges to consider , whether it were not fit to be revoked , considering the Church was not void till Junij 14. And it hath been usual in that Court , to Write or send some of their Body to the Temporal Judges , where they conceive there hath been a Misinformation , or a mistake in the Cause ; the Judges being still free to judge according to Law , both for the one and the other . And here he confesses the Writ of Ne admittas was revoked by three Judges , and therefore I think Legally . But here he hopes he hath found me in a Contradiction . For when I writ to the Bishop of Norwich , Junij 7. 1638. I there said the Church was void ; whereas this Letter to the Judges says , it was not void till Junij 14. But here is no Contradiction at all . For after the Tryal past , and the Symony proved , the Church is void to so much as the Bishop's giving of Institution ; and so I writ Junij 7. But till the Sentence was pronounced in open Court , and Read , the Church was not void , as touching those Legalities , which ( as I humbly conceive ) do not till then take place in Westminster-Hall : And the Reading of the Sentence was not till Junij 14. However , if I were mistaken in my own private Letter to the Bishop ; yet that was better thought on , in the Letter from the High Commission to the Judges . He says lastly , That upon a Quare Impedit after taken forth , it was found that the King had no Right . Why , my Lords , if different Courts judge differently of Symony , I hope that shall not be imputed to me . In the Court , where I sate , I judged according to my Conscience , and the Law , and the Proof , as it appeared to me . And for Dr. Ryve's his Letter , which he says was sent to the Cursitor to stop the Ne admittas ; Let Dr. Ryves answer it : The Witness himself confesses , that Dr. Ryves says , the Command to the Cursitor , was from the Lord Keeper , not from me . And here ends the Treason against Mr. Ward ; and till now I did not think any could have been committed against a Minister . Then follow'd the Case of Ferdinando Adams his Excommunication , and the Suits which followed it : As it will appear * in the Witnesses following , which were four . 1. The first was Mr : Hen. Dade , the Commissary then , before whom the Cause began : And he confesses , He did Excommunicate Adams for not blotting out a Sentence of Scripture , which the said Adams had caused to be written upon the Church-Wall , as in many Churches Sentences of 〈◊〉 are written . But he tells your Lordships too , that this Sentence was , My House shall be called the House of Prayer ; but ye have made it a Den of Thieves . The Commissary's Court was kept ( as usually it is ) at , or toward the West-end of the Church : And just over the Court Adams had written this Sentence upon the Wall , meerly to put a scorn and a scandal ( though I hope an unjust one ) upon that Court. He was commanded to blot it out . He would not , because it was Scripture ; as if a Man might not Revile and Slander , nay speak Treason too ( if he will be so wicked ) and all in Scripture-Phrase : Witness that lewd Speech lately utter'd , To your Tents O Israel , &c. Upon this he was Excommunicated , and I cannot but think he well deserved it . For the Suit which followed against Mr. Dade in the Star-Chamber ; the Motion , that Mr. Attorney would leave him to the common Prosecutor , and not follow it in his own Name , himself confesses was made in open Court by Mr. Bierly , and that from me he had no Instructions at all . 2. The second Witness , is Adams in his own Cause . To the place of Scripture I have spoken already . And the next that he says , is , That Sir Nath. Brent , in my Visitation , commanded the setting of the Communion Table at the upper end of the Chancel ; That upon his not blotting out the passage of Scripture , he had an Action , and that his Solicitor was Committed by J. Jones , till he relinquished his Suit. In all this , there is not one word of any thing that I did . And for that which Sir Nath. Brent did about placing the Communion Table , 't is * answered before . He says also , that when he saw that he must Prosecute his Suit against Commissary Dade in his own Name , he left the Kingdom . And surely , my Lords , if he would leave the Kingdom rather than Prosecute his Cause in his own Name , 't is more than a sign , that his Cause was not very good . 3. The third Witness was Mr. Cockshot , one of Mr. Attorney Banks his Servants . He says , that Adams moved him , and he Mr. Attorney , and that thereupon Mr. Attorney gave his Warrant against Dade . By which your Lordships may see , how active Mr. Cockshot was against a Church-Officer , and in so foul a Scandal . He says also , that Mr. Dade came to Mr. Attorney , and told him , that I did not think it fit , a Prosecution in such a Cause should be followed in Mr. Attorney's Name . First , 't is true , I did not think it fit ; nor did Mr. Attorney himself , when upon Mr. Bierlye's Motion he fully understood it . Secondly , the Cause being so scandalous to a Church-Officer , I conceive I might so say to Mr. Dade , or any other , without offence . But then thirdly , here 's not one word that I sent Mr. Dade to Mr. Attorney about it : He came and used my Name , so Mr. Cockshot says ; but not one word that I sent him . Lastly , he says , That Mr. Attorney told him , that I blamed him for the business , and that thereupon he chid this Witness , and sent him to me , and that I rebuked him for it ; but he particularly remembers not what I said . Nor truly , my Lords , do I remember any of this . But if I did blame Mr. Attorney for lending his Name in such a Scandalous Cause as this , I did ( as I conceive ) what became me : And if he chid his Man , he did what became him : And if I rebuked Mr. Cockshot , when he was sent to me , sure he deserved it ; and it seems it was with no great sharpness , that he cannot remember any thing of it . And so I answer'd Mr. Browne , when he instanced in this . 4. The last Witness was Mr. Pryn ; who says , no Appeal was left him . But that , under Favour , cannot be : For if my Courts refused him ( which is more than I know , ) he might have Appealed to the Delegats . He says , That he advised Adams to an Action of the Case ; that he blamed Lechford for deserting the Suit ; and that he advised him to go to Mr. Attorney . So here 's no assistance wanting to Adams , but the Church-Officer Mr. Dade must have none . Yet I blame not Mr. Pryn , because he says he did it as his Councel . He says farther , That when Adams was put to prefer his Bill in his owne Name , that then the Excommunication was pleaded in Bar : But he doth not say it was pleaded by me , or my Advice ; nor do I hear him say , it was unjustly pleaded . And had not Adams been wilful , he might have taken off the Excommunication , and then proceeded as it had pleased him . Then the Charge went on against me , about the stop of Mr. Bagshawe the Reader of the Middle-Temple . The Witnesses are two Lawyers , which accompanied Mr. Bagshawe to Lambeth , Mr. White and Mr. Pepys . They say , that Mr. Bagshawe insisted upon these two points : First , that a Parliament might be held without Bishops ; and Secondly , that Bishops might not meddle in Civil affairs . My Lords , these things are now setled by an Act of this Parliament ; but then they were not . And I conceive , under Favour , that Mr. Bagshawe ( the Crasiness of these Times considered ) might have bestowed his time better upon some other Argument : And sure , no Man can think that either my self , or any Church-Governour , could approve his Judgment in that Particular . And whereas they say , that the Lord Keeper Finch , and the Lord Privy Seal told them , that I was the Man that complained of it to the King and the Lords . 'T is most true I did so ; and I think I had been much to blame if I had not done it . And if when they came over to Lambeth about it , they heard me tell Mr. Bagshawe ( as they also say they did ) that he should answer it in the High-Commission Court next Term ; I humbly conceive this no great Offence ; but out of all Question no Treason , to threaten the High-Commission to a Reader of the Inns of Court. The last Charge of this Day was concerning the Lord Chief Justice Richardson , and what he suffered for putting down Wakes and other disorderly Meetings , in Sommersetshire , at the Assises there holden . The single Witness to this is Edward Richardson , ( a Kinsman of the Judges , as I suppose . ) He says , That Complaints were made to the Judge of Wakes and Feasts of Dedication ; that his Majesty writ Letters about it to Sir Robert Philips , and others : They Certify a Command comes by the Lord Keeper to revoke the Order next Assises . First , 't is not done . Then by Command from the Lords of the Council , the Judge upon that second Command revokes it ; but as 't is Certified , not fitly . In all this here 's not one Word that concerns me . Then he says , That upon this last Certificate , the business was referred to the Lord Marshal and my self , and the Judge put from that Circuit . I cannot now remember , what Report we made : But what e're it was , the Lord Marshal agreed to it as well as I. Then a Letter of mine was produced of Octob. 4. 1633. But the Letter being openly read , nothing was found amiss in it . And , under your Lordships Favour , I am still of Opinion , that there is no Reason the Feasts should be taken away for some Abuses in them ; and those such as every Justice of Peace is able by Law to remedy , if he will do his Duty . Else by this kind of proceeding , we may go back to the old Cure , and Remedy Drunkenness by rooting out all the Vines ; the Wine of whose Fruit causes it . As for the Pretences , which this Witness spake of ; they were none of mine , as appears Evidently by the Letter it self . As an Appendix to these , was added a Letter of my Secretary Mr. Dell , to Sir John Bridgman , Chief Justice of Chester , in a Cause of one Ed. Morris . It was ( as I think it appears ) upon an Incroachment made in the Marches Court upon the Church : In which Case I conceive by my Place I may write to any Judge for Information : And there is nothing Peremptory in the Letter . The Words are ( If things be rightly suggested . ) But howsoever , the Letter is Dell's ; and if he have done amiss in it , he is here present to Answer . And it will be a hard business with Men of Honour , if , when any Lord shall Command his Secretary to Write , and give him Directions for the Matter , he shall afterwards be answerable for every slip of his Secretary's Pen ; especially in so high a way , as 't is Charged on me . But the best is , here 's nothing amiss , that I know . CAP. XXVII . The Sixth Day of my Hearing . THE First Charge of this Day concerned the Censure , Deprivation and Imprisonment of Mr : Huntly . The Witnesses produced are Four. 1. Mr. Merifield comes on first . He says , That himself was Committed by the Lords of the Council ; and that there I said , that he the said Merifield deserved to be laid by the Heels , and to be called into the Star-Chamber . This Man was ( as I take it ) Mr : Huntly's Attorney ; and if I did speak those Words concerning him , surely his Words and Carriage deserved it : Else I am confident the Lords would not have Committed him for a naked , and an orderly following of his Clyent 's Cause ; especially in the presence of two Judges , Justice Jones , and Justice Crook ; who he says himself were present . And this Answer I gave Mr : Brown ; who in the Sum of his Charge against me omitted not this Case of Mr : Merifield , for so was this Attorney's Name . 2. The next Witness is Mr : Huntly himself . He says , That I said unto him , that he being an Ecclesiastical Person , and in an Ecclesiastical Cause , ought not to decline the Church-Censure : Then followed his Imprisonment , and his Action for false Imprisonment , and the rest of his proceedings . In all which the High-Commission proceeded against him , and he proceeded against the High-Commissioners ; nothing done by me , or against me , in particular . So nothing of this Charge falls upon me , but the Words ; and for them , they are very far from offering to * Exempt any Clergyman , him or other , from the Temporal Laws , it things cognizable by them . But I humbly conceive , his Oath of Canonical Obedience considered , that he ought not to decline the Ecclesiastical Judicature , in things meerly Ecclesiastical . And if in this my Judgment I do Err , yet it is Error without Crime : And surely , my Lords , no Treason . 3. The Third Witness is John Dillingham . He says , That Mr : Huntly moved before the Lord Chief Justice Richardson , and that the Judge replyed , By his Faith he durst not do him Justice . To this , my Lords , I answer : Here 's never a Word , that he durst not do him Justice for fear of me ; that 's not said by the Witness , and ought not by Conjectures be inforced against me . But howsoever , if he spake those Words , the more shame for him . He is Dead , and I will not rake into his Grave ; but if he so spake , it seems he was none of those Judges , which Jethro advised Moses to make for the ease of himself , and the good of the People . Mr : Brown , in summing up of his Charge , pressed this Speech of the Judge hard upon me ; which inforces me to add thus much more , That this 〈◊〉 lays it hard upon the Judge , not upon me : For no Proof is offered , that I did Solicit him in that Cause : And if he wanted Courage to do Justice , why sat he there ? 4. The Fourth Witness was Mr : Pit , a sworn Officer ; he says , The Order concerning Mr : Huntly was from the Council , and that there was then a full Board . So this was no single Act of mine . He says farther , That he was not simply Prohibited , but only till he had acquainted the Lord Keeper with it , or those Judges , whose Courts it concerned . And this was so Ordered ( as I concelve ) to remedy the tedious and troublesome Interpositions of Mr : Huntly . Where it is not unfit for me to inform your Lordships , that this Cause of Mr : Huntly's was in my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Abbot his time ; I had nothing to do in it , but as any other ordinary Commissioner then present had . And here , at the entring upon my Answers this Day , I did in general put the Lords in mind , that nothing of late times was done , either in Star-Chamber , or at Council-Table , which was not done in King James and Queen Elizabeth's Times , before I was born ; and that many Parliaments have been since , and no Man accused of Misdemeanour for things done there , much less of Treason : Nor is there any one Witness , that hath charged me , That that which I did , was to overthrow the Laws , or to introduce Arbitrary Government : That 's only the Construction made on 't at the Bar ; which , as it is without all Proof for any such Intention , so I am confident they shall answer for it at another Bar , and for something else in these Proceedings . Then followed the Charge about Prohibitions : In which are many Particulars , which I shall take in Order , as the several Witnesses Charge them upon me . 1. The First is Mr : Pryn. He says , That An : 4 : Caroli he brought a Prohibition , and that thereupon I should say , Doth the King give us Power , and then are we prohibited ? Let us go and Complain . First , If this were An : 4 : Caroli , it was long before the Article ; so that I could neither expect the Charge , nor provide the Answer . Secondly , I humbly conceive , there 's no Offence in the Words . For if a Prohibition be unjustly granted upon Misinformation or otherwise ; or if we do probably conceive it is ill grounded , I hope 't is no Sin to complain of it to the King , the Fountain of Justice in both Courts . Yea ; but he says farther , That I said I would lay him by the Heels that brought the next . And this Mr : Burton witnesses with him . First , if I did say so , they were but a few hasty Words : For upon second thoughts it was not done . Next I desire your Lordships to consider what manner of Witness Mr : Burton is ; who confesses here before your Lordships , that he brought the next with a purpose to tempt me : You know whose Office that is ; and so Mr : Burton hath abundantly shewed himself , and proclaimed his Religion . 3. As for Mr : * Comes ; he says just the same with Mr : Pryn , and I give the same Answer . Then about taking down of a Pew in a Church in London , ( my Notes are uncertain for the Name ) which Pew was set above the Communion Table ; That I required to have it pulled down ; That they came to me to have an Order for it ; and that thereupon I should say , You desire an Order of Court , that you may have it to shew , and get a Prohibition ; But I will break the Back of Prohibitions , or they shall break mine . And this is joyntly Witnessed by Mr : Pocock , and Mr : Langham : And this they say was Thirteen or Fourteen Years ago . Excellent Memories , that can punctually swear Words so long after . But , my Lords , I confess to your Lordships , I could never like , that Seats should be set above the Communion Table : If that be any Error in me , be it so . For the Words , I did not speak them of Prohibitions in general , but of such as I did conceive very Illegal ; as , for ought I yet know , this must have been . And this was the Answer wich I gave Mr : Brown , when in Summing up the Charge he instanced in this against me . To these Rouland Tomson adds new Words ; That I wondered who durst grant a Prohibition , the High-Commission Court being above all . But he confesses , he knows not the time when this was spoken . Let him look to his Oath , for I am as Confident , he knows not the thing . And I farther believe , that neither he , nor any the rest of my Accusers think me so Ignorant , as to say , the High-Commission Court was above all . 7. Francis Nicolas says , that about Four Years since he delivered a Prohibition , and was committed for it . To this , Quaterman comes in , and says more than Nicolas himself : For he says , he delivered it in upon a Stick , and was Committed for it . First , if he were Committed , it was not for bringing the Prohibition , but for his unmannerly delivery of it ; and to reach it into the Court upon a Stick to call the People to see it , was no Handsom way of Delivery . And one that brought a Prohibition ( whether this Man or no , I cannot certainly say ) threw it with that violent Scorn into the Court , that it bounded on the Table , and hit me on the Breast , as I sat in Court. Howsoever , his Commitment was the Act of the Court , not mine : And for Quaterman , he is an Exasperated Man against me and that Court ; as hath appeared to the World many ways . 9. Mr : Edwards was called up next ; and he says , it was a common thing to lay them by the Heels , which brought Prohibitions . And they were commonly brought by bold impudent Men , picked out of purpose to affront the Court. And then if the Court made their Imprisonment as common as they their Rudeness , where 's the Fault ? And I pray mark , this is still the Act of the Court , not mine . 10. Mr. Welden says , That there was a Command given to lay hold of a Man , which brought a Prohibition : But more he says not . Nor did he offer to make himself Judge of the Justice of the Court in that behalf . And considering what Affronts have been put upon the Court of High Commission , by the bringers of Prohibitions , I hope it shall not be accounted a Crime to stay him that brings it , till the Prohibition be seen , and considered . 11. The next Witness is Mr. Ward : And he is an angry Witness , for his Cause before-mentioned about Symony . That which he says is , That An. 1638 , He that brought a Prohibition in a Cause of Mr. Foetroughts , was laid by the Heels : But he himself confesses , the Court then declared , that they were affronted by him : And then he was Punished for that Misdemeanour in his Carriage , not for bringing the Prohibition . He says farther , that I directed some Commissioners to attend the Judges about it , and that the Party had no benefit by his Prohibition . For my directing Attendance upon the Judges , I think I did what well became me : For there came a Rule before the Prohibition , which required the Court so to do ; And Mr. Pryn objected , because this was not done ; and now I am Accused , because I gave direction to do it . And if the Party had no benefit by his Prohibition ; it must needs follow , that either the Judges were satisfied by our Information of the Cause ; or , if not , that they did Mr. Foetrought the wrong , and not we . 12. The last Witness about Prohibitions , was Mr. Wheeler . He says , that in a Sermon of mine long since , I used these Words : They which grant Prohibitions to the Disturbance of the Churches Right ; God will prohibit their entrance into the Kingdom of Heaven : And he says he writ down the Words , that he might remember them . If this Gentleman will tell me , what Text I then Preached on , I will look upon my Sermon ( if that with my other Papers be not taken from me ; ) and shew the place . In the mean time , with that Limitation with which he confesses I spake them , I conceive there is no fault at all in the Words . For it will be found no small fault in Judges to grant Prohibitions to the Disturbance of the Rights of the Church , which no Law of God or Man warrants them to do . So the words I spake , must needs be understood of illegal Prohibitions . For they which are Legal , do only stop the Church from doing wrong , but do no wrong to the Church by disturbing her Rights . Mr. Browne charged this Sermon Note upon me also , and I gave him this Answer . Nevertheless , I cannot but be sorry to hear it from Mr. Wheeler's own Mouth ; that he was so careful to write this Passage , and so ready to come to witness it against me ; considering how many Years I have known him , and how freely he hath often come to my Table , and been welcome to me ; yet never told me , this Passage in my Sermon troubled him . It seems some Malignity or other laid it up against this wet Day . Here , having thus answered all Particulars ; I humbly craved leave of their Lordships , to inform them some few things concerning Prohibitions . As first , that there was a great Contestation about them , between my Predecessor , Arch-Bishop Bancroft , and the then Judges , and this before King James and the Lords of the Council ; and Mr. Atturney Hobart Pleaded for the Church against them . Sir Henry Martin gave me Copies of all those Papers on both sides . No final End made , that I could ever hear of . This calling them all in Question , was far more than ever was done by me , or in my time ; and yet no Accusation at all , much less any of Treason , put up against Arch-Bishop Bancroft for this . Secondly , I have here Papers Attested of all the Prohibitions , which have been admitted in my Courts of Arches , and Audience : And I find , there are as many ( if not more ) admitted in my Seven Years time , as in any Seven Years of my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Abbot . And these Papers I delivered into the Court. As for the High-Commission , the Records are all taken from us ; else I make no doubt , but it would soon appear by them , that as many have been admitted there also . Thirdly , There is a great difference touching Prohibitions , and the sending of them , since the Times of Reformation , and before . For before , the Bishops Courts were kept under a foreign Power , and there were then weighty Reasons for Prohibitions , both in regard of the King's Power , and the Subjects Indempnity . But since the Reformation , all Power Exercised in the Spiritual Courts , is from the King , as well as the Temporal ; so that now there neither is , nor can be so much Cause , as formerly was . And yet , all that I did humbly and earnestly desire , was , that some known Bounds might be set to each Court , that the Subject might not , to his great Trouble and Expence , be hurried , as now he was , from one Court to another . And here I desired a Salvo , till I might bring Arch-Bishop Parker's Book , to shew his Judgment in this Point , in the beginning of the Reformation , if it shall be thought needful : According to whose Judgment ( and he proves it at large ) there is open Wrong done to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by Prohibitions . The next Charge is about my undue taking of Gifts : A Charge , which I confess I did not think to meet here . And I must , and do humbly desire your Lordships to remember , that till this Day I have not been Accused , in the least , for doing any thing Corruptly : And if I would have had any thing to do in the base dirty Business of Bribery , I needed not have been in such Want as now I am . But my Innocency is far more to my Comfort , than any Wealth so gotten could have been . For I cannot forget that of Job , That Fire shall consume the Tabernacles of Bribery . And in the Roman Story , when P. Rutilius , a Man Summâ Innocentiâ , of greatest Integrity , was Accused , Condemned and Banished ; 't is observed by the Story , that he suffered all this , not for Bribery , of which he was not Guilty , but Ob Invidiam , for Envy ; against which , when it Rages , no Innocency , no Worth of any Man is able to stand . 1. But to come to the Particulars ; the first is the Case of Sir Edward Gresham's Son , unhappily Married against his Father's will ; a Suit in the High Commission about it ; and that there he had but Fifty Pounds Damages given him . That was no fault of mine ; my Vote gave him more , but it was carried against me . The Bond of two Hundred Pounds , which was taken according to * Course in the Court , was demanded of me by Sir Edward , to help himself that way ; and 't is confessed I granted it : But then 't is Charged , that in my Reference to Sir John Lambe , to deliver him the Bond , I required him to demand one half of the Forfeiture of the Bond , toward the Repair of St. Pauls . 'T is true , I did so . But First , I desire it may be considered , that it was wholly in my Power , whether I would have delivered him the Bond , or not . Secondly , That upon this gross Abuse , I might have sued the Bond in my own Name , and bestowed the Money upon what Charitable Uses I had thought fit . Thirdly , That I did nothing herein , but what the Letters-Patent for Repair of St. Pauls give me power to do . Fourthly , That this is the third time St. Pauls is urged against me : Which I am not sorry for , because I desire ( since 't is once moved ) it may be sifted 〈◊〉 the uttermost . And whereas , to make all Ecclesiastical Proceedings the more odious , it was urged , that the Rubrick in the Common-Prayer Book mentions no License , but asking of Banes ; That Rubrick is to be understood , where no License is granted : For else no License at all for Marriage without Banes-asking can be good ; which is against the Common , both Law , and Practice of the Kingdom . 2. The second Particular was Charged by one Mr. Stone , of London , who said , he sent into Lambeth two Butts of Sack , in a Cause of some Chester-Men , whom it was then in my Power to relieve , and mitigate their Fine set upon them in the High Commission at York , about Mr. Pryn's Entertainment , as he passed that way : And that this Sack was sent in before my Composition with him , what should be mitigated , and so before my return of the Fine mitigated into the Exchequer . The Business , my Lords , was thus . His Majesty having taken the Repair of the West End of St. Pauls to himself , granted me to that end all the Fines in the High-Commission Court , both here , and at York , and left the Power of Mitigation in me . The Chester-Men , which this Witness speaks of , were deeply Sentenced at York , for some Misdemeanours about Mr. Pryn , then lately Sentenced in the Star-Chamber . One , or more of them were Debtors to this Mr. Stone , to the value of near Three Thousand Pounds ( as he said . ) These Men , for fear of the Sentence , kept themselves close , and gave Mr. Stone to know , how it was with them ; and that if he could not get me to moderate the Fine , they would away , and save themselves ; ( for they had now heard the Power was in me . ) Upon this , Mr. Stone , to save his own Debt of three Thousand Pounds , sends his Son-in-Law , Mr. Wheat , and Dr. Bailie , Men that were bred in the College of S. John , under me , and had ever since good interest in me , to desire my Favour . I at first , thought this a pretence , and was willing to preserve to St. Pauls as much as fairly I might : But at last , upon their earnest pleading , that the Men were not Rich , and that Mr. Stone was like ( without any fault of his ) to be so much damnified ; I mitigated their Fines , which were in all above a Thousand Pounds , to two Hundred . I had great Thanks of all Hands ; and was told from the Chester-Men , that they heartily wished I had had the Hearing of their Cause from the beginning . While Mr. Wheat and his Brother Dr. Bailie were Soliciting me for Favour to Mr. Stone , He thinks upon sending Sack into my House , and comes to my Steward about it . My Steward acquaints me with it . I gave him absolute Command not to receive it , nor any thing from any Man that had Business before me : So he refuses to admit of any . Mr. Stone presses him again , and tells him , he had no Relation to the Chester-Men's Cause ; but would give it for the great Favour I had always shew'd to his Son-in-Law : But still I Commanded my Steward to receive none . When Mr : Stone saw he could not fasten it , he watches a time , when my Steward was out of Town , and my self at Court , and brings in his Sack , and tells the Yeoman of my Wine-Cellar , he had leave to lay it in . My Steward comes home ; finds the Sack in the Cellar ; tells me of it : I Commanded it should be taken out , and carried back . Then Mr. Stone comes ; intreats he may not be so Disgraced ; protests as before , that he did it meerly for my great Favour to his Son-in-Law ; and that he had no Relation to the Chester-Men's Business : And so after he protested to my self , meeting me in a Morning , as I was going over to the Star-Chamber . Yet afterwards this Religious Professour ( for so he carries himself ) goes Home , and puts the Price of the Sack upon the Chester-Men's Account . Hereupon they complain to the House of Commons , and Stone is their Witness . This is the truth of this Business , as I shall answer it to God. And whether this do not look like a thing Plotted by the Faction so much imbittered against me , let understanding Men judge . Mr. Wheat , his Son-in-Law , was present in Court , and there avowed , that he Transacted the Business with me , and that he went not out of Town , till I had agreed to the Mitigation ; that in all that time there was no Tender of Sack , or any thing else unto me ; and he , and Dr. Bailie , the only Men with whom I Transacted the whole Business . And so much could Dr. Bailie also witness , but that ( as the Times are ) I could not bring him from Oxford . With Mr. Stone himself , I never treated . For my Steward , he is dead three Years since , who could have been my Witness clean thorough the Business . And when I pressed Mr. Stone at the Bar with the Protestation , which he made to me , that he had no Relation herein to the Chester-Men ; he that remembred every Circumstance else , said he remembred not that . Then I offer'd to take my voluntary Oath of the Truth of it ; but that was not admitted . Then it was pressed , that this Bribe must needs be before the Agreement , for he says , the Sack was sent in to my House , ......... and the Mitigation of the Fine into the Exchequer not till ...... But that is nothing : For my Agreement was passed , and I medled no more with it . Yea , but he says , that Mr. Holford my Servant had Forty Pound more than I agreed upon , before he would finish their Business . Mr. Holford was the King's Officer for those Returns into the Exchequer : And if , after my Agreement made , he either unduely delaid their Business , or Corruptly took any Money from them , he is living , and must answer for his own Fault : Me it cannot concern , who did not so much as know of it . Mr. Wheat having thus testified in open Parliament , before the Lords , was within a Day or two called before the Committee ; there re-examined in private , and very strictly , touching the time of my Agreement made ; Then ( not without some Harshness ) Commanded not to depart the Town , till he heard farther from them . This himself afterwards told me . Hereupon I resolved to call him again for farther Evidence , and if I saw cause , to acquaint the Lords with this usage . And I did call upon it divers times after ; but one Delay or other was found , and I could never obtain it . And such a kind of calling my Witnesses to a private afterreckning , is that , which was never offer'd any Man in Parliament . And here Mr. Brown , in summing up my Charge , did me a great deal of Right : For neither to the Lords , nor in the House of Commons , did he vouchsafe so much as to name this false , base , and unworthy Charge ; of which my greatest Enemies are ready to acquit me . 3. The Third Particular was charged by one Mr. Delbridge ; Who says , he was oppressed at the Council-Table by the Lord Keeper Finch : That he was advised by Mr. Watkins , to give my Secretary Mr. Dell Money , to get my Hand to a Petition to the Lord Keeper , who he said would not oppose me : That Dell took of him One Hundred and Fifty Pounds , and procured my Hand to his Petition . I remember nothing of this Business , and it lies wholly upon my Secretary ; who being my Sollicitor , is here present in Court , and desires he may answer the Scandal . There 's no touch at all upon me , but that ( he says ) my Secretary got my Hand to his Petition to the Lord Keeper . This Petition of his was either just , or unjust . If just , I committed no Fault in setting my Hand to it : If unjust , he must confess himself a Dishonest Man , to offer to get my Hand , to help to Boulster out his Injustice : And yet if the Injustice of it were Varnished over with fair Pretences , and so kept from my knowledge ; the Crime is still his own , and nothing mine , but an Error at most . As for Mr. Watkins , he did me much wrong , if he sent any Man to my House on such an Errand . Here my Secretary had leave to speak ; denied the whole Business ; and produced Mr. Hollys , with whom it was said the Hundred and Fifty Pounds before named should be deposited ; who ( to my remembrance ) said , he knew of no such thing . 4. The Fourth Instance was A Bond for the Payment of Money as a Fine : The Bond found in Sir Jo : Lamb's Chamber , with a Note upon the back of it , for One Hundred Pound received , and Sir John by my direction was to call for the rest . And here it was said , that I used the Name of St : Pauls in an illegal way to get Money ; which might well have been spared . For ( as is aforesaid ) I had a Broad Seal , which gave me all Fines in the High Commission Court , to the repairing of the West End of St : Pauls , and with Power to mitigate . And the Fines are the Kings , and he may give them by Law. The Broad Seal is in the Hands of Mr : Holford , who is thereby appointed Receiver of all such Fines : But is upon Record to be seen ; and if it be doubted , I humbly desire a Salvo till the Record can be taken out , and shewed . But I presume these Gentlemen have seen it : And Commutations for such Crimes , as Sir James Price's was , are according to Law , and the Ancient Custom and Practice in this Kingdom ; especially , where Men of Quality are the Offendors . And the Power of Commuting is as Legal in that Court , as any other : And if that be doubted , I humbly desire my Councel may Argue it . 5. The Fifth Instance was a Charge concerning a Lease in Lancashire held in three Lives by Sir Ralph Ashton . 'T is said by his Son Mr. Ashton ( the only Witness in the Cause , ) That I by Power at Chester , and York , and the High-Commission here , being Landlord in right of my Arch-Bishoprick , did violently wrest this Lease of the Rectory of Whally in Lancashire , out of his Hands against Law , and made him take a Lease for Years , and Pay a great Fine besides , and other Fines besides toward the Repair of St : Pauls , and raised the Rent Sixty Pound . Truly , my Lords , I am not any whit solicitous to answer this Charge . I challenged this Lease as void , and had great Reason so to do , both for the Invalidity of the Lease it self , and the unworthiness of the Tenant , both to me and my See. If in the Preparations for Tryal at Law , the Judge at Chester ( altogether unknown to me , and unlaboured by me , ) did say ( as Mr. Ashton says he did ) That for higher Powers above he durst not ; he was the more unworthy . And for York , I needed no Power there ; for I resolved to have him called into the High-Commission here ; which was after done . This Gentleman his Son came to me about the Lease : I told him plainly , it was void in Law , and that I meant to overthrow it ; That if his Father would surrender , I would renew it for Years at a reasonable rate ; but if he put me to Expence in Law , I would secure my self , as well as Legally I might . He replyed , That Mr. Solicitor Littleton ( for so then he was ) said , he durst not be against me . And there was good Reason for it ; he was my Councel , and Feed in that Particular . And what a poor Evasion was this ? Were there no other Lawyers for him , because Mr. Solicitor was for me ? The Truth is , all that ever I did in this Business , was not only with the Knowledge , but by the Advice of my Councel , which were Mr. Solicitor Littleton , and Mr. Herbert . At last this Gentleman submitted himself and the Cause ; and if ( as he says ) Dr. Eden perswaded him to it , that 's nothing to me . As for the Fine , I referred the moderation of it wholly to my Councel . They pitched upon Sixteen Hundred Pounds , and gave such Days of Payment , as that a good part is yet unpaid : And this Summ was little above one Years Rent : For the Parsonage is known to be well worth Thirteen Hundred Pound a Year , if not more . And after the Business was setled , my Lord Wimbleton came to me , and gave me great Thanks for preserving this Gentleman , being ( as he said ) his Kinsman , whom he confessed it was in my Power to ruin . For the raising of the Rent Sixty Pounds ; it was to add Means to the several Curats to the Chappels of Ease : And I had no Reason to suffer Sir Ralph Ashton to go away with so much Profit , and leave the Curats both upon my Conscience and my Purse . And for his Fine to St : Pauls , I gave him all the Ease I could . But since his Son will force it from me ; he was accused of Adultery with divers Women , and confessed all : And whither that Fine went , and by what Authority , I have already shewed . And thus much more , my Lords , at Mr. Bridgman's Intreaty , I turned this Lease into Lives again without Fine : But since I have this Reward for it , I wish with all my Heart I had not done it . For I am confident in such a Case of Right , your Lordships would have left me to the Law , and more I wou'd not have asked . And I think this ( though intreated into it ) was my greatest Error in the Business . 6. The last Instance , was about the conversion of some Money to St. Pauls , out of Administrations : By Name , Two Thousand Pounds taken out of Wimark's Estate , and Five Hundred out of Mr. Gray's . First , whatsoever was done in this kind , I have the Broad-Seal to Warrant it . And for Mr. Wimark's Estate , all was done according to Law , and all care taken for his Kindred . And if I had not stired in the Business ; Four Men , all Strangers to his Kindred , would have made themselves by a broken Will Executors , and swept all away from the Kindred . Secondly , for Mr. Gray's Estate , after as Odious an expression of it as could be made , and as void of Truth as need to be , the Proceedings were confessed to be Orderly and Legal , and the Charge deserted . Then there was a fling at Sir Charles Caesar's getting of the Mastership of the Rolls for Money , and that I was his means for it : And so it was thence inferred , That I sold Places of Judicature , or helped to sell them . For this they produced a Paper under my Hand . But when they had thrown all the Dirt they could upon me , they say they did only shew what Probabilities they had for it , and what Reason they had to lay it in the end of the Fourth Original Article ; and so deserted it . And well they might : For I never had more Hand in this Business , than that when he came to me about it , I told him plainly , as things then stood , that Place was not like to go without more Money , than I thought any Wise Man would give for it : Nor doth the Paper mentioned say any more , but that I informed the Lord Treasurer what had passed between us . CAP. XXVIII . THis day ended , I was Ordered to appear again , April 4. 1644. And received a Note from the Committee , under Serjeant Wild's Hand , dated April 1. That they meant to proceed next upon the Fifth and Sixth Original Articles , and upon the Ninth Additional ; which follow in haec verba . The Fifth Original . He hath Trayterously caused a Book of Canons to be Composed and Published , and those Canons to be put in Execution , without any lawful Warrant and Authority in that behalf ; in which pretended Canons many Matters are contained contrary to the King's Prerogative , to the Fundamental Laws and Statutes of this Realm , to the Right of Parliament , to the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects , and Matters tending to Sedition , and of dangerous Consequence , and to the Establishment of a vast , unlawful , and presumptus Power , in himself and his Successors : Many of the which Canons , by the practice of the said Arch-Bishop , were surreptitiously passed in the late Convocation , without due consideration and debate ; others by fear and compulsion were Subscribed unto by the Prelats and Clerks there assembled , which had never been Voted and Passed in the Convocation , as they ought to have been . And the said Arch-Bishop hath contrived and endeavoured , to assure and confirm the Vnlawful and Exorbitant Power , which he hath Vsurped and Exercised over his Majesty's Subjects , by a Wicked and Vngodly Oath in one of the said pretended Canons injoyned to be taken by all the Clergy , and many of the Layety of this Kingdom . The Sixth Original . He hath Trayterously assumed to himself a Papal and Tyrannical Power , both in Ecclesiastical and Temporal Matters , over his Majesty's Subjects in this Realm of England , and in other places , to the Disherison of the Crown , Dishonour of his Majesty , and Derogation of his Supream Authority in Ecclesiastical Matters . And the said Arch-Bishop claims the King 's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , as incident to his Episcopal and Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom , and doth deny the same to be derived from the Crown of England , which he hath accordingly exercised , to the high contempt of his Royal Majesty , and to the destruction of divers of the King's Liege People , in their Persons and Estates . The Ninth Additional Article . That in or about the Month of May * 1641. presently after the dissolution of the last Parliament , the said Arch-Bishop , for the ends and purposes aforesaid , caused a Synod or Convocation of the Clergy , to be held for the several Provinces of Canterbury and York ; wherein were made and established , by his Means and procurement , divers Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical , contrary to the Laws of this Realm , the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament , and Liberty and Property of the Subject ; tending also to Sedition , and of dangerous Consequence . And , amongst other things , the said Arch-Bishop caused a most Dangerous and Illegal Oath to be therein made and contrived ; the Tenor whereof followeth in these words . That , I A. B. do Swear , that I do approve the Doctrine and Discipline , or Government Established in the Church of England , as containing all things necessary to Salvation : And that I will not endeavour , by my self or any other , directly or indirectly , to bring in any Popish Doctrine , contrary to that which is so Established : Nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Government of this Church by Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans , and Arch-Deacons , &c. as it stands now Established , and as by right it ought to stand ; nor yet ever to subject it to the Usurpations and Superstitions of the See of Rome . And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and Swear , according to the plain and common Sense and Understanding of the same Words , without any Equivocation or Mental Evasion , or secret Reservation whatsoever . And this I do heartily , willingly , and truly , upon the Faith of a Christian : So help me God in Jesus Christ. Which Oath the said Arch-Bishop himself did take , and caused divers other Ministers of the Church to take the same , upon pain of Suspension and Deprivation of their Livings , and other severe Penalties ; and did also cause Godfrey , then Bishop of Gloucester , to be committed to Prison for refusing to Subscribe to the said Canons , and to take the said Oath ; and afterward the said Bishop submitting himself to take the said Oath , he was set at Liberty . On Thursday April 4. I was again brought to the House , made a sufficient scorn and gazing-stock to the People ; and after I had waited some hours , was sent back , by Reason of other Business , unheard : But Order'd to appear again Munday April 8. Then I appeared again , and was used by the basest of the People as before . I did not appear any day but it cost me six or seven Pound : I grew into want . This made my Councel , and other Friends , to perswade me , the next time I had admittance to speak , to move the Lords again for some necessary Allowance ; notwithstanding my former Petition had been rejected . This Advice I meant to have followed that day : But after some Hours Attendance , I was sent back again unheard , and Order'd to come again on Thursday April 11. This day I did not come to the House ; a Warrant being sent to the Tower , which stayed me till Tuesday April 16. CAP. XXIX . The Seventh Day of my Hearing . THen I appeared , and ( as I remember ) here Mr. Maynard left off ( save that now and then he interposed , both in the Reply and otherwise ) and Mr. Nicolas , a Man of another Temper , undertook the managing of the Evidence . And the first Charge was concerning the late Canons , * which he said were against Law to sit , the Parliament being Dissolved . No , my Lords , nothing against Law that I know . For we were called to Sit in Convocation , by a different Writ from that which called us as Bishops to the Parliament . And we could not rise , till his Majesty sent us another Writ to discharge us ; and this is well known to the Judges , and the other Lawyers here present : So we continued sitting , though the Parliament rose . Nor was this sitting continued by any Advice or Desire of mine . For I humbly desired a Writ to dissolve us : But the best Councel then present , both of Judges , and other Lawyers , assured the King we might Legally sit . And here is a Copy attested under their Hands . Then he urged out of my Diary , at May 29. 1640. That I acknowledged there were Seventeen Canons made , which I did hope would be useful to the Church . 'T is true , my Lords , I did hope so . And had I not hoped it , I would never have passed my Consent unto them . And when I writ this , there was nothing done or said against them . And if by any Inadvertency , or Humane Frailty , any thing Erroneous or Unfit have slipped into those Canons , I humbly beseech your Lordships to remember , it is an Article of the Church of England , that General Councils may Err , and therefore this National Synod may mistake . And that since ( if any Error be ) it is not Wilful ; it may be rectified , and in Charity passed by . For the Bishop of Gloucester's refusing to Subscribe the Canons , and take the Oath ; Which is here said by the Council , but no Proof offered : The Truth is this . He first pretended ( to avoid his Subscription ) that we could not sit , the Parliament risen . He was Satisfied in this by the Judges Hands . Then he pretended the Oath . But that which stuck in his Stomach , was the Canon about the suppressing of the growth of Popery . For , coming over to me to Lambeth about that Business , he told me he would be torn with Wild Horses before he would Subscribe that Canon . I gave him the best Advice I could ; but his Carriage was such , when he came into the Convocation , that I was forced to charge him openly with it , and he as freely acknowledged it : As there is plentiful Proof of Bishops and other Divines then present . And for his Lordship's being after put to take the Oath ( which was also urged ; ) it was thus . I took my self bound to accquaint his Majesty with this Proceeding of my Lord of Gloucester's , and did so . But all that was after done about his Commitment first , and his Release after , when he had taken the Oath , was done openly at a full Council-Table , and his Majesty present , and can no way be charged upon me , as my Act. For it was my Duty to let his Majesty know it , to prevent farther Danger then also discovered . But I am here to defend my self , not to accuse any Man else . Next he urged , that I had Interlined the Original Copy of the Canons with my own Hand . But this is clearly a mistake , if not a wilful one . For perusing the Place , I find the Interlining is not in my Hand , but my Hand is to it ; as ( I humbly conceive ) it was fit it should . And the Words are in the Ratification of the Canons , and therefore were necessarily to be in the Original , howsoever slipped in the writing of them . As for the Oath so bitterly spoken of at the Bar , and in the Articles ; either it was made according to Law , or else we were wholly mis-led by President , and that such as was never excepted against . For in the Canons made in King James his Time , there was an Oath made against a Symonie , b and an Oath for Church-Wardens , and an Oath about c Licences for Marriages , and an Oath for d Judges in Ecclesiastical Courts : And some of these Oaths as dangerous as this is acounted to be . And all these established by no other Authority than these late were . And yet neither those Canons nor those Oaths were ever declared Illegal by any ensuing Parliament , nor the Makers of them accused of any Crime , much less of Treason . So that we had in this Synod unblamed President for what we did , as touching our Power of doing it . But , after all this , he said he would pass these things by ( that is , when he had made them as Odious as he could ) and would Charge nothing upon me but the Votes of both Houses , namely , That these Canons contain Matters contrary to the King's Prerogative , to the Fundamental Laws of the Realm , to the Rights of Parliaments , to the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject , and Matters tending to Sedition , and of dangerous Consequence . So these Votes of the Honourable Houses made so long after ( and therefore cannot well be an Evidence against the making of that which was done so long before ) is the Task lying now upon me to answer ; which , with your Lordships honourable Favour , I shall in all Humbleness Address my self unto . Before these Words were well out of my Mouth , Mr. Nicolas with much earnestness interposed ; That he hoped their Lordships would not indure that the Solemn Votes of both Houses should be called into Question by any Delinquent , and was sure the House of Commons would not endure it . Upon this the Lords presently gave their Resolution , that I might not speak to any thing that was declared by Votes ; but was to answer only to the Fact , whether I made the Canons or no. To this , with leave humbly asked , I replyed , That if I might not answer to the Votes , I must yield the Evidence ; which I could not do : And that if I might answer , I must dispute the Votes , which their Lordships resolved I should not do : That then I was in a Perplexity , and must necessarily offend either way . And therefore humbly besought them , to consider not my Case only , but their own too . For I did conceive it would concern them in Honour , as much as me in Safety : That no Charge might be brought against me in that great Court , to which I should not be suffered to make answer : Or else that they in Honour would not judge me for that , to which my Answer is not suffer'd to be given . With this , that all these Canons were made in open and full Convocation , and are Acts of that Body , and cannot be ascribed to me , though President of that Synod , but are the Joynt Acts of the whole Body : So by me they were not made ; which is my Answer . And according to this I framed my Answer to Mr. Brown's Summary of my Charge , both hinting the Canons in general , and concerning the Instance before given about the Bishop of Gloucester . But though I was not allowed there to make any farther Answer in defence of these Canons : Nor can hold it fit to insert here so long an Answer , as these Votes require : I humbly desire the Courteous Reader , if he please , to look upon the Answer which I have made to a Speech * of Mr. Nathaniel Fynes , in the House of Commons , against these Canons . In which Answer , I humbly conceive , I have satisfied whatsoever these Votes contain against them . Howsoever , I cannot but observe this in present . The Words in the Sixth Original Article , are as they are above Cited : That the late Canons contain Matters contrary to the King's Prerogative , the Laws , &c. But in the Ninth Additional , all the rest of the Exceptions are in against them , but these Words about the King's Prerogative are quite left out . I would fain know , if I could , what is the Reason of this Omission in these added Articles . Is it for Shame , because there was a purpose to Charge me ( as Serjeant Wild did in his Speech the first Day ) that I laboured to advance the King's Prerogative above the Law ? To advance it , and yet made contrary Canons against it ; which is the way to destroy it ? What pretty Nonsense is this ? Or is it because the framers of these Additionals ( whom I conceive were some Committee , with the help of Mr. Pryn ) thought the time was come , or coming , in which the King should have no more Prerogative ? Or if there be a third Reason ; let them give it themselves . This was all concerning the Canons . Then followed the sixth Original Article about my assuming of Papal Power ; where Mr. Brown , in Summing up of his Charge , was pleased to say , that no Pope claimed so much as I had done . But he was herein much mistaken . For never any Pope claimed so little . For he that claimed least , claimed it in his own right , which was none ; whereas I claimed nothing but in the King 's right , and by vertue of his Concession . Between which there is a vast Latitude . The first Proof upon this Article , was read out of certain Letters sent unto me , by the Vniversity of Oxford , I being then their Chancellor . Which great Titles were urged to prove my assuming of Papal Power , because I did not check them in my Answers to those Letters . ( 1 ) The first Title was Sanctitas tua , which Mr. Nicolas said , was the Pope's own Title . But he is deceived . For the Title was commonly given to other Bishops also , clean through the Primitive Church , both Greek and Latin. He replied in great heat ( as his manner it seems is ) that 't is Blasphemy to give that Title ( Sanctitas ) in the Abstract , to any but God. And though by the Course of the Court I might not answer then to the Reply , yet now I may . And must tell Mr. Nicolas , that 't is a great Presumption for him , a Lawyer , and no Studied Divine , to Charge Blasphemy upon all the Fathers of the Primitive Church . 'T is given to † St. Augustine by Hilarius and Euodius , and in the Abstract . And ( which is the Charge laid to me ) St. Augustine never checks at , or finds fault with the Title , nor with them for writing it . And b St. Augustine himself gives that Title to Euodius , answering his Letters , which I was not to do to theirs . And after that to c Quintianus . Neither is any thing more common , than this Stile among the Fathers ; as all Learned Men know . And 't is commonly given by d St. Gregory the Great , to divers Bishops : Who , being Pope himself , would not certainly have given away his own Title ( had it been peculiar to him ) to any other Bishop . Nor would any of the Fathers have given this Epithete to their Brethren , had any savour of Blasphemy been about it . But there is a two-fold Holiness , the one Original , Absolute and Essential , and that is in God only , and incommunicable to any Creature : The other Derivative and Relative ; and that is found in the Creatures , both Things and Persons : Or else God should have no Saints , no Holy Ones . For no Man can be said to be Sanctus , Holy , but he who in some degree hath Sanctitatem , Holiness residing in him . And this I answered at the present . But , according to Mr. Nicolas his Divinity , we shall learn in time , to deny the Immortality of the Soul. For Immortality in the Abstract is applied to God only . 1 Tim. 6. Who only hath Immortality . Therefore , if it may not in an under and a qualified Sense , by Participation , be applied to the Creature ; the Soul of Man cannot be Immortal . ( 2 ) The Second Title is , Spiritu Sancto effusissimè plenus . My Lords , I had sent them many Hundred Manuscripts , and in many Languages ; upon this , in Allusion to the gift of Tongues ( and it was about Pentecost too that I sent them ) the Luxuriant Pen of the University Orator ran upon these Phrases , which I could neither fore-see before they were written , nor remedy after . And finding fault could not remedy that which was past . Besides , all these Letters were in Answer to mine , I was to answer none of theirs . That might have made me work enough , had I wanted any . ( 3 ) The Third Stile is Summus Pontifex . But this was in my Lord of London's Letters , and he must answer , if any thing be amiss . But Pontifex , and Summus too , is no unusual Stile to , and of the Chief Prelate in any Nation . ( 4 ) The Fourth Stile is Archangelus , & ne quid nimis . Yes sure , the meanest of these Titles is Multum nimis , far too much , applied to my Person and unworthiness : Yet a great sign it is , that I deserved very well of that University , in the place I then bare ; or else they would never have bestowed such Titles upon me . And if they did offend , in giving such an unworthy Man such high Language , why are not they called in Question for their own Fault ? ( 5 ) The last which I remember is , Quo rectior non stat Regula , &c. And this is no more than an absolute Hyperbole ; A high one I confess ; yet as high are found in all Rhetorical Authors : And what should make that Blasphemy in an Vniversity Orator , which is every where common , and not only allowed , but commendable , I know not . Especially since the Rule of the Interpretation of them , is as well known as the Figure . Where the Words are not to be understood in their Proper and Literal Sense , but as St. Augustine speaks , when that which is spoken , Longè est amplius , is far larger than that which is signified by it . And if I had assumed any of these Titles to my self , which I am , and ever was , far from doing ; yet 't is one thing to assume Papal Title ; and another to assume Papal Power ( which is the thing Charged ; ) though I thank God I did neither . If I have here omitted any Title , it is meer forgetfulness ; for one part or other of the Answers given will reach it , what-e're it be . And , as I told Mr. Browne , when he Charged this on me , Dr. Strowd the University Orator , who writ those Letters , and gave those Titles , was called up before a Committee of this Parliament , examined about them , Acquitted , and Dismissed . ( 6 ) These Titles from the Letters being past ; He quoted another , which he called a Blasphemous Speech too , out of my Book against Fisher ; where , he said , I approved of Anselme , an Enemy to the Crown ; and took on me to be Patriarch of this other World. Let any Man look into that place of my Book ; and he shall find that I make use of that Passage , only to prove that the Pope could not be Appealed unto out of England , according to their own Doctrine : Which I hope is no Blasphemy . And for St. Anselme , howsoever he was swayed with the Corruptions of his time ; yet was he in other things worthy the Testimony which the Authors by me Cited give him . And if any Man be angry that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury is called the Patriarch of this other World , he may be pleased to remember , that St. Jerom gives St. Augustine , who was Bishop of Hippo , and no Arch-Bishop , a greater Title than that . For he writes Beatissimo Papae Augustino , more than once and again , as appears in his Epistles to St. Augustine . ( 7 ) To these Sir Nathaniel Brent's Testimony is produced : Who says , that he over-heard me say to another , that I would not so easily quit the Plenitude of my Power ; or to that Effect . He confesses he was coming in , and finding me speaking with another , made stay , and stood a-far off , and knows not of what I spake , ( for so he said ) but over-heard the Words . I beseech your Lordships , observe this Witness . He confesses , he knows not of what I spake , and yet comes here upon his Oath , to testifie of Plenitude of Power in Relation to my assuming Papal Power . If he meant not this , his Testimony is nothing ; for Plenitude of Power may Extend to many other things ; and I might justly say , ( if I said it ) that I would not easily part with the Plenitude of my Power , in Relation to other Bishops of my Province , who by Law have not so full Power as I have . But if he did mean this ; then his Testimony is worse than nothing ; Nothing in regard he confesses he knows not of what I was speaking . And worse than nothing ; That , not knowing , he would give such a Testimony upon Oath . [ * As for the Statutes themselves , there was scarce one urged against me ; but it was either a Statute , or a Prescription of that University , long before I was born into the World ; and could not therefore be of my new-making . And this was my Answer to Mr. Browne in the House of Commons . And such Bannition , 〈◊〉 , and the like , are well known to be . ] The next Charge of this Day , was , that I went about to Exempt the Clergy from the Civil Magistrate . 1. The first Witness is Mr. Pincen ; He says , he heard me say at the High-Commission , That the Clergy were now debased ; that heretofore it was otherwise , and I hope to see it so again . Truly , my Lords , if I did say thus ( which is more than I can call to Memory ) I spake truth ; they were debased ; and I did hope to see it otherwise . For , the debasing of the Clergy will make their Office and their Doctrine base , as well as their Persons . But here is not a word of freeing them from Laws , or the Temporal Magistrate . It was replyed , he did mention the Civil Magistrate . If he did , he mentions no time , by which I might be inabled to make Counterproof . He is single . They are words , and if within the Statute , then triable by it within six Months . And I desire this grave Gentleman to consider his Oath : For if I spake of any such Exemption ; I must speak against my Conscience and Judgment , which I humbly thank God I use not to do . Nor is it altogether impossible for the Civil Magistrate sometimes to oppress poor Clergy-Men . But a little will be thought too much of this . And therefore to Mr. Browne's Summary Charge , I gave the former Answer , that I spake of Exemption from Oppression , not from Law. 2. The Second Witness was Alderman Railton , about the carrying up of the Sword in the Church , when he was Lord Mayor . He says , I once sent him word about it , but knows not by whom , and after heard no more of it , but refers himself to Mr. Marsh. He says , there was an Order of the Council-Table , May 3. 1633. concerning the submitting of the Sword in time and place of Divine Service . If an Order of Council , then was it no Act of mine , as I have often Pleaded , and must as often as it comes . He says farther , that I spake these Words , or to this Effect ; That the Church had been low for these Hundred Years ; but I hoped it would Flourish again in another Hundred . But here 's no one word of Exemption from Civil Magistracy . And I hope your Lordships will take Witnesses as they speak , not as Men shall infer , and descant upon them . And then , my Lords , under Favour , I see no harm in the Words . Only I shall recall my hope : For if I had then any hope to see it Flourish in another Hundred Years , 't is that which I cannot hope for now . He says , there was a Reference to the Councel on both sides , and that under that Reference the Business dyed . And if it dyed then , what makes it here before the Resurrection ? Yea , but says Mr. Nicolas , here 's Agitation about the submitting of the Sword , which is the Emblem of Temporal Power . But neither to Foreign , nor Home Power , but only to God ; and that in the place , and at the performance of his Holy Worship . At which time and place Christian Kings submit themselves , and therefore cannot stand upon the Emblems of their Power . Nor would the Lords of the Council have made either Order or Reference ; had there been any thing of danger , or against Law , in this kind of submitting . Mr. Yorke was produced as another Witness ; but said just the same with Marsh ; and so the same Answer served him . Then followed a Charge about the Charter of York to be renewed ; and that I did labour to have the Arch-Bishop of York his Chancellor , and some of the Residentiaries named in it to be Justices of Peace within the City . To prove this , Alderman Hoyle is produced : Who says , There was an Order of the Council about this , but cannot say that I procured it . So far then this Proof reaches not me . For the Bishop his Chancellor , and some of the Residentiaries to be Justices of Peace within the City . If I were of this Opinion ( as then advised ) I am sure there 's no Treason in it , and I believe no Crime . And , under your Lordships Favour , I could not but think it would have made much Peace , and done much Good in all the Cities of England where Cathedrals are . Lastly , he says , There was a Debauched Man committed about breach of the Sabbath , and being casually smother'd , I should say , they deserved to be Hanged that Killed him . Concerning this Man ; he lost his Life , that 's confessed . His Debauchery , what it was , is not proved . And were he never so disorderly , I am sure he was not without Legal Tryal to be shut up into a House and smother'd . That is against both Law and Conscience . And the Officers then in being had reason to smother the Business , as much as they could . And , it may be , deserved somewhat ; if not that which this Alderman says I said , to his best Remembrance . For so , and with no more certainty he expressed it . This I am sure I said , That if the Bishop , 〈◊〉 any of the Church had been then in their Charter ; the Poor Man's Life had not been lost . The Fourth Charge was just of the same Nature , concerning the Charge of Shrewsbury . For this there were produced two Witnesses , Mr. Lee and Mr. Mackworth : But they make up but one between them . For Mr. Lee could say nothing , but what he acknowledges he heard from Mr. Mackworth . And Mr. Mackworth says first : That the Schoolmaster 's Business was referred to other Lords and my self . That 's no Crime ; and to my knowledge , that has been a troublesom business for these Thirty Years . He says , I caused that there should go a Quo Warranto against the Town . This is but as Mr. Owen informed him , so no proof . Beside , 't is no Crime , being a Referee , if I gave legal Reason for it . Nor is it any Crime , that the Bishop and his Chancellor should be Justices within the Town ; As is aforesaid in the Case of York : Considering especially , that then many Clergy-Men bare that Office in divers Counties of England . He adds , that an Old Alderman gave Fifty Pound to St. Pauls . But out of what Consideration I know not , nor doth he speak : And if every Alderman in the Town would have given me as much to that use ; I would have taken it , and thanked them for it . Then he says , There was an Order from all the Lords Referees , for setling all things about their Charter . So , by his own Confession , the whole Business was transacted publickly , and by Persons of great Honour ; and nothing charged upon my Particular . If Mr. Owen sent me in a Butt of Sack , and after put it upon the Town Account , ( for so he also says ) Mr. Owen did ill in both ; but I knew of neither . And this the Councel in their Reply said they urged not in that kind . Lastly , the Charter it self was Read to both Points , of the Bishops and his Chancellors being Justices of Peace within the Town , and the not bearing up of the Sword. To both which I have answer'd already . And I hope your Lordships cannot think his Majesty would have passed such a Charter : Or that his Learned Councel durst have put it to him , had this thing been such a Crime as 't is here made . The next Charge was out of my Diary , at March 5 : 1635. The words are , William Juxon Lord Bishop of London , made Lord High Treasurer of England . No Church-Man had it since H : 7 : time . I pray God bless him to carry it so , that the Church may have Honour , and the King and the State Service and Contentment by it . And now if the Church will not hold up themselves under God , I can do no more . I can see no Treason in this , nor Crime neither . And though that which I did to help on this Business , was very little ; yet Aim I had none in it , but the Service of the King , and the Good of the Church . And I am confident it would have been both , had not such troublesom Times followed , as did . Then they instanced in the Case of Mr. Newcomen . But that Cause being handled before , they did only refer the Lords to their Notes : And so did I to my former Answers . Then followed the Case of Thorn and Middleton ; which were Fined in the High Commission about some Clergy-Mens Business ; Thorne being Constable : The Witnesses in this Case are Three . 1. The first is Huntford ( if I took his Name right : ) And for the Censure of these Men , he confesses , it was in and by the High Commission ; and so no Act of mine ( as I have often pleaded : ) But then he says , that I there spake these words , That no Man of their Rank should meddle with Men in Holy Orders . First , he is in this part of the Charge single , and neither of the other Witnesses comes in to him . Secondly , I humbly desire the Proceedings of the High Commission may be seen ( which are taken out of our hands . ) For so far as I can remember any thing of this Cause , the Minister , Mr. Lewis , had hard measure . And perhaps thereupon I might say , that Men of their Rank should not in such sort meddle with Men in Holy Orders . But to tax the proceedings of a violent busie Constable , was not to exempt the Clergy from Civil Magistracy . Upon this he falls just upon the same words , and says , that I utter'd them about their offering to turn out a Corrector from the Printing-House . This Corrector was a Minister , and a well deserving Man. The Trust of the Press was referred to the High-Commission Court. And I hope your Lordships will not think , that not to suffer the Printers to turn out a deserving Man at their pleasure , is to exempt the Clergy from the Civil Magistrate . The business , my Lords , was this . This Corrector was principally entertained for the Latin and Greek Press especially , which I had then not without great pains and some cost Erected . They were desirous to keep only one for the English , and him at the cheapest . Among them their negligence was such , as that there were found above a Thousand faults in two Editions of the Bible and Common-Prayer-Book . And one which caused this search was , that in Exod. 20. where they had shamefully Printed , Thou shalt commit Adultery . For this the Masters of the Printing-House were called into the High-Commission , and Censured , as they well deserved it . As for this Corrector whom they would have heaved out , they never did so much as complain of him to any that had power over the Press , till this fell upon themselves for so gross an Abuse . Nor did they after this proceed against him , to make him appear faulty ; and till that were done , we could not punish . And for this Business of the Press , he is single too . And I have told your Lordships that which is a known Truth . And Hunsford , being bit in his Credit and Purse , and Friends , by that Censure , for so gross an abuse of the Church and Religion , labours to fasten his Fangs upon me in this way . 2. The Second Witness is Mr. Bland . But all that he says is , that there was once a dismission of this Cause out of the Court , and that though I disliked it , yet I gave way to it , because all Parties were agreed . And no word of proof , that I was any cause of bringing it back into the Court again . What 's my fault in this ? 3. The Third Witness was Thorn in his own Cause : And 't is plain , by his own words , that this Cause was depending in Court before my time . And I believe , were the Records of the Court here , Mr. Lewis would not be found so great an Offender as Mr. Thorn would make him . This I am sure of , both the High-Commission and my self have been quick enough against all Ministers which have been proved to be debauched in their Life and Conversation . And he says nothing against me , but that I sided with his Adversaries ; which is easie to say against any Judge that delivers his Sentence against any Man. But neither of these come home to Hunsford . The next Charge is in the Case of one Mr. Tomkins , about the Taxing of a Minister in a Case of Robbery , and Repayment by the Country . To this Mr. Newdigate is produced ; who says , as he remembers , that I should speak these words , That Ministers were free from such Taxes , and I hoped to see the Times in which they might be free again . First , this Gentleman is single . Secondly , he speaks not positively , but ( as he remembers . ) Thirdly , this Tax I do humbly conceive is not by Law to be laid upon any Minister . For no Man is subject to this Tax , but they which are to keep Watch and Ward ; which Ministers in that kind are not bound unto . And this I learned of the Lord Keeper Coventry at the Council-Table . So I might well then hope to see Ministers free from all such Taxes , by the right understanding and due Execution of our own Laws , without assuming any Papal Power . The last Instance of this Day was the bringing of Sir Rich : Samuel into the High-Commission , for doing his Office as Justice of the Peace upon some Clergy-Men . First , for this , this Gentleman is single , and in his own Case . Secondly , himself confesses , that his bringing into the High-Commission was long after the Fact. Therefore in all Probability not for that ; nor doth he say that I caused his bringing in . He says farther , That one Article for which he was called into the Commission , was , that he was an Enemy to the Clergy . But he doth not say , that I preferred these Articles against him : Nor doth he tell , or can I remember , what the other Articles were , which with this may be bad enough to merit what was there laid against him : And whatsoever was done , appears by his own Narration , to be the Act of the High-Commission , or the Council-Table , and so not Chargeable upon me alone . And whereas he says , I blamed him much at the Council-Table : Let him tell why , and then I 'll give him a farther Answer : And sure if I did blame him ; I had just Cause so to do . Lastly , he says , I did use the Word Base to him when he came to me . Sure I cannot believe I did : It was not my Language to meaner Men. If it did slip from me , it was in Relation to his Enmity to the Clergy , not to his Person or Quality . And I conceive 't is no Gentile part , for a Man of Place and Power in his Country , to oppress poor Clergy-Men which neighbour about him . In which kind this Gentleman , Pessimè Audiebat , heard extreamly ill . CAP. XXX . THis Day thus ended , I was ordered to appear again on Monday , April 22. I came , and my former Answers having taken off the Edge of many Men , ( for so I was told by good Hands ) the Scorns put upon me at my Landing and elsewhere were somewhat a bated , though when it was at best I suffered enough . After I had attended the Pleasure of the House some Hours , I was remitted without Hearing , and commanded to attend again upon Thursday , April 25. But sent back again then also , and ordered to appear on Tuesday , April 30. And when I came , I was sent away once more unheard : No Consideration had of my self , or the great Charge which this frequent coming put me to . I was then ordered to appear again , on Saturday , May 4. Then I was heard again : And the Day proceeded as follows . My Eighth Day of Hearing . To raise up Envy against me , Mr. Nicolas falls first to repeating the Titles which were given me in Letters from Oxford ; to which I gave answer the Day before . From thence he fell again upon the former Charge , My Endeavour to exempt the Clergy from the Civil Power . And very loud he was , and full of sour Language upon me . To this General I answered with another more true ; That I never did attempt to bring the Temporal Power under the Clergy , nor to free the Clergy from being under it : But I do freely confess , I did labour all I could to preserve poor Clergy-Men from some Lay-Mens Oppression , which lay heavy on them . And de Vi Laica hath been an old , and a great , and too Just a Complaint . And this I took to be my Duty , doing it without Wrong to any Man ; as sincerely I did to the best of my Knowledge . And assuring my self , that God did not raise me to that Place of Eminency , to sit still , see his Service neglected , and his Ministers discountenanced ; nay , sometimes little better than trampled on . And my standing thus to the Clergy , and their just Grievances , is not the least Cause of my present Condition . In which my Case ( though not my Abilities ) is somewhat like Cicero's . For having now for many Years defended the Publick State of the Church , and the Private of many Church-Men ; as he had done many Citizens ; when he by prevailing Factions came into danger himself , ejus Salutem defendit nemo , no Man took care to defend him that had defended so many ; which yet I speak not to impute any thing to Men of my own Calling , who , I presume , would have lent me their just Defence , to their Power ; had not the same Storm which drove against my Life , driven them into Corners to preserve themselves . The First Instance was in Mr. Shervil's Case ; in which Mr. John Steevens tells what I said to the Councel Pleading in the Star-Chamber , which was , that they should take care , not to cause the Laws of the Church and the Kingdom to clash one against another . I see , my Lords , nothing that I spake was let fall , nor can I remember every Speech that passed from me ; he may be happy that can . But if I did speak these Words , I know no Crime in them : It was a good Caveat to the Councel , for ought I know . For surely the Laws of Church and State in England would agree well enough together , if some did not set them at Odds. And if I did farther say , to the then Lord Keeper , ( as 't is Charged ) that some Clergy-Men had sat as high as he , and might again ; which I do not believe I said ; yet if I did , 't is a known Truth : For the Lord Coventry , then Lord Keeper , did immediately succeed the Lord Bishop of Lincoln in that Office. But though I dare say , I said not thus to the Lord Keeper , whose Moderation gave me no Cause to be so round with him , yet to the Councel at the Bar , I remember well , upon just occasion given , that I spake to this Effect ; That they would forbear too much depressing of the Clergy , either in their Reputation or Maintenance ; in regard it was not impossible that their Profession , now as high as ours once was , may fall to be as low as ours now is ; If the Professors set themselves against the Church , as some of late are known to have done : And that the sinking of the Church would be found the ready way to it . The Second Instance was about calling some Justices of the Peace into the High-Commission , about a Sessions kept at 〈◊〉 . 1. The First Witness for this ( for Three were produced ) was Mr. Jo. Steevens . He says , That the Isle where the Sessions were kept , was joyned to the Church . If it were not now a part of the Chuch , yet doubtless , being within the Church-Yard , it was Consecrated Ground . He says , That Sessions were kept there heretofore . And I say the more often the worse . He says , That I procured the calling of them into the High-Commission . But he proves no one of these Things , but by the Report of Sir Rob : Cook of Gloucestershire , a Party in this Cause . He says again , that They had the Bishop's License to keep Sessions there . But the Proof of this also is no more than that Sir Rob. Cook told him so : So all this hitherto is Hearsay . Then he says the 88. Canon of the Church of England ( was urged in the Commission Court ) which seems to give leave in the close of the Canon , that Temporal Courts or Leets may be kept in Church or Church-Yard . First , that Clause in the end of the Canon , is referred to the Ringing of Bells , not to the Profanations mentioned in the former part of that Canon . Nor is it probable , the Minister and Church-Wardens should have Power to give such leave , when no Canon gives such Power to the Bishop himself . And were it so , here 's no Proof offered , that the Minister and Church-Wardens did give leave : And suppose some Temporal Courts might upon urgent Occasion be kept in the Church with leave , yet that is no Warrant for Sessions , where there may be Tryal for Blood. He says farther , That the Civilians quoted an Old Canon of the Pope's , and that that prevailed against the Canon of Our Church , and Sentence given against them . All those Canons which the Civilians urged , are Law in England , where nothing is contrary to the Law of God , or the Law of the Land , or the King's Prerogative Royal : And to keep off Profanation from Churches is none of these . Besides , were all this true which is urged , the Act was the High-Commissions , not mine . Nor is there any thing in it that looks toward Treason . 2. The Second Witness is Mr. Edward Steevens . He confesses that the Sentence was given by the High-Commission , and that I had but my single Vote in it . And for the Place it self , he says , The Place where the Sessions were kept , was separated from the Isle of the Church by a Wall Breast-high ; which is an evident Proof that it was formerly a Part of that Church , and continued yet under the same Roof . 3. The Third Witness is Mr. Talboyes ( who , it seems , will not be out of any thing which may seem to hurt me . ) He says , The Parish held it no part of the Church . Why are not some of them examined , but this Man's Report from them admitted ? They thought no harm ( he says ) and got a License . But why did they get a License , if their own Conscience did not prompt them that something was Irregular in that Business ? He says , he was informed the Sessions had been twice kept there before . And I say , under your Lordships Favour , the oftner the worse . But why is not his Informer produced , that there might be Proof , and not Hearsay ? Upon this , I said ( so he concludes ) That I would make a President against keeping it any more . If I did say so , the Cause deserved it ; Men in this Age growing so Bold with Churches , as if Profanation of them were no Fault at all . The Third Instance concerned Sir Tho. Dacres , a Justice of Peace in Middlesex , and his Warrant for Punishing some disorderly Drinking . The Witnesses the two Church Wardens , Colliar and Wilson ; two plain Men , but of great Memories : For this Business was when I was Bishop of London ; and yet they agree in every Circumstance , in every Word , though so many Years since . Well , what say they ? It seems Dr. Duck , then my Chancellor , had Cited these Church-Wardens into my Court , Therefore either there was , or at least , to his Judgment there seemed to be somwhat done in that business against the Jurisdiction of the Church . They say then , That the Court ended , Dr. Duck brought them to me . And what then ? Here is a Cause , by their own confession , depending in the Ecclesiastical Court ; Dr. Duck in the King's Quarters , where I cannot fetch him to Testifie ; no means left me to know what the Proceedings were ; and I have good cause to think , that were all the Merits of the Cause open before your Lordships , you would say , Sir Tho. Dacres did not all according to Law. But what is the Heart of this Charge ? It is , say they , That I Commanded Dr. Duck to prosecute them : And what fault was in this ? For if it were Just , why should not Dr. Duck go on with his Prosecution ? If Dr. Duck and I were both mistaken in the Particular , 't was easy getting a Prohibition : Yea , but they say I said , If this must be so , Sir Thomas Dacres shall be Bishop of London , and I 'll be Sir Tho. Dacres . For ought I see in the Weight of it , this whole Charge was but to bring in this Speech . And truly , my Lords , my old decayed Memory is not such , as that I can recall a Speech , Thirteen or Fourteen Years since . But if I did say it , I presume 't is not High Treason for a Bishop of London to say so much of Sir Tho. Dacres . Mr. Browne , in the summing up the Charge against me , laid the weight of the Charge in this , That these Church-Wardens were Prosecuted for Executing the Warrant of a Justice of Peace , upon an Ale-House-Keeper , for Tipling on the Sabbath-Day , contrary to the Statutes Jacobi 7. & Caro. 3. To which I Answer'd , That those Statutes did concern the Ale-House-Keepers only ; nor were the Church-Wardens called in question for that ; but because being Church Officers , and a Church-Man Tipling there , they did not complain of that to the Chancellor of the Diocess . Mr. Browne replied , there was no Clergy-Man there . I am glad I was so mistaken . But that excuseth not the Church-Wardens , who being Church Officers , should have been as ready to inform the Bishop , as to obey the Justice of Peace . The Fourth Instance was about Marriages in the Tower , which I opposed against Law. The Witness Sir William Balfore , then Lieutenant of the Tower. He says , that I did oppose those Marriages . And so say I. But I did it for the Subject of England's sake . For many of their Sons and Daughters were there undone . Nor Banes , nor Licence , nor any means of fore-knowledge to prevent it . Was this ill ? He says , that when he spake with me about it , I desired him to speak with his Majesty about it , because it was the King's House . What could I do with more moderation ? He confesses he did so , and that he moved the King that the Cause might be heard at the Council-Table , not at the High-Commission : To this his Majesty inclined , and I opposed nothing ; so the general Abuse might be rectified . Then he says , Mr. Attorney Noye said at the Council-Table , it was the King's Free-Chappel , and that no Pope in those times offer'd to inhibit there . First , if Mr. Attorney did so say , he must have leave to speak freely in the King's Cause . Secondly , ( as I humbly conceive ) the Chappel for ordinary use of Prisoners and Inhabitants of the Tower , where these disorderly Marriages are made , is not that which is called the King's Free-Chappel : But another in the side of the white Tower by the King's Lodgings . Thirdly , if it be , yet I have herein not offended , for I did all that was done by the King's leave , not by any assumption of Papal Power . Then he tells the Lords , that in a Discourse of mine with him at Greenwich , about this business , I let fall an Oath . I am sorry for it , if I did . But that 's no Treason . And I know whom the Deponent thinks to please by this Interposition . For to the matter it belongs not . In conclusion , he says truly , that the King committed the business to some Lords and Judges , that so an end might be put to it : And in the mean time Ordered , that , till it were ended , there should be no more Marriages in the Tower. How this business ended , I know not . It began I am sure by Authority of his Majesty's Grant of the High Commission , to question and punish all such Abuses , Tam in loois Exemptis , quam non Exemptis . And his Majesty having Graciously taken this Care for the Indempnity of the Subject , I troubled my self no more with it : My aim being not to cut off any Priviledges of that Place , but only to prevent the Abuses of that Lawless Custom . And if cui bono be a considerable Circumstance , as it uses to be in all such Businesses , then it may be thought on too , that this Gentleman the Lieutenant had a considerable share for his part out of the Fee for every Marriage . Which I believe was as dear to him as the Priviledge . The next Instance is broke out of the Tower , and got as far as Oxford . The Witness Alderman Nixon . He says , the Mayor and the Watch set by him were disturbed by the Proctors of the Vniversity , and a Constable Imprisoned . The Night-Walk , and the keeping of the Watch , is the ancient , known , and constant Priviledge of the University , for some Hundred of Years ; and so the Watch set by the Town ( purposely to pick a quarrel ) was not according to Law. He adds , That when the Right Honourable the Earl of Barkshire would have referred the business to the King's Councel Learned , I refused , and said I would maintain it by my own Power , as Chancellor . If I did say this ( which I neither remember nor believe ) I might better refuse Lawyers , ( not the Law , but Lawyers ) than they a Sworn Judge of their own Nomination , which they did . The Case was briefly this . There were some five or six Particulars which had , for divers Years , bred much trouble and disagreement between the Vniversity and the City ; of which ( to my best remembrance ) this about the Night-Watch , and another about Felons Goods , were two of the chief . The Vniversity complained to me . I was so far from going any by-way , that I was resolved upon a Tryal at Westminster-Hall , thinking ( as I after found ) that nothing but a Legal Tryal would set those two Bodies at quiet . The Towns-Men liked not this . Came some of the Chief of them to London : Prevailed with their Honourable Steward my Lord the Earl of Barkshire , to come to me to Lambeth , and by his Lordship offer'd to have all ended without so great Charge at Law , by Reference to any of the Judges . I said I had no mind to wrong the Town , or put them to Charge , but thought they would fly off from all Awards , and therefore stuck to have a Legal Tryal . After this , some of the chief Aldermen came to me with my Lord , and offer'd me , that if the Vniversity would do the like , they would go down and bring it up under the Mayor and Aldermens Hands , that they would stand to such end as Judge Jones , who rode that Circuit , should upon Hearing make . They did so : And brought the Paper so Subscribed ( and therefore I think Alderman Nixon's Hand is to it as well as the rest ) upon this I gave way ; the Vniversity accepted ; the Judge heard and setled . And now when they saw my Troubles threatning me , they brake all , whistled up their Recorder to come and complain at the Council-Table , his Majesty present . And I remember well , I told his Lordship ( then making the aforesaid Motion to refer to the King 's Learned Councel ) that his Lordship well knew what had passed , and that being so used as I had been by the Townsmen , I would trouble my self with no more References to Lawyers , or to that effect . And I appeal to the Honour of my Lord , whether this be not a true Relation . The Sixth Instance concerns the putting of one Mr. Grant out of his Right . He says , ( but he is single and in his own Cause ) That Mr. Bridges was presented to an Impropriation , and that suing for Tythe , He ( the said Grant ) got a Prohibition , and Mr. Bridges a Reference to the then Lord Keeper Coventry , and my self ; that we referred them to the Law , and that there Grant was Non-Suited , and so outed of his Right . First , in all this there 's nothing said to be done by me alone . Secondly , the Lord Keeper , who well understood the Law , thought it fittest to refer them to the Law ; and so we did . If he were there Non-Suited first , and outed after , it was the Law that put him out , not we . Yet your Lordships see here was a Prohibition granted in a Case which the Law it self after rejected . Then follows the Instance , that I had a purpose to Abolish all Impropriations . The first Proof alledged , was a passage out of Bishop Mountague's Book , p. 210. That Tythes were due by Divine Right , and then no Impropriations might stand . And Mr. Pryn witnessed very carefully : That this Book was found in my own Study , and given me by Bishop Mountague . And what of this ? Doth any Bishop Print a Book , and not give the Arch-Bishop one of them ? Or must I answer for every Proposition that is in every Book that is in my Study ? Or that any Author gives me ? And if Bishop Mountague be of Opinion that Tythes are due by Divine Right , what is that to me ? Your Lordships know , many Men are of different Opinions in that difficulty , and I am confident you will not determin the Controversie by an Act of Parliament . They were nibling at my Diary in this , to shew that it was one of my Projects to fetch in Impropriations ; but it was not fit for their purpose : For 't is expressed , That if I Lived to see the Repair of St. Paul's near an end , I would move his Majesty for the like Grant for the buying in of Impropriations . And to buy them from the Owners , is neither against Law , nor against any thing else that is good ; nor is it any Usurpation of Papal Power . 2. The Second Proof , was my procuring from the King such Impropriations in Ireland , as were in the King's Power , to the Church of Ireland . Which Mr. Nicolas ( in his gentle Language ) calls Robbing of the Crown . My Lords , the Case was this . The Lord Primate of Armagh writ unto me , how ill Conditioned the State of that Church was for want of Means , and besought me that I would move his Majesty to give the Impropriations there , which yet remained in the Crown , for the Maintenance and Incouragement of able Ministers to Live among the People , and Instruct them : Assuring me , they were daily one by one begged away by Private Men , to the great prejudice both of Crown and Church . And the Truth of this , the Lord Primate is now in this Kingdom , and will witness . I acquainted the King's great Officers , the Lord Treasurer and the Chancellor of the Exchequer with it . And after long deliberation , the King was pleased , at my humble Suit , to grant them in the way which I proposed . Which was , that when they came into the Clergies Hands , they should pay all the Rents respectively to the King ; and some consideration for the several Renewings . And the Truth of this appears in the Deeds . So here was no Robbing of the Crown . For the King had all his set Rents reserved to a Penny , and Consideration for his Casualties beside . And , my Lords , the increase of Popery is complained of in Ireland . Is there a better way to hinder this growth , than to place an Able Clergy among the Inhabitants ? Can an Able Clergy be had without Means ? Is any Means fitter than Impropriations restored ? My Lords , I did this , as holding it the best Means to keep down Popery , and to advance the Protestant Religion . And I wish with all my Heart , I had been able to do it sooner , before so many Impropriations were gotten from the Crown into Private Hands . Next I was Charged with another Project in my Diary , which was to settle some fixed Commendams upon all the smaller Bishopricks . For this , I said their own Means were too small to live and keep any Hospitality , little exceeding Four or Five Hundred Pound a Year . I consider'd that the Commendams taken at large and far distant , caused a great dislike and murmur among many Men. That they were in some Cases Materia Odiosa , and justly complained of . And hereupon I thought it a good Church-work , to settle some Temporal Lease , or some Benefice Sine Cura upon the lesser Bishopricks ; but nothing but such as was in their own Right and Patronage : That so no other Man's Patronage might receive prejudice by the Bishop's Commendam : Which was not the least Rock of Offence , against which Commendams indanger'd themselves . And that this was my intent and endeavour , is expressed in my Diary : And I cannot be sorry for it . Then I was Accused for setting Old Popish Canons above the Laws . Mr. Burton is the sole Witness . He says , it was in a Case about a Pew , in which those Canons did weigh down an Act of Parliament . I did never think till now Mr. Burton would have made any Canons Pew-Fellows with an Act of Parliament . But seriously , should not Mr. 〈◊〉 Testimony for this have been produced at the second Instance of this day ? For in the end of that is just such another Charge ; and the Answer there given will satisfie this , and that by Act of Parliament too . After this came a Charge with a great out-cry , that since my coming to be Arch-Bishop I had renewed the High-Commission , and put in many Illegal and Exorbitant Clauses , which were not in the former . Both the Commissions were produced . Upon this I humbly desired , that the Dockett might be Read ; by which their Lordships might see all those Particulars which were added in the New Commission , and so be able to Judge , how fit or unfit they were to be added . The Dockett was Read. And there was no Particular found , but such as highly deserved Punishment , and were of Ecclesiastical Cognizance , as Blasphemy , Schism , and two or three more of like Nature . 1. In this Charge , the first Exorbitant Clause they insisted on , as added to the new Commission , was the Power given in locis Exemptis , & non Exemptis , as if it were thereby intended to destroy all Priviledges . No , not to destroy any Priviledge , but not to suffer Enormous Sins to have any Priviledge . Besides , this Clause hath ever been in all Commissions that ever were Granted . And I then shewed it to the Lords in the Old Commission there present , p. 28 , 32 , 35 , 42. Nay more , this proceeding tam in locis Exemptis quam non Exemptis , is allowed to the Governours of the Church , in the Exercise of their Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , by Act of Parliament in Queen Elizabeth's Time ; which would never have been allowed , had it then been thought such a dangerous Business , as 't is now made against me . 2. The Second Clause was Power to Censure , by Fine and Imprisonment . This also I shewed in the old Commission , Fol. 37. and is ( as I conceive ) in plain pursuance of the Act of Parliament upon which the High-Commission is grounded . For the King says there , Fol. 13. ( And so 't is in the new ) That he grants this Power , by Vertue of his Supream Authority , and Prerogative Royal , * and of the said Act. Nay farther , 't is added in this latter Commission , and by our Authority Ecclesiastical , which is not expressed in the former . And sure I would never have caused Authority Ecclesiastical to be added , had I any Plot ( as 't is urged ) either to exalt the Clergy above the Laity , or to usurp Papal Power ; which all Men know is far enough from ascribing Ecclesiastical Authority to the King. And as for Fine and Imprisonment ; if that Power be not according to Law , why was it first admitted , and after continued in all former Commissions ? 3. The Third Clause , was the Non Obstante , which he said was against all Law , and of such a boundless Extent , as was never found in Commission or other Grant in England . And he here desired the Lords , that he might read it , which he did , with great Assurance of a Triumph . But after all this Noise , which Mr. Nicolas had made , I shewed the same Non Obstante in the Old Commission , 〈◊〉 . 62. Word for Word , which I humbly desired might be read and compared : It was so . The Lords looked strangely upon it : Mr. Nicolas was so startled , that he had not Patience to stay till his Reply , ( which he saw impossible to be made ) but interrupted me , and had the Face to say in that Honourable Assembly , that I need not stand upon that , for he did but name that , without much regarding it . And yet at the giving of the Charge , he insisted principally upon that Clause , and in higher and louder Terms than are before expressed . Had such an Advantage been found against me , I should have been accounted extreamly Negligent if I compared not the Commissions together ; or Extreamly Impudent , if I did . 4. The Fourth Exception was , That by this Commission I took greater Power than ever any Court had , because both Temporal and Ecclesiastical . First , whatsoever Power the High-Commission had , was not taken by them , till given by his Majesty , and that according to Use and Statue , ( for ought hath been yet declared . ) Secondly , they have not Power of Life or Limb , therefore not so great Power as other Courts have . Thirdly , they may have more various Power in some respects , but that cannot make it greater . As for the Expression in which 't is said , I took this Power ; that is put most unworthily and unjustly too , to derive the Envy as much as he could upon my Person only . For he could not hold from comparing me to Pope Boniface 8. and saying , that I took on me the Power of both Swords . But this was only ad Faciendum Populum . For he knows well enough , that to take both the Swords , as the Pope takes them , is to challenge them Originally as due to him and his Place : Not to take both , as under the Prince , and given by his Authority ; and so , not I alone , but all the Commissioners take theirs . 5. Fifthly , To prove that this vast Commission ( as it was called ) was put in execution , Mr. Burton is produced . He says , that when he was called into the High-Commission , he appealed to the King , and pleaded his Appeal ; and that thereupon I and the Bishop of London Writ to the King to have him submit to the Court. He confesses he was dismissed upon his Appeal , till his Majesty's Pleasure was farther known . And it was our Duty , considering what a Breach this would make upon the Jurisdiction of the Court , to inform his Majesty of it ; and we did so . The King declared that he should submit to the Court , as is confessed by himself . Then he says , because he would not submit to the Court , he was Censured notwithstanding his Appeal . And he well deserved it , that would not be ruled by his Majesty , to whom he had appealed . And the Commission had Power to do what they did . Besides , himself confesses , all this was done by the High-Commission , not by me . Nor doth he urge any Threat , Promise , or Solicitation of mine , any way to particularize the Act upon me ; and farther , he is single , and in his own Cause . Then followed the last Charge of this Day , which was the Patent granted for the Fines in the High-Commission for Finishing the West End of St : Pauls , cryed out upon as Illegal , and Extorted from the King , and such as took all Power from him for the space of the Ten Years , for which time it was granted . This is the Fourth time that St : Pauls is struck at . My Lords , let it come as often as it will , my Project and Endeavour in that Work was Honest and Honourable , to both Church and Kingdom of England . No Man in all this Search and Pursuit hath been able to charge me with the turning of any one Penny , or Pennyworth , to other use than was limited to me . I took a great deal of Care and Pains about the Work , and cannot repent of any thing I did in that Service , but of Humane Frailty . And whereas 't is said , this Patent was extorted from his Majesty ; as there is no Proof offered for it , so is there no truth in it . For his Majesty's Piety was so forward , that nothing needed to be extorted from him . Thus went I on , Bonâ Fide , and took the Prime Direction of the Kingdom for drawing the Patent : The Lord Keeper Coventry , Mr. Noy , and Sir Henry Martin . And therefore if any thing be found against Law in it , it cannot be imputed to me , who took all the care I could to have it beyond exception . And I marvel what security any Man shall have , that adventures upon any great and publick Work in this Kingdom ; if such Councel cannot be trusted for drawing up of his Warrant . And whereas it was said , this Patent for the Ten Years space took away both Justice and Mercy from the King : That 's nothing so . For whatever the Words be to enable me the better for that Work , yet these being inseparable from him , may be used by him , notwithstanding this or any other Patent . And if these be inseparable ( as 't is granted they are ) no inseparable thing can be taken away ; or if it be taken , 't is void in Law , and the King is where he was in the Exercise of his Right , both for Justice and Mercy . And so I answered Mr. Brown's summary Charge against me ; and as for that which he farther urged concerning S. Gregory's Church , Mr. Jingo Jones and others were trusted with that whole Business , and were Censured for it in this present Parliament . In all which Examination , no part of the Charge fell on me . And because here are so many things urged about Free-Chappels , Lay-Fees , Patents , Appeals , and the like , I humbly desire a Salvo may be entred for me , and that my Councel may be heard for matter of Law , if any Doubt stick with your Lordships . This Day ended , I did , according to my Resolution formerly taken , move the Lords for Means , considering my Charge in coming , and how oft I had Attended and was not Heard . Their Lordships considered of my Motion , and sent me out Word I should Petition them . I did humbly Petition their Lordships May 6. My Petition was presently sent down to the House of Commons , that so by both Houses it might be recommended to the Committee for Sequestrations . But upon a Speech in the House of Commons , that it was fit to see what would become of me , before they troubled themselves with thinking of Means for me , my Petition was cast aside . CAP. XXXI . AT my Parting from the House , I was ordered to appear again on Thursday , May 9. But then fairly put off by an Order ( sent to the Lieutenant of the Tower ) to Munday , May 13. so the Scorn and Charge of that Day was scaped . But then I appeared according to this Order , and had Scorn plenty , for what I escaped the Day before . And , after long attendance , was dismissed again unheard , and had Thursday , May 16. assigned unto me . That Day held , and proceeded thus . The Ninth Day of my Hearing . The First Charge of this Day was about a Reversion of the Town-Clerks Office of Shrewsbury to one Mr. Lee , which he desired might be inserted into the new Charter . First , Mr. Lee is single here , and in his own Case . Secondly , it appears by his own confession , out of the Mouth of Mr. Barnard , that there was a Reference of this Business to those Lords to whom Shrewsbury Charter was Referred . For he says , that Mr. Barnard told him his Business was stayed , and he thought by me , but did not know whether the Lord-Keeper's Hand were not in it : So it seems by himself , this was done by the Lords Referees , and not by me . Thirdly , I did not then think , nor do now , that the Reversion of a Place to be sold for three Hundred Pound , ( as he confesses that was ) was fit to be put into a Town Charter : But yet neither I , nor the Lord Keeper did any thing in that stop , but what we acquainted his Majesty with , and had his Approbation of . And , whereas he says , that he acquainted the Right Honourable the Earl of Dorset with the stay that was made , and That thereupon his Lordship should say , Have we Two Kings ? I cannot believe that Honourable Lord would so say , unless he were much abused by Mr. Lee's Information : Both in regard of his Love to me ; And in regard it could not proceed from a Man of so great a Judgment as that Lord is . For , I beseech your Lordships consider , may not Lords , to whom a business is Referred , give his Majesty good Reason to alter his Mind in some particulars which they have Debated , and not he ? And may not this be done , without any one of them taking on him to be a Second King ? The Second Charge was laid on me by Sir Arthur Haselrigg : ( which should have come in the Day before ( as Mr. Nicolas said ) but that Sir Arthur was absent in the necessary service of the State ) Sir Arthur being single , and in his own Case , says , That Sir John Lambe presented a Blind Parson to a Living of his . If Sir John did that , or any unworthy thing else , AEtatem habet , let him answer for himself . He says farther , That this Living is an Impropriation , and so a Lay-Fee by Law ; and that when he told me so much , I made him this answer , That if I Lived , no Man should Name or stand upon his Lay-Fee . I conceive , my Lords , here 's a great mistake in the main . For I have been Credibly informed , and do believe , that Benefice is Presentative , and so no Lay-Fee . And then there 's no Fault to present unto it , so the Clerk be fit . Secondly , there is a main mistake in my Words , which I remember well , and where it was that I spake them . My Words , under this Gentleman's Favour , and your Lordships , were these and no other , That I had good Information , that the Benefice was Presentative , and that if I lived , I hoped to order it so , that no Man should make a Presentative Benefice a Lay-Fee ; there were too many of them already . Thirdly , if I did speak the Words as they are Charged , if they come within that Statute of Six Months , so often mentioned , to that I refer my Self . Whatsoever the Bird at this time of the Year Sings ; as Mr. Nicolas was pleased to put it upon me . And truly , my Lords , I could easily return all his Bitterness upon himself , could it befit my Person , my present Condition , or my Calling . The Third Charge was about the refusing of a Pardon , which Mrs : Bastwick said she produced in the High-Commission Court , some Nine or Ten Years since : And she adds , that I should then say , it should not serve his turn . But this was no rejecting of the Pardon ; for she confesses I said , I would move his Majesty about it . So that if it did not serve his turn , it was from the King himself , upon Motion made and Reason given , not from any Power assumed by the High-Commission , or my self . And the Act , whatever it were , was the Act of the whole Court , not mine . As for the Words ( if mine ) I give the same Answer as before , notwithstanding Mr. Nicolas his Bird. The Fourth Charge was , That whereas there was a Proclamation to be Printed about the Pacification with the Scots , it was suddenly stopped , and an Order after for burning of the Pacification . First , Mr. Hunscot is single in this Charge . Secondly , whatsoever was done in this , was by Order of Council : And himself names an Order , which could not come from me . Thirdly , he Charges me with nothing but that I sent word the Proclamation was to be stayed : Which if I did , I did it by Command . Howsoever , this concerns the Scottish business , and therefore to the Act of Oblivion I refer my self . With this , that I see by this Testimony , Mr. Hunscourt ( for I took his Name uncertainly ) hath not yet forgotten , Thou shalt commit Adultery . So desirous he is to catch me at the Press . The Fifth Charge , was about a Benefice in North-Hamptonshire , in the Case of Mr : Fautrye , and Mr : Johnson , and Dr : Beal's succeeding them . In which broken business ( for such it was ; ) First , that business all along was acted by the High-Commission , not by me . Secondly , that though in the Case of Simony the Benefice be lost , Ipso Facto ; yet that must be proved before the Incumbent can be thrust out , and another Instituted ; else Church-Men were in a miserable Condition for their Livelyhood . Excommunication is in many Cases void in Law , Ipso Facto , and yet , ante latam Sententiam , till Sentence be orderly pronounced against it , no Man shall be subjected to those fearful Consequences which follow upon it . And upon this ground of Natural Equity , that in the Statute concerning the Uniformity of Common-Prayer proceeds , where 't is said , that a party once Convicted for depraving the Common-Prayer Book , and relapsing into the same Crime , shall be deprived of all his Spiritual Promotions , Ipso Facto : But how ? without any Legal Proceedings ? No : God forbid . For the Words preceeding immediately in the Statute , are , that he must be first Legally Convicted of that Criminal Relapse ; and then follows Ipso Facto , and not before : And therefore the superinstitution , before the Simony tryed and judged , was Illegal ; beside the great danger to the Parishioners , while two Parsons , and their several Friends are scambling for the Tithes . Secondly , Fautrye was not Censured for the Original cause of Simony , but for an Intruder , and Colluder too , with Jeames to Abuse the Kings grant of the Benefice . Thirdly , it seems Fautrye had no better Opinion of his own Cause : for he went to his Benefice in Jarsey , and set not his Title on Foot again till after Seven Years , and that I think was when he heard that Mr. Johnson was a Pretender to it . And his Bond upon the Sentence , was to make a final Peace . For the Prohibition , which he says was refused , I have answered that before in the Charge about Prohibitions . Besides , it appears by Law , that as Prohibitions may be granted in some Cases , so in some Cases they may be refused . For Dr. Beal , there is not the least shew of Proof offered , that I brought him in ; if to do so be a Crime . Thus far Mr. Fautrye went. As for Mr. Johnson's Title , He says , That the Lords ordered it for him , and declared that we in the High-Commission could put no Man out of his Freehold . Where first , if your Lordships have Ordered this Business , I must crave to know how far I shall have leave to speak to it ! For if there be any Errours Charged upon the Sentence given in the High-Commission , if they may not be spoken to , they cannot be satisfied . This I am sure of , the Commission hath Power to deprive . For the Statute gives it Power to use all Ecclesiastical and Spiritual Censures , of which Deprivation is known to be one . And that Power is expresly given , to deprive some Offenders of all their Spiritual Promotions , by the Statute following . Therefore I think it follows necessarily , either that we have Power over Freehold in that Case ; or else that a Benefice is not a Freehold . But I have no reason howsoever , to speak any thing ( were I left never so free ) against your Lordships Order , which very honourably left Dr. Beal to the Law ; as 't is confessed by Johnson . Besides these two in their own Cause , one Mr. Jenkins is produced , but to what end I know not , unless it be to bespatter Dr. Beal . He says , That Seven Years since Dr. Beal was Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge ; that in his Sermon then he inveighed bitterly against the Power of Parliaments , and named some unsavoury Speeches of his , both concerning their Persons and Proceedings . Surely , if Dr. Beal did as is Testified , he was much to blame . But what is this to me ? If it be said , I did not punish him : How could I punish that I knew not ? And I profess I heard not of it till now at Bar. If it be said , I did Prefer him : That I do absolutely deny ; and neither Mr. Jenkins , nor any other , offers the least Proof , that I knew the one , or did the other . The Sixth Charge was concerning the Statutes of the University of Oxford , in which , and the Cathedrals of the New Erection , Mr. Nicolas says , I took on me to be an Vniversal Law-giver . Many such Offices he bestows upon me , which God knows , and I believe he too , that I never affected : No , my Lords , the great Necessities of that Vniversity called upon me for it : Their Statutes lay in a miserable confused Heap : When any Difficulty arose , they knew not where to look for Remedy , or Direction . Then into the Convocation-House , and make a new Statute ; and that many times proved contrary to an Old one concerning the same business . Men in the mean time sworn to both , which could not possibly be kept together . By this means Perjury was in a manner unavoidable : And themselves confess in their Register ( which is now in Court ) that till this was done , they did in a sort Swear , that they might be Forsworn . Besides , my Lords , I did not abolish any the Old Books , in which the Statutes lay so confused , some in one Book , and some in another ; but left them all entire in the Vniversity , in Case in any after-times any use might be made of them . Nor did I with them , as some Ancient Philosophers are said to have done with the Works of some that went before them : That is , make them away , to advance their own Honour the more , as if without any help of former Pains , they had done all themselves . Holding it Honour more than enough for me , that God had so highly Blessed me in this Work , as to finish and settle those Statutes ; which the greatest Men in their times , Cardinal Wolsey first , and after him Cardinal Pool assayed , but left as imperfect as they found them . Neither did I any thing in this Work , but by the consent of the Vniversity , and according to an Act , ( and a Delegacy thereby appointed ) of their own Convocation . Mr. Nicolas says , There is a Rasure in one of the Acts , and supplied in other Ink. I told your Lordships then presently , ( being loath to lye never so little under such an Imputation ) that if there be any such , it must be Charged upon the Vniversity , not upon me ; for those Records were never in my Hands , nor is it so much as said they were . And since I withdrew to make my Answer , I have viewed the Record , and an Alteration or Addition there is ; and 't is a known Hand . 'T is Dr. Duppa's Hand , now Lord Bishop of Salisbury , and then Vice-Chancellor , who , I doubt not but is able to give a good account of what he did therein , and why . And for ought appears , 't is nothing but the amendment of some slip , which their Ignorant Register French had failed in , and the Vice-Chancellor thought it safest to mend with his own Hand . And for my own part , if ever I did any thing worth Thanks from the Publick in all my Life , I did it in this Work for that Vniversity . And I wish with all my Heart , the times were so open , as that I might have the Vniversity's Testimony , both of me and it . Since I cannot , a great Lord present in the House , when this Charge was laid against me , supplied in part their Absence . For he was over-heard say to another Lord , I think my Lord Arch-Bishop hath done no Good Work in all his Life , but these Men will object it as a Crime against him before they have done . With this Charge about the Statutes , it was let fall ( and I well know why ; It was to heat a Noble Person then present ) That I procured my self to be chosen Chancellour of that Vniversity . If I had so done , it might have been a great Ambition in me , but surely no Treason . But , my Lords , I have Proof great store , might I be enabled to fetch it from Oxford , that I was so far from endeavouring to procure this Honour to my self , as that I laboured by my Letters for another . And 't is well known , that when they had chosen me , I went instantly to his Majesty , so soon as ever I heard it , and humbly besought him , that I might refuse it , as well foreseeing the Envy that would follow me for it ; and it did plentifully every way . But this for some Reasons his Majesty would not suffer me to do . Then were objected against me divers Particulars contained in those Statutes . As First , the making of new Oaths . The Charters of the Vniversity are not new , and they gave Power to make Statutes for themselves , and they have ever been upon Oath . The next Illegality is , That Men are tied to obey the Proctors in Singing the Litany . This is Ancient , and in use long before ever I came to the Vniversity , and it is according to the Liturgy of the Church of England established by Law. Thirdly , The Statute of Bannition from the Vniversity . But there is nothing more ancient in the Vniversity Statutes than this . Fourthly , That nothing should be propased in Convocation , but what was consented unto among the Heads of Colleges first , which was said to be against the Liberty of the Students . The young Masters of Arts , void of Experience , were grown so tumultuous , that no Peace could be kept in the Vniversity , till my worthy Predecessor , the Right Honourable William Earl of Pembroke setled this Order among them . As he did also upon the same Grounds settle the present way of the choice of their Proctors : In both which , I did but follow , and confirm ( for so much as lay in me ) the Good and Peaceable Grounds , which he had laid in those two Businesses . And Mr. Brown , who in the summing up of my Charge , urged this against me , mainly mistook in two things . The one was , that he said , this Inhibition of Proposals was in Congregations : Whereas it was only in Convocations , where more weighty Businesses are handled . The other was , that this stay of Proposals was made till I might be first acquainted with them . No ; it was but till the Heads of Colleges had met , and considered of them , for avoiding of tumultuary Proceedings . And when my Honourable Predecessor made that Order , it was highly commended every where ; and is it now degenerated into a Crime , because it is made up into a Statute ? Fifthly , That some things are referred to Arbitrary Penalties . And that some things are so referred is usual in that Vniversity , and many Colleges have a particular Statute for it . Nor is this any more Power , than Ordinary School-Masters have , which have not a Statute-Law for every Punishment they use in Schools . And in divers things , the old known Statute is , that the Vice-Chancellour shall proceed Grosso Modo , that is , without the regular Forms of Law , for the more speedy ending of Differences among the Scholars . Sixthly , That the Statute made by me against Conventicles , is very strict . But for these that Statute is express , De Illicitis Conventiculis , and I hope such as are unlawful may be both forbid , and punished . Besides , it is according to the Charter of Richard the Second to that Vniversity . The Seventh was the Power of Discommoning . But this also hath ever been in Power and in Usage in that Vniversity ; as is commonly known to all Oxford-Men . And no longer since than King James his time , Bishop King , then Vice-Chancellor , Discommuned Three or Four Towns-Men together . Next , That Students were bound to go to Prison upon the Vice-Chancellors or Proctors Command . This also was Ancient , and long before my coming to the Vniversity . And your Lordships may be sure the Delegacy , appointed by themselves , would not have admitted it , had it not been Ancient and Usual . Lastly , about the stay of granting Graces , unless there were Testimony from the Bishop of the Diocess . This was for no Graces , but of such as Live not Resident in the Vniversity , and so they could not judge of their Manners and Conversation . And for their Conformity to the Church of England , none ( as I conceive ) can be a fitter Witness than the Bishop of the Diocess in which they resided . And , my Lords , for all these thus drawn up by some of their own Body , I obtained of his Majesty his Broad Seal for Confirmation : And therefore no one thing in them is by any Assumption of Papal Power , as 't is urged , but by the King's Power only . Then followed the Seventh Charge , about the Statutes of some Cathedral Churches . First , my Lords , for this I did it by Letters-Patents from the King , bearing Date Mar. 31. Decimo Caroli , and is extant upon Record . And all that was done , was Per Juris Remedia , and so nothing intended against Law , nor done , that I know . They had extream need of Statutes , for all lay loose for want of confirmation , and Men did what they listed : And I could not but observe it , for I was Dean of Gloucester , where I found it so . In seeking to remedy this , I had nothing but my Labour for my Pains , and now this Accusation to Boot . The Particulars urged are , That I had Ordered that nothing should be done in these Statutes , Me inconsulto . And I had great Reason for it . For since I was principally trusted in that work by his Majesty , the King , if any Complaint were made , would expect the account from me . And how could I give it , if other Men might do all , and I not be so much as consulted before they passed ? 2. That I made a Statute against letting Leases into three Lives . But first , my Lords , the Statute which makes it lawful to let Leases for One and Twenty Years , or three Lives , hath this limitation in it , that they shall not let for any more Years than are limited by the said Colleges or Churches . Now in Winchester Church , and some other , the old local Statute is most plain , that they shall let no Lease into Lives . Let the Dean and Prebendaries Answer their own Acts and their Consciences as they can . And in those Statutes which I did not find pregnant to that purpose , I did not make the Statute absolute , but left them free to renew all such Leases as were Anciently in Lives before . And this give me leave to say to your Lordships , without offence ; If but a few more Leases be granted into Lives , no Bishop nor Cathedral Church shall be able to subsist . And this is considerable also , that , as the state of the Church yet stands , the Laity have the benefit , by the Leases which they hold , of more than five parts of all the Bishops , Deans and Chapters , and College Revenues in England . And shall it be yet an Eye-sore to serve themselves with the rest of their own ? This Evidence Mr. Browne , whose part it was to summ up the Evidence against me at the end of the Charge , wholly omitted : For what Cause he best knows . The next Charge was about my Injunctions in my Visitation of Winton and Sarum , for the taking down of some Houses . But they were such as were upon Consecrated Ground , and ought not to have been built there ; and yet with caution sufficient to preserve the Lessees from over-much dammage . For it appears apud Acta , that they were not to be pulled down till their several Leases were expired . And that they were Houses not built long since , but by them ; and that all this was to be done , to the end that the Church might suffer no dammage by them : And that this demolition was to be made Juxta Decreta Regni , according to the Statutes of the Kingdom . Therefore nothing injoyned contrary to Law : Or if any thing were , the Injunction took not place , by the very Tenor of that which was charged . Mr. Browne omitted this Charge also , though he hung heavily upon the like at St. Pauls , though there was satisfaction given , and not here . The Ninth Charge was my intended Visitation of both the Vniversities , Oxford and Cambridge . For my Troubles began then to be foreseen by me , and I Visited them not . This was urged as a thing directly against Law. But this I conceive cannot be , so long as it was with the King's Knowledge , and by his Warrant . Secondly , because all Power of the King's Visitations was saved in the Warrant , and that with consent of all parts . Thirdly , because nothing in this was surreptitiously gotten from the King , all being done at a most full Council-Table , and great Councel at Law heard on both sides . Fourthly , because it did there appear , that three of my Predecessors did actually Visit the Vniversities , and that Jure Ecclesiae suae Metropoliticae . Fifthly , no Immunity pleaded , why the Arch-Bishop should not Visit ; for the instance against Cardinal Poole is nothing . For he attempted to Visit , not only by the Right of his See , but by his power Legatin from the Pope ; whereas the University Charters are Express , that such power of Visitation cannot be granted per Bullas Papales . And yet now 't is charged against me , that I challenged this by Papal Power . Mr. Browne wholly neglected this Charge also , which , making such a shew , I think he would not have done , had he found it well grounded . The Tenth Charge was my Visitation of Merton College in Oxford . The Witness Sir Nathaniel Brent , the Warden of the College , and principally concerned in that business . He said , First , that no Visitation held so long . But if he consult his own Office , he may find one much longer , held and continued at All-Souls College by my worthy Predecessor Arch-Bishop Whitgift . Secondly , he urged that I should say I would be Warden for Seven Years : If I did so say , there was much need I should make it good . Thirdly , That one Mr. Rich. Nevil , Fellow of that College , lay abroad in an Ale-House , that a Wench was got with Child in that House , and he accused of it ; and that this was complained of to me , and Sir Nath. Brent accused for Conspiring with the Ale-Wife against Nevil . I am not here to accuse the one or defend the other . But the Case is this . This Cause between them was publick , and came to Hearing in the Vice-Chancellor's Court , Witnesses Examined , Mr. Nevil acquitted , and the Ale-Wife punished . In all this I had no Hand . Then in my Visitation it was again complained of to me . I liked not the business ; but forbare to do any thing in it , because it had been Legally Censured upon the place . This part of the Charge Mr. Browne urged against me in the House of Commons , and I gave it the same Answer . Lastly , when I sate to hear the main Business of that College , Sir Nathaniel Brent was beholding to me that he continued Warden . For in Arch-Bishop Warham's time , a Predecessor of his was expelled for less than was proved against him . And I found that true which one of my Visitors had formerly told me , namely , That Sir Nathaniel Brent had so carried himself in that College , as that if he were guilty of the like , he would lay his Key under the Door , and be gone , rather than come to Answer it . Yet I did not think it fit to proceed so rigidly . But while I was going to open some of the Particulars against him , Mr. Nicolas cut me off , and told the Lords , this was to scandalize their Witnesses . So I forbare . Then followed the last Charge of this day , concerning a Book of Dr : Bastwick's , for which he was Censured in the High-Commission . The Witnesses in this Charge were three . Mr. Burton , a Mortal Enemy of mine , and so he hath shewed himself . Mrs. Bastwick , a Woman and a Wife , and well Tutoured : For she had a Paper , and all written which she had to say ; though I saw it not till 't was too late . And Mr. Hunscot , a Man that comes in to serve all turns against me , since the Sentence passed against the Printers , for , Thou shalt commit Adultery . In the Particulars of this Charge , 't is first said , That this Book was written Contra Episcopos Latiales . But how cunningly so-ever this was pretended , 't is more than manifest , it was purposely written and divulged against the Bishops and Church of England . Secondly , that I said that Christian Bishops were before Christian Kings : So Burton and Mrs. Bastwick . And with due Reverence to all Kingly Authority be it spoken , who can doubt but that there were many Christian Bishops , before any King was Christian ? Thirdly , Mr. Burton says , that I applied those words in the Psalm , whom thou may'st make Princes in all Lands , to the Bishops . For this if I did err in it , many of the Fathers of the Church mis-led me , who Interpret that place so . And if I be mistaken , 't is no Treason . But I shall ever follow their Comments before Mr. Burton's . Fourthly , Mrs. Bastwick says that I then said , no Bishop and no King : If I did say so , I Learned it of a Wise and Experienced Author , King James , who spake it out and plainly in the Conference at Hampton-Court . And I hope it cannot be Treason in me to repeat it . Fifthly , Mrs. Bastwick complained , that I committed her Husband close Prisoner . Not I , but the High-Commission ; not close Prisoner to his Chamber , but to the Prison , not to go abroad with his Keeper . Which is all the close Imprisonment which I ever knew that Court use . Lastly , the pinch of this Charge is , that I said , I received my Jurisdiction from God , and from Christ , contrary to an Act of Parliament , which says Bishops , derive their Jurisdiction from the King : This is Witnessed by all three , and that Dr. Bastwick read the Statute . That Statute speaks plainly of Jurisdiction in foro Contentioso , and places of Judicature , and no other . And all this forinsecal Jurisdiction , I and all Bishops in England derive from the Crown . But my Order , my Calling , my Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae , that is from God , and from Christ , and by Divine and Apostolical Right . And of this Jurisdiction it was that I then spake ( if I named Jurisdiction at all , and not my Calling in general . ) For I then sate in the High-Commission , and did Exercise the former Jurisdiction under the Broad Seal , and could not be so simple to deny the Power by which I then sate . Beside , the Canons of the Church of England , to which I have Subscribed , are plain for it . Nay farther : The Use and Exercise of my Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae , may not be but by the Leave and Power of the King within his Dominions . And if Bishops and Presbyters be all one Order ( as these Men contend for ) then Bishops must be Jure Divino , for so they maintain that Presbyters are . This part of the Charge Mr. Browne pressed in his Report to the House of Commons : And when I gave this same Answer , he in his Reply said nothing but the same over and over again , save that he said , I fled to he knew not what inward Calling and Jurisdiction ; which point as I expressed it , if he understood not , he should not have undertaken to Judge me . CAP. XXXII . THE 16th of May , I had an Order from the Lords , for free access of four of my Servants to me . On Friday May 17. I received a Note from the Committee , that they intended to proceed upon part of the Sixth Original Article remaining , and upon the Seventh ; which Seventh Article follows in haec Verba . That he hath Trayterously indeavoured to alter and subvert God's True Religion by Law Established in this Realm , and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry . And to that end hath Declared and Maintained in Speeches and Printed Books , divers Popish Doctrins and Opinions , contrary to the Articles of Religion Established . He hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and Superstitious Ceremonies , without any Warrant of Law ; and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same , by Corporal Punishment and Imprisonment ; and most unjustly vexed others who refused to Conform thereunto , by Ecclesiastical Censures of Excommunication , Suspension , Deprivation , and Degradation , contrary to the Law of this Kingdom . The Tenth Day of my Hearing . This day , May 20. Mr. Serjeant Wild undertook the Business against me . And at his Entrance he made a Speech , being now to charge me with Matter of Religion . In this Speech he spake of a Tide which came not in all at once . And so he said it was in the intended alteration of Religion . First a Connivence , then a Toleration , then a Subversion . Nor this , nor that . But a Tide it seems he will have of Religion . And I pray God his Truth , ( the True Protestant Religion here Established ) sink not to so low an Ebb , that Men may with ease wade over to that side , which this Gentleman seems most to hate . He fears both Ceremonies and Doctrine . But in both he fears where no fear is ; which I hope shall appear . He was pleased to begin with Ceremonies . In this he Charged first my Chappel at Lambeth , and Innovation in Ceremonies there . 1. The First Witness for this was Dr. Featly ; he says there were Alterations since my Predecessor's time . And I say so too , or else my Chappel must lye more undecently than is fit to express . He says , I turned the Table North and South . The Injunction says it shall be so . And then the Innovation was theirs in going from , not mine in returning to that way of placing it . Here Mr. Browne , in his last Reply in the House of Commons , said , that I cut the Injunction short , because in the Words immediately following , 't is Ordered , That this Place of standing shall be altered when the Communion is Administred . But first , the Charge against me is only about the Place of it : Of which that Injunction is so careful , that it Commands , That when the Communion is done , it be placed where it stood before . Secondly , it was never Charged against me , that I did not remove it at the Time of Communion ; nor doth the Reason expressed in the Injunction require it ; which is when the Number of Communicants is great , and that the Minister may be the better heard of them . Neither of which was necessary in my Chappel , where my Number was not great , and all might easily Hear . ( 2 ) The second thing which Dr. Featly said , was in down-right Terms , That the Chappel lay nastily , all the time he served in that House . Was it one of my Faults too to cleanse it ? ( 3 ) Thirdly , he says , The Windows were not made up with Coloured Glass , till my time . The Truth is , they were all shameful to look on , all diversly patched , like a Poor Beggars Coat . Had they had all white Glass , I had not stirred them . And for the Crucifix , he confesses it was standing in my Predecessors time , though a little broken : So I did but mend it , I did not set it up ( as was urged against me . ) And it was utterly mistaken by Mr. Brown , that I did repair the Story of those Windows , by their like in the Mass-Book . No , but I , and my Secretary made out the Story , as well as we could , by the Remains that were unbroken . Nor was any Proof at all offered , that I did it by the Pictures in the Mass-Book ; but only Mr. Pryn Testified , that such Pictures were there ; whereas this Argument is of no consequence : There are such Pictures in the Missal , therefore I repaired my Windows by them . The Windows contain the whole Story from the Creation to the Day of Judgment : Three Lights in a Window : The two Side-Lights contain the Types in the Old Testament , and the middle Light the Antitype and Verity of Christ in the New : And I believe the Types are not in the Pictures in the Missal . In the mean time , I know no Crime , or Superstition in this History : And though Calvin do not approve Images in Churches , yet he doth approve very well of them which contain a History ; and says plainly , that these have their use , in Docendo & Admonendo , in Teaching and Admonishing the People : And if they have that use , why they may not instruct in the Church , as well as out , I know not . Nor do the Homilies in this particular differ much from Calvin . But here the † Statute of Ed. 6. was charged against me , which requires the Destruction of all Images , as well in Glass-Windows , as elsewhere . And this was also earnestly pressed by Mr. Brown , when he repeated the Summ of the Charge against me in the House of Commons . To which I answered at both times : First , that the Statute of Ed. 6. spake of other Images ; and that Images in Glass-Windows , were neither mentioned , nor meant in that Law : The Words of the Statute are , Any Images of Stone , Timber , Alabaster or Earth ; Graven , Carved or Painted , taken out of any Church , &c. shall be Destroyed , &c. and not reserved to any Superstitious Use. So here 's not a Word of Glass-Windows , nor the Images that are in them . Secondly , that the Contemporary Practice , ( which is one of the best Expounders of the meaning of any Law ) did neither destroy all coloured Windows , though Images were in them , in the Queens time , nor abstain from setting up of new , both in her , and King James his Time. And as the Body of this Statute is utterly mistaken , so is the Penalty too ; which for the First and Second Offence is but a small Fine ; and but Imprisonment at the King's Will for the Third . A great way short of Punishment for Treason . And I could not but wonder that Mr. Brown should be so earnest in this Point , considering he is of Lincolns-Inn , where Mr. Pryn's Zeal hath not yet beaten down the Images of the Apostles in the fair Windows of that Chappel ; which Windows also were set up new long since that Statute of Edward 6. And t is well known , that I was once resolved to have returned this upon Mr. Brown in the House of Commons , but changed my Mind , lest thereby I might have set some furious Spirit on Work to destroy those harmless , goodly Windows ; to the just dislike of that Worthy Society . But to the Statute Mr. Brown added , That the Destruction of all Images , as well in Windows , as elsewhere , were * Condemned by the Homilies of the Church of England , and those Homilies confirmed in the Articles of Religion , and the Articles by Act of Parliament . This was also urged before ; and my Answer was , First , that though we Subscribed generally to the Doctrine of the Homilies , as good : Yet we did not express , or mean thereby to justifie and maintain every particular Phrase or Sentence contained in them . And Secondly , that the very Words of the Article to which we subscribe , are , That the Homilies do contain a Godly and a wholesom Doctrine , and necessary for those Times . Godly , and wholesom for all Times ; but necessary for those , when People were newly Weaned from the Worship of Images : Afterwards , neither the Danger , nor the Scandal alike . Mr. Brown in his Reply said , That since the Doctrine contained in the Homilies was wholesom and good , it must needs be necessary also for all Times . But this worthy Gentleman is herein much mistaken . Strong Meat , as well Spiritual as Bodily , is good and wholesom ; but though it be so , yet if it had been Necessary at all Times , and for all Men , the Apostle would never have fed the Corinthians with Milk , and not with Meat : The Meat always good in it self , but not necessary for them which were not able to bear it . ( 4 ) The Fourth thing which Dr. Featly Testifies , is , That there were Bowings at the coming into the Chappel , and going up to the Commanion-Table . This was usual in Queen Elizabeth's Time , and of Old , both among Jews , as appears in the Story of Hezekiah , 2 Chro. 29. 28. and among Christians ; as is evident in Rhenanus his Notes upon Tertullian : And one of them , which have written against the late Canons , confesses it was usual in the Queens Time ; but then adds , That that was a Time of Ignorance . What , a Time of such a Reformation , and yet still a Time of Ignorance ? I pray God the Opposite be not a Time of Prophaneness , and all is well . Mr. Brown in the Summ of his Charge given me in the House of Commons , instanced in this also . I answered as before , with this Addition , Shall I Bow to Men in each House of Parliament , and shall I not bow to God in his House , whither I do , or ought to come to Worship him ? Surely I must Worship God , and Bow to him , though neither Altar , nor Communion-Table be in the Church . ( 5 ) For Organs , Candlesticks , a Picture of a History at the back of the Altar , and Copes at Communions , and Consecrations , All which Dr. Featly named . First , these things have been in use ever since the Reformation . And Secondly , Dr. Featly himself did twice acknowledge that it was in my Chappel , as it was at White-Hall ; no difference . And it is not to be thought , that Queen Elizabeth and King James would have endured them all their Time in their own Chappel , had they been introductions for Popery . And for Copes , they are allowed at Times of Communion , by the Canons of the Church . So that these , all or any , are very poor Motives , from whence to argue an Alteration of Religion . 2. The second Witness against my Chappel was Sir Nathaniel Brent : But he says not so much as Dr. Featly : And in what he doth say , he agrees with him , saving that he cannot say whether the Picture at the Back of the Communion-Table , were not there before my time . 3. The third Witness for this Charge , was one Mr. Boreman , who came into my Chappel at Prayers time , when I had some new Plate to Consecrate for use at the Communion : And I think it was brought to me for that end by Dr. Featly . This Man says first , he then saw me Bow , and wear a Cope . That 's answer'd . Secondly , That he saw me Consecrate some Plate : That in that Consecration , I used some part of Solomon's Prayer , at the Dedication of the Temple : And that in my Prayer I did desire God to accept those Vessels . No fault in any of the Three . For in all Ages of the Church , especially since Constantine's Time , that Religion hath had publick allowance : There have been Consecrations of Sacred Vessels , as well as of Churches themselves . * And these Inanimate things are Holy , in that they are Deputed and Dedicated to the Service of God. And we are said to Minister about Holy Things , 1 Cor. 9. And the Altar is said to Sanctifie the Gift , S. Matt. 23. which it could not do , if it self were not Holy. So then , if there be no Dedication of these Things to God , no separation of them from common use , there 's neither Thing nor Place Holy. And then no Sacriledge ; no difference between Churches and common Houses ; between Holy-Tables ( so the Injunction calls them ) and ordinary Tables . But I would have no Man deceive himself ; Sacriledge is a grievous Sin , and was severely Punished even among the Heathen . And S. Paul's Question puts it home , would we consider of it , Thou which abhorrest Idols , Committest thou Sacriledge ? Rom. 2. Thou which abhorrest Idols to the very defacing of Church Windows , dost thou ? Thou of all other , Commit Sacriledge , which the very Worshippers of Idols punished ? And this being so , I hope my use of a part of Solomon's Prayer , or the Words of my own Prayer , ( That God would be pleased to accept them ) shall not be reputed Faults . But here stepped in Mr. Pryn , and said , This was according to the Form in Missali Parvo . But 't is well known I borrowed nothing thence . All that I used was according to the Copy of the late Reverend Bishop of Winchester , Bishop Andrews , which I have by me to be seen , and which himself used all his Time. Then from my Chappel , he went to my Study . And there the Second Charge was , That I had a Bible with the Five Wounds of Christ fair upon the Cover of it . This was curiously wrought in Needle-Work . The Bible was so sent me by a Lady , and she a Protestant ; I was loth to deface the Work ; but the Bible I kept in my Study from any Man's Hand or Eye , that might take Offence at it . Mr. Brown touched upon this , and my Answer was the same , saving that I mentioned not the Lady . Secondly , That I had in my Study a Missal , and divers other Books belonging to the Roman Liturgy . My Lords , 't is true , I had many ; but I had more of the Greek Liturgies , than the Roman . And I had as many of both , as I could get . And I would know , how we shall answer their Errors if we may not have their Books ? I had Liturgies , all I could get , both Ancient and Modern . I had also the Alcoarn in divers Copies : If this be an Argument , why do they not accuse me to be a Turk ? Thirdly , to this Charge was added my Private Prayer Book , which Mr. Pryn had taken from me in his Search . Where first I observed , That the Secrets between God and my Soul , were brought to be divulged in open Court. Nihil Gravius dicam . But see whether it can be parallel'd in Hetheanism . But what Popery was found in these Prayers ? Why , first they said , my Prayers were in Canonical Hours , Hora Sexta , & Hora Nona , &c. I injoyned my self several hours of Prayer : That I hope is no Sin : And if some of them were Church-Hours , that 's no Sin neither ; Seven Times a Day will I praise thee , was the Prophet David's , long before any Canonical Hours . And among Christians they were in use before Popery got any Head. God grant this may be my greatest Sin. Secondly , The Prayer which I made at the Consecration of the Chappel at Hammersmith . I desired that might be read , or any other : No Offence found . Thirdly , the Word Prostratus , in my Private Devotions , before I came to the Eucharist . If I did so to God , what 's that to any Man ? But I pray in all this curious Search , ( and Mr. Pryn here , and all along spared no pains ) why were no Prayers to the B. Virgin and the Saints found , if I were so swallowed up in Popery ? From my Study , he went on to my Gallery . The Serjeant would find out Popery ere he had done . Thence I was Charged with three Pictures . The First of them was a Fair Picture of the Four Fathers of the Western Church , S : Ambrose , S : Jerom , S : Augustine and S : Gregory . It was as Lawful to have this Picture as the Picture of any other Men. Yea ; but there was a Dove pictured over them , and that stood for the Holy-Ghost . That 's more than any Witness did , or durst depose . The Second was , the Ecce Homo , as Pilate brought Christ forth , and shewed him to the Jews . This Picture is Common , and I yet know no hurt of it , so it be not Worshipped . And that I detest as much as any Man , and have written as much against it as any Protestant hath : And it was then read in part . And for both these Pictures I answered farther out of Calvin ; That it is Lawful to make , and have the Picture of any things Quorum sint Capaces Oculi , which may be seen : Now the Dove was visible and seen , S. John 1. That 's for the first Picture . And for the Second , the Ecce Homo ; why did Pilat say Ecce , but that the Jews might and did see him ? St. Joh. 19. So both Pictures lawful by the Rule laid down , by Calvin . Mr. Brown Charged against both these Pictures very warmly , And when I had Answer'd as before , in his Reply he fell upon my Answer ; and said it was in the Homilies ( but either he quoted not the place , or I else slipped it ) That every Picture of Christ was a Lye , because whole Christ cannot be Pictured . But by this Argument it is unlawful to Picture any Man ; for the whole Man cannot be Pictured . Who ever drew a Picture of the Soul ? And yet who so simple as to say the Picture of a Man is a Lye ? Besides , the Ecce Homo is a Picture of the Humanity of Christ only , which may as lawfully be drawn as any other Man. And it may be I may give farther Answer , when I see the place in the Homilies . The Third Picture found in my Gallery , I marvel why it was produced . For it relates to that of our Saviour , St. John. 10. Where he says , that the Shepherd enters into the Sheepfold by the door , but they which climb up to enter another way , are Thieves and Robbers . And in that Picture the Pope and the Fryars are climbing up to get in at the Windows . So 't is as directly against Popery as can be . Besides , it was Witnessed before the Lords by Mr. Walter Dobson , an Ancient Servant , both to Arch-Bishop Bancroft and Abbot , that both the Ecce Homo and this Picture , were in the Gallery when he came first to Lambeth-House , which was about Forty Years since . So it was not brought thither by me to countenance Popery . And I hope your Lordships do not think me such a Fool , if I had an intention to alter Religion , I would hang the Profession of it openly in my Gallery , thereby to bring present danger upon my self , and destroy the work which themselves say I intended cunningly . And if there be any Error in having and keeping such Pictures , yet that is no sufficient proof , that I had any intention to alter the Religion Established , which I desire may be taken notice of once for all . From my Gallery the Serjeant crossed the Water to White-Hall , ( and sure in haste , for at that time he took no leave of Captain Guest , or his Wife , before he left Lambeth : ) At the Court he met Sir Henry Mildmay . This Knight being produced by him against me , says , That in my time Bowings were constantly used in the Chappel there . But first , Dr. Featly told your Lordships , there was nothingin my Chappel but as it was in use at White-Hall . So all the Popery I could bring , was there before . And Secondly , if bowing to God in his own House be not amiss ( as how it should I yet know not ) then there can be no fault in the constant doing of it : Quod semel fecisse bonum est , non potest malum esse si frequentèr fiat . So St. Jerome Teaches . Thirdly , I am very sorry , that any Reverence to God , in his House , and in the time of his Worship , should be thought too much . I am sure the Homilies , so often pressed against me , cry out against the neglect of Reverence in the Church . This passage was read , and by this it seems , the Devil 's Cunning was , so soon as he saw Superstition thrust out of this Church , to bring Irreverence and Prophaneness in . Here Mr. Browne having pressed this Charge , Replies upon me in his last , that I would admit no mean , but either there must be Superstition or Prophaneness ; whereas my words can infer no such thing . I said this was the Devil's Practice . I would have brought in the mean between them , and preserved it too by God's Blessing , had I been let alone . Sir Hen. says next , that he knew of no Bowings in that Chappel before my time , but by the Right Honourable the Knights of the Garter at their Solemnity . No time else ? Did he never see the King his Master Offer before my time ? Or did he ever see him Offer , or the Lord Chamberlain attend him there without Bowing and Kneeling too ? And for the Knights of the Garter , if they might do it without Superstition , I hope I and other Men might do so too . Especially since they were Ordered by Hen. 5. to do it with great Reverence , ad modum Sacerdotum . Which proves the Antiquity of this Ceremony in England . He farther says , there was a fair Crucifix in a piece of Hangings hung up behind the Altar , which he thinks was not used before my time . But that he thinks so is no proof . He says , This fair piece was hanged up in the Passion Week , as they call it . As they call it ? Which they ? Will he shut out himself from the Passion Week ? All Christians have called it so for above a * Thousand Years together ; and is that become an Innovation too ? As they call it . Fifthly , He says the hanging up of this piece was a great scandal to Men but indifferently affected to Religion . Here I humbly crave leave to observe some few Particulars . First , that here 's no proof so much as offer'd , that the piece was hung up by me or my Command . Secondly , that this Gentleman came often to me to Lambeth , and professed much Love to me , yet was never the Man that told me his Conscience , or any Mans else was troubled at it ; which had he done , that should have been a scandal to no Man. Thirdly , that if this were scandalous to any , it must be offensive in regard of the Workmanship ; or Quatenus Tale , as it was a Crucifix . Not in regard of the work certainly , for that was very exact . And then if it were because it was a Crucifix , why did not the old one offend Sir Henry's Conscience as much as the new ? For the piece of Hangings which hung constantly all the Year at the back of the Altar , thirty Years together upon my own Knowledge , and somewhat above , long before , ( as I offer'd proof by the Vestry Men ) and so all the time of Sir Henry's being in Court , had a Crucifix wrought in it , and yet his Conscience never troubled at it . Fourthly , that he could not possibly think that I intended any Popery in it , considering how hateful he knew me to be at Rome , beyond any my Predecessors since the Reformation . For so he protested at his return from thence to my self . And I humbly desire a Salvo , that I may have him called to Witness it . Which was granted . When they had charged me thus far , there came up a Message from the House of Commons . I was commanded to withdraw . But that Business requiring more haste , I was dismissed with a Command to attend again on Wednesday May 22. But then I was put off again to Munday May 27. And after much pressing for some Maintenance , considering how oft I was made attend , and with no small Expence , on May 25. I had an Order from the Committee of Sequestrations , to have Two Hundred Pound allowed me out of my own now Sequestred Estate . It was a Month before I could receive this . And this was all that ever was yet allowed me , since the Sequestration of my Estate , being then of above Two Years continuance . CAP. XXXIII . The Eleventh Day of my Hearing . THis day Mr. Serjeant Wilde followed the Charge upon me . And went back again to my Chappel Windows at Lambeth . Three Witnesses against them . The first was one Pember a Glasier . He says , there was in one of the Glass-Windows on the North side , the Picture of an Old Man with a Glory , which he thinks was of God the Father . But his thinking so is no proof : Nor doth he express in which of the North Windows he saw it . And for the Glory , that is usual about the Head of every Saint . And Mr. Brown , who was the Second Witness , and was trusted by me for all the work of the Windows , both at Lambeth and Croydon , says expresly upon his Oath , that there was no Picture of God the Father in the Windows at Lambeth . But he says , He found a Picture of God the Father in a Window at Croydon , and Arch-Bishop Cranmer's Arms under it , and that he pulled it down . So it appears this Picture was there before my time : And continued there in so Zealous an Arch-Bishop's time as Cranmer was well known to be , and it was pulled down in my time . Neither did I know till now , that ever such a Picture was there ; and the Witness deposes , he never made me acquainted with it . The Third Witness was Mr. Pryn. He says , he had taken a survey of the Windows at Lambeth . And I doubt not his diligence . He repeated the Story in each Window . I have told this before , and shall not repeat it . He says , the Pictures of these Stories are in the Mass-Book . If it be so , yet they were not taken thence by me . Arch-Bishop Morton did that work , as appears by his Device in the Windows . He says , the Story of the day of Judgment was in a Window in atrio , that must not come into the Chappel . Good Lord , whither will Malice carry a Man ? The Story opposite is of the Creation ; and what , must not that come into the Chappel neither ? The Chappel is divided into an inner and utter Chappel . In this outward the two Windows mentioned are . And the Partition or Skreen of the Chappel , which makes it two , was just in the same place where now it stands , from the very building of the Chappel , for ought can be proved to the contrary . So neither I nor any Man else did shut out the day of Judgment . He says , I had Read the Mass-Book diligently . How else should I be able really to confute what is amiss in it ? He says , I had also a Book of Pictures concerning the Life of Christ in my Study . And it was fit for me to have it . For some things are to be seen in their Pictures for the People , which their Writings do not , perhaps dare not avow . The Second Charge of this day , was about the Administration of the Sacrament in my Chappel . The Witnesses two . The first was Dr. Haywood , who had been my Chaplain in the House . They had got from others the Ceremonies there used , and then brought him upon Oath . He confessed he Administred in a Cope . And the Canon warranted it . He confesses ( as it was urged ) that he fetched the Elements from the Credential ( a little Side-Table as they called it ) and set them Reverently upon the Communion Table . Where 's the offence ? For first , the Communion Table was little , and there was hardly room for the Elements to stand conveniently there , while the Service was in Administration . And Secondly , I did not this without Example ; for both Bishop Andrews and some other Bishops , used it so all their time , and no exception taken . The Second Witness was Rob. Cornwall , one of my Menial Servants . A very forward Witness he shewed himself . But said no more than is said and answered before . Both of them confessing that I was sometimes present . The Third Charge was about the Ceremonies at the Coronation of his Majesty . And first out of my Diary , Feb : 2 : 1625. 'T is urged , that I carried back the Regalia , offer'd them on the Altar , and then laid them up in their place of safety . I bare the place at the Coronation of the Dean of Westminster , and I was to look to all those things , and their safe return into Custody , by the place I then Executed . And the offering of them could be no offence . For the King himself offers upon solemn days . And the Right Honourable the Knights of the Garter offer at their Solemnity . And the Offertory is Established by Law in the Common Prayer Book of this Church . And the Prebendaries assured me it was the Custom for the Dean so to do . Secondly , they charged a Marginal Note in the Book upon me : That the Vnction was in formâ Crucis . That Note doth not say that it ought so to be done ; but it only relates the Practice , what was done . And if any fault were in Anointing the King in that form , it was my Predecessors fault , not mine , for he so Anointed him . They say , there was a Crucifix among the Regalia , and that it stood upon the Altar at the Coronation , and that I did not except against it . My Predecessor Executed at that time . And I believe would have excepted against the Crucifix had it stood there . But I remember not any there . Yet if there were , if my Predecessor approved the standing of it , or were content to connive at it , it would have been made but a Scorn had I quarrell'd it . They say one of the Prayers was taken out of the Pontifical . And I say , if it were , it was not taken thence by me . And the Prayers are the same that were used at King James his Coronation . And so the Prayer be good ( and here 's no word in it , that is excepted against ) 't is no matter whence 't is taken . Then leaving the Ceremonies , he charged me with two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Body of the King's Oath . One added , namely these Words ( 〈◊〉 to the King's Prerogative . ) The other omitted , namely these words , ( Quae Populus Elegerit , which the People have chosen , or shall choose . ) For this latter , the Clause omitted , that suddenly vanished . For it was omitted in the Oath of King James , as is confessed by themselves in the * Printed Votes of this present Parliament . But the other highly insisted on , as taking off the total assurance which the Subjects have by the Oath of their Prince for the performance of his Laws . First , I humbly conceive this Clause takes off none of the Peoples Assurance ; none at all . For the King 's Just and Legal Prerogative , and the Subjects Assurance for Liberty and Property may stand well together , and have so stood for Hundreds of Years . Secondly , that Alteration , what ever it be , was not made by me ; nor is there any Interlining or Alteration so much as of a Letter found in that Book . Thirdly , if any thing be amiss therein , my Predecessor gave that Oath to the King , and not I. I was meerly Ministerial , both in the Preparation , and at the Coronation it self , supplying the place of the Dean of Westminster . After this days work was ended , it instantly spread all over the City , that I had altered the King's Oath at his Coronation , and from thence into all parts of the Kingdom ; as if all must be true which was said at the Bar against me , what Answer so-ever I made . The People and some of the Synod now crying out , that this one thing was enough to take away my Life . And though this was all that was Charged this day concerning this Oath , yet seeing how this fire took , I thought fit the next day that I came to the Bar , to desire that the Books of the Coronation of former Kings , especially those of Queen Elizabeth and King James , might be seen and compared , and the Copies brought into the Court , both from the Exchequer , and such as were in my Study at Lambeth : And a fuller Inquisition made into the Business : In regard I was as Innocent from this Crime , as when my Mother bare me into the World. A Salvo was entred for me upon this . And every day that I after came to the Bar , I called upon this Business . But somewhat or other was still pretended by them which managed the Evidence , that I could not get the Books to be brought forth , nor any thing to be done , till almost the last day of my Hearing . Then no Books could be found in the Exchequer , nor in my Study , but only that of King James ; whereas , when the Keys were taken from me , there were divers Books there , as is confessed in the Printed Votes of this Parliament : And one of them with a Watchet Sattin Cover , now missing . And whether this of King James ( had not my Secretary , who knew the Book , seen it drop out of Mr. Pryn's Bag ) would not have been concealed too , I cannot tell . At last , the Book of King James his Coronation , and the other urged against me concerning King Charles , were seen and compared openly in the Lords House , and found to be the same Oath in both , and no Interlining or Alteration in the Book charged against me . This Business was left by the Serjeant to Mr. Maynard , who made the most that could be out of my Diary against me . And so did Mr. Brown , when he came to give the Summ of the Charge against me , both before the Lords , and after in the House of Commons . And therefore for the avoiding of all tedious Repetition : And for that the Arguments which both used , are the same : And because I hold it not fit to break a Charge of this moment into divers pieces , or put them in different places , I will 〈◊〉 set down the whole Business together , and the Answer which I then gave . Mr. Brown in the Summ of the Charge against me in the Commons-House , when he came to this Article , said , he was now come to the Business so much expected . And I humbly besought that Honourable House , if it were a Matter of so great Expectation , it might be of as great Attention too , while I should follow that Worthy Gentleman , step after step , and Answer as I went. 1. And First , he went about to prove out of my Diary , that this Addition ( of the King's Prerogative ) to the Oath , was made by me . Thus he says , that Decemb. 31. 1625. I went to Hampton-Court . That 's true . He says , that there , Januar. 1. I understood I was Named with other Bishops , to meet and consider of the Ceremonies about the Coronation ; and that , Januar. 4. we did meet at White-Hall accordingly ; and that , Januar. 6. we gave his Majesty an Answer . Not I ( as 't was Charged ) but We gave his Majesty Answer . So if the Oath , had been changed by me , it must have been known to the Committee , and broken forth to my Ruin long since . Then he says , that Januar . 16. I was appointed to serve at the Coronation , in the room of the Dean of Westminster . That 's no Crime ; and 't is added in the Diary , that this Charge was delivered unto me by my Predecessor . So he knew that this Service to Attend at the Coronation was imposed upon me . He says next , that Januar. 18. the Duke of Buckingham had me to the King , to shew his Majesty the Notes we had agreed on , if nothing offended him . These were only Notes of the Ceremonies . And the other Bishops sent me , being Puny , to give the Account . Then he says , Januar. 23. It is in my Diary , Librum habui paratum , I had a Book ready . And it was time , after such meetings ; and the Coronation being to follow Feb. 2. and I designed to assist and attend that Service , that I should have a Book ready . The Ceremonies were too long and various to carry them in Memory . And whereas 't is urged , that I prepared and altered this Book ; the words in my Diary , are only Paratum habui , I had the Book ready for my own use in that Service . Nor can Paratum habui , signifie preparing or altering the Book . And Thirdly , 't is added there , That the Book which I had ready in my Hands , did agree per omnia cum Libro Regali : And if it did agree in all things with the King 's Recorded Book then brought out of the Exchequer , where then is the Alteration so laboriously sought to be fastned on me ? I humbly beseech you to mark this . Yet out of these Premises put together , Mr. Brown's Inference was , that I made this Alteration of the Oath . But surely these Premises , neither single nor together , can produce any such Conclusion ; but rather the contrary . Beside , Inference upon Evidence is not Evidence , unless it be absolutely necessary ; which all Men see that here it is not . But I pray observe . Why was such a sudden stay made at Januar. 23. whereas it appears in my Diary at Januar. 31. that the Bishops were not alone trusted with this Coronation Business ; Sed alii Proceres , but other Great and Noble Men also . And they did meet that Januar. 31. and sate in Council about it . So the Bishops Meetings were but Preparatory to ease the Lords , most of the Ceremonies being in the Church-way . And then can any Man think , that these great Lords , when they came to review all that was done , would let the Oath be altered by me or any other , so materially , and not check at it ? 'T is impossible . 2. Secondly , this Gentleman went on to charge this Addition upon me , Thus , There were found in my Study at Lambeth two Books of King James his Coronation , one of them had this Clause or Addition in it , and the other had it not ; and we cannot tell by which he was Crowned , therefore it must needs be some wilful Error in me ; to make choice of that Book which had this Addition in it ; or some great mistake . First , if it were a mistake only , then it is no Crime . And wilful Error it could not be . For being Named one of them that were to consider of the Ceremonies , I went to my Predecessor , and desired a Book , to see by it what was formerly done . He delivered me this now in question ; I knew not whether he had more or no ; nor did I know that any one of them differed from other . Therefore no wilful Error . For I had no choice to make of this Book which had the Addition , before that which had it not ; but thankfully took that which he gave me . But Secondly , If one Book of King James his Coronation , in which I could have no Hand , had this Addition in it , ( as is confessed ) then was not this a new Addition of my making . And Thirdly , it may easily be seen , that King James was Crowned by the Book which hath this Addition in it , this being in a fair Carnation Sattin Cover , the other in Paper without a Cover , and unfit for a King's Hand , especially in such a great and publick Solemnity . 3. In the Third place he said , There were in this Book twenty Alterations more , and all or most in my Hand . Be it so , ( for I was never suffered to have the Book to consider of ) they are confessed not to be material . The Truth is , when we met in the Committee , we were fain to mend many slips of the Pen , to make Sense in some places , and good English in other . And the Book being trusted with me , I had Reason to do it with my own Hand , but openly at the Committee all . Yet two Things as Matters of some moment Mr. Brown checked at . 1. The one was , that Confirm is changed into Perform . If it be so , Perform is the greater and more advantagious to the Subject , because it includes Execution , which the other word doth not . Nor doth this word hinder , but that the Laws and Liberties are the Peoples already . For though they be their own , yet the King by his place , may and ought to perform the keeping and maintaining of them . I say ( if it be so ) for I was never suffered to have this Book in my Hands thoroughly to peruse : Nor , under favour , do I believe this Alteration is so made , as 't is urged . [ In the Book which I have by me , and was Transcribed from the other , it is Confirm . ] 2. The other is , that the King is said to Answer , I will for I do : But when will he ? Why all the days of his Life ; which is much more than I do for the present . So , if this change be made , 't is still for the Peoples advantage . [ And there also 't is I do grant . ] And yet again I say ( if ) for the Reason before given . Besides , in all the Latin Copies , there is a latitude left for them that are trusted , to add to those Interrogatories which are then put to the King , any other that is just ; In these Words , Adijciantur praedictis Interrogationibus quae justa fuerint . And such are these two mentioned , if they were made . 4. Mr. Brown's Fourth and last Objection was , that I made this Alteration of the Oath , because it agrees ( as he said ) with my Judgment : For that in a Paper of Bishop Harsnett's , there is a Marginal Note in my Hand , that Salvo Jure Coronae , is understood in the Oaths of a King. But first , there 's a great deal of difference between Jus Regis & Praerogativa , between the Right and Inheritance of the King and his Prerogative , though never so Legal . And with Submission , and until I shall be convinced herein , I must believe ; that no King can Swear himself out of his Native Right . Secondly , If this were , and still be an Error in my Judgment , that 's no Argument at all to prove Malice in my Will : That because that is my Judgment for Jus Regis , therefore I must thrust Praerogativam Regis , which is not my Judgment , into a Publick Oath which I had no Power to alter . These were all the Proofs which Mr. Maynard at first , and Mr. Brown at last , brought against me in this Particular . And they are all but Conjectural , and the Conjectures weak . But that I did not alter this Oath by adding the Prerogative , the Proofs I shall bring are Pregnant , and some of them Necessary . They are these . 1. My Predecessor was one of the Grand Committee for these Ceremonies . That was proved by his Servants to the Lords . Now his known Love to the Publick was such , as that he would never have suffered me or any other , to make such an Alteration . Nor would he have concealed such a Crime in me , loving me so well as he did . 2. Secondly , 'T is Notoriously known , that he Crowned the King , and Administred the Oath , ( which was avowed also before the Lords by his Ancient Servants . ) And it cannot be rationally conceived he would ever have Administred such an alter'd Oath to his Majesty . 3. Thirdly , 'T is expressed in my Diary , at Januar. 31. 1625. ( And that must be good Evidence for me , having been so often produced against me , ) that divers great Lords were in this Committee for the Ceremonies , and did that Day sit in Council upon them . And can it be thought they would not so much as compare the Books ? Or that comparing of them , they would indure an Oath with such an Alteration to be Tender'd to the King ? Especially , since 't is before confessed , that One Copy of King James his Coronation had this Alteration in it , and the other had it not . 4. Fourthly , 'T is expressed in my Diary , and made use of against me , at Januar. 23. 1625. That this Book urged against me did agree per Omnia cum Libro Regali , in all things with the King's Book brought out of the Exchequer . And if the Book that I then had , and is now insisted upon , did agree with that Book which came out of the Exchequer , and that in all things , how is it possible I should make this Alteration ? 5. Fifthly , with much Labour I got the Books to be compared in the Lords House ; That of King James his Coronation , and this of King Charles . And they were found to agree in all things to a Syllable . Therefore 't is impossible this should be added by me . And this I conceive cuts off all Conjectural Proofs to the contrary . Lastly , In the Printed Book of the Votes of this present Parliament , it is acknowledged , that the Oath given to King James and King Charles was the same . The same . Therefore unaltered . And this Passage of that Book I then shewed the Lords in my Defence . To this Mr. Maynard then replyed . That the Votes there mentioned , were upon the Word Elegerit , and the doubt whether it should be , hath chosen , or shall chuse . I might not then Answer to the Reply , but the Answer is plain . For , be the occasion which led on the Votes , what it will ; as long as the Oath is acknowledged the same , 't is manifest it could not be altered by me . And I doubt not , but these Reasons will give this Honourable House Satisfaction , that I added not this Particular of the Prerogative to the Oath . Mr. Brown , in his last Reply , passed over the other Arguments I know not how . But against this , he took Exception . He brought the Book with him , and Read the Passage . And said ( as far as I remember ) that the Votes had Relation to the Word Chuse , and not to this Alteration . Which is in Effect the same which Mr. Maynard urged before . I might not Reply by the Course of the Court , but I have again considered of that Passage , and find it plain . Thus , First they say : They have considered of all the Alterations in the Form of this Oath which they can find . Therefore of this Alteration also , if any such were : Then they say , Excepting that Oath which was taken by his Majesty and his Father King James . There it is confessed , that the Oath taken by them , was one and the same , called there That Oath , which was taken by both . Where falls the Exception then ? For 't is said , Excepting that Oath , &c. why it follows , Excepting that the Word Chuse is wholly left out , as well hath Chosen as will Chuse . Which is a most manifest and evident Confession , that the Oath of King James and King Charles was the same in all things , to the very leaving out of the Word Chuse . Therefore it was the same Oath all along . No difference at all . For Exceptio firmat Regulam in non Exceptis ; and here 's no Exception at all of this Clause of the Prerogative . Therefore the Oath of both the Kings was the same in that , or else the Votes would have been sure to mention it . Where it may be observed too , that Serjeant Wilde , though he knew these Votes , and was present both at the Debate and the Voting ; and so must know that the Word Chuse , was omitted in both the Oaths , yet at the first he Charged it eagerly upon me , that I had left this Clause of Chusing out of King Charles his Oath , and added the other . God forgive him . But the World may see by this , and some other Passages , with what Art my Life was sought for . And yet before I quite leave this Oath , I may say 't is not altogether improbable , that this Clause ( And agreeing to the Prerogative of the King 's thereof ) was added to the Oath in Edward 6. or Queen Elizabeth's time : And hath no Relation at all to the Laws of this Kingdom , absolutely mentioned before in the beginning of this Oath ; But only to the Words [ The Profession of the Gospel Established in this Kingdom , ] And then immediately follows , And agreeing to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof . By which the King Swears to maintain his Prerogative , according to God's Law , and the Gospel Established , against all foreign Claims and Jurisdictions whatsoever . And if this be the meaning , he that made the Alteration , whoever it were ( for I did it not ) deserves Thanks for it , and not the Reward of a Traytor . Now to return to the Day . The Fourth Charge went on with the Ceremonies still . But Mr. Serjeant was very nimble . For he leaped from the Coronation at Westminster , to see what I did at Oxford . 1. There the first Witness is Sir Nathaniel Brent . And he says , The standing of the Communion-Table at St. Mary's was altered . I have answered to this Situation of the Communion-Table already . And if it be lawful in one place , 't is in another . For the Chappel of Magdalen College , and Christ-Church Quire , he confesses he knows of no Direction given by me to either : Nor doth he know , whether I reproved the things there done or no. So all this is no Evidence . For the Picture of the Blessed Virgin at St. Mary's Door , as I knew nothing of it till it was done , so never did I hear any Abuse or Dislike of it after it was done . And here Sir Nathaniel confesses too , that he knows not of any Adoration of it , as Men passed the Streets or otherwise . When this Witness came not home , they urged the Statute of Merton College , or the Vniversity , where ( if I took my Notes right ) they say , I enjoyned Debitam Reverentiam . And as I know no fault in that Injunction , or Statute ; so neither do I know what due Bodily Reverence can be given to God in his Church , without some Bowing or Genuflection . 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Corbett . He says , that when decent Reverence was required by my Visitors 〈◊〉 one of my Articles , he gave Reasons against it , but Sir Jo. Lambe urged it still . First , my Lords , if Mr. Corbett's Reasons were sufficient , Sir Jo. Lambe was to blame in that ; but Sir Jo. Lambe must answer it , and not I. Secondly , it may be observed , that this Man , by his own Confession , gave Reasons ( such as they were ) against due Reverence to God in his own House . He says , that Dr. Frewen told him from me , That I wished he should do as others did at St. Mary's , or let another Execute his place as Proctor . This is but a Hearsay from Dr. Frewen , who being at Oxford , I cannot produce him . And if I had sent such a Message , I know no Crime in it . He says , that after this , he desired he might enjoy in this Particular the Liberty which the King and the Church of England gave him . He did so : And from that Day he heard no more of it , but enjoyed the Liberty which he asked . He says , Mr. † Channell desired the same Liberty as well as he . And Mr. Channell had it granted as well as he . He confesses ingenuously , that the Bowing required , was only Toward , not to the Altar . And * To the Picture at St. Mary's Door , he says , he never heard of any Reveverence done to it : And doth believe that all that was done at Christ-Church , was since my Time. But it must be his Knowledge , not his Belief , that must make an Evidence . 3. The Third Witness , was one Mr. Bendye . He says , There was a Crucifix in Lincoln College Chappel since my time . If there be , 't is more than I know . My Lord of York that now is , when he was Bishop of Lincoln , worthily bestowed much Cost upon that Chappel , and if he did set up a Crucifix , I think it was before I had ought to do there . He says , there was Bowing at the Name of Jesus . And God forbid but there should ; and the Canon of the Church requires it . He says , there were Latin Prayers in Lent , but he knows not who injoyned it . And then he might have held his Peace . But there were Latin Sermons , and Prayers on Ash-Wednesday , when few came to Church , but the Lent Proceeders , who understood them . And in divers Colleges they have their Morning-Prayers in Latin , and had so , long before I knew the University . The last Thing he says , was , That there were Copes used in some Colleges , and that a Traveller should say , upon the sight of them , that he saw just such a thing upon the Pope's Back . This Wise Man might have said as much of a Gown : He saw a Gown on the Pope's Back ; therefore a Protestant may not wear one : or entring into S. Pauls , he may cry , Down with it ; for I saw the Pope in just such another Church in Rome . 4. Then was urged the conclusion of a Letter of mine sent to that Vniversity . The Words were to this Effect , I desire you to remember me a Sinner , Quoties coram 〈◊〉 Dei 〈◊〉 . The Charge lay upon the Word Procidatis ; which is no more , than that when they there fall on their Knees , or Prostrate to Prayer , they would remember me . In which Desire of mine , or Expression of it , I can yet see no Offence . No , nor in coram Altare , their Solemnest time of Prayer being at the Communion . Here Mr. Brown Aggravated the things done in that University : And fell upon the Titles given me in some Letters from thence ; but because I have answered those Titles already , I refer the Reader thither , and shall not make here any tedious Repetition : Only this I shall add ; That in the Civil Law 't is frequent to be seen , that not Bishops only one to another , but the great Emperours of the World have commonly given that Title of Sanctitas vestra , to Bishops of meaner place than my self ; to say no more . But here Mr. Brown , in his last Reply , was pleased to say , This Title was not given to any Bishop of England . First , if I had my Books about me , perhaps this might be refuted . Secondly , why should so Grave a Man as he so much Disparage his own Nation ? Is it impossible ( be my Unworthiness what it will ) for an English Bishop to deserve as good a Title as another ? Thirdly , be that as it may , if it were ( as certainly it was ) Lawfully given to other Bishops , though they not English , then is it neither Blasphemy , nor Assumption of Papal Power , as was Charged upon it . From Oxford Mr. Serjeant went to Cambridge . And I must be Guilty , if ought were amiss there too . For this Fifth Charge were produced three Witnesses , Mr. Wallis , Mr. Greece , and Mr. Seaman . Their Testimonies agreed very near : So I will answer them together . First , they say , That at Peter-House there were Copes and Candlesticks , and Pictures in the Glass-Windows ; and the like . But these things I have often answered already , and shall not repeat . They say , the Chief Authors of these things , were Dr. Wren and Dr. Cosens . They are both living , why are they not called to answer their own Acts ? For here 's yet no shew of Proof to bring any thing home to me . For no one of them says , that I gave direction for any of these . No , ( says Mr. Serjeant ) but why did I tolerate them ? First , no Man complained to me . Secondly , I was not Chancellor , and endured no small Envy for any little thing that I had occasion to look upon in that place . And thirdly , this was not the least Cause , why I followed my Right for Power to visit there . And though that Power was confirmed to me , yet the Times have been such as that I did not then think fit to use it . It would have but heaped more Envy on me , who bare too much already . As for Mr. Greece , who hath laboured much against me in all this Business , God forgive him ; and while he Inherits his Father's ill Affections to me , God preserve him from his Father's End. From Cambridge he went to the Cathedrals , and first to Canterbury . Here the Charge is Bowing versus Altare ; the two Witnesses , two Prebendaries of that Church , Dr : Jackson , and Dr : Blechenden . And first , Dr : Jackson says , the Bowing was versus Altare : So not to , but toward the Altar ; and Dr : Blechenden says , it was the Adoration of the High Majesty of God , to whom , if no Altar were there , I should Bow. Dr : Jackson says , this Bowing was to his Grief . Strange ! I avow to your Lordships and the World , no Man did so much approve all my Proceedings in that Church , as he : And for this Particular , he never found the least fault with it to me ; and if he conceal his Grief , I cannot ease it . He says , this Bowing was not in use till within this Six or Seven Years . Sure the Old Man's Memory fails him . For Dr. Blechenden says , the Communion-Table was railed about , and Bowings before it , when he came first to be a Member of that Church ; and saith upon his Oath that 's above Ten Years ago . And that it was practised before their new Statutes were made ; and that in those Statutes no Punishment is infticted for the Breach , or not Performance of this Reverence . I could tell your Lordships how often Dr : Jackson hath shifted his Opinions in Religion , but that they tell me their Witnesses must not be Scandalized . As for the Statutes , my Secretary Mr : Dell , who copied them out , testified here to the Lords , that I left out divers Superstitions which were in the Old Book , and Ordained many Sermons in their rooms . The next Cathedral he instanced in was Winchester . But there 's nothing but the old Objections , Copes . And the wearing of them is warranted by the Canon ; and Reverence at coming in , and going out of the Church . And that , great Kings have not ( in better Ages ) thought much to do . And they did well to instance in the College of Winchester as well as the Church ; for 't is confessed , the Injunction sent thither requires , that the Reverence used be such as is not dissonant from the Church of England . So , this may be a Comment to the other Injunctions . But for the Copes in Cathedrals , Mr. Brown in his last Reply was not satisfied . For he said , the Canon mentioned but the wearing of one Cope . Be it so : But they must have that before they can wear it . And if the Canon enjoyn the wearing of one , my Injunction might require the providing and using of one . Besides , if there be no Popery , no introduction to Superstition in the having or using of one ; then certainly , there can be none in the having of more for the same use : The Superstition being lodged in the misuse , not in the number . From the Cathedrals , Mr. Serjeant went to view some Parish-Churches . And First , 't is Charged , That in a Parish-Church at Winchester two Seats were removed to make way for Rayling in of the Communion-Table . But for ought I know , this might have been concealed . For it was liked so well , that they to whom the Seats belonged , removed them at their own Charges , that the other might be done . The next instance was in St : Gregory's Church , by S : Pauls . The Charge was , the Placing of the Communion-Table Altar-wise . To the Charge it self Answer is given before . The Particulars which are new are these : The Witness Mr : Wyan . He says , the Order for such placing of the Table was from the Dean and Chapter of S : Pauls . And S : Gregory's is in their peculiar Jurisdiction . So the Holy-Table was there placed by the Ordinary , not by me . He says next , That the Parishioners appealed to the Arches , but received an Order to Command them and the Cause to the Council Board : That it was a full Board when the Cause was heard , and his Majesty present : And that there I maintained the Queens Injunction , about placing the Communion-Table . In all this , here 's nothing Charged upon me , but maintenance of the Injunction : And I had been much to blame if I should not have maintained it . He says , Sir Henry Martin came and saw it , and said it would make a good Court Cupboard . If Sir Henry did say so , the Scorn ill became either his Age , or Profession ; though a Court Cupboard be somewhat a better Phrase than a Dresser . God forgive them who have in Print called it so . He says , That hereupon I did say , that he which spake that , had a Stigmatical Puritan in his Bosom . This Man's Memory serves him long for Words : This was many Years since ; and if I did speak any thing sounding this way , 't is more like I should say Schismatical , than Stigmatical Puritan . But let him look to his Oath ; and which Word soever I used , if Sir Henry used the one , he might well hear the other . For a prophane Speech it was , and little becoming a Dean of the Arches . He says , that soon after this , Sir Henry was put out of his Place . Not very soon after this ; for I was at the time of this Business ( as far as I remember ) Bishop of London , and had nothing to do with the disposing of his Place . After , when I came to be Arch-Bishop I found his Patent was void , neither could Sir Henry himself deny it . And being void , and in my Gift , I gave it to another . He says farther , That it was urged that this way of Placing the Communion Table was against the Word of God , in Bishop Jewel , and Mr : Fox his Judgment ; and that I replied , it were better they should not have these Books in Churches , than so to abuse them . First , for ought I yet know ( and in these straights of time the Books I cannot come at ) their Judgment , rightly understood , is not so . Secondly , Though these two were very worthy Men in their Time , yet every thing which they say is not by and by the Doctrine of the Church of England . And I may upon good reason depart from their Judgment in some Particulars , and yet not differ from the Church of England . As in this very Particular , the Injunction for placing of the Table so , is the Act of the Queen and the Church of England . And I concieve the Queen , then upon the Act of Reformation , would not have enjoyned it , nor the Church obeyed it , had it been against the Word of God. Thirdly , if I did say , That if they could make no better use of Jewel and the Book of Martyrs , it were better they had them not in the Churches . They gave too great occasion for the Speech : For they had picked divers things out of those Books which they could not master , and with them distempered both themselves and their Neighbours . And yet in hope other more Modest Men might make better use of them , I never gave Counsel to have those Books removed ( nor is that so much as Charged ) but said only thus , That if no better use would be made of them , then that last Remedy ; but never till then . This last Passage Mr. Brown insisted upon : The taking of good Books from the People . But as I have answered , there was no such thing done , or intended ; only a Word spoken to make busie Men see how they abused themselves and the Church , by misunderstanding and misapplying that which was written for the good of both . Lastly , it was urged , He said , that the Communion-Table must stand Altarwise , that Strangers which come and look into these Churches , might not see such a Disproportion : The Holy Table standing one way in the Mother-Church , and quite otherwise in the Parochial annexed . And truly , to see this , could be no Commendation of the Discipline of the Church of England . But howsoever , Mr. Clarke ( the other Witness with Wyan , and agreeing with him in the most ) says plainly that it was the Lord of Arundel that spake this , not I : And that he was seconded in it by the Lord Weston , then Lord Treasurer , not by me . The last Charge of this Day was a passage out of one Mr : Shelford's Book , p. 20 , 21. That they must take the Reverend Prelates for their Examples , &c. And Mr. Pryn Witnessed , the like was in the Missal , p. 256. Mr. Shelford is a meer Stranger to me ; his Book I never read ; if he have said any thing Unjust or Untrue ; let him answer for himself . As for the like to that , which he says , being in the Missal , though that be but a weak Argument , yet let him salve it . Here this Day ending , I was put off to Saturday , June 1. And then again put off to Thursday , June 6. which held . CAP. XXXIV . My Twelfth Day of Hearing . THis Day Serjeant Wild , instead of beginning with a new Charge , made another long Reply to my Answers of the former Day . Whether he found that his former Reply made at the time , was weak , and so reputed , I cannot tell . But another he made , as full of premeditated Weakness , as the former was of sudden . Mr. Pryn I think perceived it , and was often at his Ear ; but Mr. Serjeant was little less than angry , and would on . I knew I was to make no Answer to any Reply , and so took no Notes : Indeed , holding it all as it was , that is , either nothing , or nothing to the purpose . This tedious Reply ended ; Then came on the First Charge about the Window of Coloured Glass set up in the New Chappel at Westminster . It was the History of the coming down of the Holy-Ghost upon the Apostles . This was Charged to be done by me , and at my Cost : The Witnesses , Mr. Brown , imployed in setting up the Window , and Mr : Sutton the Glasier . These Men say , that Dr : Newell , Sub-Dean of Westminster , gave Order for the Window and the setting of it up ; but they know not at whose Cost , nor was any Order given from me . So here 's nothing Charged upon me . And if it were , I know nothing amiss in the Window . As for the Kings Arms being taken down ( as they say ) Let them answer that did it . Though I believe , that the King's Arms standing alone in a white Window , was not taken down out of any ill meaning , but only out of necessity to make way for the History . The Second Charge was the Picture of the Blessed Virgin set upon a New-Built Door at S : Marys in Oxford . Here Alderman Nixon says , That some Passengers put off their Hats , and , as he supposes , to that Picture . But , my Lords , his Supposal is no Proof . He says , that the next day he saw it . But what did he see ? Nothing , but the putting off the Hat ; For he could not see why , or to what ; unless they which put off , told it . They might put off to some Acquaintance that passed by . He farther says , he saw a Man in that Porch upon his Knees , and he thinks praying ; but he cannot say to that . But then ( if the Malice he hath long born me , would have suffer'd him ) he might have stayed till he knew to whom he was Praying , for till then 't is no Evidence . He says , he thinks that I Countenanced the setting of it up , because it was done by Bishop Owen . But Mr : Bromfeeld , who did that Work , gave Testimony to the Lords , that I had nothing to do in it . He says , there was an Image set up at Carfax Church , but pulled down again by Mr : Widdows , Vicar there . But this hath no relation at all to me . This Picture of the Blessed Virgin was twice mentioned before . And Sir Nath : Brent could say nothing to it but Hearsay . And Mr : Corbet did not so much as hear of any Abuse . And now Alderman Nixon says , he saw Hats put off ; but the wise Man knows not to what . Nor is there any shew of Proof offer'd , that I had any Hand or Approbation in the setting of it up . Or that ever any Complaint was made to me of any Abuse to it , or dislike of it . And yet Mr. Brown , when he gave the Summ of the Charge against me , insisted upon this also , as some great Fault of mine , which I cannot yet see . In the next Charge , Mr. Serjeant is gone back again to White-Hall , as in the former to Oxford . The Witnesses are Mrs. Charnock , and her Daughter . They say , they went ( being at Court ) into the Chappel , and it seems a Woman with them , that was a Papist : And that while they were there , Dr. Brown , one of the King's Chaplains came in , Bowed toward the Communion-Table , and then at the Altar kneeled down to his Prayers . I do not know of any Fault Dr. Brown committed , either in doing Reverence to God , or Praying , and there . And yet if he had committed any Fault , I hope I shall not answer for him . I was not then Dean of the Chappel , nor did any ever complain to me . They say , that two Strangers came into the Chappel at the same time , and saw what Dr. Brown did , and said thereupon , that sure we did not differ much , and should be of one Religion shortly . And that the Woman which was with these Witnesses , told them they were Priests . First , this can no way Relate to me ; for neither did these Women complain to me of it , nor any from them . Secondly , if these two Men were Priests , and did say , as is Testified ; are we ever a whit the nearer them in Religion ? Indeed , if all the difference between Rome and us , consisted in outward Reverence , and no Points of Doctrine , some Argument might hence be drawn ; but the Points of Doctrine being so many and great , put stop enough to that . Thirdly , if Recusants , Priests especially , did so speak , might it not be said in Cunning to Discountenance all External Worship in the Service of God , that so they may have opportunity to make more Proselytes ? And 't is no small Advantage , to my knowledge , which they have this way made . And this was the Answer which I gave Mr. Brown , when he Charged this upon me in the House of Commons . Here , before they went any farther , Mr. Serjeant Wilde told the Lords , that when Sir Nathaniel Brent was imployed in my Visitation , he had Instructions for particular Churches , of which some were Tacit Intimations , and some Express . I know not to what end this was spoken ; for no Coherent Charge followed upon it . But sure , he thinks Sir Nathaniel Brent very skilful in me , that he can understand my Tacit Intimations , and know to what Particular Church to apply them . And as I said no more at the Bar , so neither did I think to say any more after ; yet now I cannot but a little bemoan my self . For ever since Mr. Maynard left off , who Pleaded , though strongly , yet fairly , against me , I have been in very ill Condition between the other two . For from Mr. Nicolas , I had some Sense , but extream virulent and foul Language . And from Serjeant Wilde , Language good enough sometimes , but little or no Sense . For let me answer what I would , when he came to Reply , he repeated the Charge again , as if I had made no Answer at all . Or as if all that I Expressed never so plainly , had been but Tacit Intimations ; which I think he understood as much as Sir Nathaniel Brent In the Fourth Charge , he told the Lords he would not trouble them with repeating the Evidence , but only put them in mind of some things in the Case of Ferdinando Adams , of Ipswich : Of the Men of Lewis suffering in the High-Commission : Of the Parishioners of Beckington , and some others heard before , but would leave the Lords to their Memory and their Notes . Yet read over the Sentences given in the High-Commission , and made a Repetition of whatsoever might but make a shew to render me odious to the People . And this hath been their Art all along , to run over the same thing twice and again ( as they did here in the second Charge about the Picture of the Blessed Virgin : ) To the end , that as the Auditors changed , the more of them might hear it ; and that which wrought not upon some , might upon others . In all which I patiently referred my self to my former Answers , having no other way to help my self ; in regard they pretended that they renewed the same Instances , but not the same way ; but in one place , as against Law ; and in another , as against Religion . But why then did they in both places run over all Circumstances appliable to both ? And on they went too with the Men of Lewis , where one Mr. Parnlye ( they say ) was Censured cruelly in the High-Commission , for not removing the Communion-Table . The Business was but this . Sir Nathaniel Brent , and his own Ordinary , Dr. Nevill , Ordered the remove of the Table : He would not . For this Contumacy he was Censured , but injoyned only to make his Submission to Dr. Nevill . Which I think was a Sentence far from any Barbarous Cruelty , as 't is called . 2. Another Instance , and the next , was Mr. Burket . He says , he was Censured also about removing the Communion-Table , and for that only . But first , this was not simply for removing the Holy-Table ; but it was for abetting the Church-Wardens to remove it back again from the place , where lawful Authority had set it . And secondly , whereas he says , he was Censured for this only ; the very Charge it self confutes him . For there 't is said , that this , about removing of the Communion-Table , appears in the Sixth Article that was against him . Therefore there were Five other Articles at least more against him . And therefore not this only . 3. The Third Instance was in Mr. Chancye : And he likewise is said to have suffered very much only about Railing in of the Communion-Table . But this is not so neither . For he confesses that he spake Reproachful Words against Authority , and in Contempt of his Ordinary . That he said , the Rails were fit to be set up in his Garden . That he came Fifty Miles from his own Church , on purpose to Countenance this Business . And all this he acknowledges upon his Oath in his Submission . And yet nothing laid upon him but Suspension , and that no longer than till he submitted . And all this the Act of the High-Commission , not mine . And so I answered Mr. Brown , who urged this against me also . And the Truth of all this appears apud Acta ; though they were taken away , and kept ever since from my use , yet many things done in that Court , have been Charged against me . And here stepped in a Testimony of Mr. Genebrards , That I threatned openly in the High-Commission to suspend Dr. Merrick . And why might I not do it , if he will be over-bold with the Proceeding of the whole Court ? I have known e're now , a very good Lawyer Committed from the Chancery Bar to the Fleet. Though I shall spare Names . 4. The fourth Instance was in Mr. Workman's Case : Charged as if he were Sentenced only for Preaching a Sermon to the Judges , against Images in Churches . 1. The first Witness in the Cause was Mr. Langly : He says , Mr. Workman was Censured for this Sermon , and other things . Therefore not for this Sermon only : The High-Commissioners were no such Patrons of Images . He says , that when I was Dean of Gloucester , I told them in the Chappel , that King James had heard of many things amiss in that Church , and required me to take care of them . 'T is true , he did so . He says farther , that hereupon I placed the Communion-Table Altar-wise , and Commanded due Reverence at the coming into the Church . This I did , and I have given my Reason often already for it , out of the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth . He says , that Bishop Smith took offence at this , and would come no more to the Cathedral . First , my Lords , this Gentleman was then Schoolmaster there , and had free Access unto me : He never discovered this . Secondly , the Bishop himself never said a word to me about it : If he had , I would either have satisfied his Lordship in that , or any thing else that I did : Or if he had satisfied me , I would have forborn it : He says , that Mr. Workman , after he was put from his Lecture , was not suffered to teach Children . First , if he had been suffered , this Man had been like to make the first Complaint for decay of his own School . But secondly , The Commission thought it no way fit to trust him with the Education of Children , who had been Factious among Men. Especially not in that place , where he had so shewed himself . And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown , who in Summing the Evidence stood as much , and inveighed as earnestly against this Cruel proceeding with Mr. Workman , as upon any one thing in the Charge . At which time he added also , that he would not be suffered to Practise Physick to get his Living . But First , no Witness Evidenceth this , that he was denied to Practise Physick . And Secondly , he might have taught a School , or Practised Physick any where else . But he had done so much Harm , and made such a Faction in Gloucester , as that the High Commission thought it not fit to continue him there ; and he was not willing to go from thence , where he had made his Party . He says farther , that some few of the Citizens of Gloucester were called into the High-Commission , for an Annuity of Twenty Pound a Year allowed Mr. Workman , out of the Town-Stock . For the thing it self , it was a Gross Abuse and Scorn put upon that Court ; that when they had Censured a Schismatical Lecturer ( for such he was there proved ) the Towns-Men should make him an allowance of Twenty Pound a Year . A thing ( as I humbly conceive ) not fit to be indured in any settled Government . And whereas Clamour is made , that some few of the Citizens were called to an account for it , that 's as strange on the other side . For where there are many Offenders , the Noise would be too great to call all . And yet here 's Noise enough made for calling a few . Here it was replyed by Mr. Maynard , That this was done by that Corporation , and yet a few singled out to Answer ; and that therefore I might be singled out to Answer for things done in the High-Commission . But , under Favour , this Learned and Worthy Gentleman is mistaken . For here the Mayor and Magistrates of Gloucester , did that which was no way warrantable by their Charter , in which Case they may be accountable , all or some : But in the High-Commission we medled with no Cause not Cognoscible there ; or if by Misinformation we did , we were sure of a Prohibition to stop us . And medling with nothing but things proper to them , I conceive still , no one Man can be singled out to suffer for that which was done by all . And this may serve to Answer Mr. Brown also , who in his last Reply upon me , when I might not Answer , made use of it : 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Purye of 〈◊〉 . He says , that Mr. Brewster and Mr. Guies the Town-Clark , were called to the Council-Table about this Annuity , and that I 〈◊〉 it might be 〈◊〉 Examined at the High-Commission . If this were true , I know no Offence in it , to desire that such an Affront to Government might be more thoroughly Examined than the Lords had leisure to do . But the Witness doth not give this in Evidence . For he says no more , than that he heard so from Mr. Brewster . And his Hear-say is no Conviction . He says farther , that the High-Commission called upon this Business of the Annuity , as informed that the Twenty Pound given to Mr. Workman , was taken out of the Moneys for the Poor . And this I must still think was a good and a sufficient ground , justly to call them in question . He says also , That these Men were Fined , because that which they did was against Authority . So by their own Witness it appears , that they were not Fined simply for allowing Means to Mr. Workman , but for doing it in opposition to Authority . Lastly , he says , they were Fined Ten Pound apiece , and that presently taken off again . So here was no such great Persecution as is made in the Cause . And for the Cancelling of this Deed of the Annuity , it was done by themselves , as Mr. Langlye Witnesses . After these two Witnesses heard , the Sentence of the High-Commission-Court was read , which I could not have come at , had not they produced it . And by that it appeared evidently , that Mr : Workman was Censured , as well for other things as for his Sermon about Images in Churches . As first , he said , so many Paces in Dancing were so many to Hell. This was hard , if he meant the Measures in the Inns of Court at Christmas ; and he excepted none . Then he said , and was no way able to prove it ; that Drunkards , so they were Conformable , were preferred . Which was a great and a notorious Slander upon the Governours of the Church , and upon Orderly and Conformable Men. Then he said , that Election of Ministers was in the People . And this is directly against the Laws of England , in the Right of all Patrons . Then constantly in his Prayer before his Sermon , he Prayed for the States and the King of Sweden , before his Majesty , which was the Garb of that time , among that Party of Men. Then , that one of his common Themes of Preaching to the People , was against the Government of the Church . And then , that Images in Churches , were 〈◊〉 better than Stews in the Commonwealth , which at the best is a very unsavoury Comparison . But here it was replyed , That Images were Idols , and so called in the Homilies , and that therefore the Comparison might hold . Yea , but in the second Homily , against the Peril of Idolatry , Images or Pictures in Glass or Hangings , are expresly and truly said not to be Idols , till they be Worshipped . And therefore Mr. Workman should not have compared their setting up , to Stews , till he could have proved them Worshipped . And in all this , were the Act good or bad in the Censuring of him , it was the Act of the High-Commission , not mine . After this followed the Fifth Charge , which was Mr : Sherfeild's Case , his Sentence in the Star-Chamber for defacing of a Church-Window in or near Salisbury . The Witnesses produced were Two. The First was Mr : Carill . He said that Mr : Sherfeild defaced this Window , because there was an Image in it , conceived to be the Picture of God the Father . But first , this comes not home . For many a Picture may be conceived to be of God the Father , which yet is not , nor was ever made for it . And then suppose it were so , yet Mr : Sherfeild in a setled Government of a State , ought not to have done it , but by Command of Authority . He says , that in my Speech there in the Court , I justified the having of the Picture of God the Father , as he remembers , out of Dan. 7. 22. This ( as he remembers ) came well in . For I never justified the making or having that Picture . For Calvin's Rule , that we may picture that which may be seen , is grounded upon the Negative , that no Picture may be made of that which was never , never can be seen . And to ground this Negative , is the Command given by Moses , Deut. 4. Take good heed to your selves . For what ? That you make not to your selves this Picture : Why ? For that you saw no manner of similitude , in the day that the Lord spake unto you out of the midst of the fire . Out of the midst of the fire , and yet he still reserved himself in thick darkness , Exod. 20. So no Picture of him , because no similitude ever seen . And this Rule having ever possessed me wholly , I could not justifie the having of it . I said indeed , that some Men in later Superstitious Times , were so foolish as to Picture God the Father , by occasion of that place in Daniel ; but for my self I ever rejected it . Nor can that place bear any shew of it . For Daniel says there , that the Ancient of days came . But in what shape or similitude he came , no Man Living can tell . And he is called the Ancient of days from his Eternity , not as if he appeared like an Old Man. The Text hath no Warrant at all for that . 2. Yet the Second Witness Mr. Tomlyns says also , that I did justifie this Picture . God forgive him the Malice or Ignorance of this Oath , be it which it will. He might have been as wary as Mr. Caril , and added ( as he remembers ; ) For so many Years since , as this Hearing was , he may easily mistake . But if I did say any such thing ; why are not my own Papers here produced against me ? I had that written which I then spake , and the Paper was in my Study with the rest , and came ( for ought I know ) into their Hands which follow the Charge against me . I ask again , why is not this Paper produced ? Out of all doubt it would , had there appeared any such thing in it . He says also , that I said then , that if the Idol of Jupiter were set up , yet it were not lawful to pull it down in a Popular Tumult , but by Order and Authority . I did say so , or to that effect , indeed ; and must say it still . For I find in St. Augustin almost the very words . And Bishop Davenant , a Man very Learned , 〈◊〉 this place of St. Augustin and approves it . And they both prove this Doctrine from Deut. 12. Where the Command given for destroying of the Idols , when they came into the Land of Canaan , was not left at large to the People , but setled in Moses the chief Magistrate , and his Power . And according to this Rule , the Temple of AEsculapius , though then grown very Scandalous , was not pulled down but by * 〈◊〉 Command . Which place I then shewed the Lords . But this Witness added , that Mr : Sherfeild had . Authority to do this from the Vestry . If he had , that 's as good as none ; for by the Laws of England there is yet no power given them for that or any thing else . And all that Vestries do , is by usurpation or consent of the Parish , but reaches not this . The Bishop of the Diocess had been fitter to be consulted herein , than the Vestry . Here , as if these Witnesses had not said enough , Mr : Nicolas offered himself to be a Witness . And told the Lords he was present at the Hearing of this Cause , and that four Witnesses came in clear , that the Picture broken down , was the Picture of God the Father , and that yet the Sentence of the Court passed against Mr : Sherfeild . First , if this be so , it concludes against the Sentence given in the Star-Chamber , not against me ; and he calls it here the Sentence of the Court. Secondly , be it , that it were undoubtedly the Picture of God the Father ; yet he ought to have taken Authority along with him , and not to go about it with violence , which he did , and fell and brake his Leg in the Business . Thirdly , by his own description of the Picture , it seems to me to be some old Fabulous Picture out of a Legend , and not one of God the Father : For he then told the Lords , it was a Picture of an Old Man with a Budget by his side , out of which he was plucking Adam and Eve , And I believe no Man ever saw God the Father so Pictured any where . Lastly , let me observe how Mr : Nicolas takes all parts upon him wherein he may hope to do me mischief . The Sixth Charge was concerning a Bible , that was Printed with Pictures , and sold. The Witness Mr : Walsal a Stationer . Who says , That this Bible was Licensed by Dr : Weeks ; my Lord of London's Chaplain , not mine ; so thus far it concerns not me . Yes , says Mr. Brown in his last Reply : For it appears in a List of my Chaplains under my own Hand , that Dr : Weeks was one : 'T is true , when I was Bishop of Bath and Wells he was mine ; but my Lord of London had him from me , so soon as ever he was Bishop . And was his , not mine , when he Licensed that Book . And Mr. Brown knew that I answer'd it thus to the Lords . He says , that I gave him direction that they should not be sold openly upon the Stalls , but only to discreet Men that knew how to use them . The Case was this . As I was at Prayers in the King's Chappel , I there saw one of them in Mrs. Kirk's Hand . She was far enough from any affection to Rome . And this being the first knowledge I had of it , many were vented and sold before I could prevent it . Upon this I sent for one ( whether to this Witness or another I cannot say ) and acquainted the Lords of the Council with it , and craved their direction what should be done . It was there Ordered , that I should forbid the open Sale of them upon their Stalls , but not otherwise to Learned and Discreet Men. And when I would have had this Order stricter , no Man stuck to me but Mr : Secretary Cook. So according to this Order I gave direction to Mr : Walsal , as he witnesses . Here Mr. Maynard replyed , that I ought to have withstood this Order , in regard it was every way faulty . For , said he , either these Pictures were good or bad . And if they were good , why should they not be Sold openly upon the Stalls to all that would buy ? And if they were bad , why should they be Sold privately to any ? To this Reply I was not suffer'd to Answer : But when I heard Mr. Brown charge this Bible with Pictures against me , then I answer'd the thing as before , and took occasion thereby to answer this Dilemma thus . Namely , that this kind of Argument concludes not , but in things Necessary , and where no Medium can be given . For where a Medium can be given , the Horns of this Argument are too weak to hurt . And so 't is here . For Pictures in themselves are things indifferent ; not simply good , nor simply bad , but as they are used . And therefore they were not to be sold to all comers , because they may be abused , and become evil ; and yet might be sold to Learned and Discreet Men , who might turn them to good . And that Images are things indifferent of themselves , is granted in the Homilies which are against the very Peril of Idolatry . He said , there was some inconvenient Pictures among them ; as the Assumption , and the Dove . Be it so , the Book was not Licensed by me or mine . And yet , as I then shewed the Lords , they were not so strict at Amsterdam against these Pictures . For the Book which Mr. Walsal shewed me , was Printed and sent thence , before it was Printed here . Besides , our old English Bibles in the beginning of the Queen were full of Pictures ; and no fault found . As for that which is added at the Bar , that one of these Bibles was found in Secretary Windebank's Trunk , and another in Sir John Lambs . That 's nothing to me . The last Charge of this day was , that something about Images was Expunged out of Dr : Featly's Sermons , by my Chaplain Dr : Bray , before they could be suffer'd to be Printed . But first , he himself confesses , that I told him he might Print them , so nothing were in them contrary to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England . Secondly , he confesses , that when Dr. Bray made stay of them , he never complained to me ; and I cannot remedy that which I do not know . Thirdly , he confesses , that all the time he was in Lambeth-House , my Predecessor ever left that care of the Press upon his Chaplains ; and why I might not do it as well as my Predecessor , I do not yet know . But he said , that he complained to Sir Edmund Scott , and desired to be advised by him what he should do : And that he Answer'd , he thought I would not meddle with that troublesome Business , more than my Predecessors had done . Be this so , yet Sir Ed. Scott never told me this ; nor is there any the least Proof offer'd that he did . But because this and the like passages about Expunging some things out of Books , makes such a great Noise , as if nothing concerning Popery might be Printed : And because Mr. Brown in Summing up of the Charge in the House of Commons , warmly insisted upon this Particular , I thought it necessary to Answer as follows . That what moved my Chaplain to Expunge that large passage against Images , I knew not ; nor could I now know , my Chaplain being Dead . But that this I was sure of , that else-where in those very Sermons , there was as plain a passage , and full against * Images left in . And in another place a whole Leaf together , spent to prove them † Idolaters ; and that as gross as the Baalists , and so he terms them . Yea ; and that the | Pope is Antichrist too , and not only called so , but proved by divers Arguments . And not so only , but in plain Terms , that he is the * Whore of Babylon . And these passages I then Read out of the Book it self in the House of Commons . And many other-like to these there are . So my Chaplain might see good Cause to leave out some passages . Where so many upon as good Cause were left in : But to the Business of leaving the Care of these Books , and the overview of them to my Chaplains , it was then urged , That the Commissary of John Lord Arch-Bishop of York , had Excommunicated the Lord Bishop of Durham , being then in the King's Service . And that the Arch-Bishop himself was deeply Fined for this Act of his Commissary . And that therefore I ought much more to be answerable for my Chaplain's Act , whom I might put away when I would , than he for his Commissary , who had a Patent , and could not be put out at pleasure . Mr. Brown also followed this Precedent close upon me . But first , there is a great deal of difference in the thing it self : My Chaplain's Case being but the leaving out of a passage in a Book to be Printed : But his Commissary's Case being the Excommunicating of a great Bishop , and he in the King's Service , of whose Honour the Laws of this Realm are very tender . And Secondly , the Bishop and his Official , ( call him Chancellor or Commissary , or what you will ) make but one Person in Law ; and therefore the Act of the Commissary to the full extent of his Patent , is the Act of the Bishop in legal Construction , and the Bishop may be answerable for it . But the Bishop and his Chaplain are not one Person in any Construction of Law. And say he may put away his Chaplain when he will , yet that cannot help what is past , if ought have been done amiss by him . And this was the Answer I insisted on to Mr. Brown. Upon my entrance on this days Defence , I found my self aggrieved at the Diurnal , and another Pamphlet of the Week , wherein they Print whatsoever is Charged against me , as if it were fully proved ; never so much as mentioning what , or how I Answer'd . And that it troubled me the more , because ( as I conceived ) the passages as there expressed , trenched deep upon the Justice and Proceedings of that Honourable House . And could have no Aim but to incense the Multitude against me . With some difficulty I got these Pamphlets received , but there they dyed , and the Weekly abuse of me continued to keep my Patience in Breath . CAP. XXXV . The Thirteenth Day of my Hearing . THE First Charge of this Day , was the Opinion which was held of me beyond the Seas . The first Witness was Sir Henry Mildmaye , who ( as is before related ) told me without asking ; That I was the most Hateful Man at Rome , that ever sate in my See since the Reformation . Now he denied not this , but being helped on by good Preparation , a Flexible Conscience , and a fair leading Interrogatory by Mr. Nicolas , ( Mr. Serjeant Wilde was Sick , and came no more till the last day when I made my Recapitulation ) he minced it . And now he says , that there were two Factions at Rome , and that one of them did indeed speak very ill of me , because they thought I aimed at too great a Power here in England : But the other Faction spake as well of me , because they thought I endeavoured to bring us in England nearer to the Church of Rome . But first , my Lords , this Gentleman's Words to me were Round and General . That I was hated at Rome ; not of a Party , or Faction there . And my Servants heard him at the same time , and are here ready to witness it , that he then said the Pope was a goodly Gentleman , and did use to ride two or three great Horses in a Morning , and , but that he was something taller , he was as like Auditor Philips ( who was then at Dinner with me ) as could be . But I pray mark what Wise Men he makes them at Rome : One Faction hates me , because I aim at too much Power : And the other loves me , because I would draw England nearer Rome ; Why , if I went about to draw England nearer Rome , can any among them be such Fools as to think my Power too great ? For if I used my Power for them ; why should any there Condemn me ? And if I used it against them , why should any here Accuse me ? Non sunt haec benè divisa temporibus . These things suit not with the Times , or the Dispositions of Rome : But the plain Truth is , I do not think that ever he was at Rome ; I after heard a whisper , that he only stepped into France for another Cure , not to Rome for Curiosity , which was the only cause he gave the Lords of his going thither . 2. The second Witness was Mr. Challoner . He says not much of his own knowledge , but of Fame , that tatling Gossip ; yet he told the Lords , I was a very Obscure Man , till within these Fifteen Years . Be it so , if he please . Yet I have been a Bishop above Three and Twenty Years : And 't is Eighteen Years since I was first Dean of his Majesty's Chappel Royal. He says , that after this time there was a strong Opinion of Reconciliation to Rome . A strong Opinion , but a weak Proof . For it was an Opinion of Enemies , and such as could easily believe , what they over-much desired . He farther said , that some of them were of Opinion , that I was a good Roman-Catholick , and that I wrought cunningly to introduce that Religion by Inches : And that they Prayed for me . First , my Lords , the Opinion of Enemies is no Proof at all , that I am such as they think me . And secondly , this is a Notable , and no unusual piece of Cunning , for an Enemy to destroy by commending . For this was the ready way , and I doubt not , but it hath been Practised , to raise a Jealousie against me at home , thereby either to work the Ruin of my Person , or utterly to weaken and disable me from doing harm to them , or good for the Church of England . Besides , if the Commendation of Enemies may in this kind go for Proof ; it shall be in the power of two or three Practising Jesuits , to destroy any Bishop or other Church-Man of England when they please . At last , he told a Story of one Father John , a Benedictin ; that he asked him how Church-Livings were disposed in England , and whether I had not the disposing of those which were in the King's Gift . And concluded , that he was not out of hope to see England reduced to Rome . Why , my Lords , this is not Father John's hope alone ; for there is no * Roman-Catholick but hath some hope alive in him to see this day . And were it not for that hope , there would not have been so many , some desperate , all dangerous Practices upon this Kingdom to Effect it , both in Queen Elizabeth's time , and since . But if this , I know not what Father John hope so , what is that to me ? 3. The third Witness was Mr. Anthony Mildmaye . A Man not thought on for a Witness , till I called for his Brother Sir Henry . But now he comes laden with his Brother's Language . He says just as Sir Henry did before , that there were two Factions in Rome , the Jesuits , and they abhorred me ; but the other , the Secular Priests , they wished me well , as he was informed . First , this is so one and the same Testimony ; that any Man that will may see , that either he informed his Brother , or his Brother him . Secondly , here 's nothing affirmed ; for it is but as he was informed . And he doth not tell you by whom . It may be my Lords , it was by his Brother . Then he says , This was to make my self Great , and tells a Tale of Father Fitton , as much to the purpose as that which Mr. Challoner told of Father John. But whatsoever either of these Fathers said , it was but their own Opinion of me , or Hearsay ; neither of which can prove me guilty of any thing . Thus much Mr. Anthony made a shift to say by Five of the Clock at Afternoon ; when I came to make my Answer . And this ( as I have sufficient Cause to think ) only to help to shoar up his Brother's Testimony . But in the Morning , when he should have come , as his Brother did , he was by Nine in the Morning so Drunk , that he was not able to come to the Bar , nor to speak Common Sense , had he been brought thither . Nobile par Fratrum . The Second Charge was the Consecration of two Churches in London : St : Catharin Cree-Church , and St : Giles in the Fields . The Witnesses two . 1. The first Witness was one Mr : Willingham . And he says , 〈◊〉 I came to these Churches in a Pompous manner : But all the Pomp that he mentions , is , that Sir Henry Martin , Dr : Duck , and some other of the Arches attended me , as they usually do their Diocesans in such Solemnities . He says , he did curiously observe what was done , thinking it would one Day be called to an Account , as now it is . So this Man ( himself being Judge ) looked upon that Work with Malevolent Eye , and God preserve him from being a malitious Witness . He says , That at my approach to the Church Door , was read , Lift up your Heads , O ye Gates , and be ye lift up ye everlasting Doors , and the King of Glory shall come in . Psal : 24. And this was urged over and over as a jeer upon my Person . But this Place of Scripture hath been anciently used in Consecrations . And it relates not to the Bishop , but to God Almighty , the true King of Glory , who at the Dedication enters by his Servant to take Possession of the House , then to be made his . He says , that I kneeled down at my coming in , and after used many Bowings and Cringings . For my kneeling down at my entranee , to begin with Prayer , and after to proceed with Reverence , I did but my Duty in that , let him scoffingly call it Cringing , or Ducking , or what he please . He says farther , That at the beginning I took up Dust , and threw it in the Air , and after used divers Curses . And here Mr : Pryn put Mr : Nicolas in mind to add , that Spargere Cinerem is in the Form of Consecration used in the Pontifical . And Mr : Brown , in his summary Account of my Charge , laid the very Consecration of these Churches , as a Crime upon me ; and insisted on this particular . But here my answer to all was the same : That this Witness had need look well to his Oath ; for there was no throwing up of Dust , no Curses used throughout the whole Action : Nor did I follow the Pontifical , but a Copy of Learned and Reverend Bishop Andrews , by which he Consecrated divers Churches in his time ; and that this is so , I have the Copy by me to Witness , and offered them to shew it . Nor can this howsoever savour any way of Treason . No ; said Mr : Brown , but the Treason is , To seek , by these Ceremonies , to overthrow the Religion Established . Nor was that ever sought by me : And God of his Mercy Preserve the true Protestant Religion amongst us , till the Consecration of Churches , and Reverence in the Church , can overthrow it ; and then I doubt not , but by God's Blessing , it shall continue safe to the Worlds End. He says also , That I did pronounce the Place Holy. I did so : And that was in the Solemn Act it self of the Consecration , according to the usual Form in that behalf . And no Man will deny , but that there is a Derivative , and * a Relative Holiness in Places , as well as in Vessels , and other Things Dedicated to the Honour and Service of God. Nor is any thing more common in the Old Testament ; and 't is express in the New , both for Place and Things . 1 : Cor : 9. Then it was urged at the Bar , That a Prayer which I used , was like one that is in the Pontifical . So in the Missal are many Prayers like to the Collects used in our English Liturgy , so like , that some are the very same , Translated only into English ; and yet these confirmed by Law. And for that of Psal. 95. Venite Procidamus , &c. then also excepted against , that hath been of very ancient use in the Liturgies of the Church . From which Rejecimus Paleam , numquid & Grana ? We have separated the Chaff , shall we cast away the Corn too ? If it come to that let us take heed we fall not upon the Devil 's Winnowing , who labours to beat down the Corn ; 't is not the Chaff that Troubles him , S : Luc : 22. Then they urged my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Parker , That he found Fault with the Consecration of New Churches . I answered then upon Memory , that he did not find fault simply with Consecrations of Churches , but only with the Superstitious Ceremonies used therein . And this since upon perusal of the Place , I find to be true . For after he had in some sort Commended the Popes for taking away some gross and superstitious Purgations , he adds , that yet for want of Piety , or Prudence , their later Pontifical and Missal-Books did outgo the Ancient In Multitudine Ceremoniarum , & peragendi Difficultate , & Taedio , & 〈◊〉 amentiâ . So these were the things he found fault with , not the Consecration it self ; which he could not well do , himself being then a Consecrated Bishop . 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Hope . He says , That he agrees with the former Witness , and saw all , and the throwing up of the Dust , &c. Since he agrees with the former Witness , I give him the same Answer . Yet with this Observation upon him and his Oath . The former Witness says , that at the beginning of this Action , I took Dust and threw it up : This Man agrees with him , and saw all ; and almost in the very next Words confesses , he was not there at the beginning . Not there : Yet he saw it . My Lords ; if you mark it , this is a wholsom Oath . He says , That then the Church-Yard was Consecrated by it self . It was ever so ; the one Act must follow the other , though both done the same Day : For the Places being different , the Act could not pass upon them at the same time . Then he said , there were Fees required , and a good Eye had to the Money . This is a poor Objection against me : If the Officers did exact any Money without Rule , or beyond President ; let them answer for it . But for that which was said to belong to me , I presently gave it to the Poor of the Parish . And this Mr. Dell my Secretary then present attested to the Lords . Lastly , he said , they were not New Churches . Let him look to his Oath again ; for 't is notoriously known , they were both New Built from the Ground ; and St. Giles not wholly upon the Old Foundation . The Third Charge was laid on me , only by Mr. Nieolas , and without any Witness . It was , That I out-went Popery it self ; for the Papists Consecrated Churches only , but I had been so Ceremonious , that I had Consecrated Chappels too . My Lords , the use of Chappels and of Churches in regard of God's Service is the same . Therefore if Consecration be fit for the one ; it must needs be for the other . And the Consecrations of Chappels was long before Popery came into the World. For even Oratories Newly Built were Consecrated in or before Eusebius his Time. And he Flourished about the Year of Christ 310. So ancient they are in the course of Christianity ; and for any Prohibition of them , there is neither Law nor Canon in the State or Church of England that doth it . The Chappels they instance in are Three . First , they say , I Consecrated a Chappel of the Right Honourable the Lord Treasurer Weston's . I did so , and did no harm therein . As for the touch given by the way upon that Honourable Person , he is gone to God , I have nothing to do with it . Secondly , they Instanced in a Chappel of Sir John Worstenham's Building . 'T is true I Consecrated that too , but that was a Parish-Church , Built in the Place where he was born , and it was in my Diocess , and so the Work proper for me . The Third Instance was in my own Chappel , in my House at Aberguilly , when I was Bishop of St. Davids ; the Room lay waste and out of Repair , and I fitted it at my own Cost , and Consecrated it into a Chappel , that House having no Oratory before . Here they farther aggravated many circumstances : As First , that I named it at the Dedication , The Chappel of S. John the Baptist. I did so Name that Chappel , in Memory of the College where I was Bred , which bears the same Name ; but I dedicated it to God and his Service . And to give the Names of Angels and Saints to Churches , for distinction sake , and for the Honour of their Memory , is very Ancient and Usual in the Church , as appears in S. Augustin , and divers others of the Fathers ; but Dedicated only to God : Which in the midst of Superstitious times , the School it self confesses : So yet no Offence . Secondly , That I did it upon the 29th . of August . And why might I not do it that Day , as well as upon any other ? But resolving to Name the Chappel as I did , I the rather made choice of that Day , both because it was the Day of the Decollation of S : John the Baptist ; and because , as upon that Day God had wonderfully Blessed me , in the Hearing of my Cause concerning the Presidentship of S. John's College in Oxford , by King James of ever blessed Memory : So yet no Offence . Thirdly , there was a Paper read , and Avowed to be mine , in which was a fair description of Chappel Furniture , and Rich Plate , and the Ceremonies in use in that Chappel , and Wafers for the Communion . At the reading of this Paper , I was a little troubled . I knew I was not then so Rich , as to have such Plate , or Furniture ; and therefore I humbly desired sight of the Paper . So soon as I saw it , I found there was nothing in it in my Hand , but the Indorsement , which told the Reader plainly , that it was the Model of Reverend Bishop Andrews his Chappel , with the Furniture , Plate , Ceremonies therein used , and all Things else . And this Copy was sent me by the Household Chaplain to that Famous Bishop . This I laid open to the Lords , and it would have made any Man ashamed , but Mr. Pryn , who had delivered upon Oath , that it was a Paper of my Chappel Furniture at Aberguilly , contrary to his Conscience , and his own Eye-sight of the Paper . And for 〈◊〉 , I never either gave , or received the Communion , but in Ordinary Bread. At Westminster I knew it was sometimes used , but as a thing indifferent . As for the Slur here given to that Reverend Dead Bishop of Winchester , it might well have been spared ; he deserved far better usage for his Service to the Church of England , and the Protestant Cause . The Fourth Charge , was the Publishing the Book of Recreations : And it was ushered in with this Scorn upon me , That I laboured to put a Badge of Holiness , by my Breath , upon Places ; and to take it away from Days . But I did neither ; the King commanded the Printing of it , as is therein attested , and the Warrant which the King gave me , they have : And though at Consecrations I read the Prayers , yet it was God's Blessing , not my Breath , that gave the Holyness . And for the Day , I ever laboured it might be kept Holy , but yet free from a Superstitious Holyness . And First , it was said , That this was done of purpose to take away Preaching . But First , there is no Proof offered for this . And Secondly , 't is impossible : For till the Afternoon Service and Sermon were done ; no Recreation is allowed by that Book ; nor then to any but such as have been at both . Therefore it could not be done to take it away . Thirdly , the Book names none but Lawful Recreations : Therefore if any unlawful be used , the Book gives them no Warrant . And that some are Lawful ( after the Publick Service of God is ended ) appears by the Practice of Geneva , where after Evening Prayer , the Elder Men Bowl , and the Younger Train . And Calvin says in express Terms , That one Cause of the Institution of the Sabbath was , that Servants might have a Day of rest and remission from their Labour : And what time of the Day fit , if not after Evening Prayer ? And what Rest is there for able Young Men , if they may use no Recreation ? Then it was urged , That there was great Ryot and Disorder at Wakes kept on the Lords Day . That is a very sufficient Cause to regulate and order those Feasts , but not quite to take them away . I make no doubt for my part , but that the Feast of the Dedication was abused by some among the Jews ; and yet Christ was so far from taking it away for that , as that he honoured it with his own Presence . S. John 10. As for the Paper which was read containing three Causes why that Book was Published , that was a Note taken for my own Private Use and Memory . Then came in Mr. Pryn , who said , that the Lord Chief Justice Richardson had made an Order in his Circuit against these Wakes , and was forced to revoke it . This was done by Authority , as is before answered ; to which I refer my self . Here 't is added , to help fill up the Noise : But Mr. Pryn says , That all the Gentlemen in the Country Petitioned on the Judges behalf . No ; there was a great Faction in Sommersetshire at that time , and Sir Robert Philips and all his Party writ up against the Judge and the Order he made , as was apparent by the Certificates which he returned . And Sir Robert was well known in his time to be neither Popish , nor Prophane . He says farther , That William then Earl of Pembrooke was out of Town , and the Book Printed in the Interim by my Procurement . But for this last , here 's not one Word of Proof offered , and so I leave it . The Fifth Charge was , that some Ministers were punished for not reading this Book . Witnesses for this were produced . 1. The First was Sir Nathaniel Brent ; who says , he had Charge from me to call for an account of not reading this Book , both in my Province at my Visitation , and in my Diocess . His Majesty having Commanded this , I could do little , if I had not so much as inquired what was done : And he confesses , that for my Province he gave time to them which had not read it , and then never asked more after it . So here was no eager Prosecution . But then he says , that three in my Diocess stood out , and asked time . And confesses that I granted it : But adds , that when he asked more time for them , I denyed ; and that they were then suspended ab Officio only . I thought I had reason to deny , when I saw they did but dally by asking time . And it was then evident , that in the Diocess of other Bishops far more than Three were punished , and their Punishment greater . However , this my proceeding was far from Rigour . And this was the Answer that I gave Mr. Brown , who in the Summ of his Charge , instanced in this Particular against me . 2. The Second witness was Mr. Culmer , one of the Three Ministers that was suspended . He says , That he was suspended by Sir Nathaniel Brent , and that when he came to me about it , I said , If you know not how to Obey , I know not how to Grant your Petition . Truly , my Lords , finding him both Wilful and Ignorant , I cannot tell what I could say less . He says , that his Patron took away his Benefice . Why , my Lords , he had none ; he was only a 〈◊〉 , and , God knows , unfit for that . So being Suspended from his Office , this must needs be done . He says , he was not absolved till the Scots came in , and that he was Conformable in all things else . For the time of his Absolution , I leave that to the Record : But for his Conformity in other things , 't is more than ever I heard of any . This I can say for him , he is good at Purchasing a Benefice : For he offered a Servant of mine One Hundred and Fifty Pound , so he could procure me but to Name him to the Parliament for Chartham in Kent . Since , I have heard he is as good at doing Reverence in the Church : For he 〈◊〉 in the Body of the Cathedral at Canterbury at Noon-Day , as will be Justified by Oath . And for this very Particular , the Book of Recreations , he informed at the Council-Table against a Gentleman of Quality , for saying , it was unfit such Books should be sent , for Ministers to read in the Church . And was himself laid by the Heels for the Falshood of this Information . So he is very good at the point of Conscience too , that can refuse to read the Book , as being unfit , and complain to have another Punished for saying 't is so . 3. The Third Witness is Mr. Wilson . He says , That I sent to Sir Nath. Brent to Suspend him . That is true , but it was when he would neither Obey , nor keep in his Tongue . He says , his Living was Sequestred for almost Four Years . But it was not for Not Reading this Book . For himself confesses it was done in the High-Commission ; and that for Dilapidations , in Not Repairing his House . 4. The Fourth Witness was one Mr. Snelling , a Minister in the Diocess of Rochester . All that was done against this Man was openly in the High-Commission Court. And there he was Censured for other things , as well as for this . Himself confesses his open refusing to Bow at the Name of Jesus , though the Canon of the Church Command it . I kept him off from being Sentenced a long time , and when he was Sentenced he confesses I was not present . He says , somewhat was expunged out of his Brief . If it were , it was with the consent of his Councel ; which in that Court was ordinary . Howsoever it cannot touch me : For those things were done at Informations , where I was not present . He says , that when I heard of the Nature of his Defence , I said , If any such Defence were put in , it should be burnt . This was upon just Complaint of the Judge then present at Informations , affirming it was against all the course of that Court. He says , there is no Penalty mentioned in that Declaration . And I say his Obedience and other Mens should have been the more free and chearful . Well , I pray God keep us in the mean , in this business of the Sabbath , as well as in other things , that we run not into a Jewish Superstition , while we seek to shun Profaneness . This , Calvin hath in the mean time assured me , That those Men who stand so strictly upon the Morality of the Sabbath , do by a gross and carnal Sabbatization , three times out-go the Superstition of the Jew . Here it was inferred , that there was a Combination for the doing of this in other Dioceses . But no proof at all was offer'd . Then Bishop Mountague's Articles , and Bishop Wrenn's were Read , to shew that Inquiry was made about the Reading of this Book . And the Bishop of London's Articles Named , but not Read. But if I were in this Combination , why were not my Articles Read ? Because no such thing appears in them ; and because my Articles gave so good content , that while the Convocation was sitting , Dr. Brownrigg and Dr. Holdsworth came to me , and desired me to have my Book confirmed in Convocation , to be general for all Bishops in future , it was so moderate and according to Law. But why then ( say they ) were other Articles thought on , and a Clause that none should pass without the Approbation of the Arch-Bishop ? Why ; other were thought on , because I could not in Modesty press the Confirmation of my own , though solicited to it . And that Clause was added , till a standing Book for all Dioceses might be perfected , that no Quaere in the Interim might be put to any , but such as were according to Law. The Sixth Charge was about Reversing of a Decree in Chancery ( as 't is said ) about Houses in Dr : Walton's Parish , given , as was said , to Superstitious Vses . 1. The First Witness was Serjeant Turner . He says , He had a Rule in the King's Bench for a Prohibition in this Cause . But by Reason of some defect ( what ; is not mentioned ) he confesses he could not get his Prohibition . Here 's nothing that reflects upon me . And if a Prohibition were moved for ; that could not be personally to me , but to my Judge in some Spiritual 〈◊〉 where it seems this Cause depended , and to which the Decree in Chancery was directed . And indeed this Act which they call a Reversing , was the Act and Seal of Sir Nath. Brent my Vicar General . And if he violated the Lord Keeper's Decree , he must Answer it . But the Instrument being then produced , it appeared concurrent in all things with the Decree . The Words are , Juxta scopum Decreti hac in parte in Curiâ 〈◊〉 factum , &c. 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Edwards . And wherein 〈◊〉 concurs with Serjeant Turner , I give him the same Answer . For that which he adds , that Dr. Walton did let Leases of these Houses at an undervalue , and called none of the Parishioners to it : If he did in this any thing contrary to Justice , or the Will of the Donor , or the Decree ; he is Living to Answer for himself ; me it concerns not . For his Exception taken to my Grant , ( of Confirmation I think he means ) and to the Words therein , Omnis & Omnimoda , &c. 'T is the Ancient Stile of such Grants , for I know not how many Hundred Years ; no Syllable innovated or altered by me . Then followed the Charge of Mr. Burton and Mr. Pryn , about their Answer , and their not being suffer'd to put it into the Star-Chamber . Which though Mr. Pryn pressed at large before , yet here it must come again , to help fill the World with Clamour . Yet to that which shall but seem new I shall Answer . Two things are said . ( 1. ) The one , That they were not suffered to put in their defence , Modo & Forma , as it was laid . There was an Order made openly in Court to the Judges , to Expunge Scandalous Matter . And the two Chief Justices did Order the Expunging of all that which was Expunged , be it more or less : As appears in the Acts of that Court. ( 2. ) The other is , that I procured this Expunging . The Proofs that I procured it were these . 1. First , because Mr. Cockshot gave me an Account of the business from Mr. Attorney . I had Reason to look after the business , the whole Church of England being scandalized in that Bill , as well as my self . But this is no Proof , that I either gave direction or used any solicitation to the Reverend Judges , to whom it was referred . 2. Secondly , because I gave the Lords thanks for it : It was openly in Court : It was after the Expunging was agreed unto . And what could I do less in such a Cause of the Church , though I had not been personally concerned in it ? 3. Thirdly , because I had a Copy of their Answer found in my Study . I conceive it was not only fit , but necessary for me to have one , the Nature of the Cause considered . But who interlined any passages in it with black Lead , I know not . For I ever used Ink , and no black Lead all my Life . These be strange Proofs that I procured any thing . Then Mr. Pryn added , That the Justice and Favour which was afforded Dr. Leighton , was denyed unto him : As far as I remember , it was for the putting in of his Answer under his own Hand . This , if so , was done by Order of the Court , it was not my Act. The last Charge followed . And that was taken out of the Preface to my Speech in Star-Chamber . The Words are , That one way of Government is not always either fit or safe , when the Humors of the People are in a continual Change , &c. From whence they inferred , I laboured to reduce all to an Arbitrary Government . But I do humbly conceive , no construction can force these Words against me for an Arbitrary Government . For the meaning is , and can be no other , for sometimes a stricter , and sometimes a remisser holding and ordering the Reins of Government ; yet both according to the same Laws , by a different use and application of Mercy and Justice to Offenders . And so I Answer'd to Mr. Brown , who charged this against me as one of my ill Counsels to his Majesty . But my Answer given is Truth . For it is not said , That there should not be One Law for Government , but not One way in the Ordering and Execution of that Law. And the Observator upon my Speech ( an English Author , and well enough known , though he pretend 't is a Translation out of Dutch ) though he spares nothing that may be but carped at , yet to this passage he says 't is a good Maxim , and wishes the King would follow it . And truly , for my part , I Learned it of a very wise and an able Governour , and he a King of England too , it was of Hen. 7. of whom the Story says , that in the difficulties of his Time and Cause , he used both ways of Government , Severity and Clemency , yet both these were still within the compass of the Law. He far too Wise , and I never yet such a Fool , as to imbrace Arbitrary Government . CAP. XXXVI . THis day I received a Note from the Committee , that they intended to proceed next upon the remainder of the Seventh , and upon the Eighth and Ninth Original Articles . Which follow in haec Verba . The Eighth Article . 8. That for the better advancing of his Trayterous Purpose and Design , he did abuse the great Power and Trust his Majesty reposed in him ; and did intrude upon the Places of divers great Officers , and upon the Right of other his Majesty's Subjects ; whereby he did procure to himself the Nomination of sundry Persons to Ecclesiastical Dignities , Promotions and Benefices belonging to his Majesty and divers of the Nobility , Clergy and others ; and hath taken upon him the commendation of Chaplains to the King ; by which means , he hath preferred to his Majesty's Service , and to other great Promotions in the Church , such as have been Popishly affected , or otherwise Vnsound and Corrupt both in Doctrine and Manners . The Ninth Article . 9. He hath for the same Trayterous and Wicked intent , chosen and imployed such Men to be his Chaplains , whom he knew to be Notoriously disaffected to the Reformed Religion , grosty addicted to Popish Superstition , and Erroneous and Vnsound both in Judgment and Practice ; and to them , or some of them , he hath committed the Licensing of Books to be Printed , by which means , divers False and Superstitious Books have been Published , to the great Scandal of Religion , and to the 〈◊〉 of many of his Majesty's Subjects . The Fourteenth Day of my Hearing . At the ending of the former days Charge , I was put off to this day , which held . The First Charge was concerning Mr. Damport's leaving his Benefice in London , and going into Holland . 1. The First Witness for this was Quaterman , a bitter Enemy of mine ; God forgive him . He speaks , as if he had fled from his Ministry here for fear of me . But the Second Witness Mr. Dukeswell says , that he went away upon a Warrant that came to Summon him into the High Commission . The Truth is , my Lords , and 't is well known , and to some of his best Friends , that I preserved him once before , and my Lord Veer came and gave me Thanks for it . If after this he fell into danger again , Majus Peccatum habet ; I cannot preserve Men that will continue in dangerous courses . He says farther ( and in this the other Witness agrees with him ) That when I heard he was gone into New-England , I should say my Arm should reach him there . The Words I remember not . But for the thing , I cannot think it fit that any Plantation should secure any Offender against the Church of England . And therefore if I did say my Arm should reach him , or them so offending , I know no Crime in it ; so long as my Arm reached no Man but by the Law. 2. The Second Witness Mr. Dukeswell adds nothing to this , but that he says , Sir Maurice Abbot kept him in before . For which Testimony I thank him . For by this it appears , that Mr. Damport was a dangerous Factious Man , and so accounted in my Predecessor's Time , and it seems Prosecuted then too , that his Brother Sir Maurice Abbot was fain , ( being then a Parishioner of his ) to labour hard to keep him in . The Second Charge was concerning Nathaniel Wickens , a Servant of Mr. Pryns . 1. The First Witness in this Cause was William Wickens , Father to Nathaniel . He says , his Son was Nine Weeks in divers Prisons , and for no Cause but for that he was Mr. Pryn's Servant . But it appears apud Acta , that there were many Articles of great Misdemeanour against him . And afterwards himself adds , That he knew no Cause but his refusing to take the Oath Ex Officio . Why , but if he knew that , then he knew another Cause , beside his being Mr. Pryn's Servant . Unless he will say all Mr. Pryn's Servants refuse that Oath , and all that refuse that Oath are Mr. Pryn's Servants . As for the Sentence which was laid upon him and the Imprisonment , that was the Act of the High-Commission , not mine . Then he says , That my Hand was first in the Warrant for his Commitment . And so it was to be of course . 2. The Second Witness was Sarah Wayman . She says , that he refused to take the Oath . Therefore he was not committed for being Mr. Pryn's Servant . She says , that for refusing the Oath , he was threatned he should be taken pro Confesso : And that when one of the Doctors replyed , that could not be done by the Order of the Court , I should say , I would have an Order by the next Court Day . 'T is manifest in the Course of that Court , that any Man may be taken pro Confesso , that will not take the Oath , and answer . Yet seeing how that party of Men prevailed , and that one Doctors doubting might breed more Difference , to the great Scandal and Weakning of that Court , I publickly acquainted his Majesty and the Lords with it . Who were all of Opinion , that if such Refusers might not be taken pro Confesso , the whole Power of the Court was shaken . And hereupon his Majesty sent his Letter under his Signet , to command us to uphold the Power of the Court , and to proceed . She says farther , that he desired the sight of his Articles , which was denyed him . It was the constant and known Course of that Court , that he might not see the Articles till he had taken the Oath , which he refused to do . 3. The Third Witness was one Flower . He agrees about the business of taking him pro Confesso . But that 's answerd . He adds , that there was nothing laid to his Charge , and yet confesses that Wickens desired to see the Articles that were against him . This is a pretty Oath . There were Articles against him , which he desired to see , and yet there was nothing laid to his Charge . 4. Then was produced his Majesty's Letter sent unto us . And herein the King requires us by his Supream Power Ecclesiastical to proceed , &c. We had been in a fine case , had we disobeyed this Command . Besides , my Lords , I pray mark it ; we are enjoyned to proceed by the King 's Supream Power Ecclesiastical ; and yet it is here urged against me , that this was done to bring in Popery . An Excellent new way of bringing in Popery by the King's Supremacy . Yea , but they say , I should not have procured this Letter . Why ? I hope I may by all Lawful ways preserve the Honour , and just Power of the Court in which I sat . And 't is expressed in the Letter , that no 〈◊〉 was done , than was agreeable to the Laws and Customs of the Realm . And 't is known that both an Oath , and a taking pro Confesso in point of refusal , are used both in the Star-Chamber , and in the Chancery . 5. The last Witness was Mr. Pryn , who says , That his Man was not suffered to come to him , during his Soarness when his ears were Cropped . This Favour should have been asked of the Court of Star-Chamber , not of me . And yet here is no Proof that I denyed him this , but the bare Report of him , whom he says , he employed . Nor do I remember any Man's coming to me about it . The Third Charge followed , it was concerning stopping of Book from the Press , both Old and New , and expunging some things out of them . 1. The first Instance was about the English Bibles with the Geneva Notes . The Bibles with those Notes were tolerated indeed both in Queen Elizabeths and King James his Time ; but allowed by Authority in neither . And King James said plainly , That he thought the Geneva Translation was the worst , and many of the Notes very Partial , Vntrue , Seditious , and savouring too much of Dangerous and Traiterous Conceits . And gave Instance . This passage I then read to the Lords : And withal told them , that now of late these Notes were more commonly used to ill purposes , than formerly , and that that was the Cause why the High-Commission was more careful and strict against them than before . Here Michael Sparks the Elder came in as Witness , and said , he was called into the High Commission about these Books : But he confesses , it was not only for them . He says , the restraint of those Bibles was for the Notes . But he adds , as he supposes . And his Supposal is no Proof . Besides , he might have added here also , that the restraint was not for the Notes only : For by the numerous coming over of Bibles , both with and without Notes from Amsterdam , there was a great and a just fear conceived , that by little and little , Printing would quite be carried out of the Kingdom . For the Books which came thence , were better Print , better Bound , better Paper , and for all the Charges of bringing , sold better Cheap . And would any Man Buy a worse Bible Dearer , that might have a better more Cheap ? And to preserve Printing here at home , as well as the Notes , was the Cause of stricter looking to those Bibles . And this appears by a Letter of Sir William Boswell's his Majesty's Agent in the Low Countreys ; the Letter written to me , and now produced against me : But makes for me , as I conceive . For therein he sends me word of two Impressions of the Bible in English , one with Notes , and the other without : And desires me to take care to regulate this business at home . What should I do ? Should I sleep upon such Advertisements as these , and from such a hand ? Especially since he sends word also , that Dr. Amyes was then Printing of a Book wholly against the Church of England . So my Care was against all underminings , both at home and abroad , of the Established Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England , for which I am now like to suffer . And I pray God that point of Arminianism , Libertas Prophetandi , do not more Mischief in short time , than is expressible by me . 2. The Second Instance was about the New Decree of the 〈◊〉 , concerning Printing . Four Articles of this Decree were read , namely , the 1 , 2 , 18 , 24. What these are , may be seen in the Deecree : And as I think that whole Decree made Anno 1637. useful and necessary : So , under your Lordships Favour , I think those Four Articles as necessary as any . Mr. Waly and Mr. Downes , two Stationers , Witnesses in this Particular , say , That they desired some Mitigation of the Decree , and that Judge Bramston said , he could not do it without me . I saw my Lord Chief Justice Bramston here in the Court but the other Day ; why was not he examined , but these Men only , who oppose all Regulating of the Press , that opposes their Profit ? And sure that grave Judge meant , he could not do it alone without the consent of the Court. Or if he would have me Consulted , it was out of his Judicious Care for the Peace of this Church , almost Pressed to Death by the Liberty of Printing . The Chief Grievance they Expressed against the new Licensing of Books , was only for matter of Charges . But that is provided for in the Eighteenth Article . And Mr. Downes takes a fine Oath , which was , that he makes no doubt , but that all was done by my Direction ; and yet adds , that he cannot say it . So he swears that , which himself confesses he cannot say . And manifest it is in the Preface , that this Decree was Printed by Order of the Court , and so by their Command sent to the Stationers Hall : And the end of it was to suppress Seditious , Schismatical and Mutinous Books ; as appears in the First Article . 3. The Third Instance was , That I used my Power to suppress Books in Holland . This was drawn out of a Letter which John le Mare , one of the Prime Preachers in Amsterdam , writ to me ; expressing therein , that since the Proclamation made by the States , no Man durst meddle with Printing any Seditious Libels , against either the State or Church of England . Where 's the Fault ? For this Gentleman did a very good Office to this Kingdom and Church , in procuring that Proclamation : For till this was done , every discontented Spirit could Print what he pleased at Amsterdam , against either : And if he had any Direction from me about it ( which is not proved ) I neither am , nor can be sorry for it . And the Fear which kept Men in from Printing , proceeded from the Proclamation of the States , not from any Power of mine . 4. The Fourth Instance was in the Book of Martyrs . But that was but named , to Credit a base Business , an Almanack made by one Mr. * Genebrand : In which he had left out all the Saints , Apostles and all ; and put in those which are named in Mr. Fox : And yet not all them neither ; for he had left out the Solemn Days , which are in Fox , as Feb. 2. Feb. 25. Mar. 25. And Cranmer Translated to Mar. 23. In this Particular Mr. Genebrand , Brother to this Almanack-maker , witnesseth , that the Queen sent to me about this New Almanack . If her Majesty did send to me about it ( as 't is probable she would disdain the Book ) is that any Crime in me ? Could I prevent her Majestys sending , who could not know so much as that she would send ? He says , his Brother was acquitted in the High-Commission , but charged by me that he made a Faction in the Court. If I did say so , surely , my Lords , I saw some practising by him in this new-found way . He says , the Papists bought up a great number of these Almanacks , and burnt them . It seems he could not hinder that , nor I neither ; unless it shall not be Lawful for a Papist to buy an Almanack . For when he hath bought him , he may burn him if he please . But since the Book of Martyrs was named , I shall tell your Lordships how careful I was of it . It is well known , how easily Abridgments , by their Brevity and their Cheapness , in short time work out the Authors themselves . Mr. Young the Printer laboured me earnestly and often for an Abridgment of the Book of Martyrs . But I still withstood it ( as my Secretary here present can Testifie ) upon these two Grounds . The one , lest it should bring the large Book it self into disuse . And the other , lest if any Material thing should be left out , that should have been charged as done of purpose by me ; as now I see it is in other Books . And I humbly pray your Lordships cast your Eyes upon the Frontispiece of the Book of Martyrs , Printed An : 1642. since this Parliament began , and when I was safe enough from having any Hand in the Business ; and there you shall see as dangerous Pictures as have been charged upon me , or any my Chappel Windows . Upon Occasion of Mr. Genebrand's Calendar , Mr. Pryn took occasion to tell the Lords , that I had made Notes upon the Calendar in the Missal . I desired they might be read : It was thought too tedious . They were nothing but some Additions of my own reading to the Occurrences on some Days . And because the Calendar in the Missal was open and large , I thought fit to Write them there . 5. The Fifth Instance is in Dr. Pocklinton his Censure of * ....... and of Flaccius Illyricus . And that this Book was Licensed by my Chaplain Dr. Bray . And he was Censured in this Honourable House for that and like slips of his . Then it was inferred at the Bar , That it must be taken as my Act , if it were done by my Chaplain . But Inferences are no sworn Proof : And , I conceive , no Man can by Law be punished criminally for his Servants Fact ; Unless there be Proof that he had a hand in it . Then it was urged , but without any Proof too , that Dr. Pocklinton was preferred by me . To which I shall answer when Proof is made : And if I had , 't is far enough from Treason . 6. The next Instance was , about the calling in of Thomas Beacons Disputation of the Mass. The Witness Mr. Pryn. He says , the Book was Licensed , and that a Papist thereupon said , doth my Lord of Canterbury License such Books ? That I was informed of these Words , and the Book called in the next Day . First , Mr. Pryn is single in this part of the Testimony for the Words . Secondly , if any Papist did say so , it was not in my Power to stop his Mouth ; and they which License Books , must indure many and various Censures , as the Readers of them stand affected . Thirdly , if any Papist did so speak , I have reason to think it was to do me a Mischief , as much as in him lay . Fourthly , this is a very bold Oath ; For he swears , that I was Informed of these Words . He was not present to hear it , and then he can have it but by Hearsay , and no Religion teaches him to swear that for Truth , which he doth but hear . Lastly , the Book was called in , because it was slipt out contrary to the late Decree for Printing . Yea , but Mr. Pryn Swears , and so doth Michael Sparks the other Witness , that the Book was sent to the Printer before the Decree . But first , Sparks his Oath is uncertain ; for he says Mr. Pryn sent him the Book before the Decree , and then by and by after , says , it was about that time . Now the Book is somwhat large , so that it might be sent him before the Decree , and yet not be Printed till after , and that a good space too . And Secondly , Mr. Pryn himself confesses , the Book was sent when the Decree was in agitation . 7. The Seventh Instance was about Arminianism , as maintained by me against the Declarations of both Houses of Parliament , and of King James , concerning Vorstius and Bertius . First , I have nothing to do to defend Arminianism , no Man having yet charged me with the abetting any point of it . Secondly , King James his Declaration is very Learned : But under Favour , he puts a great deal of difference between Vorstius and Bertius : And his Majesty's Opinion is clear with the Article of the Church of England , and so Expressed by himself : And to which I ever Consented . And the Passage in the Conference at Hampton-Court was then read to the Lords , and yet for the Peace of Christendom , and the strengthning of the Reformed Religion , I do heartily wish these Differences were not pursued with such Heat and Animosity , in regard that all the Lutheran Protestants are of the very same Opinions , or with very little difference from those which are now called Arminianism . And here comes in Michael Sparks ; who says , He was called into the High-Commission about a Book of Bishop Carletons . I cannot punctually remember all Particulars so long since . But he confesses the Business was in the High-Commission . And so not singly chargable against me . Besides , he is single in this Business . He says , he was Eleven Years in the High-Commission , and never Sentenced . This is more than I know . But if it be so , he had better luck than some Honester Men. For a bitterer Enemy to his power , the Church-Government never had . He was Mr. Pryn's Printer . He says , I was a Dean then , and he thinks of Hereford . I was never Dean of Hereford . But howsoever , this is a dangerous Oath ; let him think of it . He Swears that I was a Dean then ; and a High-Commissioner ; or else what had I to do in the Business ? Now it is well known I was never a High-Commissioner , till I had been a Bishop some Years . For the Book it self , Sparks says nothing what was the Argument of it : But ( so far as I remember ) it was expresly against the King's Declaration . And so I Answer'd Mr. Brown , when he summed up the Evidence against me in the House of Commons . And though in his Reply he seemed to deny this , yet I remember no Proof he brought for it . 8. The last Instance was pregnant , and brought forth many Particulars . As First , Dr : Featly's Parallels against Bishop Mountague . But this was Still-born ; at least it says nothing of me . Secondly , Mr. Pryn's Perpetuity , and against Dr : Cosens , both burnt . But he doth not say absolutely burnt , but as he is informed , and he may be informed amiss . And howsoever he says , it was done by the High-Commission , not by me . Thirdly , some Sheets of Dr. Succliff's Book Prohibited the Press at Oxford . I hope Oxford is able to give an Account for it self . And whereas it was here said at the Bar : They hoped I would shew some repressing of the contrary part . I would satisfie their Hopes abundantly , could I bring Witnesses from Oxford , how even and steddy a Hand I carried to both parts , Fourthly , Mr. Burton questioned about his Book called The seven Vials . But himself confesses , that upon Sir Henry Martin's Information , that , as that Cause was laid , the High-Commission had no power in it , he was dismissed . Fifthly , That about his Book , Intituled Babel no Bethel ; he was questioned at a Court out of Term. This was very usual , whensoever the Court was full of Business , to hold one Court-day out of Term. This is Warranted by the Commission . And warning of it was always publickly given the Court-day before , that all , whom it concerned , might take notice of it , and provide themselves . Sixthly , he says , he was there railed at by Bishop Harsnet . 'T is more than I know that Bishop Harsnet railed at him ; but if he did , I hope I am not brought hither to Answer all Mens faults . Seventhly , he says , he claimed the Petition of Right , yet was Committed . This is more than I know or believe ; yet if it were so , it was done by the High-Commission Court , not by me . He says next , that he could never be quiet . But I am sure , my Lords , the Church for divers Years could never be in quiet , for him and his Associates . Lastly , they say , some Passages against Arminianism were left out of two Letters , one of Bishop Davenants , and the other of Bishop Halls , sent to be Printed . First , here is no Proof at all offer'd , that I differ'd in any thing from the Doctrine expressed in those Letters . And Secondly , for the leaving out of those passages , it was ( it seems ) done to avoid kindling of new flames in the Church of England . And it appeared on the other side of the Paper , which was produced against me , and so Read to the Lords ; that these Passages were left out by the express Order from those Bishops themselves , under Bishop Hall's own Hand , and with Thanks to Dr : Turner , then my Chaplain , for his Letter to them . And here this days Business ended . And I received Command to attend again the Twentieth of the same Month. CAP. XXXVII . The Fifteenth Day of my Hearing . THis day I came again to the House . A day or two before , as now also , the Landing place at Westminster was not so full of People ; and they which were there , much more civil towards me than formerly . My Friends were willing to perswade me , that my Answer had much abated the edge of the People , saving from the violent and factious Leaders of the Multitude , whom it seems nothing would satisfie but my Life ( for so I was after told in plain terms , by a Man deeply interessed in them ; ) when I presently saw Quaterman coming towards me , who , so soon as he came , fell to his wonted Railing , and asked aloud , what the Lords meant , to be troubled so long and so often , with such a base Fellow as I was , they should do well to Hang me out of the way . I heard the Words with grief enough , and so left them and him in the Hands of God. My Servants were earness to have me complain to the Lords . I remembred my late Complaint about the Pamphlets had no redress ; and so forbare it . They notwithstanding , out of their Zeal , complained to Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower ; who presently went forth , and said he would school him . But I hearkned no more after it . When I came to the Bar , Mr : Nicolas began with great violence , and told the Lords , the business grew higher and higher against me . What the Business did , will after appear ; but I am sure he grew higher and higher , and from this time forward , besides the violence of Expression , gave me such Language , as no Christian would give a Jew . But God , I humbly thank him , blessed me with Patience ; and so I made my Ears Obedient . That which made him say the Business grew higher and higher , was this . Upon my often calling to have the Oaths at the Coronation of King James and King Charles compared , some of them repaired again to my Study at Lambeth , to search for all such Copies of Coronation-Books as could there be found . In this diligent and curious search ( For Mr. Pryn's Malice made it ) they found some Papers concerning Parliaments , no other ( I praise God for it ) than such , as with indifferent construction might ( I hope ) well pass , especially considering what occasion led me , and what Command was upon me . And as I have been told by Able and Experienced Men , they would have been nothing , had they been found in any , but this troublesom and distracted time about the Rights of Parliaments , ( as 't is said . ) Howsoever , I was most unfortunate they should be now found , and I had not left them a Being , but that I verily thought I had destroyed them long since . But they were unhappily found among the heaps of my Papers . And so An Answer to the Remonstrance made June : 17 : 1628. ( which is Sixteen Years since ) was made the First Charge against me . And the Second Charge was , A Paper concerning a Declaration , Jan : 28 : 1628. To both which I then Answer'd ; but because these are urged more than once , to help fill the People with new Clamour , and because they are more closely pressed against me at the last day of my Hearing ; and because Mr. Brown in his Summary Charge , laid and charged all these Papers together ; to avoid tedious repetition , I will also make my whole and entire Answer together , when that time comes . The Third Charge of this day was , A Letter of a Jesuit to his Superiour , found in my Study , dated Mar : 1628. Let the Letter be dated when it will , I hope the Arch-Bishop may get and keep the Letters of any Jesuits or others . How shall I be able to know or prevent their Plots upon the Religion by Law Established , if this may not be done ? Yet this I desire all Men to take notice of , that this Letter was not directed to me . I was then Bishop of London : The Letter was found in a search . But when by all possible care taken by the High-Commission the Author could not be found , I had ( as I humbly conceive ) great Reason to keep it . And I then humbly desired , the whole Letter might be Read. There was in it , that Arminianism ( as 't was urged ) was their Drug , and their Plot against us , &c. The Jesuit seeing a Fire kindling about these Opinions , might write what he pleased to help on his Cause . Yet this Drug , which he says is theirs , is the received Opinion of all the Lutherans , and they too Learned Protestants to use their Drugs . And if it be their Drug , why do the Dominicans so Condemn it ? Nay , why doth the Master of the Sentences , and the School after him , for the most , determin rigidly against it ? And whereas 't is said , That these Men had Instruments at the Duke's Chamber Door . That belongs not to me , I was not Porter there . As for that Power which I had ( called by Mr. Nicolas the Command of his Ear ) I used it as much as I could to shut such Instruments thence . Beside , 't is barely said , no Proof at all offer'd , that such Instruments were about the Duke's Chamber-Door . Other Papers were found in my Study , above sixty at the least , expressing my continued Labours for some Years together , to Reconcile the divided Protestants in Germany , that so they might go with united Forces against the Romanists . Why are not these produced too ? Would not Christianity and Justice have my Innocence cleared , as well as my Faults accused ? The Fourth Charge was Bishop Mountagues Preferment . The Parliament ( they say ) called him in Question , and the King called in his Book ; yet , in Affront to the Parliament , that he was preferr'd by me . No : It was then publickly known in Court ( whether now remembred or no , I cannot tell ) that he was preferred by my Lord Duke ; but being a Church Business , the King Commanded me to signifie his Pleasure to the Signet Office. And the Docket ( which is all the Proof here made ) mentions him only by whom the Kings Pleasure is signified , not him that procures the Preferment . So the Docket in this Case no Proof at all . The Fifth Charge was a Paper Intituled , Considerations for the Church . Three Exceptions against them . The Observation of the King's Declaration , Art 3. The Lecturers , Art 5. And the High-Commission and Prohibitions , Art 10 , 11. The Paper I desired might be all Read. Nothing in them against either Law or Religion . And for Lecturers a better care taken , and with more Ease to the People , and more Peace to the Church , by a Combination of Conformable Neighbouring Ministers , in their turns , and not by some one Humorous Man , who too often mis-leads the People . Secondly , my Copy of Considerations came from Arch-Bishop Harsnet , in which was some sour Expression concerning Emanuel and Sidney Colleges in Cambridge , which the King in his Wisdom thought fit to leave out . The King's Instructions upon these Considerations , are under Mr. Baker's Hand , who was Secretary to my Predecessor . And they were sent to me to make Exceptions to them , if I knew any , in regard of the Ministers of London , whereof I was then Bishop . And by this , that they were thus sent unto me by my Predecessor , 't is manifest , that this account from the several Dioceses to the Arch-Bishop , and from him to his Majesty once a Year , was begun before my time . Howsoever , if it had not , I should have been glad of the Honour of it , had it begun in mine . For I humbly conceive , there cannot be a better or a safer way to preserve Truth and Peace in the Church , than that once a Year every Bishop should give an account of all greater Occurrences in the Church to his Metropolitan , and he to the King. Without which , the King , who is the Supream , is like to be a great Stranger to all Church Proceedings . The Sixth Charge was about Dr : Sibthorp's Sermon , that my Predecessor opposed the Printing of it , and that I opposed him to Affront the Parliament . Nothing so , my Lords . Nothing done by me to oppose , or affront , the One or the Other . This Sermon came forth when the Loan was not yet settled in Parliament . The Lords , and the Judges , and the Bishops , were some for , some against it . And if my Judgment were Erroneous in that Point , it was mis-led by Lords of great Honour and Experience , and by Judges of great knowledge in the Law. But I did nothing to affront any . 'T is said , that I inserted into the Sermon , that the People may not refuse any Tax that is not unjustly laid . I conceive nothing is justly laid in that kind but according to Law ; Gods and Mans. And I dare not say , the People may refuse any thing so laid . For Jus Regis , the Right of a King , ( which is urged against me too ) I never went farther than the Scriptures lead me ; Nor did I ever think , that Jus Regis , mentioned , 1 : Sam : 8 : is meant of the Ordinary and just Right of Kings , but of that Power which , such as Saul would be , would assume unto themselves , and make it right by Power . Then they say , I expunged some things out of it . As first , The Sabbath , and put instead of it the Lords Day . What 's my Offence ? Sabbath is the Jews Word , and the Lords-Day the Christians . Secondly , about Evil Counseilors to be used as Haman . The Passage ( as there Expressed ) was very Scandalous , and without just Cause , upon the Lords of the Council . And they might justly have thought I had wanted Discretion , should I have left it in . Thirdly , that I expunged this , that Popery is against the first and the second Commandment . If I did it , it was because it is much doubted by Learned Men , whether any thing in Popery is against the first Commandment , or denies the Unity of the God-head . And Mr. Perkins ( who Charges very home against Popery ) lays not the Breach of the first Commandment upon them . And when I gave Mr. Brown this Answer . In his last Reply , he asked why I left out both ? Why , I did it because its being against the second is common and obvious , and I did not think it worthy the standing in such a Sermon , when it could not be made good against the first . But they demanded , why I should make any Animadversions at all upon the Sermon ? It was thus . The Sermon being presented to his Majesty , and the Argument not common , he committed the Care of Printing it to Bishop Mountain , the Bishop of London , and four other ; of which I was one . And this was the Reason of the Animadversions now called mine . As also of the Answer to my Predecessors Exceptions ( now Charged also ) and called mine . But it was the Joint Answer of the Committee . And so is that other Particular also , In which the whole Business is left to the Learned in the Laws . For though the Animadversions be in my Hand , yet they were done at and by the Committee , only I being puny Bishop , was put to write them in my Hand . The Seventh Charge was Dr : Manwaring's Business and Preferment . It was handled before , only resumed here to make a Noise , and so passed it over . The Eighth Charge was concerning some Alterations in the Prayers made for the Fifth of November , and in the Book for the Fast , which was Published An : 1636. And the Prayers on Coronation Day . 1. First for the Fast-Book : The Prayer mentioned was altered , as is Expressed ; but it was by him that had the Ordering of that Book to the Press , not by me . Yet I cannot but approve the Reason given for it , and that without any the least approbation of Merit . For the Abuse of Fasting , by thinking it Meritorious , is the thing left out ; whereas in this Age and Kingdom , when , and where , set Fastings of the Church are cryed down , there can be little fear of that Erroneous Opinion of placing any Merit in Fasting . 2 Secondly , for the Prayers Published for the Fifth of November , and Coronation Day . The Alterations were made either by the King himself , or some about him when I was not in Court. And the Books sent me with a Command for the Printing , as there altered . I made stay , till I might wait upon his Majesty . I found him resolved upon the alterations ; nor in my judgment could I justly except against them . His Majesty then gave Warrant to the Books themselves with the alterations in them , and so by his Warrant I commanded the Printing . And I then shewed both the Books to the Lords , who Viewed them , and acknowledged his Ma jesty ' Hand , with which , not his Name only , but the whole Warrant was written . And here I humbly desired three things might be observed , and I still desire it . First , with what Conscience this passage out of my Speech in the * Star Chamber was urged against me ( for so it was , and fiercely by Mr. Nicolas ) to prove that I had altered the Oath at the King's Coronation , because the Prayers appointed for the Anniversary of the Coronation were altered . Which is absolute Nonsence . Secondly , he Charged me that the Word Antichristian was left out . But that is visibly untrue , for it is left in . Thirdly , that though it be in , yet that the Alteration takes it off from the Papist , as also their Rebellion . Neither : For the Change is this , That Antichristian Sect ; altered into The Antichristian Sect of them which , &c. and , whose Religion is Rebellion ; altered into who turn Religion into Rebellion . By which it is manifest that the alteration takes off neither Imputation from the Papist , but moderates both . And for ought I yet know , 't is necessary it should . For if their Religion be Rebellion , see what it will produce . Is not this the Syllogism ? The Religion of the Papist is Rebellion : But Christianity is the Religion of the Papist : Therefore Christianity is Rebellion . I may not inlarge ; but you may see more , if you please , in my Speech in the † Star-Chamber . And when Mr. Brown in the Summ of his Charge pressed these Alterations hard against me , he did not so much as mention , that I had the King 's both Warrant and Command to all that I did in that Particular : And besides , urged this as a great Innovation , because the Prayers mentioned had continued unaltered for the space of above Thirty Years . Not remembring therewhile , that the Liturgy of the Church Established by Act of Parliament , must be taken away , or altered , though it hath continued above Fourscore . Nay , and Episcopacy must be quite abolished , though it have continued in the Church of Christ above Sixteen Hundred . The Ninth Charge was from Sir Edward Hungerford , who came to Lambeth to have a little Book Licensed to the 〈◊〉 . The Author was Sir Anthony Hungerford , whether Sir Edward's Grandfather or his Uncle , I remember not the Relation . He says , he came to my Chaplain Dr : Bray to License it . And that Dr : Bray told him there were some harsh Phrases in it , which were better left out , because we were upon a way of winning the Papists . First , I hope I shall not be made answerable for my Chaplains Words too . And Secondly , I hope there is no harm in winning the Papists to the Church of England : Especially if so easie a Cure , as avoiding harsh Language would do it . He says , my Chaplain expressed a dislike of Guicciardin's Censure of Pope Alexander the Sixth . Sure if the Censure be false , he had reason to except against it ; if true , yet to Publish such an unsavoury Business to the Common-People ........ He says , he came and complained to me , and that I told him I was not at leisure , but left it to my Chaplain . So the Charge upon me was , That my Chaplain was in an Errour concerning this Book , and I would not Redress it . To this I answerd : First , that my Chaplain was Dead , and I not knowing the Reasons which moved him to refuse Licensing this Book , can neither confess him to be in an Errour , nor yet justifie him . Secondly , for my own refusing to meddle with it . Sir Edward took me in a time of business , when I could not attend it . Thirdly , if I had absolutely refused it , and left it to my Chaplain , I had done no more than all my Predecessors did before me . And Dr. Featly then witnessed to the Lords , that Arch-Bishop Abbot , my immediate Predecessor , and to whom the Doctor was Household Chaplain , would never meddle with Licensing Books , but ever referred them to his Chaplains : And Dr. Mocket , another of his Chaplains ( well known to Dr. Featly ) suffered for a Book sharply ; yet not one Word said to my Predecessor about it . Fourthly , as the Liberty of the Press is in England , and of the Books which are tendred to the Press , the Arch-Bishop had better Grind , than take that Work to his own Hands , especially considering his many and necessary Avocations . Lastly , no Man ever complained to me in this kind , but this Gentleman only . So it is one only single Offence , if it be any . But how this or the rest should be Treason against Sir Edward Hungerford , I cannot yet see . And so I answered Mr. Brown ; who in his Summary Charge forgot not this : But Mr. Nicolas laid load upon me in his Reply , in such Language as I am willing to forget . The Tenth Charge was out of a Paper of Considerations to Dr. Potter , about some few passages in his Answer to a Book Intituled Charity mistaken . The Business this . Dr : Potter writ to me for my Advice : I used not to be Peremptory ; but put some few things back to his farther consideration . Of which , three were now Charged upon me . The first was , he used this phrase Believe in the Pope . I desired him to consider of ( In ) And in this I yet know not wherein I offend . The Second , was this Phrase , The Idol of Rome . I advised him to consider this Phrase too , that Men might not be to seek what that Idol was . And here Mr : Nicolas cryed out with vehemency , That every Boy in the Street could tell the Pope was the Idol . I had not Dr : Potter's Book now at hand ; and so could not be certain in what Sense the Doctor used it ; but else , as many at least , think the Mass the Idol of Rome , as the Pope : Unless Mr : Nicolas his Boys in the Streets think otherwise , and then I cannot blame him for following such mature Judgments . The Third was , That I bid him consider whether the Passage p. 27. ( as I remember ) did not give as much Power to the Parliament in matter of Doctrine , as the Church . But my Answer to this I shall put off to the Charge against me concerning Parliaments , because there Mr. Brown began with this . The two former he Charged also , and I answered them as before . But he omitted , that I obtained of the Lords the reading of Dr. Potter's Letter to me , by which he drew from me those Things which I determined not , but only put to his Second Thoughts and Consideration . In which way ( I humbly conceive ) I cannot be in Crime , though I were in Errour . Here ended the Business of this Day , and I was Ordered to attend again June 27. CAP. XXXVIII . The Sixteenth Day of my Hearing . THis day I appeared again ; And the first Charge laid against me , was my Chaplain Dr : Bray's Expungings out of Dr : Featly's Sermons . The same Charge ad Verbum which was before , and I give it the same Answer . These Repetitions of the same things , being only to increase Clamour , and to fill more Mens Ears with it . The Second Charge , was certain Expunctions of some things against the Papists in Dr : Clark's Sermons . The Witness which Swore to the passages left out , was one Mr : White a Minister , and it seems some near Acquaintance of Dr : Clark's . But First , this Witness is single . Secondly , he brought only a Paper , in which he had written down what was Expunged ; but Dr : Clark's Sermons he brought not with it : So 't is not impossible he might be mistaken : Howsoever , I not having the Book , could not possibly make an absolute and a perfect Answer . Thirdly , this Witness confesses , that Dr : Weeks , then Chaplain to my Lord of London , had the view of Dr : Clark's Sermons , and took Exceptions against some passages , as well as my Chaplain Dr : Haywood did . So it seems there was cause for it . Fourthly , I Answer , that for this , and for all other of like Nature , my Chaplain must Answer for his own Act , and not I. He is Living , and an Able Man ; I humbly desire he may be called to his Account . For 't is not possible for me to tell your Lordships , upon what grounds he did Expunge these many and different passages , which are instanced against me . Lastly , in all the passages of Dr : Clark's Sermons , it is not any where distinguished , which were Expunged by my Chaplain , and which by Dr : Weeks : So that the Charge in that behalf , is left very uncertain . For the passages themselves , as they are many , so they are such as may easily be mistaken , the most of them . And whether Dr : Clark handled them in such manner as was not justifiable , either against Arminius or the Papists , cannot possibly be known , till each place in the Book be Examined for the Thing , and my Chaplain Dr : Haywood for the Meaning . This made a great noise in Mr : Brown's Summary Charge against me , he alledging , that two and twenty Passages about Points of Popery were dashed out of Dr : Clark's Sermons . To which I Answer'd , that I conceived my Chaplain would be able to make it good , there were two hundred left in for two and twenty left out . And that they which were left out , were not some way or other justifiable against the Papists , as set down and expressed by him . And if so , they are better out than in . For we gain nothing by urging that against the Papists , which , when it comes to the Touch , cannot be made good against them . One Passage is here added out of Dr. Featly's Sermons , p. 225. Where he inveighs against too much imbellishing and beautifying the Church , and not the Souls of Men , &c. First , if there be not a care to beautifie the Soul , let Men profess what Religion they will , 't is a just Exception , and I believe no fault found with that . But Secondly , for the over-much beautifying of the Church , 't is a Point that might well be left out . Little necessity , God knows , to Preach or Print against too much adorning of Churches among us , where yet so many Churches lye very nastily in many places of the Kingdom , and no one too much adorned to be found . Nay , the very Consecration of Churches cryed down ( as is before expressed . ) And this Opinion , that no Place is Holy but during the Service in it , made Mr. Culmer , though a Minister , to piss in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury : And divers others to do so , and more , against the Pillars in St : Paul's nearer hand , as may daily be both seen and smelt , to the shame of that which is called Religion . Here Mr : Nicolas would fain have shovell'd it to the out-side of the Church ( which had been bad enough ) but it was the inside I spake of , and the thing is known . Then an Instance was made in a Book of Dr : Jones . The Witness that any thing was Expunged out of this , was only Mr : Chetwin . And he confesses that this Book was Licensed by Dr : Baker , and he my Lord of London's Chaplain , not mine . Here my Friends at the Bar infer , that Dr : Baker was preferred by me . First , that 's not so , he was preferred by his own Lord. Secondly , if he had been preferred by me , it could have made no Charge , unless proof had been made that I preferred him for abusing Dr. Jones his Book . And for the Docket , which is the only Proof offer'd that I preferred him , I have already shewed , that that is no Proof . Yea , but they say , Dr : Baker was imployed by me as one of my Visitors . And what then ? Must I be answerable for every fault that is committed by every Man that I employ in my Visitation , though it be a fault committed at another time and place , though I humbly desire Dr. Baker may Answer for himself , before I acknowledge any fault committed by him ? And though I conceive this Answer abundantly satisfactory for any thing that may concern me , yet Mr. Brown omitted not this Instance against me . The Third Charge was personally against my self , and taken out of my * Speech in the Star-Chamber . The words these . The Altar is the greatest place of God's Residence upon Earth , greater than the Pulpit ; for there 't is Hoc est Corpus meum , this is my Body ; but in the other it is at most , but Hoc est Verbum meum , this is my Word : And a greater Reverence is due to the Body , than the Word of the Lord. Out of this place , Mr : Nicolas would needs inforce , that I maintained Transubstantiation ; because I say There , 't is Hoc est Corpus meum . First , I perceive by him , he confounds ( as too many else do ) Transubstantiation with the Real Presence , whereas these have a wide difference . And Calvin grants a Real and True Presence , yea , and he grants Realiter too ; and yet no Man a greater Enemy to Transubstantiation than he . As I have proved at large in my Book against Fisher , and had leave to Read the Passage therein to the Lords . And Mr. Perkins avows as much . And Secondly , the Word ( There ) makes nothing against this . For after the Words of Consecration are past , be the Minister never so Unworthy , yet 't is infallibly Hoc est Corpus meum to every worthy Receiver . So is it not Hoc est Verbum meum , from the Pulpit to the best of Hearers , nor by the best of Preachers since the Apostles Time. And as Preaching goes now , scarce is any thing heard from many in two long Hours , that savours of the Word of God. And St. Paul tells us , 1 Cor. 11. of a great Sin committed in his Time , of not discerning the Lord's Body , when Unworthy Communicants received it . Where was this ? Why it was There , at the Holy Table or Altar , where they Received , yet did not discern . I hope for all this St. Paul did not maintain Transubstantiation . Mr. Brown in his Summary Charge pressed this also upon me . I answer'd as before , and added , that in all Ages of the Church , the Touchstone of Religion was not to Hear the Word Preached , but to Communicate . And at this day , many will come and hear Sermons , who yet will not receive the Communion together . And as I call the Holy Table the greatest place of God's Residence upon Earth ; so doth a late Learned Divine of this Church , call the Celebration of the Eucharist , the Crown of Publick Service ; and the most solemn and chief work of Christian Assemblies ; and he a Man known to be far from affecting Popery in the least . And all Divines agree in this , which our Saviour himself Teaches . St. Mat. 26. That there is the same effect of the Passion of Christ , and of this Blessed Sacrament Worthily Received . Another passage taken out of my * Speech was ; That due Reverence be given to God and to his Altar . Hence Mr. Nicolas infers again : This Reverence is one joint Act , therefore 't is Divine to the Altar , as well as to God , and so Idolatry . First , the very next words in my Speech are , that this Reverence to the Altar comes far short of Divine Worship . What can prevent an Objection , if such plain words cannot ? Secondly , having thus plainly expressed it ; he may infer too if he will , that I do not then Worship God. For this Reverence is one joint Act ; but 't is confessed , that 't is not Divine Worship to the Altar , and therefore not to God. But Thirdly , this Gentleman , by his Favour , understands not the Mysteries which lye hid in many parts of Divinity . In this for one . For when this Reverence is performed , 't is to God as to the Creator , and so Divine : But 't is only toward , not to the Altar , and so far short . And though in outward performance it be one joint Act , yet that which is not separated , is , and must be distinguished one from the other . To make a good Work acceptable to God , there must be both Faith and Charity : They cannot be separated one from the other ; what , shall they not therefore be distinguished ? He that speaks ( saith St. Aug. ) by one joint Act sends out his Voice and his Word ; separated they cannot be , shall not they be distinguished therefore ? But I have lived long enough , and taken pains to small purpose , if Mr. Nicolas or any Lay-Man else , at his by and leisure Hours , from a busie Profession , shall be able to Teach me in that which I have laboured all my Life . And God bless the poor Bishops and Clergy of England , if falling into a Storm ( as I now am ) they must have such Judges as Mr. Nicolas . The Fourth Charge , Is the Licensing of Sales , and other Books which had Popery in them , by my Chaplain Dr. Haywood . 1. To this Mr. Pryn ( who is the single witness ) says , That he tender'd a Bill to the then Lord Keeper against my Chaplain for Licensing this Book , and that his Lordship refused it . If the Lord Keeper Coventry refused his Bill , I believe , were he living , he would assign just Cause why he did it . But whatever Cause he had , it concerns not me , that he rejected the Bill . Mr. Pryn says farther , That this Book of Sales was Printed heretofore , but purged first by Dr. James ; but Licensed now by Dr. Haywood , not according to that Purgation , but with all the Points of Popery in . For this he produces Mr. Oaks , whose Son printed it . And says farther , That his Correcter at the Press found fault with some passages , and thereupon he was sent to Dr. Haywood , who returned answer ( as they say ) That if he Licensed it , he would justifie it . And that his Son told him this . First , My Lords , this Under-Testimony of Mr. Oakes produced by Mr. Pryn , is nothing but a Hearsay from his Son , who is now dead , and cannot be Examined , and while he was living ran away and would not be Examined . Secondly , this was a most notable piece of Villany practised against my Chaplain , and thorough his sides against me . It was thus , My Lords . Whether the Bill were rejected or no , I cannot tell ; but the Complaint of Printing this Book came publickly into the Star-Chamber . And then was the first time that ever I heard of it . I then humbly desired their Lordships that Dr. Haywood might answer whatever he had done amiss , either there or where they pleased . The Court presently commanded Mr. Atturny Bankes to call all Parties before him , examine them thoroughly , and then give his Account what he found ; that the Court might proceed farther according to Justice . Dr. Haywood appeared , and shewed Mr. Atturney how he had Corrected Sales in all Popish Points before he Licensed it . But young Oakes , and he which brought Sales to be Licensed ( who was then thought to be some Jesuited Recusant , and , as I remember , Lodged for that time of Printing , in Oakes his House ) ran both away , or hid their Heads , and would not be found . And this was a meer Plot of this Recusant , if not Priest , to have Sales Printed , with all his Points of Popery in him , to work mischief to my Chaplain and my self . And young Oakes was in all likelihood well payed for his pains . This Account Mr. Atturney brought into that Court , and this Relation Dr. Haywood ( who I obtained might be after sent for ) attested at this Barr. One Circumstance my old decayed Memory mistook . For I thought , and so at first told the Lords , that for this Clamor raised upon him in this way , I did soon after dismiss him my House . But after , I found that he was gone out of my House before . Howsoever I left him , without any Mediation , to the Justice of the Court. And here I may not forget that which I then observed to the Lords , that whereas 't is urged , that many Points of Popery have passed the Press ; 't is no wonder , if such Art be used as was here to get out Sales . And this farther is observable , that all these Quotations of Popish Opinions , mentioned here to fill up the noise , are out of four or five Books at the most , of which more are out of this Sales than all the rest . And called in he was , as soon as known . Which Mr. Brown in the Summ of his Charge acknowledges . 2. After Sales , the next Instance was in a Book Intituled , Christ's Epistle to the Devout Reader . Four particular Points were urged out of this : But neither I , nor my Chaplains had ought to do with it . For it was Licensed at London House by Dr. Weeks . Nor was there ever any complaint brought to me to have it called in : Nor was any such Proof so much as offer'd . 3. The Third Instance was of a Book called the Female Glory , where Mr. Pryn ( who is single again ) said that Dr. Heylin answered Mr. Burton , and justified all the Passages in this Book . And added , that this was by my direction . But upon my Motion at the Barr concerning the boldness of this Oath , Mr. Pryn recalled himself , and said that I appointed him to answer Mr. Burton . But it is one thing to appoint him to answer Mr. Burton : And another to direct him to justifie all passages in the Female Glory . 4. The Fourth Instance was in a Letter sent to me from one Croxton , a young Divine in Ireland . He was bred in St. John's College in Oxford . At the Lord Mount-Norris his Intreaty I sent Croxton into Ireland to be his Chaplain . If he miscarried there , I could not help it , nor hinder his writing of a Letter to me , nor preseribe what he should write in it . But , to my remembrance , I never heard of any Miscarriage of his in matter of Religion . And whether he be living or dead , I know not . That Letter indeed hath a Cross at the top of it . But then was another Letter of his shewed without a Cross , in which he calls Rome Monstrum Abominandum . Howsoever I conceive all this is nothing to me . 5. The Fifth Instance was a Book , which they said was Licensed by Dr. Weeks . And if so , then not by my Chaplain . But upon perusal , I find no License Printed to it , nor to any of the other , but only to Sales , which is answered . 6. The Sixth Instance was in Bishop Mountague's Books , the Gagg , and the Appeal . Here they said , that Dr. White told Dr. Featly , that five or six Bishops did allow these Books . But he did not name me to be one of them . Then Mr. Pryn urged upon his Oath , that these Books were found in my Study . And I cannot but bless my self at this Argument . For I have Bellarmine in my Study ; Therefore I am a Papist : Or I have the Alcaron in my Study ; Therefore I am a Turk , is as good an Argument as this ; I have Bishop Mountague's Books in my Study ; Therefore I am an Arminian . May Mr. Pryn have Books in all kinds in his Study , and may not the Archbishop of Canterbury have them in his ? Yea , but he says , there is a Letter of the Bishops to me , submitting his Books to my Censure . This Letter hath no date , and so belike Mr. Pryn thought he might be bold both with it and his Oath , and apply it to what Books he pleas'd . But as God would have it , there are Circumstances in it as good as a Date . For 't is therein expressed , that he was now ready to remove from Chichester to Norwich . Therefore he must needs speak of submitting those his Books to me , which were then ready to be set out , which were his Origines Ecclesiasticae , not the Gagg , nor the Appeal , which are the Books Charged , and which were Printed divers Years before he was made a Bishop ; and my Receit indorsed upon it is Mar. 29. 1638. And I hope Mr. Nicolas will not call this the Colour of an Answer , as he hath called many of the rest given by me . 7. The Seventh Instance was in a Book Licensed by Dr. Martin , then my Chaplain in London-House . This Book Mr. Pryn says , was purposely set out to Countenance Arminianism , as if it had been some Work of Moment , whereas it was answered twice in the Queens Time. If Dr : Martin did this , 't is more than I remember ; nor can I so long after give any Account of it . But Dr : Martin is Living and in Town , and I humbly desired he might be called to answer . He was called the next Day , and gave this Account . The Account is wanting ; a Space left for it , but not filled up . Mr. Pryn says farther , that after this he Preached Arminianism at S. Paul's Cross. Why did not Mr. Pryn come then to me , and acquaint me with it ? Which neither he nor any Man else did . And I was in Attendance at Court , whither I could not hear him . And the Charge which came against him upon the next Days Hearing , was this and no more ; That one then Preached at the Cross Vniversal Redemption ; but he that gave Testimony , knew him not ; only he says , one told him 't was Dr : Martin . 8. The last Instance was of a Bible commonly Sold , with a Popish Table at the end of it . This is more than I know , or ever heard till now ; nor was any Complaint ever brought to me of it . And I cannot know all things that are done abroad for Gain ; for that will teach them to conceal , as well as move them to act . Yet one of the Popish Heads mentioned in that Table , was Confirmation , which is commanded in our Church Liturgy , and ratified by Law. Here this day ended , and I was ordered to appear again July 4. That Day I received a Note , under Mr. Nicolas his Hand , that they meant to proceed upon the 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , and 14th . Original Articles , and the Sixth and Seventh Additionals . The last Warrant for other Articles , came under Serjeant Wild's Hand , and Mr. Nicolas signing this , it seems , mistook . For the Eighth and Ninth Original Articles are in part proceeded on before . Now they go forward with these , and then on to the rest , which I will write down severally as they come to them . The same Day , being Thursday , all my Books at Lambeth were by Order of the House of Commons taken away by Mr. ....... Secretary to the Right Honourable the Earl of Warwick , and carried I know not whither , but are ( as 't is commonly said ) for the use of Mr : Peters . Before this time , some good Number of my Books were delivered to the use of the Synod , the Ministers which had them giving no Catalogue under their Hands , which or how many they had . And all this was done contrary to an Order of the Lords , bearing Date Novemb. 9. 1642. for the safe keeping of my Books there : And before I was Convicted off any Crime . This Day also I received an Order , which put off my Hearing to the next Day . CAP. XXXIX . The Seventeenth Day of my Hearing . THis Day I appeared again : And the First Charge against me was , that I had preferred none to Bishopricks , Deaneries , prebends , and Benefices , but Men Popishly affected , or otherwise unworthy . And some they named . 1. As First , Dr : Manwaring , Disabled by the Parliament . 2. Secondly , Mr : Mountague , Excepted against by Parliament . But for these , no Proof was now brought . They referred themselves to what was said before , and so do I. And where they go to prove only by Dockets , I desire it may still be remembred that the Docket is a full Proof who gave Order for drawing the Bill at the Signet Office : But no Proof at all who procured the Preferment . 3. Thirdly , Bishop Corbet . But the Earl of Dorset got my Lord Duke of Buckingham to prefer him , to make way for Dr. Duppa , his deserving Chaplain into Christ-Church . Nor was any thing Charged against Dr : Corbet , but that he was preferred by me . 4. Fourthly , Bishop Pierce : Against whom there was no Proof offered neither . And he is living to answer it , if any be . 5. Nor was there now any Proof offered against Bishop Wren , who was named also ; at the least not till he was made a Bishop . So if I did prefer him , it seems I did it when nothing was laid against him . And if after he had his Preferment , he did any thing unworthily , that could not I foresee ; and he is living to answer it . 6. The Sixth was Bishop Lindsy , a Man known to be of great and universal Learning , but preferred by the then Lord Treasurer Portland , not by me . Him they Charged with Arminianism . The Witnesses two : The First , Mr. Smart ; he is positive : He was his Fellow Prebendary at Durham . There was Animosity between them . And Smart , not able to Judge of Arminianism . Secondly , Mr. Walker , who could say nothing , but that he heard so much from some Ministers , and Dr. Bastwick . So here is as Learned a Man as Christendom had any of his time , Debased in this great and Honourable Court , by Ignorance , and a Hearsay . And that , when the Man is gone to that which should be his Quiet , the Grave . 7. The Seventh was Arch-Bishop Neile , a Man well known to be as true to , and as stout for the Church of England established by Law , as any Man that came to Preferment in it . Nor could his great Enemy Mr. Smart say any thing now against him , but a Hearsay from one Dr. Moor of Winchester . And I cannot but profess , it grieves me much , to hear so many Honest and Worthy Men so used , when the Grave hath shut up their Mouths from answering for themselves . 8. The next was Dr : Cosin , to be Dean of Peterborough . I named Four of his Majesty's Chaplains to him , as he had Commanded me . And the King pitched upon Dr. Cosens , in regard all the Means he then had , lay in , and about Duresm , and was then in the Scots Hands ; so that he had nothing but Forty Pound a Year by his Headship in Peter-House to maintain himself , his Wife and Children . 9. The Ninth was Dr. Potter , a known Arminian , to the Deanery of Worcester . What Proof of this ? Nothing but the Docket . And what of the Crime ? Nothing but Dr. Featly's Testimony ; who says no more but this , That Dr. Potter was at first against Arminianism , ( that 's Absolute ) But afterwards he defended it , as he hath heard : ( there 's a Hearsay . ) 10. The Tenth was Dr : Baker . 11. The Eleventh Dr : Weeks . Both very Honest and Able Men ; but Preferred by their own Lord , the Lord Bishop of London . 12. The Twelfth was Dr : Bray . He had been my Chaplain above Ten Years in my House ; I found him a very Able and an Honest Man , and had reason to Prefer him to be able to Live well ; and I did so . Here is nothing objected against him , but his Expungings , and not Expungings of some Books ; which if he were Living , I well hope he would be able to give good Account for . 13. The Thirteenth Dr : Heylin . He is known to be a Learned and an Able Man ; but for his Preferment , both to be his Majesty's Chaplain , and for that which he got in that Service , he owes it under God to the Memory of the Earl of Danby , who took care of him in the University . 14. After these , they named some , whom they said I preferred to be the King's Chaplains . The Witness here Mr. Oldsworth , the Lord Chamberlain's Secretary . He says , the Power and Practice of naming Chaplains was in the Lord Chamberlain for these 25. Years . And I say , 't is so still , for ought I know . He says , that in all things concerning which the Lord Chamberlain's Warrant went in this Form ; These are to will and require you , &c. that there his Lordship did it without consulting the King ; and that the Warrant for Chaplains run all in this Form. First , this is more than I know or ever heard of till now . Secondly , be it so ; yet 't is hard to deny the King to hear Men Preach before they be sworn his Chaplains , if his Majesty desire it , since it argues a great care in the King , especially in such a Factious time , as began to overlay this Church . Thirdly , he confesses , that he knows not who put the King upon this way ; but believes that I did it . He is single , and his belief only is no Evidence . And whosoever gave the King that Advice , deserved very well both of his Majesty and the Church of England : That none might be put about him in that Service , but such as himself should approve of . But that which troubled this Witness , was another thing . He had not Money for every one that was made Chaplain ; nor Money to get them a Month to wait in ; nor Money to change their Month , if it were inconvenient for their other Occasions ; nor Money for sparing their Attendance , when they pleased . In which , and other things , I would he had been as careful of his Lord's Honour , as I have been in all things . For 't is well known in Court , I observed his Lordship as much as any Man. The Men which are instanced in , are Dr : Heylin . But he was preferred to that Service by my Lord the Earl of Danby . Then Dr. Potter . But the Lord Keeper Coventry was his means . Dr. Cosens was preferred by Bishop Neile , whose Chaplain he had been many Years , and he moved the Lord Chamberlain for it . Dr : Lawrence was my Lord Chamberlain's own Chaplain , and preferred by himself ; and in all likelyhood , by Mr. Oldsworth's means : For he was Fellow of Magdalen College in Oxford , as Mr. Oldsworth himself was , and he once ( to my Knowledge ) had a great Opinion of him . Dr. Haywood indeed was my Chaplain ; but I preferred him not to his Majesty , till he had Preached divers times in Court with great Approbation ; nor then , but with my Lord Chamberlain's Love and Liking . As for Dr. Pocklington , I know not who recommended him ; nor is there any Proof offered that I did it . 15. Then they proceeded to my own Chaplains . They name Four of them : First Dr. Weeks . But he was never in my House , never medled with the Licensing of any Books , till he was gone from me to the Bishop of London : So he is charged with no Fault , so long as he was mine . The Second , Dr : Haywood . But he is charged with nothing but Sales , which was a most desperate Plot against him , as is before shewed . The Third was Dr. Martin . Against him came Mr. Pryn , for his Arminian Sermon at S. Pauls Cross. But that 's answered before . And Mr. Walker , who said , he proposed Arminian Questions to divers Ministers . Belike , such as were to be examined by him . But he adds , as these Ministers told him . So 't is but a Hear-say . And say he did propose such Questions ; may it not be fit enough to try how able they were to answer them ? The Fourth was Dr. Bray . Against him Dr. Featly was again produced , for that which he had expunged out of his Sermons . But when I saw this so often inculcated to make a noise , I humbly desired of the Lords , that I might ask Dr. Featly one Question : Upon leave granted , I asked him , Whether nothing were of late expunged out of a Book of his written against a Priest ? and desired him to speak upon the Oath he had taken . He answered roundly , that divers passages against the Anabaptists , and some in defence of the Liturgy of the Church of England were expunged : I asked , by whom ? He said , by Mr. Rouse and the Committee , or , by Mr. Rouse or the Committee . Be it which it will , I observed to the Lords , that Mr. Rouse and the Committee might expunge Passages against the Anabaptists , nay , for the Liturgy established by Law ; but my Chaplains may not expunge any thing against the Papists , though perhaps mistaken . From thence , they fell upon Men , whom they said I had preferred to Benefices . They named but Two. Dr : Heylin was one again , whom I preferred not . The other was Dr : Jackson , the late President of Corpus Christi College in Oxford . Dr : Featly being produced , said , Dr : Jackson was a known Arminian . If so to him , 't is well : The Man is Dead , and cannot answer for himself . Thus far I can for him , without medling with any his Opinions . He was very Honest , and very Learned , and at those Years he was of , might deserve more than a Poor Benefice . 16. Here Mr : Pryn came in again , and Testified very boldly , that I gave many Benefices , which were in the Gift of the Master of the Wards : And all Preferments , only to such Men as were for Ceremonies , Popery and Arminianism . For the First of these two , the Business was thus : There arose a Difference between the then Lord Keeper Coventry , and the Lord Cottington , then Master of the Wards , about the disposing of those Benefices . It grew somewhat high , and came to Hearing by the King himself : His Majesty , upon Hearing , gave the right of Sealing to the Lord Keeper , but for the time , till more might appear , reserved the Giving to himself ; that he might have some of those lesser Preferments to bestow on such Ministers as attended upon his Navy then at Sea. I never gave any one of these Benefices in my Life . And that this Story is of Truth , the Lord Cottington is yet living , and can Witness it . And this very Answer I gave to Mr. Brown , who in summing up the Charge laid this also upon me , and without mentioning what Answer I gave to it . For the Second , that I preferred none but such Men. 'T is known I preferred Bishop Hall to Exeter ; Dr. Potter to Carlile ; Dr. Cook to Bristol first , and then to Hereford ; That I gave Dr. Westfield the Archdeaconry of S. Albans ; that I was Dr. Fells means for Christ-Church ; and Dr. Higgs his for the Deanery of Litchfield ; that I setled Dr. Downing at Hackney ; and Mr. Herrick at Manchester , when the Broad Seal formerly given him was questioned : That I gave two of my own Benefices to Mr. Palmer , and Mr. Taylor , two of the now Synod ; an Hospital to Dr : Jackson of Canterbury ; and a Benefice to his Son in Law , at his Suit : I could not Name all these upon the sudden , yet some I did ; and no one of them guilty of this Charge in the least . Mr. Brown in his Summary said , I could name but one or two . And when in my Answer made in the House of Commons , I specified more , among which Mr : Palmer was one : Mr. Brown said in his Reply , that Mr : Palmer had indeed his Benesice of my giving , so himself told him ; but it was at the Entreaty of a great Noble-Man . Say it were ; Mr. Palmer was then a stranger to me : Some body must speak , and assure me of his Wants and Worth , or I cannot give . But if upon this I give it freely , is it worth no thanks from him , because a Noble-Man spake to me ? Let Mr. Palmer rank this Gratitude among his other Vertues . 17. From hence they stepped over into Ireland , and objected my preferring of Dr : Chappel to be Master of the College at Dublin . Here the first Witness is Mr. Walker . He says , that all his Scholars were Arminians . This is a great sign , but not full Proof . He says , that Dr. Chappel was at First fierce against them , but afterward changed his Mind . Dr. Featly said the like of Dr. Potter . Some say Arminius himself was at first Zealous against those Opinions , but studying hard to confute them , changed his own Mind . Take heed , Mr. Walker , do not Study these Points too hard . For my own part , Dr. Chappel was a Cambridge Man , altogether unknown to me , save that I received from thence great Testimony of his Abilities , and fitness for Government , which that College then extreamly wanted : And no Man ever complained to me , that he favoured Arminianism . The other Witness was Dr. Hoyle , a Fellow of the College in Dublin . He says , that the Doctor did maintain in that College Justification by Works ; and in Christ-Church Arminianism . In this he is single : But if it be true , why did not the Lord Primate of Armagh Punish him ? for he says he knew it . That he opposed some things in the Synod . And it may be there was just Cause for it . Lastly , he says , the late Lord Deputy liked not the Irish Articles ; but gave them an Honourable Burial , as ( he says ) the Lord Primate himself confessed . I am a stranger to all this ; nor doth Dr. Hoyle charge any thing against me ; but says , that they which did this , were supposed to have some Friend in England . And surely their Carriage was very ill , if they had none . 18. Then were Letters read of my Lord Primate's to me , in which is Testified my Care of the Patrimony of that Church . And then a Paper of Instructions given by me to the Lord Deputy at his first going into that Kingdom . For the First ; though it be thrust in here , among matters of Religion , yet I pray your Lordships to consider , 't is about the Patrimony of that Church only . And I thank them heartily for producing it . For in this Letter is a full confession of my Lord Primate's , that the motion of getting the Impropriations from his Majesty ( formerly objected against me ) proceeded from him , as I then pleaded : And the Letter was read . For the Second ; my Lord Deputy , a little before his first going into Ireland , asked me what Service I would command him for the Church there ? I humbly thanked him , as I had reason , and told him I would bethink my self , and give him my Thoughts in Writing : These are they which are called Instructions . They are only for the good of that poor Church , as your Lordships have heard them . This was all ; and herein my Lord shewed his Honour , and I did but my Duty . Though I very well understand , why this Paper is produced against me . After this they proceeded to the Eleventh Original Article , which follows in haec Verba . 11. He in his own Person , and his Suffragans , Visitors , Surrogates , Chancellors , or other Officers by his Command , have caused divers Learned , Pious and Orthodox Preachers of God's Word , to be Silenced , Suspended , Deprived , Degraded , Excommunicated , or otherwise Grieved and Vexed , without any just and lawful Cause ; whereby , and by divers other means , he hath hindred the Preaching of God's Word , caused divers of his Majesty's Loyal Subjects to forsake the Kingdom , and Increased and Cherished Ignorance and Prophaneness among the People , that so he might the better facilitate the way to the effecting of his own Wicked and Traiterous Design of Altering and Corrupting the true Religion here Established . 1. The First Instance to make good this Article , was a Repetition of some Lecturers before-named . But when they thought they had made Noise enough , they referred the Lords to their Notes ; and so did I to my former Answers . 2. The Second Instance was out of some Articles of Bishop Mountague and Bishop Wrenn , and their Account given to me . Bishop Wrenn , Art : 16 : Speaks of the Afternoon Sermons being turned into Catechising . And Art : 5 : ( of his Account I take it ) that no Lecture in his Diocess after , &c. It was made plain to the Lords , that this was spoken of some single and factious Lecturers , and that they had their Lectures Read by a Company of Learned and Orthodox Ministers by turns . As appeared by the Munday Sermon at Burye , during that Learned Bishop's time . Nor were any forbid to Preach in the Afternoon , so the Catechising were not omitted , before it , or with it . And the Bishop is Living to Answer it , if ought were then done amiss by him . In all which he did nothing , as any Deputy or Surrogate of mine , but as Diocesan of the Place . As for the Yearly Account to the King , according to his Royal Instructions in that behalf ; though it were pressed here again to multiply noise , yet nothing being new , I gave my Answer as before , and to that I refer my self . 3. The Third Answer was concerning Mr. Lee of Wolverhampton . The Evidence was a Letter of my Secretary Mr. Dell , written by my Command , to my Visitors there , to this Effect , That whether there were Cause or no , they should either punish Mr. Lee , or bring him into the High-Commission . Had the Words or the Sense been thus , they might well say , It was hard for the Judge before whom the Party was to Answer , to write thus . But I called to have the Letter read again , and the Words were these , If there were found against him that which might justly be Censured , then they should punish , &c. And the Reason why this strict care was taken , was because the Dean of Windsor his Ordinary complained unto me , that Mr. Lee's Carriage was so Factious there , that he could contain him in no Order . If he were a Man after this approved at Shrewsbury ( as Mr : Walker witnesses ) I hope the Proceedings at Wolverhampton did him good . But , my Lords , had it so fallen out , that my Secretary had forgotten my Instructions , and himself too , and expressed himself amiss , shall that slip of his , ( had it been such ) be imputed to me ? I believe your Lordships would not willingly answer for every Phrase of your Secretaries Letters , which yet you command them to write . 4. The last Instance , was the Sentence in the High-Commission against Mr : Barnard , for Words about Pelagian Errors and Popery . First , if he were Sentenced in the High-Commission , it was the Act of the Court , and not mine ; as has been often said . Secondly , no Proof is offer'd that he was Sentenced for those Words only . Thirdly , the Recantation ( howsoever refused by him , as Mr. Pryn says it was ) makes mention of four Points for which he was Censured , of which these words are one . But not the words themselves , but his Unjust and Scandalous Application of them to me , which deserved them not . And lastly , Dr : Cumber , Master of Trinity College in Cambridge , was Prosecutor against him ; which Office , so Grave and Worthy a Man would not ( I suppose ) have undertaken , had there not been great and just Cause for it . Hence they proceeded to the Sixth Additional Article , which follows in these Words , That whereas divers Gifts and Dispositions of divers Summs of Money were heretofore made by divers Charitable and well disposed Persons , for the buying in of divers Impropriations , for the Maintenance of Preaching the Word of God in several Churches ; the said Arch-Bishop about Eight Years last past , wilfully and maliciously caused the said Gifts , Feoffments , and Conveyances , made to the uses aforesaid , to be overthrown in his Majesty's Court of Exchequer , contrary to Law , as things dangerous to the Church and State , under the specious pretence of buying in Appropriations ; whereby that Pious Work was suppressed and trodden down , to the great Dishonour of God , and Scandal of Religion . This Article is only about the Feoffments . That which I did was this . I was ( as then advised upon such Information as was given me ) clearly of Opinion , that this was a cunning way , under a Glorious pretence , to overthrow the Church-Government , by getting into their power more dependency of the Clergy , than the King , and all the Peers , and all the Bishops in all the Kingdom had . And I did conceive the Plot the more dangerous for the fairness of the pretence ; and that to the State , as well as the Church . Hereupon not maliciously ( as 't is charged in the Article ) but Conscientiously I resolved to suppress it , if by Law it might be done . Upon this , I acquainted his Majesty with the thing , and the danger which I conceived would in few Years spring out of it . The King referred me to his Attorney and the Law. Mr. Attorney Noye , after some pause upon it , proceeded in the Exchequer , and there it was by Judicial Proceeding and Sentence overthrown . If this Sentence were according to Law and Justice ; then there 's no fault at all committed : If it were against Law , the fault , what e're it be , was the Judges , not mine ; for I solicited none of them . And here I humbly desired , that the Lords would at their leisure read over the Sentence given in the Exchequer , which I then delivered in ; but by Reason of the length it was not then read : Whether after it were , I cannot tell . I desired likewise , that my Councel might be heard in this , and all other points of Law. 1. The First Witness was Mr. Kendall : He says , that speaking with me about Presteen , I thanked God that I had overthrown this Feoffment . 2. The Second Witness Mr. Miller says , he heard me say , They would have undone the Church , but I have overthrown their Feoffment . These two Witnesses prove no more than I confess : For in the manner aforesaid , I deny not but I did my best in a Legal way to overthrow it . And if I did Thank God for it , it was my Duty to do so , the thing being in my Judgment so pernicious as it was . 3. The Third Witness was Mr. White , one of the Feoffees . He says , that coming as Councel in a Cause before me ; when that Business was done , I fell bitterly on him as an underminer of the Church . I remember well his coming to me as Councel about a Benefice . And 't is very likely I spake my Conscience to him , as freely as he did his to me ; but the Particulars I remember not ; nor do I remember his coming afterwards to me to Fulham ; nor his offer to change the Men or the Course , so the thing might stand . For to this I should have been as willing as he was ; and if I remember right , there was order taken for this in the Decree of the Exchequer . And his Majesty's Pleasure declared , that no Penny so given should be turned to other use . And I have been , and shall ever be as ready to get in Impropriations , by any Good and Legal way , as any Man ( as may appear by my Labours about the Impropriations in Ireland . ) But this way did not stand either with my Judgment or Conscience . 1. First , because little or nothing was given by them to the present Incumbent , to whom the Tythes were due , if to any ; that the Parishioners which payed them , might have the more cheerful Instruction , the better Hospitality , and more full Relief for their Poor . 2. Secondly , because most of the Men they put in , were Persons disaffected to the Discipline , if not the Doctrine too of the Church of England . 3. Thirdly , because no small part was given to School-Masters , to Season Youth ab Ovo , for their Party : And to Young Students in the Universities , to purchase them and their Judgments to their side , against their coming abroad into the Church . 4. Fourthly , because all this Power to breed and maintain a Faction , was in the Hands of Twelve Men , who were they never so Honest , and free from Thoughts of abusing this Power , to fill the Church with Schism , yet who should be Successors , and what use should be made of this Power , was out of Humane reach to know . 5. Because this Power was assumed by , and to themselves , without any Legal Authority , as Mr. Attorney assured me . He farther said , that the Impropriation of Presteen in Radnorshire , was specially given to St : Antolins in London : I say the more the pity , considering the poorness of that Country , and the little Preaching that was among that poor People ; and the plenty which is in London . Yet because it was so given , there was care taken after the Decree , that they of St : Antolins had consideration , and I think to the full . He says , that indeed they did not give any thing to the present Incumbents , till Good Men came to be in their Places . Scarce one Incumbent was better'd by them . And what then ? In so many places not one Good Man found ? Not one Factious enough against the Church , for Mr : White to account him Good ? Yet he thinks I disposed these things afterwards to Vnworthy Men. Truly , had they been at my disposal , I should not wittingly have given them to Mr. White 's Worthies . But his Majesty laid his Command upon his Attorney , and nothing was done or to be done in these things , but by his direction . For Dr. Heylin , if he spake any thing amiss concerning this Feoffment , in any Sermon of his , he is Living to Answer it ; me it concerns not . Mr. Brown in the Summ of the Charge omitted not this . And I Answer'd as before . And in his Reply he turned again upon it , that it must be a Crime in me , because I projected to overthrow it . But , under favour , this follows not . For to project ( though the word Projector sound ill in England ) is no more than to forecast , and forelay any Business . Now as 't is lawful for me , by all good and fit Means , to project the Settlement of any thing that is good ; so is it as lawful by good and Legal means , to project the overthrow of any thing that is cunningly or apparently Evil. And such did this Feoffment appear to my Understanding , and doth still . As for reducing of Impropriations to their proper use , they may see ( if they please ) in my Diary ( whence they had this ) another Project to buy them into the Churches use : For given they will not be . But Mr. Pryn would shew nothing , nor Mr. Nicolas see any thing , but what they thought would make against me . Here this day ended , and I was Commanded to Attend again , July 15. But was then put off to July 17. which day held . CAP. XL. The Eighteenth Day of my Hearing . THis day they charged upon me the Twelfth Original Article ; which follows in these words , He hath Trayterously endeavoured to cause Division and Discord between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches ; and , to that end , hath Suppressed and Abrogated the Priviledges and Immunities , which have been by his Majesty and his Royal Ancestors granted to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom ; and divers other ways hath expressed his Malice and Disaffection to those Churches ; that so by such dis-union , the Papists might have more advantage for the overthrow and extirpation of both . The First Charge is , That I deny them to be a Church : For they say , that I say plainly in my Book against Fisher , that No Bishop , no Church . Now 't is well known , they have no Bishops , and therefore no Church . The Passage in my Book is an Inference of 〈◊〉 Jerom's Opinion , no Declaration of my own . And if they or any other be agrieved at St. Jerom for writing so , they may Answer him . Mr. Nicolas added , that this was seconded by Bishop Mountague's Book , which Mr. Pryn ( carefully ) witnessed was found in my Study , and Licensed by Dr. Braye : Is this Argument come again , that Bishop Mountague's Book was in my Study ? Leave it for shame . But they have now left me never a Book in my Study ; so I cannot make them any fuller Answer , without viewing the place , than themselves help me to by their own Confession . Which is , that he adds this Exception , that none but a Bishop can Ordain , but in Casu Necessitatis , which is the Opinion of many Learned and Moderate Divines . Yet this is very considerable in the Business , whether an inevitable Necessity be cast upon them , or they pluck a kind of Necessity upon themselves . The Second Charge is out of a Letter of mine to Bishop Hall , upon a Letter which he had formerly sent me . In which it seems , is something about the Case of Necessity in point of Ordination , which ( they say ) I disliked . And it seems I disliked upon good ground . For he had given me power under his Hand , to alter what I would in that which he sent unto me . I would not take that power , but writ back to him what passages I thought might be better expressed , if it could agree with his Judgment also . Hereupon he sent me another Letter of Jan. 18. 1639. In which he altered those things which I put to his farther Consideration . Could any thing be more fairly carried ? And this Letter was read to the Lords . Yea , but they say , I disliked the giving of this Title Antichrist to the Pope . No , I did not simply dislike it , but I advised Bishop Hall , if he thought it good , not to affirm it so positively . And the Reason I gave was this . That King James being pressed upon a great occasion , that he had maintained that the Pope was Antichrist , which might much trouble , if not quite cross some Proceedings much desired by that Prudent King : His Majesty made Answer : I maintain it not as a point of Faith , but as a probable Opinion : And for which I have more grounds than the Pope hath for his Challenge of Temporal Power over Princes . Let him recall this Opinion , and I 'll recall that . This I writ to the Bishop , but left him free to do what he pleased . Here Mr. Nicolas fell extream foul upon me , in so much , that I could not but wonder at their patience which heard him . Among other Titles bestowed upon me , many and gross , he called me over and over again , Pander to the Whore of Babylon . I was much moved ; and humbly desired the Lords , that if my Crimes were such , as that I might not be used like an Arch-Bishop , yet I might be used like a Christian : And that were it not for the Duty which I owe to God and my own Innocency , I would desert my Defence , before I would indure such Language in such an Honourable Presence . Hereupon some Lords shewed their dislike , and wished him to leave , and pursue the Evidence . Mr. Brown in summing up the Charge made this a great matter , The denial of the Pope to be Antichrist . But I did not deny it , nor declare any Opinion of my own : And many Protestants , and those very Learned , are of Opinion that he is not . 'T is true I did not , I cannot approve foul Language in Controversies . Nor do I think that the calling of the Pope Antichrist , did ever yet Convert an Understanding Papist . And sure I am , Gabriel Powel's Peremptoriness ( to say no worse ) in this Point , did the Church of England no Good , no Honour in Foreign parts : For there he affirms , That he is as certain that the Pope is Antichrist , as that Jesus Christ is the Son of God and Redeemer of the World. As for the thing it self , I left it free to all Men to think as their Judgment guided them : As appears by the Licensing of Dr. Featly's Sermons , where he proves the Pope , in his Opinion , to be Antichrist . Where he calls him also the * Whore of Babylon : Which surely I should never have suffer'd to be Printed , had I been her Pander . And for Bishop Hall , I only told him what King James had said , and left him to make what use he pleased of it . The Third Charge was out of a Paper , which Bishop Hall , about the time when he wrote his Book in defence of Episcopacy , sent unto me , containing divers Propositions concerning Episcopal Government : In which , either he or I , or both say , ( for that Circumstance I remember not ) That Church-Government by Bishops is not alterable by Humane Law. To this I answer'd , that Bishops might be regulated and limited by Human Laws , in those things which are but Incidents to their Calling . But their Calling , so far as it is Jure Divino , by Divine Right , cannot be taken away . They charge farther , that I say this is the Doctrine of the Church of England . And so I think it is . For Bishop Bilson set out a Book in the Queen's time , Intituled , The Perpetual Government . And if the Government by Bishops be Perpetual , as he there very Learnedly proves thorough the whole Book , it will be hard for any Christian Nation to out it . Nor is this his Judgment alone , but of the whole Church of England . For in the Preface to the Book of Ordination , are these words . From the Apostles time , there have been three Orders of Ministers in the Church of Christ , Bishops , Priests and Deacons . Where 't is evident , that in the Judgment of the Church of England , Episcopacy is a different , not Degree only , but Order , from Priesthood , and so hath been reputed from the Apostles times . And this was then Read to the Lords . And the Law of England is as full for it , as the Church . For the Statute in the eighth of the Queen , absolutely confirms all and every part of this Book of Ordination . Where also the Law calls it , The high Estate of Prelacy . And Calvin ( if my old Memory do not fail me ) upon those words of St. John , As my Father sent me , so send I you , &c. says thus upon that place , Eandem illis imponit Personam ac idem Juris assignat . And if our Saviour Christ , put the same Person upon the Apostles , and assigned to them the same Right , which his Father gave him ; it will prove a sour work to throw their Successors the Bishops out of the Church after Sixteen Hundred Years continuance . And in the mean time cry out against Innovation . For either Christ gave this Power to his Apostles only ; and that will make the Gospel a Thing Temporary , and confined to the Apostles Times : Or else he gave the same Power , though not with such Eminent Gifts , to their Successors also , to propagate the same Gospel to the end of the World , as St. Paul tells us he did , Ephes. 4. Now all the Primitive Church all along , gives Bishops to be the Apostles Successors , and then it would be well thought on , what Right any Christian State hath ( be their Absolute Power what it will ) to turn Bishops out of that Right in the Church which Christ hath given them . The Fourth Charge was an Alteration made in a Brief , for a third Collection for the distressed Ministers and others in the Palatinat . The Queen of Bohemia was pleased to do me the Honour to write to me about this ; and because two Collections had been before , her Majesty desired , that this third might be only in London , and some few Shires about it . I out of my desire to relieve those distressed Protestants , and to express my Duty to the Queen , became an humble Suitor to his Majesty , that this Collection also might go thorough England , as the rest had done . And 't is acknowledged by all , that this I did . Now the Witnesses which Accuse me for some Circumstances in this business , are two . 1. The First is Mr. Wakerly . He says , that Mr. Ruly ( who was employed by the Queen of Bohemia about this Collection ) was roughly used by me upon occasion of this Clause put into the Brief , and which he says I caused to be altered . This first is a bold Oath ; for Mr. Wakerly was not present , but Swears upon Hearsay . Secondly , what kindness I shewed him and the Business , is mentioned before ; and if for this kindness he had been practising with Mr. Wakerly about the Brief ( as I had probable Reason to suspect ) I cannot much be blamed , if I altered my Countenance towards him , and my Speech too ; which yet these Witnesses ( for the other agrees in this ) have no Reason to call rough Carriage , only upon Mr. Ruly's unthankful Report . He says , That these words , the Antichristian Yoak , were 〈◊〉 out . First , this is more than I remember ; and the Briefs I had not to compare ; nor is there any necessity , that two Briefs coming for the same thing , with some Years distance between , should agree in every Phrase or Circumstance . Secondly , if I did except against this passage , it was partly because of the fore-recited Judgment of King James , of which I thought his Son King Charles ought to be tender : And partly , because it could move nothing but Scorn in the common Adversary , that we should offer to determine such a Controversie by a Broad Seal . I remember well , since I had the Honour to sit in this House , the naming of Tithes to be due Jure Divino , cast out the Bill ; A Prudent Lord asking the Peers , whether they meant to determine that question by an Act of Parliament ? The other part of the Clause which they say was altered , was the Religion which we with them profess : Whence they infer , because ( with them ) was left out , that I would not acknowledge them of the same Religion ; which follows not . For we may be , and are of the same Religion ; and yet ( agree ) not with them in those Opinions , in which we differ from them . And Mr. Wakerly confesses , that the Words as alter'd , are , That they are Persecuted for their Religion ; and their Religion is the Protestant Religion , and so is ours . And therefore I could have no intention to make the Religions different , but the Opinions under the same Religion . For Mr : Wakerly , he is a Dutchman born ; and how far the Testimony of an Alien may be of force by the Law , I know not : And a bitter Enemy to me he hath ever shewed himself , since I complained to the King and the Lords , that a Stranger born and bred , should be so near a Secretary of State , and all his Papers and Cyphers , as he was known to be to Mr. Secretary Coke : A thing which few States would indure : And how far the Testimony of such a Canker'd Enemy should be admitted , let the World judge . Admitted he was . 2. The Second Witness was Mr : 〈◊〉 . He acknowledges my improvement of the Collection , and my great readiness therein ; which doubtless I should not have shewed , had I accounted them of another Religion . He says , there was no Alteration but in that Clause , and that implies a manifest difference . But that is but in his Judgment , in which I have already shewed that Wakerly is mistaken , and so is he . Beside , he comes here as a Witness of the Fact , not as a Judge of my Intentions or Thoughts . He adds , That , if he remember well , the Alteration was drawn by me . But , if he do not remember well , what then ? Surely here 's no Evidence to be grounded upon Ifs. Here upon the point of Antichrist , Mr. Nicolas stiled me as before , and was furious till he foamed again ; but I saw a necessity of Patience . Mr. Brown also in his Summary Ch followed this Business close . But I gave it the same Answer . The Fifth Charge , and the last under this Article , was the calling in of a Book , An. 1637. shewing the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church in the Palatinat ; but called in only because against Arminianism . The single Witness Michael Sparks . He says , this Book was called in , but he knows not by whom , nor mentions he for what . But he says , The Pursevants which searched for it , were mine . He means such as belonged to the High-Commission ; for other than such I had none . And there was cause enough for calling in the Book , without thinking of Arminianism . But what is the Reason , why here 's nothing urged against me , about Abrogating the Immunities and Priviledges of the French and Dutch Churches , which fill the Body of this Article ? Why , I conceive there may be two Reasons of it . One , because there was taken by Mr. Pryn , among other Papers for my Defence , a Letter under Queen Elizabeth's own Hand , to the Lord Pawlet Marquess of Winchester , then Lord Treasurer , in which she expresses her willingness , that those Strangers , distressed in and for point of Conscience , should have Succour and free Entertainment ; but should conform themselves to the English Liturgy , and have that Translated into their own Language . And they knew , I would call to have this Letter produced , proved , and read . And had this Letter been stood unto , they had never been able to do the Church of England half the harm they have since done . The other was , because they found by their own search against me , that all which I did concerning those Churches , was with this Moderation , that all those of their several Congregations , in London , Canterbury , Sandwich , Norwich , or elsewhere , which were of the second Descent , and born in England , should repair to their several Parish Churches , and Conform themselves to the Doctrine , Discipline , and Liturgy of the Church of England , and not live continually in an open Separation , as if they were an Israel in AEgypt , to the great distraction of the Natives of this Kingdom , and the assisting of that Schism which is now broke forth . And as this was with great Moderation , so was it with the joint Approbation of his Majesty and the Lords of his Council , upon the Reasons openly given and debated : And all this before I proceeded to do any thing . As appears apud Acta . Then they went to the Thirteenth Original Article ; which here follows . He hath Trayterously and Wickedly endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome , and for the effecting thereof , hath Consorted and Confederated with divers Popish Priests and Jesuits , and hath kept secret Intelligence with the Pope of Rome , and by himself , his Agents or Instruments , Treated with such as have from thence received Authority and Instruction : He hath permitted and countenanced a Popish Hierarchy , or Ecclesiastical Government , to be Established in this Kingdom . By all which Trayterous and Malicious Practices , this Church and Kingdom have been exceedingly indangered , and like to fall under the Tyranny of the Roman See. The Seventh Additional Article . That the said Arch-Bishop at several times within these Ten Years last past , at Westminster , and elsewhere within this Realm , contrary to the known Laws of this Land , hath endeavoured to advance Popery and Superstition within the Realm . And for that End and Purpose hath wittingly and willingly received , harboured and relieved divers Popish Priests and Jesuits , namely one called Sancta Clara , alias Damport , a dangerous Person , and Franciscan Friar , who having written a Popish and Seditious Book Intituled Deus , Natura , Gratia , wherein the Thirty nine Articles of the Church of England established by Act of Parliament , were much Traduced and Scandalized ; the said Arch-Bishop had divers Conferences with him , while he was in writing the said Book , and did also provide Maintenance and Entertainment for one Monsieur S. Giles , a Popish Priest , at Oxford ; knowing him to be a Popish Priest. The First Charge ( they say ) was to be laid as a Foundation , and it was , That I was generally reputed a Papist in Heart , both in Oxford , and since I came thence . 1. The first Witness for this was Dr. Featly . He says , There was such an Opinion of me Thirty Years since there . But he says , he never heard any Popish Opinion maintained by me . So here 's nothing of Knowledge : And if I should say , that above Thirty Years ago , there was an Opinion , that Dr. Featly then in Oxford , was a Puritan ; this could make no Proof against him ; nor can his saying that I was reputed a Papist , make any Proof against me . He says farther , That one Mr. Russel , who had been bred in S. John's College , told him , in Paris , That I maintained some Catholick Opinions . First , Mr. Nicolas would have it , that this Mr. Russel was my Scholar : But that the whole College can witness it is not so ; nor had he ever any relation to me , in the least Degree . After his Father's Death , he left the College , and went beyond Sea ; where the Weak Man , ( for such he was ) lost his Religion . Secondly , Dr. Featly says expresly , that Mr. Russel said , I was no Papist ; which , for the Countenance of his own Change , he would never have said , had he thought me one . Thirdly , if he did say that I maintained some Catholick Opinions ; yet he named none , by which there might be Tryal and Judgment , whether they were such or no , in the Sense he meant them . Lastly , Mr. Perkins , in his Reformed Catholick , sets down divers Opinions in which they of Rome and we agree : Shall he be a Papist for this ? Or shall not that which is Lawful for him , be as Lawful for me ? 2. The Second Witness was one Harris . He says , that Mr. Ireland , ( who was some time Student of Christ-Church in Oxford , and after School-Master at Westminster ) told him that I would leave the Church of England . This is a bare Report from Mr. Ireland , with whom I never had any Acquaintance , nor was scarce in his Company twice in all my Life . Nor is it in my Power to hinder what Mr. Ireland will say , or Mr. Harris from him . He says , That one that called himself Leander , came over on purpose to make this Reconciliation . If he did ( which is more than I know , or believe ) I think he would hardly make such a one , as Harris is reported to be , acquainted with it . But howsoever , if he did come with that purpose , was it in my Power to hinder his coming ? And here is no Proof offered that I did help on his Purpose , or so much as know of it . He says , he often Petitioned me for Relief , but had none . It may be , I well knew he deserved none : And your Lordships know that by Law I might not afford him any . Had I given him any , I should now have heard it with both Ears . For I am informed he is a Priest , and Condemned in a Praemunire , and was let out of Prison , on purpose to be a Witness against me . And having set that which is aforesaid , under his Hand , is now slipped away , and gone . Who got him out of Prison for this good purpose , I know not ; but fure somewhat there is in it , for your Lordships see his Testimony is now read , but he appears not . 3. The Third Witness was Sir Nathaniel Brent ( now absent , but came in the next Day ) He says , I was esteemed Popishly Affected in Oxford ; and he gave Three Instances very carefully , to prove it . The First was , That in the Divinity School there , I maintained the Necessity of Baptism . I did so ; and my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Abbot was then Vice-Chancellor , and present , and approved my Opinion ; and my Grace passed for my Degree to be Batchellour of Divinity without any one Man's Opposition . He says , That Mr. Dale of Merton College , then shewed him all my Supposition taken out of Bellarmin . This is a bold and a dangerous Oath : He might Swear that Mr. Dale shewed him in Bellarmin , that which he said was my Supposition : But that he shewed him all my Supposition there , is a strange Oath for a Man of Learning and Law to make , and in such a Presence . Besides , I have my Supposition , which I then made , yet by me ; and if my Tenet of that Question be the same with Bellarmin's , or that there be any Line taken out of him , but what I cite for my own advantage against him , I will utterly forfeit my Reputation of any Learning to your Lordships . His Second Instance was , That I was acquainted with one Mr : Brown , Fellow of Corpus Christi College in Oxford , who was suspected to be a Papist , and after his Death proved to be one by a Book that was found in his Study , proving that a Man might be a Roman-Catholick , and yet go to Church and Conform in England . I was acquainted with this Man ; he was a very good Scholar and an Honest man , and a good Protestant , for ought I know . For the Tract found after his Death among his Papers , that 's no Proof : For Scholars get all the Papers they can , especially such as belong to their own Profession . And the more strange the Opininions are , the more do they labour to get them . Nor is it any Proof that the Tract was of his making , because written in his own Hand , as 't is urged . For the Argument being so foul and dangerous , it could not be safe for him , nor any way fit , to commit it to any other to write for him . Nor is there any Proof that I knew he had such a Tract by him ; neither indeed did I. The Opinion is very base and unworthy , and was first broached by the Jesuit Azorius , and it seems some of his Fellows had inlarged him , and made this Tract out of his Principles . His Third Instance was , That I Petitioned King James in this Business . I was complained of to King James by a great Person , That I had inward Acquaintance with this Man. Hereupon , my waiting Month being June , and not long after the Complaint made , I took Occasion in my first Sermon to confute this Opinion , and then Petitioned his Majesty that it might be examined , that such an Imputation might not lie upon me . His Majesty referred it to the Lords Arch-Bishop of * Canterbury , Bishops of London , Winchester and Duresm ; where after full examination I was Acquitted . The Second Charge was , that the same Opinion was held of me beyond the Seas , That I was a cunning Promoter of the Roman Cause . And here the Witnesses are the same , which were produced before ; Mr. Challoner , who told over his old Tale again of I know not what Plot he heard from a Jesuit : Nothing but Hearsay at the best . And it savours like an Almanack de Post Facto , or rather of somwhat else , which I will spare to name , because he is upon his Oath . The other Witness is Mr. Anthony Mildmay , who also tells over his Old Tale of his Father Fitton . But he was out of the way again , and appeared not till the next Day , with Sir Nathaniel Brent . So here 's a Repetition again of the same Witnesses , and the same things , to multiply the Noise . Only Noble Sir Henry Mildmay appeared not the Second time ; but whether it were because he had enough at his first appearance ; or whether his Face was scratched then ( as since Men say it was ) I cannot tell . The Third Charge was , That I had a damnable Plot , to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome . If to reconcile them with the maintenance of Idolatry , it were a damnable Plot indeed . But if Christian Truth and Peace might meet and unite together , all Christendom over ; were that a Sin too ? Were I able to Plot and effect such a Reconciliation , I would think my self most Happy , whatever I suffered for it . But how is this damnable Plot proved ? Pope Gregory writ a Letter to his Nuncio in Spain , and a Letter also to King Charles ; which Letter is Printed : Copies of these Letters were found in my Study . Could I hinder the Pope from writing to whom he pleased ? Shall not I get Copies of any Letters I can , to see what practising is abroad for private Interest ? Shall it be Lawful for all my Predecessors to get and keep Copies of such Letters by them , and shall it be Unlawful for me only ? And here I produced Mr. Dobson , an ancient Servant to my Predecessors , who witnessed that Arch-Bishop Bancroft had store of them , and kept them all his Time. Nor do I know , how this Charge can fall upon me : For there is no one Word in any of the Letters produced , that Reflects upon me , or any Plot of mine . Nor indeed had I ever any such to Reflect upon . The Fourth Charge is , That I had a Hand in the Plot for sending the King , when he was Prince , into Spain , to be perverted in his Religion . They follow their Proof of this out of my Diary : And they begin with my Friendship with the Lord Duke of Buckingham , who waited on the Prince in this Journey . And first they urged my Diary at June 9. 1622. where I mention , that there were then Particulars , which are not for Paper . But the Words , which lead these in , were his entrance upon a near Respect to me , the particular Expressions whereof were not for Paper : Nor Word , nor Thought , of either Plot or Popery . Then they urged June 15. 1622. where 't is said , that I became C. that is , Confessor to the Lord Duke . First , if my Lord Duke would Honour me so much as to make me his Confessor , as I know no Sin in it , so is it abundantly Proof , that the Passages before mentioned were not for Paper . Should I venture them so , there 's never a Person of Honour present , but would think me most unworthy of that Trust. Next , they pressed June 13. 1623. where I confess , that I received Letters from my Lord Duke out of Spain . I did so ; and I then held it great Honour to me , and do so still . But then , and long before , it was known to all Men whither he was gone , and with whom : Nay , it was commonly known to all Men of Quality hereabout within three or four Days : And till it was so commonly known , I knew it not . Yea , but then they inforced out of Feb. 17. 1622 / 3. That the Prince and the Marquess of Buckingham set forward very Secretly for Spain . And Feb. 21. that I writ to his Lordship into Spain . 'T is true , they went away that Day , and very secretly ; but I neither did , nor could set it down , till afterwards that I came to know it . And then so soon as I came to know it , which was about the 21th . I did write . To these was Cunningly ( how Honestly let all the World Judge ) pieced a Passage out of a Letter of mine to Bishop Hall. But that Letter was read , at my humble motion to the Lords , and the Date of it was in 1634. So , many Years after this Business of Spain . And the Passage mentioned , was only about King James his manner of defending the Pope to be Antichrist , and how he salved it while the Prince was in Spain . But King James related it after . Nor could any Words of that Letter be drawn to the King 's going thither , much less to any knowledge I had of it . The Fifth Charge was concerning his Majesty's Match with France . And here again they urge my Diary at Mar. 11. 1625. That the Duke of Buckingham was then and there employed . And at May 19. and 29. that I then writ Letters to him . First , my Lords , I hold it my great Honour , that my Lord Duke would write to me , and give me leave to write to him . Secondly , I have committed some Error in these Letters , or none . If none , why are they Charged ? If any , why are they not produced , that I may see what it is , and answer it ? The Sixth Charge was , That I was an Instrument of the Queens . This they endeavoured to prove by my Diary in Three Places . First , at Aug. 30. 1634. Vpon occasion of some Service done , she was graciously pleased to give me leave to have immediate Access unto her , when I had Occasion . This is true , and I most humbly Thanked her Majesty for it : For I very well knew what belonged to Addresses at Second Hand in Court. But what Crime is in this , that the Queen was pleased to give me Access unto her , when I had Occasion ? Here 's no Word of Religion . Secondly , at May 18. 1635. Where 't is said , that I gave her Majesty an account of some thing committed to me . If her Majesty sent or spake to me to do any thing , as it seems she did , shall I want so much Duty as to give her an Account of it ? So belike I must be unmannerly with her Majesty , or lye open to no less than a Charge of high Treason . Thirdly , at April 3. 1639. 'T is made a great matter , that I should then dispatch a great business for the Queen , which I understood she would not move for her self : And that for this her Majesty gave me great Thanks . Mr. Nicolas his Inference upon this , was , that they conceive wherefore . But his Conceit makes no Evidence : He must not only conceive , but prove wherefore , before it can work any thing against me . As for Religion , as there is no Word of it in my Diary , so neither was it at this time thought on . Her Majesty would therein have moved for her self . But it seems it must be a Crime if I be but Civil and Dutiful towards the Queen , though it be but thrice mentioned in so many Years . The Seventh Charge was , that I forbad Ministers Praying for the Queens Conversion , and punished others . The First Witness , Mr. Ratcliff , says , that Sir Nath. Brent gave it in Charge at Bow Church in my Visitation . The more to blame he , if so he did . Yea , but he says it was by my Command delivered unto him by Sir John Lambe . Was it so ? How doth Mr. Ratcliff know that ? He doth not express . He was not present , when I spake with Sir John Lambe . And if Sir Nath. Brent told him of it , 't is but Hearsay . And Sir Nath. having been so ready a Witness against me , why is he not examined to this Particular ? And as for the Paper which was shewed , it appears plainly there , that it was no Paper of Instructions sent to my Visitors by me , but of particular Informations to me : Of which one was , that the Queen was prayed for in a very Factious and Scandalous Way . And this appeared , when that Paper was read . And this I referred to my Visitors , as I not only might , but ought : Not forbidding the Prayers , but the Scandalous manner of them . The Second Witness was Mr. Pryn. Who says , That one Mr. Jones was punished for praying for the Queen . He was punished in the High-Commission for scandalous Abusing the Queen , under a Form of Praying for her , and for divers other Articles that were against him . And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown , who forgot not this in summing up my Charge . The Eighth Charge was , That I punished Men for Praying to preserve the Prince . No , God forbid . The High-Commission Book was shewed , and that there in the Year 1634. one Mr. Howe was Censured for it . I got this Act of the High-Commission to be read to the Lords : His Prayer went thus , That God would preserve the Prince in the true Religion , of which there was cause to fear . Could this Prayer have any other Operation upon the People , than to make them think his Majesty was careless in the Education of the Prince , especially in point of Religion ? And this was so Grievous and Graceless a Scandal cast upon a Religious King , as nothing could be greater . Upon the matter , it was the shew of a Prayer for the Prince , but was indeed to destroy the King in the Hearts of his People . And had I not there consented to his Punishment , I had deserved to be punished my self . Mr. Brown , when he repeated the Summ of the Evidence , laid this Charge upon me , but spake not one Word ( to my Remembrance ) of this Answer given to it . The Ninth Charge , That I did Extol Queen Mary's Days . The Proof for it was taken out of the Preface to the Statutes of the Vniversity of Oxford . I took a great deal of pains about those Statutes , and might justly have expected Thanks for it , not such an Accusation . But as for the Preface , it was made and Printed at Oxford : I medled not with it . I could trust the University with little , if not with the making of a Preface . If they have done any thing amiss in it , let them answer it . The Passage was about certain Offers made to amend those Confused Old Statutes , both in Ed. 6. and Queen Mary's Days ; but no Effect came of the pains then taken , Recruduit Labor , says the Preface . So that this I can answer for them : There 's not a Word spoken of Religion , but of Manners only , and that as much in relation to the Times of Princes following , as Hers. For the Words , to my remembrance , are Interim optandâ Temporum Foelicitate , &c. And that Interim cannot be restrained to Queen Mary's Days only , but must include the whole Interim , or middle distance of Time to that present in which I setled the Body of their Statutes , that is , all Queen Elizabeth's and King James his Days ; which I think no Man can deny was , Optanda Temporum Foelicitas . Here Mr. Nicolas confessed there was no down-right Proof against me . That was his Phrase : But he added , that was not to be expected in such a Work of Darkness . Then he produced a Paper found in my Study , Printed at Rome . So were divers of my Books Printed there : What of this ? They may Print what they will at Rome , I cannot hinder it : And I may have and keep whatever they Print , no Law forbidding it . Then he shewed a Letter sent unto me from Mr. Graves . The Gentleman is at this present Fellow of Merton College in Oxford , a great Traveller , and a Man of great Worth. As far as I remember , his Letter came to me from Alexandria . It was fit to be sent , and kindly received ; as by me it was . I desired it might be read . Then were mentioned Sir William Boswell's Letters , and the Papers sent by Andreas ab Habernfeld , about a great Plot to destroy the King and Religion , and that I concealed these Papers . I might have been amazed at the Impudence of this Charge above all the rest . Diaboli Impudentia , the Devils Impudence , and no less , as S. Augustin speaks in another Case . Did I conceal these Papers ? First , the same Day that I received them , I sent them by an Express to his Majesty . I had a speedy Answer from his Majesty , and that I returned with equal speed to his Majesty's Agent Sir William Boswell , as I was commanded . And this Mr. Pryn , and Mr. Nicolas knew . For Mr. Pryn took all these Letters and Papers from me , when he searched me at the Tower ; and out of them made his Book called Rome's Masterpiece : Excepting the Slanders , which he hath Jugled in of his own . So soon as his Majesty came home , I humbly besought him , that he would be pleased to appoint a time , and call some Lords to him to hear and examine the Business , and this Examination continued till I was Committed . What was after done , I cannot account for . Besides , my Lords , it appears by those Paprs , that my Life was sought for , because I would not give way to the Change of Religion ; and Mr. Pryn himself hath Printed this ; and yet now Mr. Nicolas , from his Testimony , presses these Papers against me . But the King , and the Lords , and both Secretaries of State then present , can witness , that I took all the Care and Pains above-mentioned , to have it sifted to the Bottom . Notwithstanding all this , Mr. Nicolas falls upon this Plot again upon the next Day of my Hearing , as if nothing had been said unto it : And was so shameless , as to say , that I followed this Business so long as I thought the Plot was against the Puritans : But so soon as I found it was against the Papists , I kept it secret , till Mr. Pryn discovered it in his search of my Papers . Where , First , there 's no one Word in all the Papers to make me , or any Man think the Puritans were concerned in it . And Secondly , I did not sleep upon the Receipt of these Papers , till I had sent them to his Majesty . But I had reason to keep the Papers as safe as I could , considering how much they justifie me against these foul Calumnies put upon me . Then followed the Charge of Sancta Clara's Book , alias Monsieur St : Giles : So they expressed it ; and I must follow the way they lead me . First then , they Charge that I had often Conference with him , while he was writing his Book Intituled Deus , Natura , Gratia. No , he never came to me , till he was ready to Print that Book . Then some Friends of his brought him to me . His Suit then was , That he might Print that Book here . Upon Speech with him , I found the Scope of his Book to be such , as that the Church of England would have little Cause to thank him for it : And so absolutely denyed it . Nor did he ever come more at me after this , but twice or thrice at most , when he made great Friends to me , that he might Print another Book , to prove that Bishops are by Divine Right . My Answer then was , that I did not like the way which the Church of Rome went , in the Case of Episcopacy . And howsoever , that I would never give way , that any such Book should be Printed here from the Pen of a Romanist ; and that the Bishops of England were able to defend their own Cause and Calling , without calling in Aid from Rome ; and would in due time . Maintenance he never had any from me , nor did I then know him to be a Priest. Nor was there any Proof so much as offered in contrary to any of this . 2. Secondly , they did specially except against a Passage in the Licenser , and another at the end of the Book . The Book was Printed at Lions , where I could not hinder the Printing , either of the whole , or any part . This might have been something , had I Licensed it here : But that I constantly denyed . 3. Thirdly , They produced a Letter written to me from Venice , by one Mr : Middleton , Chaplain there to the Right Honourable the now Earl of Denbigh , his Majesty's Ambassadour . Therein he writes , That S : Clara was Homo nequissimus , and that one Monsieur S : Giles was the Author of that Book . That Clara and S : Giles were the same Person , is but Mr : Middleton's Opinion . Such News as he there heard , some true , some false , he thought fit to write unto me : And he being absent , here 's no Proof upon Oath , that they are one and the same Person . And I hope a young Man's Letter from Venice , or any other place , signifying only such things as he hears , shall not stand for good Evidence in a Case of Life . And he was mainly deceived in this Particular , as appears : First , Because what Clara is , I know not : But Monsieur S. Giles is a great Scholar , and a Sober Man ; and one that gave the late L. Brooke so good Content , that he allow'd him One Hundred Pound a Year during his Life . Secondly , Because 't is commonly known that Clara is an English man , and S. Giles a French man born and bred . Thirdly , Because their own Article , upon which they bring this Charge , acknowledges them two distinct Persons . Fourthly , Because both Mr. Pryn and Mr. Nicolas had Monsieur S. Giles before them in Examination , and could not but know him to be a French man. As appears by a Warrant given to him by Mr. Pryn to secure him after his Examination . Which Warrant follows in these words : These are to Certifie those whom it may concern , That the Committee of the House of Commons , appointed to prosecute the Archbishop of Canterbury , have examined and received Satisfaction from Monsieur S. Giles , a Domestick Servant to the Resident of Venice ; and therefore he is no farther to be examined or molested concerning the same This License came to my Hands since my Answering was past ; so I could not then shew it . Monsieur S : Giles was never the Man that gave me notice of any of this ; not so much as that he had been Examined : But my Secretary Mr : Dell came to hear of it by chance , and went to him , and had this Copy ( with some labour ) from him , and will make Oath it is a true Copy . This is not the thankfullest part at ever S. Giles played , considering my Carriage towards him . 4. Then they charged upon Monsieur S. Giles directly , That I knew him to be a Priest , and yet maintained him at Oxford . The Case was this : Mr : S : Giles was in good Place about the Queen's Majesty at her first coming : Here he did so good Services to this State , that he lost himself in France , and durst not go thither when the French were sent away . All this while the Man was unknown to me , till his Majesty one day at St. James's told me this , and that he was a Priest , and that it lay upon him in Honour to allow him some Maintenance ; and prescribed me a way how to order it , that he might receive One Hundred Marks a Year as from him : And gave me Charge , if the Pension were at any time behind , I should acquaint him with it . After this Mr. S : Giles by his Friends Petition'd his Majesty , that being a Stranger , he might live in Oxford , to have the use of the Library there , being resolved to meddle no more with the Controversies of the Time ; but to apply himself to Metaphysical Learning . His Majesty was desirous to have him plac'd in some College , to save Charges : But this I most humbly deprecated , because it might be dangerous to the Youth there , and scandalous to his Majesty , the Church , and the University ; and dangerous to my self , being Chancellor . To the rest I submitted : So he was left to place himself in some Town-House , as he could . And for this his Majesty gave me his Warrant , which Mr. Pryn in his Search took from me . But here follows the true Copy of it . Charles Rex . CAnterbury , Mr : S : Giles by serving us and this State , hath lost all his hopes in France , and desires to spend his time here at his private Studies . I would have you think upon some way for his Maintenance , and to place him in Oxford , that he may have use of that Library , which he much desires . And you may so order it , that his Profession in Religion may do no harm . And according to this direction of his Majesty I did take Order ; but with assurance from himself , and with Spies upon him there , beside the special care of the Vice-Chancellor , that he should not Converse with young Students , nor Exercise his Priestly Office , nor do any thing against the Laws . Nor did I ever hear , that he failed in any of these Assumptions . 5. Then they produced one Mr. Broad , who testified , that while S : Giles lived at Oxford , some Doctors came to him . Doctors were able to deal well enough with him ; but all resort of young Scholars was forbidden . He says farther , that Mr : S : Giles should say , that the Bishops of England were Cordially of his Religion , but that he feared their Rigidness would spoil all . First , this is but a Report of his Speech . Secondly , why was not S : Giles at his Examination asked , whether he said it or no ? And if he did , what ground he had for it ? At the most , 't was but his Opinion of the Bishops , who were never the more Cordial to Popery , for his thinking so . And Thirdly , I doubt it appears by this time , that all is overthrown , or near it , not by the Rigidness , but by the over-remisness of some Bishops , who never would believe any danger could come from the Godly , as they were called . 6. Lastly , What 's the Reason of this great Endeavour , upon nothing but News in a Letter , to make S : Clara , and Mr. S : Giles , to be one and the same Man ? Doubtless , nothing but an Hydropical Thirst after my Blood. For resort of Priests to Lambeth , was usual in both my last Predecessors Times , Bancroft's and Abbot's . And some lay in the House and had Relief . This was proved to the Lords by two Ancient Servants of that House . Neither of which have been done in my Time. Arch-Bishop Abbot made a Warrant ( this Warrant was shewed ) to secure Mr. Preston an English Priest , upon a * Command of King James : Why may not I a French one , by the Warrant of King Charles ? King James justified Bishop Bancroft for doing this , when he was Bishop of London , and no Privy Counsellor : And may not I do it , being Arch-Bishop and Privy Counsellor , with as much Privity of the King and the State , as he did ? But to let these pass , why should I say , here was a Thirst for Blood ? I 'll tell you why ? The Statute of 27 Eliz. makes it Felony without Benefit of Clergy , to Maintain or Relieve any Romish Priest Born in England , or any other of her Majesty's Dominions , knowing him to be such . Now they had laid their Article , that I had given Maintenance to one Mounsieur S. Giles , a Popish Priest at Oxford , knowing him to be such . But when upon Examination of S. Giles , they found him to be a French Man , and so not within the Statute . ( As the words of that Statute are most plain , and so is Sir Edw. Coke's Judgment upon them , both which I then read to the Lords ) I say when they saw this , then they cast about how to make S. Clara and Mr. S. Giles to be one Man. And though they could find no shadow of Proof of a thing that is not , but a Letter of News from Venice , yet against their own Knowledge and Conscience , they give that in Evidence to reach my Life any way . Here Mr : Nicolas , so soon as he discovered whither I tended , would have broken me off , saying , they did not urge it for that now , they were not yet come to it . I Replyed , if they came to it after , I would be at the pains to Answer again : But since it concerned my Life , I would not slip it now , nor leave it unanswer'd in any Circumstance . So I went on , but they never mentioned it after ; and by this way meant certainly to have involved me within the Law , Clara being an English Man Born. God of his Mercy grant , that this Thirst after my Blood lye not too heavy another day upon their Souls . Mr. Brown in Summing up the Charge , fell upon this also . I made a brief Answer out of that which is aforesaid : Yet after , in his Reply , he fell upon this Letter of Mr. Middleton's , and cites his News for Evidence , that S. Clara and Mr. S. Giles were the same Man. Which I much wonder , so Able and Grave a Man as he is , should swallow from Mr. Pryn , who doubtless ( being present ) was angry to see himself so laid open in the House of Commons . At last came in the last Charge of this Day : That a Cardinal's Hat was offer'd unto me . My Diary quoted for this , at Aug. 4. & 21. 1633. I could hinder no Offer , unless I could Prophesie what each Man came about , and so shun them . But why is not my Answer there set down , expressed too ? My Answer was , That somewhat divelt in me , which would not suffer me to accept that , till Rome were other than now it is . Besides , I went presently to his Majesty , and acquainted him with it : Which is all that * the Law requires at my Hands . And his Majesty very Prudently and Religiously ( yet in a calm way , the Persons offering it , having Relation to some Embassador ) freed me speedily of that , both Trouble and Danger . They urged further out of the Papers of Andreas ab Habernfield ( which Mr. Pryn took from me in his search ) That Signior Con had power to offer me a Cardinal's Hat. The words which they cite , are ( for I could never get sight of those Papers since ) Mandatum habuit offerre , sed non obtulit . What Power he had to make me such an Offer , I know not ; but themselves confess he did not offer it . Nor had I ever any Speech with him , during all the time he stayed here . I was solicited as much by Honourable Friends to give him Admittance to me at Lambeth , with Assurance he should speak nothing about Religion , as ever I had about any thing in my Life . I still refused , and could not perswade my self to do other ; and yet could not but inwardly ( In Verbo Sacerdotis , this is true ) condemn my self of gross Incivility for refusing . For which yet now I see I am much bound to God for that Unmannerliness . Had I held a Correspondence with him , though never so Innocent , where had I now been ? Besides , I would not have it forgotten , that if to offer a Cardinal's Hat , or any like thing , shall be a sufficient Cause to make a Man guilty of Treason , it shall be in the power of any Romanist , to make any English Bishop a Traytor when he pleases : A Mischief not to be indured . And thus this long and tedious Day ended ; and I had order to Attend again on July 24. which I did accordingly . CAP. XLI . The Nineteenth Day of my Hearing . THis day they went on with the same Article . And the 〈◊〉 Charge was , My denying the Pope to be Antichrist : The Proofs ; The Alteration of the Clause in the Letters Patents , for the Palatinat ; and the Letters between Bishop Hall and me . These Proofs are Answer'd before , and repeated here only to make a Noise . Nor did I in any of these deny the Pope to be Antichrist . For , to forbear that word , for some both Temporal and 〈◊〉 Respects , is one thing ; and to deny the thing it self is another . The Second consists of a great many Particulars , and most of them urged before , repeated only to help to make the Ignorant clamorous and wild against me . God forgive them this Practice . 1. The First Particular was Shelford's Book : The whole Book . And Mr. Pryn very gravely said , that this Book and the other two following , were found in my Study . Is he not yet ashamed of this Argument ? May I have no Book in my Study , but I must be of the same Judgment with the Author in all things ? The Author is altogether unknown to me . The Book was Licensed at Cambridge . So nothing faulty in me , but the having of the Book in my Study . 2. The Second was , Dr. Heylin's Book against Mr. Burton . This Book was Printed by my Command ( they say ) And in it is a Passage for Absolute Obedience to Kings . p. 229. This was before also . And I did Command the Printing of the Book ; but gave no 〈◊〉 to put any thing unjustifiable into it . This Passage I caused to be read to the Lords , and the Doctor there says no more than what he Learned of King James in the Conference at Hampton Court. But if any thing be amiss , he is ready to Answer it . But I find not one word in him , that this Absolute Obedience ought to be in any thing that is against Law. That 's one of Mr. Nicolas his Stretches . 3. The third Particular is Bishop Mountague's Appeal , p. 141. But nothing hence charged upon me , but only , that the Book was found in my Study . I would Mr. Pryn could find any Books there now . 4. The Fourth was , That divers Books of like nature were Licensed by my Chaplains . But none was of all they then named , but Dr. Heylin's , and Sales ; of which your Lordships have heard the Plot how it came to be Licensed . And for Dr. Heylin , he is ready to make all good , which he hath therein done . 5. The Fifth Particular is , That the Homilies which are Authorised in the Church of England , make the Pope Antichrist , p. 216. And the Babylonish Beast of Rome , p. 316. But First , This is nothing against me , till it be proved , ( which yet is not done ) That I have positively denied the Pope to be Antichrist . And Secondly , I do not conceive , that the Article of the Church of England , which confirms the Homilies , doth also confirm every Phrase that is in them . Nor , Thirdly , Do I conceive that the Homilies in those places which are cited , do make the Pope the great Antichrist . For , in the first place , the Words are , To the beating down of Sin , Death , the Pope , the Devil , and all the Kingdom of Antichrist : Which Words cannot possibly imply , that the Pope is that Antichrist . In the second place , he is only called the Babylonical Beast of Rome ; which Phrase doth not necessarily signifie The Great Antichrist . For the Beast so often mentioned in the * Revelation , is no where called the Babylonical Beast of Rome . And if that Beast do stand for the Great Antichrist , ( I say If , because those Scriptures are very dark ) then ‖ the Beast is primarily the Roman Empire in the Judgment of the Geneva Noters . And that there should be two great Antichrists , is more than any man hath yet said . Here Mr. Nicolas was up again with Pander to the Whore of Babylon , and his other foul Language ; not remembring all this while , ( which yet I was loath to mind him of ) that one of his zealous Witnesses against the Whore of Babylon , and all her Superstitions , got all his Means ( which are great ) by being a Pander to other lewd Women ; and loved the business it self so well , as that he was ( not long since , men say ) taken in Bed with one of his Wife's Maids . Good Mr. Nicolas , do not dispense with all Whores , save the Whore of Babylon . 6. The Sixth Particular was , the Articles of Ireland , which call the Pope the Man of Sin. But the Articles of Ireland bind neither this Church , nor me . And some Learned Protestants do not understand that noted place of the Apostle , 2 Thess. 2. as meant of Antichrist , or the Pope . 7. The Seventh and Last Particular is , a Repetition of Sancta Clara and Mr. S. Giles ; and the Letter of News , ( which were News indeed ) to make them one Man ; though this were Answered at large but the last Day ; and Sir Ed. Hungerford's Testimony brought up again . It 's a sign Mr. Nicolas hath indeed no down-right right Proof ( as he said before ) that so tumbles up and down in repeating the same things . The Third Charge is , that I say in my Book , That the Religion of the Church of Rome and ours is all one . This is spoken only in opposition to other Religions , in regard of Christianity . The Words are , Nor do the Church of Rome and the Protestants set up a different Religion ; for the Christian Religion is the same to both , &c. And the like passage to this is in my * Speech in the Star-Chamber . And these Passages were read to the Lords . So that either Papists must be denied to be Christians , or else this Charge can work nothing against me . The Fourth Charge is out of Chouneus his Book , p. 45 , & 46. Licensed by my Chaplain Dr. Braye , where ( they say ) 't is said , That Rome is a True Church , and differs not in Fundamentals . And that at the High Commission , when this Book was question'd by some , I did say that the Church of Rome and the Protestants did not differ in Fundamentals , but in Circumstances . And this latter part was testified by Mr. Burton and one Mr. Lane , who said they were present . First , Suppose this be false , and that they do differ in Fundamentals ; yet this then is but my Errour in Divinity , no Practice to overthrow Religion . Secondly , I suppose , if I did so say , I did not Err : For the Foundations of Christian Religion are the Articles of the Creed , and the Church of Rome denies no one of them : Therefore there is no difference in the Fundamentals . If they of Rome differ in Exposition of some of these , that must needs be a Superstructure upon , or beside the Article , not the Article or Foundation it self . Nor did I follow my own Judgment herein , but * Calvin's ; who says expresly , That in despight of Antichrist , the Foundations of the Church remain'd in the Papacy it self , that the Church might not wholly perish . And this Passage was then read to the Lords . Thirdly , These two Learned Witnesses , ( as they would be reputed ) are quite mistaken in their very Terms . For they report me , as if I said , Not in Fundamentals , but in Circumstantials ; whereas these are not Membra opposita , * but Fundamentals and Superstructures , which may sway quite beside the Foundation . And this though not the only , yet is a main Failing in the Roman Fabrick ; in which many things are built upon unwarrantable Tradition , as is expressed in my † Book at large , and their many Superstitions named ; and that Passage read also to the Lords . For though they differ not in the prime Foundations , ‖ yet they in many things grate close upon them , and in some things fall beside them , to no small Hazard of their own Souls . As for Circumstantials , it seems these Men have forgotten , or never knew , that many times Circumstantials in Religion do quite destroy the Foundation . For Example : The Circumstances are these : Quis ? Quid ? Vbi ? Quibus Auxiliis ? Quomodo ? Quando ? 1. Quid ? What a Man believes ? And that contains Fundamentals , and in the first place . 2. Vbi ? Place , a meer Circumstance ; yet to deny that Christ took our Flesh of the B. Virgin , and that in Judaea , denies the Foundation , and is flat Judaism . 3. Quibus Auxiliis , By what Helps a Man believes , and in some measure obeys as he is commanded ? For to believe that a Man doth this by the strength of Nature only , and not by Aid and Assistance of Grace , is with the Pelagian to deny the Foundation , and to overthrow the Grace of Christ. 4. Quando ? When ? That 's Time , a meer Circumstance : Yet to deny that Christ is already come in the Flesh , denies the Foundation utterly , and is flat Judaism , and an inseparable Badge of the great Antichrist , 1 John 4. And in the Case of the Resurrection , to say 't is past already , ( which is Time ) St. Paul tells us , 2 Tim. 2. is no less than the Overthrow of the Faith. And the Rule is general , That some Circumstances Dant Speciem , give the very Kind and Form to a Moral Action . This for their Ignorance ; but for the Malice of their Oath , I leave them to God's Mercy . Here Mr. Brown , when he summed up the Evidence against me , fell upon this , and said , that when I gave divers Instances what dangerous Errors Circumstances did sometimes breed in Religion , I gave no Instance in any point of Popery . But to this I Answered , First , That it was not material what Instances I made , so I was able to make some . Secondly , That it was not possible for me , or perhaps a readier Man , to have all Instances so present with his Memory . Thirdly , If an Instance in Popery , rank Popery will serve the turn , you may take it in Transubstantiation : That is either a Fundamental Point , or it is not : If it be not Fundamental , why did the Papist put the Protestant to Death for it ? And why did the Protestant suffer Death ? If it be Fundamental ( as it seems by both sides it was accounted ) it is upon the bare Circumstance of Quomodo ? How Christ is present in the Sacrament . As for that which was said in the beginning of this Charge , That Rome is a True Church : I ever did , and ever must grant it , that such it is Veritate Entis , in the Truth of it's Entity and Being . For as I have said against Fisher , Ens & Verum , Being and True are convertible one with another . And every thing that hath a Being , is truly that Being which it is in truth of Substance ; but a Right or an Orthodox Church I never said it was , either in Doctrine or Manners . As a Thief is a true Man in Verity of his Essence , that is , he is a Creature indued with Reason ; but it doth not therefore follow that he is a true Man Veritate Moris , in his Life and Conversation . And this I answered first to the Lords , and after to Mr. Brown's Summary Charge , who in his last Reply said two things : First , That when I said Rome was a True Church , I spake it generally without this Distinction . But this is quite beyond the Proof ; for no Witness says so . Besides , it is manifest by distinction of Fundamentals from other Doctrines , ( acknowledged by both the Witnesses ) that I did not speak it absolutely , but plain enough to any ordinary Understanding . Secondly , ( which I was very sorry to hear from so grave a Man ) he added , That there was no Truth of a Church , but in the Verity of Doctrine and Manners ; and that in Veritate Entis a Company of Turks were a True Church . Now God be merciful to us , whither are we posting ? 'T is known that the Greek Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies Church , signifies also in Heathen Authors , any kind of Company or Congregation of Men , Turks if you will. But in Ecclesiastical Writers , and among all Christians the Word Church is used only ( and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too ) for a Company of Men which profess the Faith of Christ , and are Baptized into his Name . And will any Man say that a Company of Turks are such a Church in Veritate Entis , in the Verity of this Being ; as all the World knows Papists are ? Or if he will not speak de Ente tali , but change the Suppositum , he may say what he please . But I was very much troubled to hear this , and from him . I had almost forgot that Mr. Nicolas here pressed the Authority of the Homilies upon me again , where 't is said , That the Bishop of Rome and their Adherents are not the true Church . But the Answer is easie : For I say as the Homily doth , and as it means too in that place . Namely , that the Church of Rome is not the true , that is , not the Catholick Church , nor the Head thereof . But there is a great deal of difference between the Church , and a Church : The one is the General , the other a Particular . The Church it cannot be ; A Church it is , and a true one too , in the Sense before specified . Upon occasion of this Mr. Nicolas his Mouth was open again , and said , That at the beginning I reckon'd up some that I had Converted : But if this were my Opinion , and that if this might stand for good , I might Convert the Devil and all . My Ears had been so beaten with his Language , that I was patient , and left him to insult . And to help on this business , while he was in these loud Expressions , the E. of Pembrook came to Mr. Burton to the Bar , and in my hearing desired him to repeat the Testimony he had given ; which Mr. Burton did , and his Lordship seemed to be much pleased with it . Not long before , when the News was come hot to the House , that York was taken ; when I came at Five in the Afternoon to make my Answer , I was no sooner come to the Bar , but the same Lord came and sat just before me , and there with much Joy told Mr. Lieutenant the News . I presume he did it in favour to me , because he thought it would put me in very good Heart , being then instantly to begin to make my Answer . God forgive this Lord ; for I have deserved in my time far better of him , if he understood himself , or any Man else . The next Charge was out of Dr. Packlinton's Altare Christianum , p. 49 , 50. where he speaks ( they say , for I now have not his Book ) of a Happiness that the Bishops of England can derive their Succession from St. Peter ; which in great Scorn Mr. Nicolas called the Archbishop's Pedigree . First , If there be any Crime in this , Dr. Pocklinton is to Answer it , not I. Secondly , He may scorn what he will ; but Wise Men know , 't is a great Honour to the Church of England , and a great Stopple in the Mouths of the Romanists , that her Bishops can derive their Calling successively from St : Peter ; especially considering , how much they stand upon personal Succession . Thirdly , Dr. Pocklinton in this says no more for me and the Bishops than * St. Augustin urged for himself and his Brethren against the Donatists in the same words , save that St. Aug. begins at St. Peter , and descends to his own time ; and the Dr. begins at his own time , and ascends to St. Peter . But it seems an Upstart Clergy without a Calling will serve Mr. Nicolas well enough . The Sixth Charge was , That Books were written of purpose to maintain these Opinions ; and such Men as writ them only preferred . He named Mr. Shelford , Mr. Butterfield , Dr. Cosins and Dr. Pocklinton . This hath been Clamoured upon already ; if any have set out unworthy Books , they may be called to account for it : I hope I shall not answer for all the Divines in the Kingdom . They whom I preferred , were Worthy and Able Men , and it will not be in the Power of Mr. White 's Centuries , to Blast a Man of them among any that know them . For these that are named , Mr. Shelford I know not ; Mr. Butterfield I saw punished in the High-Commission : Neither of them preferred , that I know . The two last , by whomsoever they were preferred , deserved all the Preferment they had , and more . The Seventh Charge is out of my Diary at June : 15 : 1632. where 't is said , that I preferred Mr : Secretary Windebank , my old Friend . And here Mr. Nicolas laid all the Correspondency open , which ( he said ) that Gentleman had with the Popes Agents , with Priests and Jesuits , and when he had made him this way as foul as he could , then I must be guilty of all , for preferring such a Man to the King. This Gentleman was indeed my ancient Friend : In my many Years Acquaintance with him , I saw nothing in him , but Honesty and Worth : If when he was preferred , he deceived my Opinion , he is living to answer for himself . Many , in all Ages have been preferred to Princes , which do not answer the Hopes and Desires of them which prefer them ; and yet they not made answerable for them neither : But whether he did fail in any Publick Trust or no , I am not his Judge . Yea ; but some Letters were found from his Son Thomas , what Entertainment be had in Foreign parts for his Father's sake . But these Letters were read to the Lords , and there is not one Word in them , that relates to me : And 't is both likely and fit , the Son of a Secretary of State , should be worthily used in his Travels . Yea ; but his Son Christopher was at Rome , and sent thither to Insinuate himself with the Pope : So Andreas ab Habernfeld writes in the Papers which Sir William Boswell sent over to me . If he did send his Son to that end , then I discovered his Plot , for I caused those Papers to be examined by the King and the Lords , as is before related . Besides , in my Poor Judgment the Pope must be a very simple Man , ( it may be Mr. Nicolas thinks him so , compared with himself ) that a Youth of Seventeen at the most , should insinuate himself to Fish any thing out of him for his Fathers Service . Lastly , he pressed , that my Interest continued with Mr. Secretary in all these Courses of his . 'T is well known in Court the old Interest did not continue between us ; but for old Friendships sake , I will not be drawn to say more . As for his releasing of any Priests , he must give an account of that himself . But for my self , I was so careful in this Particular , that I never put my Hand , though Publick at Council-Table , or Star-Chamber , to any Release in all my time . I might be named as present , when such Release was made ( which I could not avoid ) but act in any I did not . Nay , I was so careful that I refused to set my Hand to any License to Travel , lest if any Young Man should be perverted abroad in his Travels , any thing might be imputed to me . And this all the Clerks of the Council can Witness . But I see no Wariness , no Care , can prevent the Envy and the Malice of the Many , and the Mighty . The Eighth Charge was , my Correspondence with Popish Priests . And for Proof of this , they produced divers Witnesses . 1. The First Witness was one Wadsworth , one of the Common Messengers used to attach such Persons . He says , that Smith , aliàs Fludd , bragged to him , that he had acquaintance with me . Here 's nothing but a Bragging Report of Smith , who what he is I know not . So here 's no Proof . He says , that Four Pound was sent to himself to free him out of Prison , and that Davis told him it came from me . This is but a Hearsay from Davis , as the former was from Smith . But say , my Lords , if I did send him Four Pound to free him out of Prison , doth he not now very thankfully reward me for it ? The Truth is , my Lords , I did send him Four Pound : And the Motive that made me send it , was because I heard he was a Convert from Popery to be a Protestant , and that his Imprisonment was as much for that as for any thing else . And this was attested to the Lords , by my Servant Mr. 〈◊〉 , who was one of them that moved me for him . 2. The Second Witness was Francis Newton , another Messenger . He says , that when he had taken Henry Mors a Priest , he should have been carried to a private Committee ; that he disliked it , and Complained to Mr. Secretary Cook , who ( he says ) sent him to me ; and that when he came to Lambeth , Mr. Dell told him , I was in my Garden with Sir Toby Matthew . My Servant Mr. Dell being appointed my Solicitor was now present in Court , and denyed all this . And well he might , for Sir Toby was never in my Garden with me in all his Life . And if Mr. Dell told him , that I would not meddle in the Business , ( as he says he did ) Mr. Dell must give the Account for it , not I. Yet if there were a Reference of this Mors to a private Committee , the hindring of that was more proper to Mr. Secretary , than to me . Howsoever , here was no hurt done . For he confesses that Mors was sent back to Newgate . And if ( as he farther says ) he was discharged by Mr. Secretary Windebank , that is nothing to me . He says , he was informed by Stukely , that Smith aliàs Fludd , was acquainted with me . But if he were but informed so himself , that 's no Proof to inform your Lordships . He says , that Brown a Priest was dismissed out of the High-Commission . Thus it was , He was called in thither , for very foul Uncleanness . In process of this Business , he there openly confessed himself a Priest. Hereupon that Court sent him to Newgate . What became of him after , I know not , save that I know he was strictly examined by Mr. Pym and others concerning me . This Newton , upon what Grudge I know not , calls me Rogue , and all to naught , in all Companies ; and with so much I acquainted the Lords . 3. The Third Witness was Tho. Mayo , a Messenger also . He says , that Sir Toby Matthew was accounted a Priest when he was in parts beyond the Seas , and that he saw him in Coach with me , and that he went over with me in my Barge . First I gave in Two Exceptions against this Witness . One that he was a Man of no Conscience , for he had shifted his Religion from Protestant to Papist , and back again three or four times : Which was a thing known . The other was , that he kept a Brothel House at this present : And that his Fellow Wadsworth knew this , and called him Pimping Knave , saying , he kept a Brace of Wenches at this time in his House . And these Words he spake of him but the Fifth of this present July , in the Bull Tavern in the Palace-Yard . So I thought him no fit Witness . But he was heard for all this . And afterwards , Wadsworth meeting my Servant Mr. Snath , he told him , that he did say so to Mayo , and wondred how I should come to hear it . Being admitted , and saying as he did , I told the Lords , that he began with a very bold Oath , and like a shifter of his Religion . For I had Four of my Servants there , Three of which usually attended me , when I went and returned from Court , Mr. Dell , Mr. Snath , Mr. Goodwin and Mr. Dobson , and they all attested the contrary ; and I never went , but one of these at least was with me . Besides , he is single in this Testimony . He says , that he saw Sir Toby several times in my House . But he confesses withal , that he never saw him near me . For my own part I cannot say , that ever he was within my Doors . But if he , or others of his Quality , do come to pry out any thing in my House , how is it possible for me to hinder it ? My Porter could not see it written in their Foreheads , who they were . He says , That one Price was often seen at my House . But he doth not say , he was seen with me , or there with my Knowledge . He says , That one Leander was Reported to have been my Chamber-Fellow in Oxford . First , this is but a Report , and so no Evidence . Secondly , if he were my Chamber-Fellow in Oxford , when we were Boys together , I am sure he was then no Priest , and he was but a Boy when he left the College . He confesses , that I gave Order to observe who , and how many resorted to Embassadours Houses , and Signior Conn's , and says , he thought I could prove it . But I believe he would never have confessed it , but that he knew I could prove it . And thereupon I shewed the Lords many Papers certifying me what Numbers were found resorting to each place respectively . And Thomas Mayo's Hand to many of those Papers . He says , he took one Peter Wilford and brought him to me to Whitehall , while Sir Jo. Lambe was with me . But he confesses withal that Wilford then shewed Mr. Secretary Windebank's Warrant to Discharge him : And then what could I do to him ? Nay , I have some Cause to think he would never have apprehended him , had he not known he had that Warrant . Lastly , he says , that once at the Star-Chamber I told him he was too quick and nimble for me . And I hope it is no Treason if I did say so . Nor could I mean he was too quick in apprehending Priests , for I found both him , and his Fellows after Crosse's Death slow enough at that : But if I said so , it was because I could not tell how to trust his Shifting and his Wyliness . 4. The Fourth Witness was Elizabeth Graye , Wife to another Messenger . And this is a very fine Witness . For first , she says , Her Husband was committed by my Means . And then with a Breath she says , She doth not know by whom he was committed , but she thinks by Secretary Windebank and me . But since she doth not know , but think only ; I hope her Thinking can be no Evidence . She says , that she delivered me a Petition , and that I flung it away , saying , I would not meddle with any Priest-catching Knave . The Witness single , and I doubt doating , and the Words far from Treason . 5. The Fifth Witness was John Cooke , a Messenger too , and one that for his Misdemeanour had stood in the Pillory . This I urged against him , as unfit to witness against me : My Witness that saw him in the Pillory , was so threatned , that he sent me word he durst not come . I may not say from whom this Threatning came . But the thing was so true , that Cooke himself confessed it , but excused the Cause ; And his Testimony received . He told how Fisher the Jesuit was taken by Graye : That when he was brought to the Council-Table , Secretary Cooke and I went to the King to know his Pleasure about him : That we brought back word from his Majesty to the Lords , that he should be Banished . All this while here 's no hurt done . Then he says , that notwithstanding this Order of his Majesty , Graye and he met Fisher at Liberty , by a Warrant from Secretary Windebank : That hereupon Graye repaired to Secretary Cooke , and to me , and that Dell told him I would not meddle with it . My Secretary must answer this , I remember it not . But if Mr. Dell received any such Answer from me , that I would not meddle with it ; there were two apparent Reasons for it . One , that I would not meddle with it alone , his Majesty's Order being to all the Lords . The other , that Fisher was the Man I had written against , and Men would have been apt to say , that when I could not answer , I sought means to destroy : So I no way fit ( alone at least ) to meddle with him of all Men. He says , that Graye was committed to the Fleet , for Railing on me in my own House . Yet he confesses , that he was not committed by me . And I presume your Lordships will think there was Cause of his Commitment , if he did Rail upon me . And 't is confessed by Mr. Pryn ( though he had then received no Answer from my self ) that he said he saw now how the Game went , and hoped e're long to see better Days , &c. He says , that Smith , alias Fludd , desired Sir Kenelm Digbye , as he was going to Lambeth , to tell me that he could not Dine with me that Day , but desired his Business might be remembred . No such Man ever Dined at my Table , to my knowledge . And if any Priest would say so to Sir Kenelm , how could I possibly hinder it ? And Sir Kenelm , when this Cooke was Examined , was a Prisoner in Winchester-House ; why was not he Examined to sift out this Truth ? If Truth be in it . 6. The Sixth Witness was John Thresher , a Messenger too : He says , that he took Mors and Goodwin , two Priests ; and that Secretary Windebank took away his Warrant , and dismissed them , saying , he would speak with me about it . And that when he came to me , I was angry with him about the Warrant . Mr. Secretary Windebank will , I hope , be able to answer for his own Actions . Why he dismiss'd the Priests I know not ; But he had great Reason to take away his Warrant : And I a greater Reason to be angry with him for it . For no Warrant can issue from the High-Commission Court , but under three of their Hands at least . Now Thresher having gotten my Hand to the Warrant , never goes for more Hands , but proceeds in his Office , upon this unwarrantable Warrant . Had not I Reason to be offended at this ? He says , that at the same time I said that Graye was an ill-tongued Fellow , and that if he kept him Company , I should not regard him . I had good Cause to say this and more , considering how Graye had us'd me . And I believe no Arch-Bishop would have born his Words . Lastly , he says , that by a Warrant from me he Arrested Sir Toby Matthewe , and that the Earl of Strafford stayed him from going to Prison , saying , he should answer it before the Lords . Here by the Witness himself it appears that I did my Duty . And Sir Toby did appear before the Lords , as was * assumed he should . In the mean time , I was complained of to the Queen : And a great Lady ( who perhaps made the Complaint ) stood by , and made her self Merry to hear me chid : The Queen was pleased to send to the Lords , and Sir Toby was released . Where my Fault was in all this , I do not yet see . 7. The last of these famous Witnesses was Goldsmith . Who says nothing , but that one Day before the High-Commission Court began , I forewarned the Messengers of that Court of Graye , in regard he was openly spoken against at the Council-Table . Which , all things considered , I had great Reason to do . He says likewise , that then Graye's Wife tender'd me a Petition , which I rejected , saying , I would meddle with no Priest-catching Knaves . I think his Carriage deserv'd no better of me , than to reject his Petition : But as for the Words I cannot own them ; let the Goldsmith look to it that he have not Forged them . And I would very willingly know whether when the Apostle required , that an Accusation should not be received against an Elder , but under two or three Witnesses , 1 Tim. 5. he had any meaning they should be such as these ? The Ninth Charge was about the ordering of Popish Books that were seized , and the disposing of them . The sole Witness here is John Egerton . He says , These Books were delivered to Mr. Mattershead , Register to the High-Commission . And I say so too ; it was the constant Course of the High-Commission , to send them thither , and have them kept in that Office , till there was a sufficient number of them , and then to burn them . Yea , but he adds , that Mattershead told him they were re-delivered to the Owners : This is but a Report , and Mattershead is dead , who should make it good . And though this be but a single Witness , and of a dead Man's Report ; yet Mr. Browne thought fit to Summ it up with the rest . But surely if any Books were redelivered to the Owners ; it was so ordered by the High-Commission , in regard the Books were not found dangerous : From me , Mattershead had never any such Command . Lastly , he says , he met Sir Toby Matthew twice at Lambeth . But he confesses , he never saw him with me ; and then me it cannot concern . The Tenth Charge was concerning the Priests in Newgate ; the Witnesses are Mr. Deuxel , and Francis Newton . They both agree , and they say , that the Priests there had the best Chambers , and Liberty to go abroad without Keepers . I hope these Men do not mean to make the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Keeper of Newgate . If any Man gave them this Liberty , he is to be blamed for it , not I , who never knew it till now . Nor do either of these Witnesses say , that they called on me for remedy , or ever did so much as acquaint me with it . And they say this was Twelve Years since ; and I had been Arch-Bishop but Seven Years when I was Committed . The Eleventh Charge was about words in my Epistle Dedicatory before my Book against Mr. Fisher. The Words these , For , to my remembrance , I have not given him , or his , so much as course Language . So the Charge is because I have not given ill Words . And here Mr. Nicolas fell foul upon me again for taking such care , that the Whore of Babylon may have nothing but good Words , &c. But First , my Lords , I have always thought , and do still , that ill Language is no Proof against an Adversary : All the good it can do is , it may bring Scorn upon the Author , and work hardness of Heart in the Adversary , whom he doth , or should labour to Convert . And this I learned of two eminent Fathers in the Church , a Gregory Nazienzen , b and S. Augustin . The First would not use it , no not against the Arrians , who ( as he saith ) made open War against the Deity of Christ. Nor would the other against the same Adversaries . The one accounts it Ignorance , though a Fashion taken up by many ; and the other loss of time . And here I desired the Lords , that I might read what immediately followed this Passage , which was granted : And there , as their Lordships did , so may the Reader see , if he please , that though my Words were not uncivil , yet in the Matter I favoured neither him , nor his . And to avoid Tediousness , thither I refer the Reader . With this , that sometimes Men apt enough to accuse me , can plead for this Moderation in their own Cases , and tell each other that * Christ will not own bitterness in maintaining any way , though consonant to his Word . And † another finds just Fault both with Papists , and Martin Marr-Prelat , for this reproachful Language . And yet it must be a Crime in me not to use it . The Last Charge was the Commitment of one Ann Hussy to the Sheriff of London . The Business was this . She sent one Philip Bambridge to tell me of I know not what Plot against the King ( nor I think she neither . ) Bambridge came to White-Hall toward the Evening , and could make nothing of this dangerous Plot. Yet because it pretended so high , I sent him presently to Mr : Secretary Windebank ; I being the next Morning to go out of Town . The Business was called to the Council-Table . When I came back , I was present there . Bambridge produced Ann Hussy , but she could make nothing appear . She says , I thought she was out of her Wits . Not so , my Lords ; but I did not think she was well in them ; nor do I yet . And whereas she complains of her Imprisonment , it was her own desire she might be committed to the Sheriff ; and Mr. Hearn ( my Councel here present ) was assigned by the Lords to take her Examination . Therefore if any Particular in this Charge stick with your Lordships , I humbly desire Mr. Hearn may supply my want of Memory . But it passed over , as well it might . Here this Day ended , and I was ordered to attend again , July 29. CAP. XLII . The Twentieth , and the Last Day of my Hearing . THis Day I appeared again , and they proceeded upon the Fourteenth Original Article , which Follows in these Words . Art. 14. That to preserve himself from being questioned for these , and other his Traiterous Courses ; he hath laboured to subvert the Rights of Parliaments , and the ancient Course of Parliamentary Proceedings , and by false and malicious Slanders to incense his Majesty against Parliaments . By which Words , Councels and Actions , he hath Traiterously , and contrary to his Allegiance , laboured to alienate the Hearts of the King's Liege People from his Majesty , to set a Division between them , and to ruine and destroy his Majesty's Kingdoms . For which they do Impeach him of High-Treason against our Soveraign Lord the King , his Crown and Dignity . The First Charge of this Day was Prefaced with a Note out of my Diary , at May 8. 1626. That the Duke of Buckingham was that Day impeached to the Lords by the House of Commons . And at May 25. The difference arising in the House of Peers about the Earl of Arundel's Commitment to the Tower without a Cause declared . No use made of these , but that I then Bishop of S. Davids took notice of these things . Then the Charge followed ; and the First of it was , That I then being of the Lords House , and so to be one of the Duke's Judges , made a Speech for him , and Corrected his Speech in some particulars ; and of a Judge made my self an Advocate . Which Mr. Nicolas said was a great Offence . I saw not these Papers , and therefore can say nothing , what is , or is not under my Hand . But to the thing it self , I say first , that if in that Speech any particular Fault had been found , impeaching any Right or Power of Parliament , that I must have answered ; but none is charged , but only the bare making of one Speech , and the mending of another . And this is a very poor Argument of any Enmity against Parliaments . Secondly , seeing no Fault is charged upon me in particular , it was but the Office of a poor Friend , to a great one , to whom being so much bound as I was , I could not refuse so much Service , being intreated to it . And Thirdly , I do humbly conceive , that so long as there was nothing done against Law , any Friend may privately assist another in his Difficulties . And I am perswaded , many Friends in either House , do what they justly may , when such sad Occasions happen . And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown , when he Summed up my Charge in the House of Commons . But Mr. Brown did not begin with this , but with another , here omitted by Mr. Nicolas ; though he had pressed it before in the Fifteenth day of my Hearing , Dr. Potter writ unto me for my advice in some Passages of a Book writ by him , ( as I remember against a Book Intituled Charity mistaken . ) I did not think it fit to amend any thing with my own Pen ; but put some few things back to his Second Thoughts , of which this was one , That if he express himself so , he will give as much Power to the Parliament in Matters of Doctrine , as to the Church . This , Mr. Brown said , took away all Authority from Parliaments , in that kind . But , under Favour , this takes away nor all , nor any that is due unto them . Not all , for my Words are about giving so much Power : Now he that would not have so much given to the one , as the other , doth not take away all from either . Not any that is due to them : For my Words not medling simply with Parliamentary Power ( as appears by the Comparative Words so much ) my Intention must needs be to have Dr. Potter so to consider of his Words , as that , that which is proper to the Church , might not be ascribed to Parliaments . And this I conceive is plain in the very Letter of the Law. The Words of the * Statute are , Or such as shall hereafter be Ordered , Judged , or determined to be Heresy , by the High Court of Parliament in this Realm , with the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation . Where 't is manifest , that the Judging and Determining Part , for the Truth or Falshood of the Doctrin , is in the Church . For the Assent of the Church or Clergy cannot be given but in Convocation , and so the Law requires it . Now Assent in Convocation cannot be given , but there must preceed a Debate , a Judging , a Voting , and a Determining . Therefore the Determining Power for the Truth or Falshood of the Doctrine , Heresie , or no Heresie , is in the Church : But the Judging and determining Power for binding to Obedience , and for Punishment , is in the Parliament , with this Assent of the Clergy . Therefore I humbly conceive , the Parliament cannot by Law , that is , till this Law be first altered , Determine the Truth of Doctrine without this Assent of the Church in Convocation . And that such a Synod and Convocation as is Chosen and Assembled as the Laws and Customs of this Realm require . To this Mr. Brown , in his Reply upon me in the House of Commons , said Two Things . The one , that this Branch of the Statute of one Eliz. was for Heresie only , and the Adjudging of that ; but medled not with the Parliaments Power in other matters of Religion . If it be for Heresie only , that the Church alone shall not so Determine Heresie , as to bring those grievous Punishments which the Law lays upon it , upon the Neck of any Subject , without Determination in Parliament ; then is the Church in Convocation left free also in other matters of Religion , according to the First Clause in Magna Charta , which establishes the Church in all her Rights . And her main and constant Right , when that Charter was made and confirmed , was Power of Determining in matters of Doctrine and Discipline of the Church . And this Right of the Clergy is not bounded or limited by any Law , but this Clause of 1. Eliz. that ever I heard of . The other was , that if this were so , that the Parliament might not meddle with Religion , but with the Assent of the Clergy in Convocation , we should have had no Reformation . For the Bishops and the Clergy dissented . First , it is not ( as I conceive ) to be denyed , that the King and his High Court of Parliament may make any Law what they please , and by their Absolute Power may change Religion , Christianity into Turcism if they please ( which God forbid . ) And the Subjects , whose Consciences cannot obey , must flye or indure the Penalty of the Law. But both King and Parliament , are sub graviori Regno , and must Answer God for all such abuse of Power . But beside this Absolute , there is a Limited Power , Limited , I say , by Natural Justice and Equity , by which , no Man , no Court , can do more , than what he can by Right . And according to this Power , the Church's Interest must be considered , and that indifferently , as well as the Parliaments . To apply this to the Particular of the Reformation . The Parliament in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth would not indure Popish Superstition , and by Absolute Power Abolished it , * without any Assent of the Clergy in Convocation . And then in her first Year , An. 1559. She had a Visitation , and set out her Injunctions , to direct and order such of the Clergy as could conform their Judgments to the Reformation . But then so soon as the Clergy was settled , and that a Form of Doctrine was to be agreed upon , to shew the difference from the Roman Superstition , a Synod was called , and in the Year 1562. the Articles of Religion were agreed upon , and they were determined and confirmed by Parliament , with the Assent of the Clergy in Convocation ; and that by a just and orderly Power . Nor is the Absolute Power of King and Parliament any way unjust in it self , but may many ways be made such , by Misinformation , or otherwise . And this gives the King and the Parliament their full Power , and yet preserves this Church in her just Right . Just and acknowledged by some that loved her not over well . For the * Lord Brook tells us , That what a Church will take for true Doctrine , lies only in that Church . Nay , the very Heathen saw clearly the Justice of this : For † M. Lucullus was able to say in Tully , That the Priests were Judges of Religion , and the Senate of Law. The Second Proof is , That I made two Speeches for the King , to be spoken or sent to the Parliament that then was ; and that they had some sour and ill Passages in them . These Speeches were read to the Lords ; and had I now the Copies , I would insert them here , and make the World Judge of them . First , I might shuffle here , and deny the making of them : For no Proof is offer'd , but that they are in my Hand ; and that is no necessary Proof : For I had then many Papers by me written in my own Hand , which were not my making , though I transcribed them , as not thinking it fit to trust them in other Hands . But , Secondly , I did make them , and I followed the Instructions which were given me as close as I could to the very Phrases ; and being commanded to the Service , I hope it shall not now be made my Crime that I was trusted by my Soveraign . Thirdly , As I did never endeavour to imbitter the King this way ; so the smart Passages which Mr. Nicolas says are there , I hope will not be thought such , when 't is consider'd whose Mouth was to utter them , and upon what occasion : Yet if such they shall be thought , I am heartily sorry for them , and humbly desire they may be pass'd by : However , they can make no Proof that I am an Enemy to Parliaments . And this Answer I gave Mr. Brown in the House of Commons , for he there omitted it not . The Third Proof that I am an Enemy to Parliaments , is the Testimony of one Mr. Bland . A forward Witness he hath been against me in other Particulars . Here he says , That Sir Sackvil Crowe shewed him a Paper , in which were fifteen or sixteen Passages concerning Parliaments , with some sour Aspersions to boot ; and that this Paper was Subscribed W. Laud. First , my Lords , This Man is but a single Witness . Secondly , he says , he had this Paper from Sir Sackvil Crowe ; and he is now in Turkey , and cannot be produced , that the Truth may be known . Thirdly , As I never gave Sir Sackvil any such Paper , so had he come by any such , 't is more than probable some body else might have seen it beside Mr. Bland , to make a second Witness . Fourthly , This is a very bold Oath ; for he Swears , The Paper was Subscribed with my own Hand , W. Laud : Whereas I being then Bishop of S. Davids , never writ my Name to any thing other than Guil. Meneven . Let him bethink himself of this Oath , Ne quid gravius dicam . Besides , it may be considered too , that this , with some Particulars mentioned by Mr. Bland , was charged in the First Additional Article , and now brought in upon the Fourteenth Original ; partly to confound me , that I might not see how , or against what to defend my self ; and partly to make me secure , because they had quite passed over the first Additional . But especially , because they had therein charged me , that these Propositions of mine had caused that Parliament to be Dissolved : And yet in the same Article , and within three Lines , 't is said expresly , that my Propositions were deliver'd to my 〈◊〉 . Duke of Buckingham after that Parliament was Dissolved . So this Article hangs as well together as Mr. Bland's Testimony concerning it . Mr. Brown pressed this also hand against me ; but I answered according to the Summ of that which is above-written . And as for the Particular said to be in that Paper , ( were it mine , as it is not ) or were the Words thought Treasonable , ( as well they cannot be ) yet the Statute of Queen Mary makes it , that no Words , nor Writings , nor Cipherings , nor Deeds , shall be Treason , but only such as are within the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. and no other . And this Statute I then read to the Lords , though I conceive there was no need of it . The Fourth Proof was out of my Diary , at June 15. 1626. The Words these : Post multas agitationes privata Malitia in Ducem Buckinhamiae superavit & suffocavit omnia publica negotia ; nihil actum est , sed Parliamentum solutum . And this was applied first by Mr. Nicolas , and after by Mr. Brown , as if I had charged this private Malice upon the Parliament . But this is utterly mistaken : For I spake not this of the Parliament , but of some few particular Men , some of the House , Men well enough known to the World ; and more , not of the House , but Sticklers at large , who went between , and did very ill Offices , and so wronged both the King and the Parliament ; which is no new thing in England . That my Words there cannot be meant of the Parliament , is two ways apparent . First , in that I say , Privata Malitia . Private Malice did it ; but name not the Parliament , nor charge any thing upon it . Secondly , Because had I spoken this of the Parliament , it could not have been called Private , but Publick Malice ; nothing being more publick in this Kingdom , than what is done in and by the Parliament . The Fifth Proof was , That a Proclamation for calling in of the Remonstrance was found in my Study : And Mr. Nicolas said , they conceived I had a Hand in it . It was as lawful for me to have and keep this Proclamation , as for any other Subject . And their Conceit that I had a Hand in it , is no Proof . Mr. Nicolas says , That my Preferments followed very quick upon this ; and infers , that I was preferred for my ill Services in this kind . But all the Proof that he brings for this his uncharitable Inference , is the comparing of the Times ; and I shall be content to be tried by that . For by his own acknowledgment this Proclamation came out June 16. 1622. I being then Bishop of S. Davids : And he confesses I was not made Bishop of Bath and Wells till June 20. 1626. full Four Years after ; nor a Privy-Counsellor till April 29. 1627. which was Five Years after . Whereas Rewards for such Services are found to come much quicker . And Mr. Brown , when he made his Summary Charge , slighted this , and passed it over . The Sixth Proof of my Enmity to Parliaments , was a Paper of Reasons , Mr. Nicolas said , against Parliaments . But First , when this Paper was shewed and read to the Lords , it was found otherwise , and was but a Paper of Hopes and Fears , which were conceived of a Parliament : Not Reasons against them . Secondly , these Fears and Hopes , were not of a Parliament then in being , but of one in deliberation , whether it should be or not at that time ; which all Men know is often disputed , and without offence . And any considering Man may privately do it , for his own use and tryal of his Judgment . Thirdly , in this deliberation , I was not the Author of these Fears and Hopes , but an Amanuensis to higher Powers , in regard their Hands were slower ; though Commanded also to set down my own Opinion , which I did . Fourthly , I was then either a Counsellor , or a Sworn Servant to the King , and required upon my Oath , to deliver truly , both my Fears and my Hopes ; and I durst not Perjure my self . And I hope the keeping of my Oath , and doing my Duty in that kind , shall not now prejudice my Life . Fifthly , these Fears and Hopes what-ever they contain , did relate to the being or not being of that one Parliament only , as appears in the very Paper it self ; and the Hope 's prevailed , and that Parliament sate . And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown , who made all the use of this Paper that could be against me . Here Mr. Nicolas brings in Mr. Bland again , who says , that the four last Heads in this Paper , were in that Paper also which was shewed him . This single Witness hath an Excellent Memory , that can remember four Heads of a Paper punctually Sixteen Years ago . I asked why he did not complain of me then , when his Memory was fresher , and his Witness Sir Sackvill Crowe nearer ? 'T was replyed , He durst not for my Greatness . Why , but he knows well enough , that Parliaments , when they have a just Cause of Proceeding , do neither fear nor spare any Man's Greatness . And is it probable , that they which spared not the Duke of Buckingham's Greatness , would have feared mine , being then a poor Bishop of Bath and Wells ? And a Parliament was held again in the very next Year , 1627. So that he wanted not opportunity to complain . Nor can I believe any Opinion of my supposed Greatness stopped him . Let him look into himself . Then Mr. Nicolas told the Lords with great vehemency , what Venom there was in this Paper , which he said was in every Particular . A right Spider I see now he is , Venom out of any thing . Here is a void space left , I suppose with design to have the Paper ( here mentioned ) to be inserted . Which was not done . The Seventh Proof was out of my Diary at March , 1628. Where the words are , that the Parliament which was dissolved March 10 : 1628. sought my Ruin. This had been a better Argument to prove Parliaments an Enemy to me , than me to them . But nothing can be meant by this , but that my Ruin was sought in that Parliament by some particular Men , whose Edge was too keen against me . And this appears in my Diary at June 14. preceeding ; at which time I was put into a Remonstrance , which had I been found any way guilty , must needs have ruin'd me . But by God's Blessing , the very same day I did clearly acquit my self in open Parliament , of all the Aspersions cast upon me about Dr. Manwaring's Sermons . This Particular Mr. Brown charged upon me , and I Answer'd as before . But Mr. Nicolas did not touch upon it this day . The Eighth Proof , that I was an Enemy to Parliaments , was taken from some Marginal Notes , which I had made upon a printed Speech of Sir Benjamin Rudyards , which he spake in the Parliament held An. 1627. Mr. Nicolas named Four ; but Mr. Brown in Summing up my Charge , insisted only upon Two. The Word Reducing : And the Aim of Gaining from the King. Sir Benjamin Rudyard is my old Acquaintance , and a very worthy Member of that House , both now and then . But be a Man never so Worthy , may he not use some Phrase amiss ? Or if he do , may not I or another observe , yea check at it , but by and by I must be an Enemy to Parliaments ? Is there any Argument in this , I said a Gentleman in the House of Commons used an ill Phrase in a Speech of his in that House , therefore I am an Enemy to the Parliament in which he spake it ? Say I am mistaken , and not he , and that the Phrase is without Exception ; yet this is but my Error in Judgment , no Proof of Enmity , either to the Parliament , or him that spake it . That which I said was this . First , that the word Reducing , as there placed , was a hard Phrase . Let any Man view that Speech considerately , and tell me whether it be not so : Secondly , that I disliked the word Gaining , being between the King and his People in Parliament . For ( as I humbly conceive ) there will always be work enough for both to joyn for the Publick Good ; and well it can never be , if they which should so joyn , do labour only to gain one from another . For if the King shall labour to gain upon the Liberty or Property of the Subject ; or the Subjects in Parliament , labour to gain from the just Power and Prerogative of the King , can any Prudent Man think the Publick can thrive there-while ? Yea , but they say , that my Marginal Note upon this Phrase was , that this Gaining was the Aim of the lower House . If my Note be so , yet that cannot be otherwise understood , than that according to this Expression , this must be their Aim . And the Reason why I found fault with the Phrase was , because I saw this must follow out of it . So , under Favour , I was not so bold with this Gentleman , as he was with the House in using this Speech . The next Proof was , that I found fault with Eight Bills that were then in the House . This is a very poor Proof of my Enmity to Parliaments , that I disliked some Bills proposed in them : Though there be no Proof of this urged at all , save only , that I writ the time May 27. 1628. upon the Paper where the Bills were mentioned . And I hope to mention the time when any Bills were proposed , is not to dislike the Bills . But say I did dislike them , what then ? It is lawful for any Member of the House ( and such was I then ) to take Exceptions which he thinks are just against any Bill , before it pass . And shall not that which is Lawful for any Man to do , be Lawful for me ? Beside , almost all Bills are put in by private Persons . The House is not interessed in them , till they are Passed and Voted by them : So that till then , any Man may spend his Judgment upon the Bill , without any wrong at all to the Parliament . Mr. Brown saw this well enough , and therefore vouchsafed not so much as to name it . The Tenth Proof was , that I made an Answer to the Remonstrance set out by Parliament , An. 1628. This was pressed before , and here 't is laid hold of on all Hands ; to make as full a Cry as it can against me . Mr. Nicolas presses it here aloud ( as he doth all things ) and Mr. Brown lays it close in Summing up the Charge . My Answer the same to both . First , they charge me , that I made that Answer to the Remonstrance which came forth , An. 1628. I did this by the King's Command , and upon such Instructions as were given me . And as I obeyed the Command , so did I closely pursue my Instructions . And I durst do no other , for I was then upon my Oath as a Sworn Counsellor , and so employed in that Service . And I hope no Man will conceive , that I would without such a Command have undertaken such a kind of Service . Yea , but they say , it doth not appear that I had any such Command : Yes , that appears as plainly as that I made it . For they bring no Proof that I made it , but because the Indorsement upon that Paper is in my Hand , and calls it my Answer : And the same Indorsement says , I made it by his Majesty's Command . So either the Indorsement is no sufficient Proof for the one , or if it be , 't is sufficient for both ; And must needs witness the one for me , with the same strength that it doth the other against me . For a kind of Confession that Indorsement is , and must therefore not be broken , but be taken with all its Qualities . Thirdly , they say , there are some sour and bitter Passages in the Answer . 'T is more than I perceived , if it be so . Nor was any Sourness intended . And I hope no such Passages found in it , the Person considered , in whose Name the Answer was made . The Expressions indeed might have been too big for a Subject's Mouth . Fourthly , they say , I was displeased that this Answer was not Printed ; but all the Proof they brought for it is , that it is written upon the Paper , that there was an Intention to Print it , but that I know not what hinder'd it . But this Argument can never conclude : John a Nokes knows not who hindred the Printing of a Jewish Catechism in England ; therefore he was displeased the Catechism was not Printed . But I see every Foot can help trample him that is down . Yea , but they Instanced in three Particulars , which they charged severally upon me . The first Particular was , That by this Remonstrance , they sought to fill our Peoples Hearts more than our Ears . A second was , that they swelled to that bigness , till they brake themselves . But neither of these strike at any Right or Priviledge of Parliaments ; they only Tax some Abuses , which were conceived to be in the Miscarriage of that one Parliament . And both these Particulars were in my Instructions . And though I have ever Honoured Parliaments , and ever shall , yet I cannot think them Infallible . General Councils have greater Promises than they , yet they may Err. And when a Parliament , by what ill Accident so-ever , comes to Err , may not their King tell them of it ? Or must every Passage in his Answer be sour , that pleases not ? And for that Remonstrance , whither it tended let the World judge , the Office is too dangerous for me . The third Particular , was the Excusing of Ireland , and the growth of Popery there , of which that Remonstrance , An. 1628. complained . This was in the Instructions too . And I had Reason to think , the King and his Council understood the State of Ireland , for Religion and other Affairs , as well as other Men. And I was the more easily led into the belief , that Religion was much at one State in Ireland , in Queen Elizabeth's and King James his time , and now ; because ever since I understood any thing of those Irish Affairs , I still heard the same Complaints that were now made . For in all these times they had their Romish Hierarchy : Submitted to their Government : Payed them Tythes : Came not to the Protestant Churches : And Rebelled under Tyrone under pretence of Religion . And I do not conceive they have gone beyond this now . If they have , let them Answer it , who have occasioned it . But to prove this great new growth of Popery there , they produced , first a Proclamation from the State in Ireland , dated April 1. 1629. Then a Letter of the Bishop of Kilmore's to my self , dated April 1. 1630. Thirdly , a Complaint made to the State there , An. 1633. of this growth , so that I could not but know it . Most true , when these Informations came I could not but know it : But look upon their Date , and you shall find that all of them came after this Answer was made to the Remonstrance , and therefore could not possibly be foreseen by me , without the Gift of Prophesie . Then they produced a Letter of the Earl of Straffords , in which he Communicated to me , Mar. 1633. that to mould the Lower House there , and to rule them the better , he had got them to be chosen of an equal number of Protestants and Papists . And here Mr. Maynard , who pressed this point of Religion hard upon me , began to fall foul upon this Policy of the Earl of Strafford , and himself yet brake off with this , But he is gone . Then he fell upon me as a Man likely to approve those ways , because he desired the Letter might be communicated to me . This Letter was not written to me , as appears by the Charge it self : For if it had , no Man else needed to communicate it to me . And I would fain know , how I could help any of this ? If that Lord would write any thing to me himself , or communicate any thing to another that should acquaint me with it , was it in my power to hinder either of these ? And there were other Passages in this Letter , for which , I conceive , his Lordship desired the Communication of that Letter to me , much more than the Particular urged , which could no way relate unto me . And Mr. Brown in his Summ said very little , if any thing , to this Business of Ireland . After this Mr. Nicolas , who would have nothing forgotten , that might help to multiply Clamour against me , fell upon five Particulars , which he did but name , and left the Lords to their Notes . Four of these Five were handled before . As First , the words , If the Parliament prove peevish . Secondly , that the King might use his own Power . Thirdly , the violation of the Petition of Right . Fourthly , the Canons . Fifthly , that I set Spyes about the Election of Parliament-Men in Glocester-shire ; and for this last , they produced a Letter of one Allibon to Dr. Heylin . To the four first , I referred the Lords to their Notes of my Answers , as they did . To this last , that Mr. Allibon is a meer Stranger to me , I know not the Man. And 't is not likely I should employ a Stranger in such a Business . The Letter was sent to Dr. Heylin , and if there were any discovery in it of Juglings there in those Elections , ( as too often there are ; ) and if Dr. Heylin sent me those Letters , as desirous I should see what Practices are abroad ; what fault is there in him or me for this ? Then Mr. Nicolas would not omit that which he thought might disgrace and discontent me , though it could no way be drawn to be any Accusation : 'T was out of my Diary , at Oct : 27. 1640. this Parliament being then ready to begin . The Passage there is , That going into my upper Study to send away some Manuscripts to Oxford , I found my Picture which hung there privately , fallen down upon the Face , and lying on the Floor ; I am almost every day threatned with my Ruin , God grant this be no Omen of it . The Accident is true ; and having so many Libels causelesly thrown out against me ; and hearing so many ways as I did , that my Ruin was Plotted , I had Reason to apprehend it . But I apprehended it without Passion , and with looking up to God , that it might not be Ominous to me . What is this Man Angry at ? Or why is this produced ? But though I cannot tell why this was produced , yet the next was urged only to Incense your Lordships against me : 'T is in my Diary again , at Feb. 11. 1640. Where Mr. Nicolas says confidently I did Abuse your Lordships , and Accuse you of Injustice . My Lords , what I said in my Diary appears not ; if it did appear whole and altogether , I doubt not but it alone would abundantly satisfie your Lordships . But that Passage is more than half burnt out ( as is * to be seen ) whether of purpose by Mr. Pryn , or casually , I cannot tell ; yet the Passage as confidently made up , and read to your Lordships , as if nothing were wanting . For the thing it self , the close of my words is this : So I see what Justice I may expect , since here 's a Resolution taken , not only before my Answer , but before my Charge is brought up against me . Which Words can traduce no Man's Justice . First , because they depend upon an If : If the Parliament-Man there mentioned told me Truth , that such a Resolution was taken . And Secondly , because it can be no Justice in any Men , be the Sentence never so moderate in it self , to take up a Resolution what Sentence shall pass , before Answer given , or Charge put in : For else a Man may be punished first , and tryed after , which is contrary * to all Rules of Justice . And therefore if such a Resolution were taken ( as I believe not ) I might well say that which followed after . Then was produced a Paper concerning the Subsidies or Aids which had been given in divers Parliaments , in which it is said , at the beginning of it , that Magna Charta had an obscure Birth , and was Fostered by an Ill Nurse . I believe that no Man that knows Mr. Nicolas , thinks that he spakes softly upon this . No , he spake loud enough ; What Laws would I spare , that spake thus of Magna Charta ? First , here is no Proof offered that this Paper is my Collection , but only that it is in my Hand : By which Argument ( as is said before ) I may be made the Author of any thing : And so may any Scholar that is able and willing to inform himself . Secondly , the main Draught of that Paper is not in my Hand , though some Notes upon it be . Thirdly , there are Littleton , and other Lawyers quoted in that Paper , Authors which I never read . Nor is this now any disgrace to Magna Charta , that it had an obscure Birth : For say the Difficulties of the times brought it obscurely forth ; that 's no blemish to the Credit and Honour to which it hath for many Ages attained . Not only their Laws , but the greatest Empires that have been in the World , some of them have had obscure beginnings . Witness the Roman Empire . Fourthly , what if our Stories agree upon it , that it had an obscure Birth , and a worse Nurse ? What if some Law Books ( which Mr. Nicolas never read ) and those of good account , use almost the same Words of Magna Charta , which are in that Paper ? Shall the same Words be History and Law in them , and Treason in me ? And somewhat certainly there is in it , that Mr. Brown , when he gave his Summary Charge against me , First to the Lords , and after in the House of Commons , quite omitted this Particular . Sure I believe he found nothing was in the Paper , but known Truth , and so passed it over , else he would never have denyed a Vindicaton to Magna Charta . After all this Mr. Nicolas concludes with a Dream , which he says was mine . The Dream ( he says ) was , that I should come to greater Preferment in the Church , and Power in the State , than any Man of my Birth and Calling had done before me , but that in the end I should be Hanged . First , my Lords , if I had had any such Dream , 't is no Proof of any thing against me . Dreams are not in the Power of him that hath them , but in the unruliness of the Phansie , which in broken sleeps wanders which way it pleases , and shapes what it pleaseth . But this Dream is brought in as the Fall of my Picture was , to make me a Scorn to your Lordships and the People . And to try whether any thing will yet at last break my Patience . This Dream is Reported here according to Mr. Pryn's Edition of my Diary , somewhat different from that which Mr. Pryn Printed in a former Book of his ; but the beginning and the end agree . From Mr. Pryn , Culmer hath taken and Printed it . And Mr. Pryn confessed before the Lords , that one Mr. Badger an Attorney at Law , a Kinsman of mine , told it him . The Truth , my Lords , is this . This Badger Married a near Kinswoman of mine ; he was a notorious Separatist , and so nearer in Affection to Mr. Pryn , than to me in Alliance . This Man came one day to me to Lambeth , and told me privately ( which was more Manners than usually the Bold Man had ) that he heard I had such a Dream when I was Young , in Oxford : I protested to him there was no such thing , and that some Malicious Fellow or other had set him on work to come and Abuse me to my Face . He seemed satisfied ; but going to Visit Mr. Pryn then in the Tower , he told it him ; and Mr. Pryn , without further Proof , Prints it in the next Book he set out . When I saw it in Print , and found that some in Court took notice of it , I resolved to acquaint his Majesty how I was used ; and meeting with the Earl of Pembroke , then Lord Chamberlain , and my great Friend as he pretended ( the King being not then come forth of his Chamber ) I told his Lordship how I was used ; and when the King came forth I told it him also . But the Earl of Pembroke , then present in the House , and called up by them for a Witness , forgetting the Circumstances , but remembring the thing , took it upon his Honour , that I said nothing of Mr. Pryn's Printing it , but that I told him absolutely I had this Dream . Now God forgive his Lordship . I was much troubled in my self to hear him take it upon his Dishonour , ( for so it was ) and yet unwilling ( knowing his Violence ) to contest with him in that place , and in my Condition ; and observing what Spleen he hath lately shewed against me , I stood a little still to gather up my self . When Mr. Nicolas , before I could make any reply , fell on with great earnestness , and told the Lords , that the forepart of my Dream was found true , to the great hurt both of Church and State ; and that he hoped they would now make good the latter : That I might be Hanged . To which I Answer'd , That I had not forgotten our Saviour's Prediction , St. John 16. That in the World we should be sure to meet with affliction . Nor his Prayer : Father forgive these Men , for they know not what they do , St. Luke 23. No , nor is that out of my Memory which St. Paul speaks , 1 Cor. 4. De Humano Die. But for the Publick , with this I shall conclude . God of his Infinite Mercy Bless the King and his People with Love , and Peace , and Piety , and Plenty , which is the worst I ever wished or endeavoured , whatsoever it shall please God shall become of me , to whose Blessed Will and Pleasure , in all Humility I submit my self . And here ended this last day of my Tryal . But before I went from the Bar , I made three Motions to the Lords : The one , That I might have a day to make a Recapitulation of this long and various Charge , or of the chief Heads of it , that it might appear in a Body together . The other , That after this , my Councel might have a day to speak to all Points of Law , incident to my Cause . The third , That they would be pleased to remember that I had pleaded the Act of Oblivion to the Thirteenth Original Article . Mr. Nicolas said , they would acquaint their House with it . And the Lords promised to take all into Consideration . And so I was dismissed Sine Die. But here I may not go off from this Dream so , since Mr. Pryn hath Printed it at the end of my Diary . Where he shamelesly says , This Dream was Attested from my own Mouth , at my Tryal in the Lords House . For I have set down all that pass'd exactly . Nor did I then give any Attestation to it ; only before I could gather up my self , to Answer the Earl of Pembroke in a fitting manner , and not to hurt my self , Mr. Nicolas fell upon me with that Unchristian bitterness , as diverted me from the Earl , to Answer him . But once for all , and to satisfie any Man that desires it , That is all true which I have here set down concerning this Dream , and upon my Christianity and hope of future Salvation , I never had this Dream nor any like it , nor did I ever tell it this Lord , or any other , any other way , than in Relation to Badger and Pryn , as is before related . And surely if I had had such a Dream , I should not have had so little Discretion , as to tell it any Man , least of all , to pour it into that Sieve the Earl of Pembroke . For that which follows , and wherein his Charity and Words are almost the same with those of Mr. Nicolas , I give him the same Answer , and ( forgiving him all his most Unchristian and Insatiable Malice against me ) leave my self in the Hands of God , not in his . I Received an Order from the Lords , that if I had a mind to make a Recapitulation ( as I had formerly desired ) of my long and various Charge , I should provide my self for it against Munday next ( this Order came upon Friday ) and that I should give in my Answer the next Morning what I meant to do . The next day , in Obedience to this Order , I gave in my Answer ; which was , Humble Thanks that I might have liberty to make it , referring the day to their Honourable Consideration ; with this , that Munday next was a very short time for such a Collection . Upon this Answer , an Order was presently made , that I should provide to make my Recapitulation upon Munday September the Second . And about this time , ( the certain day I know not ) it was Resolved in the House of Commons , that according to my Plea I should enjoy the benefit of the Act of Oblivion , and not be put to Answer the Thirteenth Original Article , concerning the Scottish Business . And truly , I bless God for it , I did not desire the benefit of that Act , for any Sense of Guiltiness which I had in my self ; but , in Consideration of the Times , and the Malice of the now Potent Faction , which being implacable towards me , I could not think it Wisdom , to lay by any such Power as might help to secure me . Yet in the former part of this History , when I had good Reason to think I should not be called to Answer such General Articles , I have set down my Answer to each of them , as much as Generals can be Answer'd . And thereby I hope my Innocency will appear to this Thirteenth Article also . Then came Munday , Sept. 2. and , according to the Order of the Lords , I made the Recapitulation of my whole Cause , in matters of greatest Moment , in this form following . But so soon as I came to the Bar , I saw every Lord present with a New Thin Book in Folio in a blue Coat . I heard that Morning that Mr. Pryn had Printed my Diary , and Published it to the World to disgrace me . Some Notes of his own are made upon it . The first and the last are two desperate Untruths , beside some others . This was the Book then in the Lords Hands , and I assure my self , that time picked for it , that the sight of it might damp me , and disinable me to speak : I confess I was a little troubled at it . But after I had gathered up my self , and looked up to God , I went on to the Business of the Day , and thus I spake . CAP. XLIII . My Recapitulation . Mr. Lords , my Hearing began March 12. 1643 / 4. and continued to the end of July . In this time I was heard before your Lordships , with much Honour and Patience , Twenty Days ; and sent back without Hearing , by reason of your Lordships greater Employments , Twelve Days . The rest were taken up with providing the Charge against me . And now , my Lords , being come near an end , I am , by your Grace and Favour , and the leave of these Gentlemen of the Honourable House of Commons , to represent to your Lordships and your Memories , a brief Summ of my Answers to this long and various Charge : In which I shall not only endeavour , but perform also all possible Brevity . And as with much Thankfulness I acknowledge my self bound to your Lordships for your Patience : So I cannot doubt , but that I shall be as much obliged for your Justice , in what I am innocent from Crime ; and for your Clemency , in what the common Frailty of Mankind hath made me Err. And I Humbly desire your Lordships , to look upon the whole Business with Honourable Care of my Calling ; of my Age ; of my long Imprisonment ; of my Sufferings in my Estate ; and of my Patience in and through this whole Affliction : The Sequestration having been upon my Estate above Two Years . In which notwithstanding , I may not omit to give Thanks for the Relief which my Petitions found , for my present necessities in this time of my Hearing , at your Honourable Hands . 1. First then , I humbly desire your Lordships to remember the generality , and by occasion of that , the incertainty of almost every Article charged upon me , which hath cast me into great streights all along in making my Defence . 2. Next , That your Lordships will be pleased to consider , what a short space , upon each Days Hearing , hath been allowed me to make my Answer , to the many Charges in each several Day laid against me . Indeed , some Days scarce time enough to peruse the Evidence , much less to make , and then to review and weigh my Answers . Especially considering ( to my greatest Grief ) that such a Charge should be brought up against me , from so Great and Honourable a Body as the Commons of England . In regard of which , and all other sad Occasions , I at first did , and do still in all Humility desire , that in all Particulars concerning Law , my Councel may be heard before your Lordships proceed to Sentence , and that a Day may be assigned for my Councel accordingly . 3. Thirdly , I heartily pray also , that it may be taken into your Honourable Consideration , how I have all manner of ways been sifted to the very Bran , for that ( what e're it amounts to ) which stands in Charge against me . ( 1 ) The Key and use of my Study at Lambeth , Books and Papers taken from me . ( 2 ) A Search upon me at the Tower , made by Mr. Pryn , and One and Twenty Bundles of Papers , prepared for my Defence , taken from me , and not Three Bundles restored to me again . This Search made before any Particular Articles were brought up against me . My very Pockets searched ; and my Diary , nay , my very Prayer-Book taken from me , and after used against me : And that in some Cases , not to prove , but to make a Charge : Yet I am thus far glad , even for this sad Accident . For by my Diary your Lordships have seen the Passages of my Life : And by my Prayer-Book the greatest Secrets between God and my Soul : So that you may be sure you have me at the very bottom : Yet blessed be God , no Disloyalty is found in the one ; no Popery in the other . ( 3 ) That all Books of Council-Table , Star-Chamber , High-Commission , Signet-Office , my own Registeries , and the Registeries of Oxford and Cambridge , have been most exquisitely searched for matter against me , and kept from me and my use , and so affording me no help towards my Defence . 4. I humbly desire your Lordships to remember in the Fourth Place , That the things wherein I took great Pains , and all for the Publick Good and Honour of this Kingdom and Church , without any the least Eye to my own Particular , nay , with my own great and large Expences , have been objected against me as Crimes . As namely , the Repair of S. Pauls , and the Setling of the Statutes of the Vniversity of Oxford . ( 1 ) For S. Pauls , not the Repair it self , they say ( no , for very shame they dare not say that , though that be it which Galls the Faction ) but the Demolishing of the Houses which stood about it . Yea , but without taking down of these Houses , it was not possible to come at the Church to repair it , which is a known Truth . And they were taken down by Commission under the Broad Seal . And the Tenants had Valuable Consideration for their several Interests , according to the number of their Years remaining : And according to the Judgment of Commissioners named for that purpose , and named by his Majesty and the Lords , not by me . Nor did I ever so much as sit with them about this Business . And if the Commission it self were any way Illegal ( as they urge it is ) that must reflect upon them , whose Office was to Draw and Seal it ; not on me , who understood not the Legality or Illegality of such Commissions ; nor did I desire that any one circumstance against Law should be put into it , nor is any such thing so much as offered in Proof against me . And because it was pressed , that these Houses could not be pulled down but by Order of Parliament , and not by the King's Commission alone : I did here first read in part , and afterwards , according to a Salvo granted me , deliver into the Court Three Records , two in Ed. 1. Time , and one in * Ed. 3. Time , in which are these Words ; Authoritate nostra Regali , prout opus fuerit , cessantibus quibuscunque Appellationum & Reclamationum diffugiis , Juris , Scripti , aut Patriae strepitu procedatis , Nova AEdificia quae , &c. amoveri , & divelli penitus faciatis , &c. And a little after , Quousque per nos cum deliberatione & avisamento nostri Consilii super hoc aliter fuerit Ordinatum , &c. Here 's no staying for a Parliament ; here 's no Recompence given ; here 's Barring of all Appeal , nay all remedy of Law , though written . And all this by the King 's own Authority , with the Advice of his Council . And is a far more moderate way taken by me , yet under the same Authority , and for the removal of far greater Abuses , and for a more noble End , become Treason ? ( 2 ) As for the Statutes of Oxford , the Circumstances charged against me are many , and therefore I craved leave to refer my self to what I had already answered therein . 5. Fifthly , Many of the Witnesses brought against me in this Business are more than suspected Sectaries and Separatists from the Church , which by my place I was to punish , and that exasperated them against me , whereas by † Law no Schismatick ought to be received against his Bishop . And many of these are Witnesses in their own Causes , and pre-examined before they come in Court. At which pre-examination I was not present , nor any for me , to cross-interrogate . Nay , many Causes which took up divers Days of Hearing in Star-Chamber , High-Commission , and at Council-Table , are now upon the sudden easily overthrown , by the Depositions of the Parties themselves . And upon what Law this is grounded , I humbly submit to your Lordships . And such as these , are the Causes of Mr. Pryn , Mr. Burton , Mr. Wilson , Alderman Chambers , Mr. Vassal , Mr. Waker , Mr. Huntly , Mr. Foxlye , and many other . Where I humbly represent also , how impossible it is for any Man , that sits as a Judge , to give an account of all the several Motives which directed his Conscience in so divers Causes , and so many Years past , as these have been ; and where so many Witnesses have been Examined , as have been here produced against me : My Lords , above a Hundred and Fifty Witnesses , and some of them , Three , Four , Six Times over , and Mr. Pryn I know not how often . Whereas the Civil Law says expresly , that the * Judges should moderate things so , that no Man should be oppressed by the multitude of Witnesses , which is a kind of Proof too , that they which so do , distrust the truth and goodness of their Cause . Besides , my Lords , in all matters which came before me , I have done nothing to the uttermost of my Understanding , but what might conduce to the Peace and Welfare of this Kingdom , and the maintenance of the Doctrine and Discipline of this Church established by Law ; and under which God hath blessed this State , with so great Peace and Plenty , as other Neighbouring Nations have looked upon with Admiration . And what Miserie 's the overthrow of it ( which God in Mercy forbid ) may produce , he alone knows . 6. Sixthly , my Lords , there have been many and different Charges laid upon me about Words . But many of them ( if spoken ) were only passionate , and hasty : And such , upon what occasion soever drawn from me ( and I have had all manner of Provocations put upon me ) may among humane Errours , be pardoned unto me , if so it please your Lordships . But for such as may seem to be of a higher Nature , as those witnessed by Sir Henry Vane the Elder , I gave my Answer again now fully to the Lords , but shall not need to repeat it here . 7. Then , my Lords , for my Actions ; not only my own , but other Mens have been heavily Charged against me in many Particulars , and that Criminally , and I hope your Lordships will think Illegally . As Secretary Windebank's , Bishop Montague's , my Chaplains , Dr. Heilyn's , Dr. Cosens , Dr. Pocklinton's , Dr. Dove's , Mr. Shelford's , and divers others : And many of these Charges look back into many Years past . Whereas the Act made this present Parliament , takes no notice of , nor punishes any Man , for any thing done and past at the Council-Table , Sar-Chamber , or High-Commission ; much less doth it make any thing Treason . And out of this Act I am no way Excepted . Besides , ( as I have often Pleaded ) all Acts done in in the Star-Chamber , at Council-Table , High Commission , or Convocation ; are all Joynt Acts of that Body , in and by which they were done ; and cannot by any Law be singly put upon me , it being a known Rule of the Law , Refertur ad universos quod publice fit per Majorem Partem . And * Mr. Pryn himself can stand upon this Rule against the Independents , and tell us , that the Major Voice , or Party , ought to over-rule and bind the less . And he quotes † Scripture for it too . In which place , that which is done by the Major part , is ascribed to all ; not laid upon any one , as here upon me . And in some of these Courts , Star-Chamber especially , and Council-Table , I was accompanied with Persons of great Honour , Knowledge and Experience , Judges , and others ; and 't is to me strange , and will seem so to Future Ages , that one and the same Act shall be Treason in me , and not the least Crime , nay , nor Misdemeanour in any other . And yet no Proof hath been offered that I Solicited any Man to concur with me , and almost all the Votes given preceeded mine , so that mine could lead no Man. 8. After this I answered to divers others Particulars , as namely to the Canons , both as they concerned Aid to the King , and as they looked upon matters of the Church and Religion . 9. To the Charge about Prohibitions . 10. To the base Charge about Bribery . But pass them over here as being answered before ; whither I may refer the Reader now , though I could not the Lords then . 11. My Lords , after this came in the long , and various Charge of my Vsurping Papal Power , and no less than a design to bring in all the Corruptions of Popery , to the utter overthrow of the Protestant Religion established in England : And this they went about to prove . ( 1 ) By my Windows in the Chappel : An Argument as brittle as the Glass in which the Pictures are . ( 2 ) By Pictures in my Gallery ; which were there before the House was mine , and so proved to your Lordships . ( 3 ) By Reverence done in my Chappel : As if it were not due to God , ospecially in his Church : And done it was not to any other Person or Thing . ( 4 ) By Consecration of Churches : Which was long before Popery came into the World. As was also the care of safe laying up of all Hallowed and Sacred things . For which , I desire your Lordships I may read a short Passage out of Sir Walter Rawley's History . The rather because written by a Lay-Man , and since the Times of Reformation . But this Mr. Maynard excepted against , both as new Matter , and because I had not the Book present , though the Paper thence transcribed was offered to be attested by Oath , to be a true Copy . But though I could not be suffered to read it then , yet here it follows . So Sacred was the moveable Temple of God , and with such Reverence guarded and transported , as 22000 Persons were Dedicated to the Service and Attendance thereof , of which 8580 had the peculiar Charge , according to their several Offices and Functions , the Particulars whereof are in the Third and Fourth of Numbers . The Reverend care which Moses the Prophet and chosen Servant of God had , in all that belonged even to the outward and least Parts of the Tabernacle , Ark and Sanctuary , witnessed well the inward and most humble Zeal born toward God himself . The Industry used in the Framing thereof , and every and the least part thereof , the curious Workmanship thereon bestowed , the exceeding Charge and Expence in the Provisions , the Dutiful Observance in laying up and preserving the Holy Vessels , the Solemn removing thereof , the Vigilant Attendance thereon , and the Provident Defence of the same , which All Ages have in some Degree imitated , is now so forgotten and cast away in this superfine Age , by those of the Family , by the Anabaptists , Brownists , and other Sectaries ; as all Cost and Care bestowed and had of the Church , wherein God is to be Served and Worshipped , is accounted a kind of Popery , and as proceeding from an Idolatrous Disposition . Insomuch as Time would soon bring to pass ( if it were not resisted ) that God would be turned out of Churches into Barns , and from thence again into the Fields and Mountains , and under the Hedges ; and the Office of the Ministery ( robbed of all Dignity and respect ) be as contemptible as those Places ; all Order , Discipline and Church Government , left to newness of Opinion and Mens Fancies : Yea , and soon after as many kinds of Religions would spring up , as there are Parish-Churches , &c. Do ye not think some body set Mr. Maynard on to prohibit the Reading out of this Passage , as foreseeing whither it tended ? For I had read one third part of it , before I had the stop put upon me . ( 5 ) But they went on with their Proof , By my Censuring of Good Men ; that is , Separatists and Refractory Persons . ( 6 ) By my Chaplains Expunging some things out of Books , which made against the Papists . It may be , if my Chaplains ( whom it concerns ) had Liberty to answer , they were such Passages as could not be made good against the Papists ; and then 't is far better they should be out than in . For as S. * Augustin observed in his , and we find it true in our time , the Inconvenience is great , which comes to the Church and Religion by bold Affirmers . Nay , he is at a satis dici non potest , the Mischief is so great as cannot be expressed . ( 7. ) Then by altering some things in a Sermon of Dr : Sybthorp's . But my Answer formerly given will shew I had cause . ( 8. ) By my preferment of unworthy Men : So unworthy , as that they would be famous both for Life and Learning , were they in any other Protestant Church in Christendom . And they are so Popishly affected , as that having suffered much both in State and Reputation ( since this Persecution of the Clergy began ; for less it hath not been ) no one of them is altered in Judgment , or fallen into any liking with the Church of Rome . ( 9. ) By the Overthrow of the Feoffment : But that was done by Judgment in the Exchequer , to which I referred my self . And if the Judgment there given be right , there 's no fault in any Man : If it were wrong , the fault was in the Judges ; not in me : I solicited none of them . ( 10. ) By a Passage in my Book , where I say , The Religion of the Papists and Ours is one : But that 's expressed at large , only because both are Christianity ; and no Man I hope will deny that Papists are Christians . As for their notorious Failings in Christianity , I have in the same Book said enough to them . ( 11. ) By a Testimony of Mr. Burton's and Mr. Lane's , that I should say , We and the Church of Rome did not differ in Fundamentals , but in Circumstantials . [ This I here followed at large ; but , to avoid tedious repetition , refer my Reader to the place where 't is anaswered . ] ( 12. ) By my making the Dutch Churches to be of another Religion . But this is mistaken ( as my Answer will shew the Reader ; ) And if they do not make themselves of another Religion , I shall never endeavour to make them . ( 13. ) By a Pack of such Witnesses , as were never produced against any Man of my Place and Calling ; Messengers and Pursevants , and such as have shifted their Religion to and again ; Pillory-men and Bawds : And these the Men that must prove my Correspondence with Priests . 12. In the midst of these , upon occasion of the Ceremonies at the Coronation , it was pressed against me , That I had altered the King's Oath . ( 14. ) And last of all , That I had shewed my felf an Enemy to Parliaments . [ Upon both these , I did very much enlarge my self : But here also , that I may not be a burden in repeating the same thing , I desire the Reader to look upon them in their proper places , where I doubt not but my Answer will give him full satisfaction , that I did not the one , nor am the other . ] But , my Lords , there are other strange Arguments produced against me , to prove my Compliance with Rome , which I most humbly desire your Lordships may not be forgotten . 1. As first , my Lords , it hath been Charged upon me , That I made the Oath recited in the first of the late Canons , one Clause whereof is this : That I will never give my Consent to subject this Church to the Vsurpations and Superstitions of the Church of Rome . Whence the Argument drawn against me must be this , and can be no other : That I did endeavour : to bring in Popery , because I made and took a solemn Oath , never to give my Consent to subject this Church of England to the Usurpations and Superstitions of the Church of Rome . I beseech your Lordships mark the force of this Argument : And they which follow are as pregnant against me . 2. Secondly , My Book against Fisher hath been charged against me ; where the Argument must lie thus : I have endeavoured to advance Popery , because I have written against it : And with what strength I have written , I leave to Posterity to judge , when the Envy which now over-loads me , shall be buried with me . This I will say with St. Gregory Nazianzen ( whose Success at Constantinople was not much unlike mine here , save that his Life was not sought ) I * never laboured for Peace to the Wrong and Detriment of Christian Verity , nor I hope ever shall . [ And let the Church of England look to it ; for in great Humility I crave to write this ( though then was no time to speak it ) That the Church of England must leave the way it 's now going , and come back to that way of Defence which I have followed in my Book , or She shall never be able to justifie Her Separation from the Church of Rome . ] 3. Thirdly , All the late Canons have been charged against me ; and the Argument which is drawn from thence , must lie thus : The Third of these Canons for suppressing the Growth of Popery , is the most full and strict Canon that ever was made against it in the Church of England : Therefore I that made this Canon to keep it out , am guilty of endeavouring to bring it in . 4. Fourthly , I have by my Industry , and God's great Blessing upon my Labours , stayed as many from going , and reduced to the Church of England as many that were gone to Rome , as I believe any Minister in England can truly say he hath done : I named them before , and had Scorn enough put upon me for it , as your Lordships could not but both see and hear ; where the Argument lies thus : I converted many from Popery , and setled them in the Religion established in England : Therefore I laboured to bring in Popery ; which out of all doubt can be no sober Man's way . 5. Fifthly , The Plot discovered to Sir William Boswell and my self , by Andreas ab Habernfield , hath been charged against me : That Plot for altering of Religion , and by what ways , your Lordships have heard already , and is to be seen at full in Rome's Master-piece . Now if this Plot in the Issue proved nothing but a confused Information , and no Proof of any Particular , as indeed it did ; What 's become of Rome's Master-piece ? But if it had any reality in it , as it appeared to be a sad Plot , not only to me , but to all Men that saw the short Propositions which were first sent , with an absolute Undertaking to prove them ; then it appears expresly , that I was in danger of my Life , for stiffly opposing the bringing in of Popery ; and that there was no hope to alter Religion in England , 'till I was taken out of the way . And though in conclusion the Proofs failed , yet what was consulted , and it seems resolved concerning me , is plain enough . And then the Argument against me lies thus : There 's no hope to bring in Popery , 'till I am taken out of the way ; therefore I did labour to bring it in . Do not these things , my Lords , hang handsomly together ? 6. Lastly , There have been above Threescore Letters and other Papers , brought out of my Study into this Honourable House ; they are all about composing the Differences between the Lutherans and the Calvinists in Germany . Why they should be brought hither , but in hope to charge them upon me , I know not ; and then the Argument will be this : I laboured to reconcile the Protestants in Germany , that they might unanimously set themselves against the Papists ; therefore I laboured to bring Popery into England . Now that your Lordships have heard the Arguments , and what Proof they make against me , I must be bold to put you in Mind of that which was said here at the Barr , April 16. 1644. That they did not urge any of these particular Actions as Treason against me ; but the Result of them all together amounted to Treason . For answer to which , I must be bold to tell your Lordships , That if no Particular which is charged upon me be Treason , the Result from them cannot be Treason , which will appear by these Reasons following : 1. First , The Result must be of the same Nature and Species with the Particulars from which it rises . But 't is confessed no one of the Particulars are Treason : Therefore neither is the Result that rises from them . And this holds in Nature , in Morality , and in Law. In Nature , and that both for Integral and Essential Parts ; for neither can the Body of a Bear , and the Soul of a Lion result into a Fox ; nor the Legs of a Bull , the Body of a Horse , and the Head of an Ass , result into a Man. In Morality , and that is seen both in Vertues and Vices : For neither can many Actions of Liberality , Meekness and Sobriety , rise up into a Result of Fortitude ; neither can many Actions of Malice , Drunkenness and Covetousness , result into Treason . In Law 't is so too : For be there never so many particular Crimes , yet there is no Law in this Kingdom , nor any where else that I know , that makes a Result of different Crimes to be Treason , where none of the Particulars are Treason by Law. So this imaginary Result is a Monster in Nature , in Morality , and in Law ; and if it be nourished , will devour all the Safety of the Subject of England , which now stands so well fenced by the known Law of the Land. And therefore I humbly desire your Lordships , not for mine , but for the Publick's sake , to weigh this Business well , before this Gap be made so wide , as there will hardly be Power left again to shut it . 2. My Second Reason is joined to the Answer of an Objection : For when this Result was spoken of , it was added , That the Particulars charged against me , are of the same kind , and do all tend to the Subversion of Law and Religion , and so become Treason . But , first , suppose that all the Particulars charged do tend to the subversion of Law , yet that cannot make them to be all of one kind : For all Crimes tend more or less to the Overthrow of Vertue ; yet no Man can say , that all Crimes are of the same kind . Secondly , be they of the same , or different kinds ; yet neither all , nor any of these charged against me , do tend to the subversion of the Law : For 't is one thing to break , dislike , or speak against some particular Laws , and quite another to labour the Subversion of the whole Body of the Law and the Frame of Government . And that I have done this by Conspiracy , or Force , or any overt Action , is not so much as offered in proof . And for the breach of any particular Law , if I be guilty , I am to be punished by the Sanction of that Law which I have broken . 3. Thirdly , Whereas it hath been said , That many Actions of the same kind make a Habit. That 's true . But what then ? For first , the Actions urged against me , are not of the same kind , but exceeding different . Secondly , if the Habit be Treasonable , then all those particular Actions which bred that Habit , must be several Treasons , as well as the Result or Habit it self ; whereas it hath been granted all along , that my particular Actions are not Treasons . And , thirdly , a Habit in it self , neither is nor can be Treason ; for all Treason is either Thought , Word , or Overt Act ; but no Habit is either of these : Therefore not Treason . For a * Habit is that in the Soul which enclines the Powers of it , and makes a Man apt and ready to think , speak , or do that to which he is habituated . So an ill Habit against Soveraign Power , may make a Man apt and forward to fall into Treason ; but Treason it is not . 4. Fourthly , Nor can this Result be Treason at the Common Law , by which alone , I conceive , there is no Treason at all at this day in England : For the main end of that excellent Statute of 25 Edw. 3. was for the Safety of the Subject , against the manifold Treasons which variously fell upon them by the Common Law , and bounded all Treasons , and limited them to the things expressed to be Treason in and by that Statute . And in all times of difficulty since , recourse hath still been had to that Statute . And to that Statute I refer my self , with this : That this Result must be something within this Statute , or some other known Statute , or else it cannot be Treason . And no Proof at all hath been so much as offered , that this Result is Treason by any Law. My Lords , I do with all humble submission desire , That when the Reply is made to this matter of Fact , a Day may be assigned for my Councel to be heard in matter of Law , in all and every Particular which they shall find necessary for my just Defence . And now , my Lords , I do in all Humility lay my self low at God's Mercy-seat , to do with me as he pleases ; and , under God , I shall rely upon your Lordships Justice , Honour and Clemency , of which I cannot doubt . And without being farther tedious to your Lordships ( who have with very Honourable Patience heard me through this long and tedious Tryal ) I shall conclude with that which St. Augustine said to Romanianus , a Man that had tryed both Fortunes as well as I : * If the Providence of God reaches down to us ( as most certain it doth ) Sic tecum agi oportet sicut agitur . It must so be done with thee ( and so with me also ) as it is done . And under that Providence , which will , I doubt not , work to the best to my Soul that loves God , I repose my self . Here ended my Recapitulation , and with it the Work of that Day : And I was ordered to appear again the Saturday following , to hear Mr : Brown Sum up the whole Charge against me . But upon Tuesday , Septemb : 3 : this was put off , to give Mr : Brown more time , to Wednesday , Septemb : 11. On Wednesday , Septemb : 4. as I was washing my Face , my Nose bled , and something plentifully , which it had not done , to my remembrance , in forty Years before , save only once , and that was just the same Day and Hour , when my most Honourable Friend the Lord Duke of Buckingham was killed at Portsmouth , my self being then at Westminster . And upon Friday , as I was washing after Dinner , my Nose bled again . I thank God I make no superstitious Observation of this or any thing else ; yet I have ever used to mark what and how any thing of note falls to me . And here I after came to know , that upon both these Days in which I bled , there was great agitation in the House of Commons , to have me Sentenced by Ordinance ; but both times put off , in regard very few of that House had heard either my Charge or Defence . CAP. XLIV . ON Wednesday September 11. Mr. Brown made in the Lords House , a Summ or Brief of the Charge which was brought against me , and touched by the way at some things in my Recapitulation . But in regard I might not Answer him , I took no perfect Notes , but stood still , and possessed my Soul in Patience ; yet wondring at the bold , free , frequent , and most false Swearing that had been against me . When Mr. Brown had ended , I humbly desired again , that my Councel might be heard in Point of Law. And they were hereupon Ordered to deliver in Writing under their Hands , what Points of Law they would insist upon , and that by Saturday September 14. This day my Councel , according as they were Ordered , delivered into the Lords House , these two Points following , by way of Question . First , Whether in all , or any the Articles charged against me , there be contained any Treason by the Established Laws of this Kingdom ? Secondly , Whether the Charge of the said Impeachment and Articles , did contain such Certainty and Particularity , as is required by Law , in a Case where Treason is charged ? This day I Petitioned the Lords , that my Councel might have access to , and take Copies of all such Records as they thought necessary for my Defence , which was Granted and Order'd accordingly . My Councel's Quaeries having been formerly sent down to the House of Commons , they were there referred to a Committee of Lawyers to consider of ; and on September 27. Friday , they were earnestly called upon to hasten their Report . And on Friday Octob. 4. Mr. Nicolas made a great noise about me in the House , and would have had me presently Censured in the House ; and no less would serve his turn , but that I must be Hanged , and was at Sus. per Coll. till upon the Reasons before given , that if they went on this way , they must Condemn me unheard ; this violent Clamour ceased for that time . And a Message was sent up to the Lords for my Councel to be heard , as touching the first Question concerning Treason ; but not concerning any Exception that they shall take against the Articles in point of certainty . This Message the Lords took into present Consideration , and Order'd it accordingly . And appointed the Friday following , being Octob. 11. for my Councel to be Heard , and my Self to be present . This day according to this Order of the Lords , I and my Councel attended . My Councel were Mr. Hern , and Mr. Hales of Lincolns-Inn , and Mr. Gerrard of Grays-Inn . When we were called into the House , and the Lords setled in their places , Mr. John Hern ( who was the Man that spake what all had resolved on ) delivered his Argument very freely and stoutly , proving that nothing which I have either said or done according to this Charge , is Treason , by any known Established Law of this Kingdom . The Argument follows in these words , according to the Copy which Mr. Hern himself delivered me . My Lords , THE Work of this Day , we humbly conceive , is in many respects of very great and high Concernment . 1. In that it concerns Matter of Life , a Thing of the highest Consequence . 2. The Life of an Arch-Bishop , a Person who had attained the highest Dignity conferred in the Church of England . 3. Those Happy Laws , many Years since Enacted and Confirmed by several Parliaments , to be the Boundaries what was Treason ; a Crime before so various , as it had no Bounds ; and so Odious , that the punishment of it was an Infamous Death , a total Confiscation , with a Brand of Infamy to all Posterity . 4. In that the Charge against him moves from no less a Body than the whole Commons of England , which presents him now a Prisoner at this Bar before your Lordships , in the High and Supream Court of Judicature in Parliament . And if any thing shall fall from us , subject to any doubtful Construction , we shall humbly crave your Lordships Pardon , and Leave to make our Explication : For as there is upon us a Duty to be wary , not to offer any thing which may minister just Offence ; so neither may we be unfaithful to omit what may justly tend to our Client's Defence . The Charge against him , we find to be made up of two several parcels of Articles , Exhibited by the Honourable House of Commons . 1. The First , in Maintenance of their Accusation , whereby he stands charged with High Treason . 2. The latter , Intituled farther Articles of Impeachment of High Treason , and divers high Crimes and Misdemeanours , for all which Matters and Things they have Impeached him of High Treason and other high Crimes and Misdemeanours , tending to the Subversion of Religion , Laws and Liberties , and to the utter Ruine of this Church and Common-wealth . Concerning this Charge , and the Arch-Bishop's Defence , he hitherto made before your Lordships , ( we by your Lordships Command Assigned his Councel ) neither have nor could ( by Reason of the mixt Charge , without distinguishing what was thereby intended to be a Charge of Treason , and what of Misdemeanour only ) be farther useful to him , than to Advise the Form of his Plea and Answer , which we received from him , as to all the Matters of Fact , to be a Not Guilty . We have not in all or any the Facts Charged or Evidenced against him , in any sort intermedled . But the same , ( how proved and how appliable to the Charges , without mention of any of them ) shall wholly leave to your Lordships Notes and Memories . What Defence he hath offered hitherto , hath been wholly his own : He without us in that ; and we without consulting him in the work of this day . Wherein , having received your Lordships Commands , we did present in writing the Points in Law we then humbly conceived fit for us to insist upon . I. Whether in all , or any the Articles charged against him , there was contained any Treason by the Established Laws of this Kingdom ? II. Whether the Charge of the said Impeachment and Articles , did contain such certainty and particularity , as is required by Law in a Case where Treason is charged ? But being enjoyned by your Honourable Order , to speak only to the former : We shall , as in Duty becomes , conform thereunto . For our Method herein shall follow the course holden in the Reply , made upon the whole Articles , whereby we conceived the Charges contained in them , were reduced to these three Generals . 1. A Trayterous Endeavour to Subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Realm ; and instead thereof , to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government against Law ; contained in the first Original and first Additional Articles . 2. Secondly , A Trayterous Endeavour to Subvert God's True Religion by Law Established ; and instead thereof , to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry ; this contained in the seventh Original and seventh Additional Articles . 3. Thirdly , That he laboured to Subvert the Rights of Parliament , and the Ancient course of Parliamentary Proceedings , and by False and Malicious Slanders to incense his Majesty against Parliaments . And this contained in the fourteenth Original and tenth Additional Articles . All other the Articles , we humbly conceive to be but Instances , conducing and applied to some of those Generals . Concerning those three General Heads of the Charge , we shall crave leave to propose two Questions to be debated . 1. Whether there be at this day any other Treason , than what is Declared by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. Cap. 2. or Enacted by some subsequent particular Statute ; which we humbly conceive , and shall endeavour to satisfie your Lordships , there is not any . 2. Whether any the Matters in any of the Articles charged , contain any of the Treasons declared by that Law , or Enacted by any subsequent Law ; which we likewise conceive they do not . And for the clearing of both these shall humbly insist ; That , 1. An endeavour to Subvert the Laws , An endeavour to Subvert Religion , A labouring to Subvert the Rights of Parliaments , Are not Treasons , either within the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. or by any other particular Statute . 2. That not any of the Particulars , instanced in any other the Articles , is a Treason within the Statute 25 Ed. 3. or any other Statute . And to make good our Tenet upon our first Question , shall humbly offer , That before this Statute of 25 Ed. 3. Treasons at the Common Law were so general and uncertain , that almost any Crime , by Inferences and Constructions , might be , and was often extended to be a Treason ; in so much , as we find in 22o. of the Book of Assize , Killing the King's Messenger was Treason . And in the Parliament Roll , 21 Ed. 3. Numero 15. accroaching the Royal Power ( wherein every Excess was subject to a Construction of Treason ) was Treason ; for which divers having suffered , the Commons in Parliament , finding how mischievous and destructive it was to the Subject , Petitioned it might be bounded and declared . And this , not to give any Liberty , but to give Bounds to it ; one while it being construed an Accroachment of Royal Power , as in the Case of the Earl of Lancaster temp . Ed. 2. for being over Popular with the People ; and in the same King's Reign to Spencer , for being over Gracious with the King. The sense of these and other Mischiefs by the uncertainty of Treason , brought on this Law of 25 Ed. 3. and the benefit of it to the Subject , says Sir Ed. Coke upon his Collections of the Pleas of the Crown , begot that Parliament the Name of Parliamentum Benedictum , and that , except Magna Charta , no other Act of Parliament had more Honour given it by the King , Lords , and Commons . And this Law hath been in all Times the Rule to Judge Treasons by , even in Parliament ; and therefore in the Parliament Roll 1 H. 4. Num. 144. the Tryal and Judgment in Cases of Impeachment of Treason is prayed by the Commons , might be according to the Ancient Laws ; and in the Parliament Roll 5 H. 4. Num. 12. in the Case of the then Earl of Northumberland , this Statute of 25 Ed. 3. was the Guide and Rule by which the Lords Judged in a Case endeavoured to have been extended to be a Treason , the same to be no Treason . And it is , as we conceive , very observable ; That if at any time the Necessity or Excess of the Times produced any particular Laws in Parliament , for making of Treasons not contained in that Law of 25 Ed. 3. yet they returned and fixed in that Law. Witness the Statute of 1 H. 4. Cap. 10. whereby all those Facts which were made Treasons mean between in the divided time of R. 2. were reduced to this of Ed. 3. In the time of H. 8. wherein several Offences were Enacted to be Treasons ; not contained in the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. the same were all swept away by the Statute of 1. Ed. 6. Cap. 12. And again , wherein the time of Ed. 6. several Treasons were Enacted , they were all Repealed , and by Act made 1 Mariae 1. none other Offence left to be Treason , than what was contained and declared by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. And from 1 H. 4. to Queen Mary , and from thence downward , we find not any Judgment hath been given in Parliament , for any Treason not declared and contained in that Law , but by Bill . Thus in succession of all Times , this Statute of 25 Ed. 3. in the Wisdom of former Parliaments , hath stood and been the constant fixed Rule for all Judgments in Cases of Treason . We shall now observe , what Offences are in and by that Law declared to be Treasons ; whereby your Lordships will Examine , whether you find any of them in the Charge of these Articles : For which purpose we shall desire this Statute of 25. Ed. 3. be Read. The Treasons by that Act declared ; are , 1. Compassing and Imagining the Death of the King , Queen , or Prince , and declaring the same by some Overt Act. 2. Murdering the Chancellor , Treasurer , &c. 3. Violating the Queen , the King 's Eldest Daughter , or the Prince's Wife . 4. Levying War against the King. 5. Or Adhering to the King's Enemies , within the Realm or without , and declaring the same by some Overt Act. 6. Counterfeiting the Seals and Coin. 7. Bringing in Counterfeit Coin. Next , we shall lay for a ground ; that this Act ought not be Construed by Equity or Inference . 1. For that it is a declarative Law , and no Declaration ought to be upon a Declaration . 2. It was a Law provided to secure the Subject , for his Life , Liberty , and Estate ; and to admit Constructions and Inferences upon it , were to destroy the Security provided for , by it . 3. It hath been the constant Opinion in all Times , both in Parliament and upon Judicial Debates ; that this Act must be literally construed , and not by Inference or Illation : Nor would it be admitted in a Particular declared by this Law to be Treason ; which a Man would have thought might have been consistent with it . Counterfeiting the Coin of the Kingdom , is by this Law declared Treason . Washing , Filing and Clipping the Coin , is an abuse , an abasing , and not making it Currant : Yet in 3 H. 5. when the Question was in Parliament , whether that Offence was Treason within the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. It is declared by a special Act then made , 3 H. 5. cap. 6. That forasmuch as before that time , great doubt and ambiguity had been ; whether those Offences ought to be adjudged Treason , or not , in as much as mention is not thereof made in the Declaration of the Articles of Treason by that Statute of 25 Ed. 3. the same was by that particular Act made Treason , which before was none , and counterfeiting of Foreign Coin made Currant here , an equal mischief with counterfeiting of the Coin of this Realm ; yet because the words of the Statute are his Mony , this not Treason until the Act of 1 Mariae cap. 6. made it so . And Sir Ed. Coke in his Book before mentioned , saith , a compassing to Levy War , is not a Treason within that Law , unless it proceed into Act ; but only to Compass the Death of the King : Yet if a Constructive Treason should be admitted , it might happily without any great straining be inferred , that compassing to Levy War , is in some sort a compassing of the King's Death ; and of this Kind many more Instances may be given . So that the result of all this is , that whatsoever is not declared to be a Treason within the Letter of this Law ; may not be adjudged a Treason , by Inference , Construction , or otherwise . Having done with this First , we now shall come to our Second Question . Whether any the Matters in all , or any the Articles Charged , contain any the Treasons declared by that Law , or Enacted by any subsequent Law ; wherein , although the Charges may appear to be Great and Enormous Crimes ; yet we shall endeavour , and hope to satisfie your Lordships , the same nor any of them , are Treasons by any established Law of the Kingdom : For clearing whereof , we shall pursue the Order first proposed . First , that an Endeavour to subvert Fundamental Laws , is not Treason by any Law in this Kingdom Established ; and particular Act to make it Treason there is none ; so as we must then return to apply those former general Observations of that Act of 25. Ed. 3. to this Particular ; and shall add for Reasons , 1. That it is not comprized within any the Words of that Law , nor may by any Construction or Inference be brought within it , for the Reasons formerly alledged . 2. Because an Endeavour to subvert Laws , is of so great a Latitude and Uncertainty , that every Action not Warranted by Law , may be thereby extended to be a Treason . In the Sixth Report , in Mildmays Case Fol. 42. where a Conveyance was made in Tail , with a Proviso , if he did go about or attempt to discontinue the Entail , the same should be void : It was resolved the Proviso was void ; and the principal Reason was , that these Words attempt or go about , are Words uncertain and void in Law. And the Words of the Book are very observable ; viz. God defend that Inheritances and Estates of Men should depend upon such incertainties ; for that Misera est Servitus ubi Jus est vagum , & quod non definitur in Jure quid fit conatus ; and therefore the Rule of the Law doth decide this point . Non efficit conatus nisi sequitur effectus ; and the Law doth reject Conations and goings about , as things uncertain which cannot be put in issue : These are the Words of the Book . And if so considerable in Estates , your Lordships , we conceive , will hold it far more considerable in a Case of Life , which is of highest Consequence . And if it should be said this Law of 25. Ed. 3. takes notice of Compassing and Imagining : We answer , it is in a Particular declared by that Law to be Treason , in Compassing the death of the King. But this of Endeavouring to subvert Laws , not declared by that or any other Law to be a Treason . And if it should be granted , that this Law might in any Case admit any other Fact to be Treason by Inference or Construction ; other than is therein particularly declared ; which we conceive it cannot . Yet it is not Imaginable , that a Law introduced purposely to limit and ascertain Crimes of so high Consequence , should by Construction or Inference be subject to a Construction of admitting so uncertain and indefinite a thing , as an endeavour to subvert the Law is , it being not comprised within the Letter of that Law. 3. That the Subversion of the Law is an impossible thing ; therefore an Endeavour to do an act which cannot be effected , cannot be Treason 4. That in all times the Endeavouring to subvert the Laws hath been conceived no determinate Crime , but rather an Aggravation only of a Crime , than otherwise . And therefore hath been usually joyned as an Aggravation or result of Crimes below Treason . As appears in the Parliament Roll , 28 H. 6. num . 28. to num . 47. in the Case of the Duke of Suffolk , where the Commons , having in Parliament preferred Articles of Treason against him , did not make that any part of their Charge . Yet in the same Parliament , and within few Days after ; the First being in February , the latter in March : Exhibiting other Articles against him , they therein Charged all the Misprisions , Offences and Deeds therein mentioned , to have been the cause of the Subversion of Laws and Justice , and the Execution thereof ; and nigh likely to tend to the Destruction of the Realm : So as it appears , it was then conceived an Offence of another Nature , and not a Treason . And it appears as well by the Articles exhibited in Parliament , 21 H. 8. against Cardinal Woolsey , as by Indictment in the Kings Bench against Ligham 23 H. 8. Rot. 25. That the Cardinal did Endeavour to subvert Antiquissimas Leges hujus Regni , Vniversumque hoc Regnum Angliae Legibus Imperialibus Subjugare ; which although it be a Charge of subverting the ancient Laws of the Kingdom , and to introduce new and Arbitrary Laws ; yet neither upon the Articles or Indictment , was the same imputed to be Treason ; but ended in a Charge of a Premunire . And if it shall be said that Empson 1 H. 8. had Judgment , and Died for it , upon an Indictment in London ; We answer , 1. This was not the Substance of the Indictment , but only an Aggravation . 2. And if Charged , it is with an actual subverting , not with an Endeavour to subvert the Laws ; and is joyned with divers other Offences . 3. Which is a full Answer ; The Indictment upon which he was Tryed , was Paschae 2 H. 8. at Northampton , and was for Levying War against the King , a Treason declared by the Law of 25 Ed. 3. upon which he was Convicted and Suffered ; and no proceeding upon the other Indictment ever had . And as to the second General Charge , of Endeavouring to subvert Religion : This no more than that former of subverting the Laws is any Treason , within any Law established in this Kingdom . And herein , as to the Charge of the Endeavour , we shall rely upon what hath been already said upon the former . With this further : That until that happy Reformation , begun in the time of King Edward VI. there was another Frame of Religion established by Law ; which was conceived until then to have been the True Religion ; and any Endeavour to Change or Alter it , prosecuted with great Extremities . Yet was not any Attempt to alter it , conceived to be a Treason ; but several especial Acts of Parliaments were made for particular Punishments , against Persons who should attempt the Alteration thereof ; Witness the Statute of 5 R. 2. Cap. 5. and 2 H. 5. Cap. 7. In which latter , although mention is made of endeavouring to destroy and subvert the Christian Faith ; yet was not the Offence made or declared to be Treason . And at this day , Heresie , of what kind soever , is not punishable , but according to the old course of the Law. And we may add the Statute of 1 Edw. 6. Cap. 12. that of 1 Mariae 12. which makes it but Felony to attempt an Alteration of Religion by force : The worst kind of Attempt certainly . To the third and last general Charge , Labouring to subvert the Rights of Parliaments . To the Labouring to do it , we shall add nothing to what hath been said to the Charge of Endeavour , in the two former ; only thus much we shall observe : That in the Parliament of 11 R. 2. amongst the many Articles preferred against the Duke of Ireland , and others , the 14th Article contains a Charge much of this Nature ; viz. That when the Lords and others in divers Parliaments , had moved to have a good Government in the Realm , they had so far incensed the King , that he caused divers to depart from his Parliament ; so that they durst not , for fear of Death , advise for the good of the Kingdom . Yet when the Lords came to single out the Articles , what was , or was not Treason , That , although a Charge transcending this , was none of the Articles by them declared to be Treason . My Lords , Having done with these Generals , it remains only that we apply our selves to those other Articles which we conceive were insisted upon , as Instances conducing , and applied to some of the Generals we have handled . Wherein if the Generals be not Treason , the Particular Instances cannot be ; and on the other side , if the Instances fall short of Treasons , the application to those Generals cannot make them Treasons . We shall only single out Two Particulars , and in those be very brief , in that most which hath been said to the former Generals , is appliable to them , inasmuch as none of them is declared to be a Treason , by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. or by any other Law enacted . 1. The first of these in the 10th Original Article , viz. That he hath Traiterously endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome . Which if it be any Treason , must be a Treason within the Statute of 5 Jac. Cap. 4. whereby is provided , That if any Man shall put in practice to Reconcile any of his Majesty's Subjects to the Pope , or See of Rome , the same is enacted to be Treason ; which we conceive clearly is none of this Charge . 1. First , For that here only is Charged an Endeavour ; there a Putting in Practice . 2. Here a Reconciling of the Church of England with the Church of Rome ; there a Reconciling some of his Majesty's Subjects to the See of Rome : And a Reconciling with , may as well be a Reducing of that of Rome to England , as England to Rome . The Second , in the 7th additional Article , for wittingly and willingly Receiving and Harbouring divers Popish Priests and Jesuits , namely , Sancta Clara and Monsieur St. Gyles . Which Offence , as to the Harbouring Priests and Jesuits born within his Majesty's Dominions , by the Statute of 27 Eliz. Cap. 2. is made Felony , not Treason ; and extends only to Priests English born , which these are not charged to be . My Lords , We have now gone through those Articles , wherein , we conceive , the Treasons Charged were intended ; and have endeavoured to make it appear . That none of the Matters in any of the Articles Charged , are Treason within the Letter of any Law. And if not so ; then they cannot , by Inference or Parity of Reason , be heightned to a Treason . It is true , the Crimes , as they are laid in the Charge , are great and many . Yet if the Laws of this Realm , which have distinguished Crimes , and accordingly given them several Names , and inflicted Punishments , raise none of these to a Treason ; That we humbly conceive will be worthy of your Lordships Consideration in this Case ; and that their Number cannot make them exceed their Nature : And if they be but Crimes and Misdemeanours apart , below Treason or Felony , they cannot make a Treason by putting them together . Otherwise , the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. which we have so much insisted upon , had been fruitless and vain ; if after all that exactness , any Number of Misdemeanours ( in themselves no Treason ) should by complication produce a Treason , and yet no mention made of it in that Law ; much less any Determination thereby , that any Number , or what Number , and of what Nature of Crimes , below Treason , should make a Treason . It is true , my Lords , That by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. there is a Clause in these Words : It is accorded , That if any other Case , supposed Treason , which is not therein specified , doth happen before any Justices , the Justices shall tarry without any going to Judgment of the Treason , until the Cause be shewed and declared before the King and his Parliament , Whether it ought to be judged Treason , or Felony . And that hereby might seem to be inferred , That there should be some other Treasons than are mentioned in that Law , which may be declared in Parliament . But , my Lords , we shall observe , 1. If such Declaration look only forward , then the Law making it Treason preceeds the Offence , and is no more than an Enacting Law. If it look backward to the Offence past , then it appears by the very Clause it self , of 25 Edw. 3. it should be at the least a Felony at the Common Law ; and that a Crime , or Crimes , below a Felony , were never intended to be by this Law to be declared , or to be heightned to a Treason . And we find not any Crime declared Treason with a Retrospect , unless it were a Felony before : And in the late Case of the Earl of Strafford , Attainted by Bill , there is a Treason within this Law charged , and declared by the Bill of his Attainder to have been proved . 2. Secondly , We are not now in case of a Declaration of a Treason ; but before your Lordships only upon an Impeachment ; and in such case , we humbly conceive , the Law already established , as it hath been , so it will be the Rule . Thus , my Lords , we have gone through that Part which belongs to us , directed us by your Lordships ; viz. Whether in all or any the Articles exhibited before your Lordships , there is contained any Treason , by any established Law of this Kingdom ; without medling at all with the Facts , or Proof made of them ; which , together with our weak Endeavours , we humbly submit to your Lordships great Judgment : And for any Authorities cited by us , are ready ( if so Commanded ) to produce them . Here this Day ended ; and I had a few Days rest . But on Tuesday , October 22. being a Day made Solemn for Humiliation , my Chamber at the Tower was searched again for Letters and Papers : But nothing found . After this , there went up and down , all about London and the Suburbs , a Petition for the bringing of Delinquents to Justice ; and some Preachers exhorted the People to be zealous in it , telling them it was for the Glory of God , and the Good of the Church . By this means , they got many Hands of Men which little thought what they went about . In this Petition , none were named but my self and the Bishop of Ely ; so their Drift was known to none but their own Party ; and was undoubtedly set on foot to do me mischief . Whose Design this was , God knows ; but I have cause to suspect Mr. Pryn's Hand in it . This barbarous way of the Peoples clamouring upon great Courts of Justice , as if they knew not how to govern themselves and the Causes brought before them , is a most unchristian Course , and not to be endured in any well-governed State. This Petition , with a Multitude of Hands to it , was delivered to the House of Commons , on Munday , Octob. 28. Concerning which , I shall observe this , That neither the Lord Mayor nor the Sheriffs made any stop of this Illegal and Blood-thirsty Course , though it were publickly known , and the People exhorted to set Hands to it in the Parish-Churches . What this , and such-like Courses as these , may bring upon this City , God alone knows , whom I humbly pray to shew it Mercy . CAP. XLV . THis Day , being All-hallan-day , a Warrant came to the Lieutenant , from the House of Commons , to bring me to their Barr , to hear the Evidence formerly summed up , and given against me in the Lords House . I knew no Law nor Custom for this ; for though our Votes , by a late Act of Parliament , be taken away , yet our Baronies are not : And so long as we remain Barons , we belong to the Lords House , and not to the Commons . Yet how to help my self I knew not ; for when the Warrant came to me , the Lords House was risen ; and I was commanded to the House of Commons the next Morning , before the Lords came to Sit : So I could not Petition them for any Priviledge . And had I done it , I doubt it would have been interpreted for an Endeavour to make a Breach between the Houses . And should I have under any Pretence refused to go , Mr. Lieutenant would have carried me . Therefore , on Saturday , Novemb. 2. I went , according to the Warrant , to the House of Commons . So soon as ever I was come to the Barr , Mr. Speaker told me , There was an Ordinance drawn up , to Attaint me of High Treason ; but , that they would not pass it , 'till they had heard a Summary of the Charge which was laid against me ; and , that I was sent for to hear it also . I humbly besought them , that my Councel and my Solicitor ( who were always present with me in the Lords House ) might stand now by me : But it would not be granted . Then Mr. Brown , by Order from the Speaker , delivered the Collection and Sum of the Charge against me ; much at one with that which he formerly made in the Lords House . Now I took Notes of it as exactly as I could . He had no sooner done , but Mr. Speaker pressed me to make Answer presently . I humbly besought the House I might not be put to that , the Charge being long and various ; but that I might have Time ; and , that my Councel might be heard for Matter of Law : I was commanded to withdraw . And when I was called in again , I received an Order peremptory , to Answer the Munday sev'n-night after , To such Things as the Reporter was mistaken in . But not a word of Hearing my Councel . I returned to my Prison . This Wednesday , Novemb. 6. I got my Prayer-Book , by the help of Mr. Hern and Mr. Brown , out of Mr. Pryn's hands , where it had been ever since the last of May , 1643. Munday , Novemb. 11. I came to the House of Commons again ; and according to their peremptory Order , made my Answer to the Summary Charge which Mr. Brown made against me . But here I shall advertise the Reader , That to avoid troublesom and tedious Repetition , I shall not set down my Answer at large , as there I spake it ; because there is nothing in it but what is in my former Answers , the Beginning and the End only excepted . But it was necessary for me then to make a whole and an entire Answer , because the House of Commons had then heard no Part of my Defence . But , I presume , the Charitable Reader will look upon my Answers in their proper place , rather than be troubled a second time with the same thing . Yet because Mr. Brown went a different way in his Summary , from the Charge largely given , I shall represent a Skeleton of my Answer , with all the Limbs of it entire , that it may be seen , as it were , together ; though I report nothing which hath been already said . And thus I began : Mr. Speaker , I was here Novemb. 2. It was the first time that ever I came within these Doors : And here then you gave me the most uncomfortable Break-fast that ever I came to ; namely , That this Honourable House had drawn up an Ordinance against me of High Treason ; but that before they would proceed farther , I should hear the Sum of the Charge which was against me ; which was the cause I was sent for then . And to give my Answer to that which was then said , or rather mistaken in saying and inferring , is the cause of my coming now . 1. And first , Mr. Speaker , I give Thanks to this Honourable House , that they have given me leave to speak for my self . 2. Secondly , I do humbly desire , if any Word or Thing should be mistaken , or unadvisedly expressed by me ( which shall be sore against my Will ) I may have liberty to re-call and expound my self . 3. Thirdly , That you will favourably consider into what Straits I am cast , that after a long and tedious Hearing , I must now come to answer to a Sum , or an Epitome of the same Charge ; which how dangerous it may be for me , all Men that know Epitomes , cannot but understand . Mr. Speaker , I am come hither to make a Brief of my Answer to a Sum of my Charge ; wherein I may receive as much Detriment by my own Brief , for want of larger Expression ; as by the other of my Charge , by omission or mistake . Yet since your Command is upon me , I shall , without farther Preface ( which I conceive would be as tedious to you , as to me troublesom ) address my self , and with as much Brevity as the many Heads of the Charge will bear . And that my Answer may be the clearer , both to this Honourable House , and to the Gentleman who reported the Charge , I shall follow every thing in the same order he proceeded in . So far forth at least , as an old slow Hand could take them , a heavy Heart observe them , and an old decayed Memory retain them . This worthy Gentleman hath pressed all things as hardly against me , as the Cause can any way bear : That was his Duty to this Honourable House , and it troubles me not . But his Carriage and Expressions were civil towards me , in this my great Affliction : And for this I render him humble and hearty Thanks ; having from other Hands pledged my Saviour in Gall and Vinegar , and drunk up the Cup of the Scornings of the People to the very bottom . This Gentleman began with four Generals , which he said I complained of , and I say I had cause so to do . The first Complaint was , That I had lain three Years in Prison before I was heard . And this , he said , was my own fault , because I delayed the putting in of my full Answer when I was called . But herein he is quite mistaken . For I could not answer till I was called , and I was not called in three Years : Nor then could I plead to more Articles than were put to me . [ Nor did this delay Three Months , of the Three Year . Yet this Gentleman in his Reply , said still , it was my Fault , because I did not Petition to be brought to Hearing . But this , under Favour , is a Weaker Reason than the former . For the condition of the Times considered , neither my Councel , nor my other Friends , nor my self ; could think that a fit or a discreet way . Besides , it is well known , that had I Petitioned , I could not have been Heard , my Business being in a manner cast aside , till Mr. Pryn's Malice , actuated by a Search into my own Papers , undertook it . ] The Gentleman said , my Second Complaint was , That my Papers were Seized : But he said that was done by Authority . And I never denyed that . But that which he added is much mistaken , namely , that I ever Seized any Man's Papers without Authority , or by my own Power ; but what was done in that kind , was by the Joynt Authority of that Court , in which I then sat . Nor was my Complaint general , that my Papers were Seized ; but that the Papers prepared for my Defence were taken from me , and not restored when I needed them , and Petitioned for them . He said , my Third Complaint was , That many of the Witnesses produced against me were Separatists . I did indeed complain of this , and I had abundant Cause so to do . For there was scarce an active Separatist in England , but some way or other his Influence was into this Business against me . And whereas , the Gentleman said , the Witnesses were some Aldermen , and some Gentlemen , and Men of Quality . That 's nothing ; for both Gentlemen , and Aldermen , and Men of all Conditions , ( the more 's the pity ) as the Times now go , are Separatists from the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England Established by Law. And I would to God some of my Judges were not . My Fourth Complaint he said was , of the excessive Number of the Witnesses . And he added , that if I would not have so many Witnesses , I should not have given occasion for it , by Committing so many Crimes . But First , whether I have committed so many Crimes as are urged against me , is yet in Question . And Secondly , 't is one thing to give Cause , and another thing to give Occasion : For an Occasion may be taken , when 't is pretended as given . And so I hope it will be found in my Case . But the thing here mistaken is , That these are all said to be Legal Witnesses , whereas almost all of them have , at some time or other , been before me as their Judge , either at Star-Chamber , or Council-Table , or High-Commission , or as Referee . And then I humbly desire it may be considered . First how impossible it is for a Judge to please all Men. Secondly , how improbable it is , that Witnesses displeased should be indifferent in their Testimony . And Thirdly , how hard it is to convince a Man by such interessed Witnesses , now ( upon the matter ) becoming Judges of him that Judged them . And ( as * S. Augustin speaks ) Quomodo potest , how is it possible for one that is Contentious and Evil , to speak well of his Judge ? From these Generals the Gentleman passed to the Particulars of the Charge ; and he caused the 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. Original Articles , and the 7. Additional to be read . That done , he divided the Charge into two main Heads : The one , an Endeavour in me to subvert the Laws of the Kingdom : And the other , a like Endeavour to alter the true Protestant Religion into Popery . The Evidence given in the Lords House began at the Laws , and ended in Religion ; but this Gentleman in his Summ , both there and here , began with Religion , and ended with the Laws . The Charge concerning Religion , he said , would bear two Parts , the Ceremonial and the Substantial part of Religion . ( 1 ) And he professed he would begin at the Ceremonial , where having First charged in general , the Statute of the 3 and 4 of Ed. 6. 6. 10. for the destruction of Images ; he gave these particular Instances following , to shew my Intention to alter Religion . 1. The setting up of Coloured Glass with Pictures in the Windows of my Chappel ; the Communion-Table Altar-wise ; Candlesticks thereon , with Reverence and Bowings . 2. A Bible in my Study with the Five Wounds of Christ wrought upon the Cover in Needle-Work . 3. Three Pictures in my Gallery : The Ecce Homo , the Four Latin Fathers , and the History ( S : John : 10. ) of the True Shepherd entring in by the Door , and the Thief by the Window . 4. The Crucifix hung up in the Chappel at White-Hall on Good-Friday : And what happened there upon Dr : Brown's coming in , and doing Reverence . 5. The Copes and Bowings used in Cathedral Churches since my time . 6. The Ceremonies used at his Majesty's Coronation . 7. The Abuses in the Universities , especially Oxford . 1. The Titles given me from thence . 2. Divers Particulars in the new Statutes . 3. Images countenanced there , by me , in divers Chappels . 4. The Picture of the Virgin Mary , at S : Mary's Church-Door . 5. Nothing to be done without me in Congregations . 8. The Ceremonies in some Parish-Churches ; and some punished for neglect of them . Instances in some of Beckinton , some of Lewis , and in Mr : Chancy of Ware. 9. That I preferred no Men , but such as were active for the Ceremonies . 10. Passages expunged out of Books , if contrary to these Courses ; as that in Dr. Featly's Sermons concerning Images . 11. Bibles with Pictures in them . 12. The severe Punishment of Mr. Workman of Gloucester ; only for a Sermon against Images . 13. Words spoken to take Bishop Jewell's Works and the Book of Martyrs out of some Parish-Churches . 14. The Consecration of Cree-Church , and S. Giles in the Fields . In all which , as I humbly conceive , here 's nothing ( especially my Answers being taken to them ) that can co-operate to any alteration of Religion . Nor is there any Treason , were all that is urged true . ( 2 ) From hence , Mr. Speaker , this worthy Gentleman passed over from the Ceremonies , to those things which he said concerned the Substance of Religion . In which , the Particulars which he Charged were these : 1. A doubtfulness , if not a denyal of the Pope's being Antichrist . 2. Dislike of the Name , the Idol of Rome . 3. The alteration of some passages in the Publick Prayers appointed for Novemb. 5. and the Coronation Day . 4. The Antichristian Yoak left out of the Brief for the Palatinat , with an expression , as if we and those Reformed Churches were not of the same Religion . 5. That Men were punished for Praying for the Queen , and the Prince . 6. That the Church of Rome is a true Church . 7. That the Communion-Table or Altar is the Chief Place : For there 's Hoc est Corpus meum . 8. Restraint of all Books against Popery . Instances in a Book of Bishop Carleton's . One tendred by Sir Edward Hungerford . Dr. Clarke's Sermons . Dr. Jones . None called in but Sales . That I my self did expunge some Passages out of a Sermon of Dr. Sibthorp's . Popish Books seized , re-delivered to the Owners . That for these I must answer for my Chaplains , since John Arch-Bishop of York was fined for his Commissary's Act against the Bishop of Durham ; who having a Patent , could not so easily be put out of his Place , as I might change my Chaplains . 9. Three Ministers in my Diocess suspended for not reading the Book of Recreations on the Lord's Day . 10. The Feoffment for buying in of Impropriations overthrown , to the hindrance of Preaching , and Scandal to Religion . 11. Incroachment upon the Lord Chamberlain , for naming of Chaplains to the King ; and upon the Master of the Wards for giving of Benefices . 12 Familiarity with Priests and Jesuits , S. Clara and Monsieur S. Giles . 13. The Testimonies of Mr. Challonor , Sir Henry Mildmay , and his Brother Mr. Anthony ; what Opinion was held of me beyond the Seas , for my cunning introducing of Popery . 14. That an Offer was made unto me to be a Cardinal . And thus far this Gentleman proceeded in points of Religion . But because there hath passed divers things done at and by the Council-Table , the Courts of Star-Chamber , and High-Commission , and in Convocation ; and because many more things so done , are to come in the next Head concerning the Law ; I humbly crave leave , for avoiding tedious Repetition , to say it once for all , That no act done by any of these , either by full Consent or major Part , which involves the rest , ought to be charged singly against me . And that for these Reasons following : 1. First , because this is not Peccare cum Multis : For they meet not there in a Relation as Multi ; but as Vnum Aggregatum ; as Bodies made one by Law. And therefore the Acts done by them , are Acts of those Bodies , not of any one Man sitting in them . And in this Sense a Parliament is one Body consisting of many ; and the Acts done by it are Acts of Parliament . For which ( should any of them prove amiss ) no one Man is answerable , though many times one Man brings in the Bill . 2. Secondly , because I could sway no Man's Vote in any of those Places , ( though this hath been often urged against me , as an Over Potent Member ) for my Vote was either last , or last save one , in all these Places . So I could not lead . Nor is there any so much as shew of Proof offered , that I moved , or prepared any Man to a Sentence one way or other , in any one of these Courts or Places . 3. Thirdly , because in those Courts of Judicature , there was the Assistance of able Judges , Lawyers , and Divines for direction . And how can that be a Treason in me , which is not made so much as a Misdemeanour in any of the rest ? 4. Fourthly , because the Act of this present Parliament , which hath taken away the Star-Chamber , and the High-Commission , and bounded the Council-Table , looks forward only , and punishes no Man for any Act past ; much less doth it make any Man's Actions done in them to be Treason : And I am no way excluded from the Benefit of that Act. 5. Lastly , because in all my Proceedings , both in the High-Commission and elsewhere , I kept strictly to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England Established by Law , against both Papist and other Sectaries . And under this Government , and Doctrine of this Church , it hath pleased God , now for above Fourscore Years together , to Bless this Kingdom and People above other Nations . And I pray God if we forsake the one , it prove not a Cause to deprive us of the other . And now , Mr. Speaker , I shall follow this worthy Gentleman , as he went on to the Second General Head , the Subversion of the Laws . And here , when he had caused the 1 , 2 , 3 , 5 , and 14. Original Articles to be read , as also the 2 , 9 , and 10. Additionals ; He then said , that I had laboured this Subversion by my Counsels and by my Actions . ( 1. ) By my Counsels First ; Of which he gave Three Instances . 1. The Vote of the Council-Table to Assist the King in Extraordinary ways ; if the Parliament should prove peevish and refuse . And this out of my Diary , at Decemb. 5. 1639. 2. The Passage in the Epistle before my Speech in Star-Chamber , Not one Way of Government , since the Humours of the People were in continual Change. 3. A Speech at Council-Table , That now the King might use his own Power , &c. Witnessed only by Sir Henry Vane the Elder . ( 2. ) From my Counsels , proceed was made to my Actions : Where the Particulars were , 1. That I attempted to set Proclamations above the Law. 2. That I was for all Illegal Projects at the Council-Table : Instanced in Inclosures , in the Ship-Money , and Sir John Corbett's Commitment . 3. The taking down of the Houses about St. Paul's , with the large Commission for the Repair of the West-End . 4. The stopping of Two Brewers in their Trade , being in Westminster , and pretended to annoy the Court. 5. Things done by me as Referee : Instanced in a Case between Rich and Pool , and another of one Symmes . 6. Obstructing the Course of Law , by sending to Judges : Instanced in the Parishioners of Beckington ; in the Case of Ferdinando Adams ; in Sir Henry Martyn's Case , about an Attorney at Law ; Judge Richardson's Words , in Mr. Huntley's Case ; and Baron Trevers Words , in Grafton's Case . 7. The punishing Men that came in a Legal Way : Instanced in the Case of New-comin and Burrowes ; that I said in the High-Commission , I hoped to see the Clergy exempt again the next hundred Years ; the two Church-wardens of Chesham , with Words concerning Sir Thomas Dacres . 8. The Case of Prohibitions ; and Mr. Wheeler's Note out of a Sermon of mine concerning them . 9. That no Pope ever claimed so much Jurisdiction ; not from the King. 10. The Canons ; and I the main Man ; the over-grown Member again . 11. The Statutes of Oxford enforced a second time ; Nevill's Case of Merton-College instanced in . 12. Books Printed that are against the Law : Instanced in Cowell's Interpreter , and Dr. Manwaring's Sermons . 13. The Alteration of the King's Oath at his Coronation . 14. My Enmity to Parliaments . To all which , as I then gave sufficient Answers , so I hope the Courteous Reader hath found them at large in their several Places . And for this last concerning Parliaments , I humbly and heartily desire , that this may be taken notice of , and remembred , That there is not , in any one of these Paper-Proofs produced against me , any one thing that offers to take away any Rights of Parliaments , rightly understood ; much less any that offers to take away Parliaments themselves : Which is a continued Mistake all along this particular Charge . And if any rash or unweighed Words have fallen from me , yet these cannot be extended to the disannulling of Parliaments , or their Priviledges in any kind , which I defended in Print long since , before I could foresee any of this Danger threatning me : It is in my Book * against Fisher. It was read in the Lords House , and I humbly desire I may read it here . And it was read . After this , it was inferred by this worthy Gentleman , what a great Offender I was , and greater than Cardinal Woolsey . Mr. Speaker , I have seen the Articles against the Cardinal , and sure some body is mistaken ; for some of them are far greater than any thing that is proved against me . In which ( I thank Christ for it ) my Conscience is at peace , whereas the Cardinal confessed himself guilty of them all ; and yet no thought of Treason committed : And a Premunire was all that was laid upon him . Then he gave a touch , That * in Edward III.'s time , there was a Complaint , That too much of the Civil Government was in the hands of the Bishops ; and that in the 45th Year of his Reign , they were put out , and Lay-men put in . But first , this concerns not me . Secondly , the late Act of this Parliament hath taken sufficient Order with that Calling , for medling in Civil Affairs . Thirdly , the time is memorable when this was done : It was in the Forty and fifth Year of Edward III. That 's enough . Mr. Speaker , I shall draw towards an end . Yet not forgetting what Ordinance you told me was drawn up against me ; If that which I have now said may any way satisfie this Honourable House to make stay of it , or to mitigate it , I shall bless God and you for it . And I humbly desire you to take into consideration , my Calling , my Age , my former Life , my Fall , my Imprisonment , long and strict ; That these Considerations may move with you . In my Prosperity ( I bless God for it ) I was never puffed up into Vanity , whatever the World may think of me . And in these last full four Years durance , I thank the same God , * Gravem Fortunam constanter tuli , I have with decent Constancy born the weight of a pressing Fortune : And I hope God will strengthen me unto , and in the end of it . Mr. Speaker , I am very * aged , considering the Turmoils of my Life ; and I daily find in my self more Decays than I make shew of ; and the Period of my Life , in the Course of Nature , cannot be far off . It cannot but be a great Grief unto me , to stand at these Years thus Charged before ye : Yet give me leave to say thus much without Offence , Whatsoever Errours or Faults I may have committed by the way , in any my Proceedings , through Human Infirmity ; as who is He that hath not offended , and broken some Statute-Laws too by Ignorance , or Misapprehension , or Forgetfulness , at some sudden time of Action ? Yet if God Bless me with so much Memory , I will die with these Words in my Mouth : That I never intended , much less endeavoured the subversion of the Laws of the Kingdom ; nor the bringing in of Popish Superstition upon the true Protestant Religion , Established by Law in this Kingdom . And now , Mr. Speaker , having done with the Fact , I have but this one thing to put to the Consideration of this Honourable House . My Charge hath been repeated , I confess , by a very worthy and a very able Gentleman . But Ability is not absolute in any . The Evidence given against me before the Lords , was ( as by the Law it ought to be ) given in upon Oath : But the Evidence now summed up , and presented to this Honourable House , is but upon the Collection and Judgment of one Man , how able or intire soever ; and what he conceived is proved against me , is but according to his Judgment and Memory ; which perhaps may differ much from the Opinion and Judgment of the Judges themselves , who heard the Evidence at large : Nor was this Gentleman himself present every Day of my Hearing ; and then for those Days in which he was absent , he can report no more here , than what others have reported to him . So for so much , his Repetition here is but a Report of a Report of Evidence given : And at the best but a Report of Evidence , and not upon Oath . And , I suppose , never any Jurors , who are Tryers of the Fact in any Case , Civil or Criminal , did ever ground their Verdict upon an Evidence only Reported before them , and which themselves heard not . And if this manner of Proceeding shall be thought less considerable in my Person ; yet I humbly desire it may be thoroughly weighed in the prudent Judgment of this Honourable House , the great Preserver of the Laws and Liberties of the Subject of England , how far it doth or may trench upon these in future Consequences , if these great Boundaries be laid loose and open . And because my Infirmities are many and great , which Age and Grief have added to those which are naturally in me , I most humbly desire again , That my Councel may be heard for point of Law , according to the former Concession of this Honourable House : For I assure my self , upon that which hath been pleaded to the Lords , That no one , nor all of the things together which are charged against me , if proved ( which I conceive they are not ) can make me guilty of High Treason , by any known Established Law of this Kingdom . The Sum of all is this : Upon an Impeachment arising from this House , I have pleaded Not Guilty . Thereupon Issue hath been joined , and Evidence given in upon Oath . And now I must humbly leave it to you , your Wisdom and Justice , Whether it shall be thought Fit , and Just , and Honourable , to Judge me here , only upon a Report , or a Hearsay , and that not upon Oath . CAP. XLVI . HEre ended the heavy Business of this Day . I was exceeding faint with speaking so long ; and I had great pain and soreness in my Breast for almost a Fortnight after ; then , I thank God , it wore away . I was commanded to withdraw , and to attend the House again on Wednesday , Novemb. 13. which I did . Then Mr. Brown made a Reply to my Answer : The Reply had some great Mistakes in it ; but else was for the most part but a more earnest Affirming of what he had delivered . And I conceived I was not to Answer to his Reply , but that he was to have the last Speech : For so it was always carried , during my Hearing in the Lords House . Therefore being dismissed , I went away : And I was no sooner gone , but the House called for the Ordinance which was drawn up against me , and without Hearing my Councel , or any more ado , Voted me Guilty of High Treason . And yet , when I came that Day to the House , all Men , and many of the House themselves did much magnifie my Answer before given : I will forbear to set down in what Language , because it was high ; and as no time can be fit for Vanity , so least of all was this time for me : And Vain I must needs be thought , should I here relate what was told me from many and good Hands . But it seems the Clamour prevailed against me . On Saturday , Novemb. 16. this Ordinance was passed the House of Commons suddenly , and with so great deliberation , as you have heard , was transmitted to the Lords ; and by them the Debate concerning it put off to Friday , Novemb. 22. Then the Earl of Pembroke began more fully to shew his canker'd Humour against me ; how provoked , I protest I know not , unless by my serving him far beyond his Desert . There , among other course Language , he bestowed ( as I am informed ) the Rascal and the Villain upon me . And told the Lords , they would put off giving their Consent to the Ordinance , till the Citizens would come down , and call for Justice , as they did in my Lord Strafford's Case . Was there not Justice and Wisdom in this Speech ? Hereupon the Business was put off to Saturday , Novemb. 23. and then to Friday , Novemb. 29. But then upon Thursday , Novemb. 28. Mr. Strowd came up with a Message from the Commons , to quicken the Lords in this Business : And at the end of his Message , he let fall , That they should do well to agree to the Ordinance , or else the Multitude would come down and force them to it . At this , some Lords very honourably took Exception ; and Mr. Strowd durst not bide it , that this was any part of the Message delivered him by the House of Commons . But the matter was passed over , and Mr. Strowd not so much as checked . This , it may be , was thought seasonable by some , to hearten on the Violence of the Earl of Pembroke . The Business not long heard on Friday , was put off again to Munday Decemb. 2. and the House of Lords put into a Committee , to examine Particulars by their Notes : The Earl of Northumberland on the Wool-Sack during the Debate , which continued , more or less , some Days . Where their own Notes failed , they called to Mr. Brown , Clerk of their House , for his . But at last , finding him very ready and quick for any thing that was Charged against me , but loth to be known what Answer I gave to any Point , some Lords observed it . And it did after appear , that the Notes which he put to the Lords , were not the Notes which himself took , but that he had a Copy given him , ( whether by Mr. Pryn or any other , I know not ) and I was informed that the Earl of Warwick had another Copy of the very same . This is marvellous Just and Honourable in that Earl : And most Christian-like in Mr. Brown. It may be , he learned it out of the Notes which his Father-in-Law takes at Sermons . Upon Munday December 16. there was ( the Times considered ) a very full House of Lords ; about Twenty present , and my Business largely debated , and ready to come to the Question . I wish with all my Heart it had , while the House was so full . But the Earl of Pembroke fell again into his wonted violence : And asked the Lords what they stuck at ? And added ; what , shall we think the House of Commons had no Conscience in passing this Ordinance ? Yes , they knew well enough what they did . One of the Wits hearing this Excellent Passage of the Earl's ; Protested , If ever he lived to see a Parliament in Bedlam , this Prudent Earl should be Speaker , if he were able to procure him the Place . In the mean time this Unhappy Clamour of his , put the Business off again to the next day , being Tuesday ; Then there were but fourteen Lords in the House . My Business was assumed , and proposed in three Questions , and I was Voted Guilty of the Fact in all three . Namely , Guilty of endeavouring to Subvert the Laws : To Overthrow the Protestant Religion : And that I was an Enemy to Parliaments . Then it being put to the Judges , whether this were Treason or no ; the Judges unanimously declared , that nothing which was charged against me was Treason , by any known and established Law of the Land , with many things to and fro concerning this Business . On Tuesday Christmas-Eve , the Lords had a Conference with the Commons about it . In which they declared , that they had diligently weighed all things that were charged against me , but could not by any one of them , or all , find me guilty of Treason . And therefore desired that the Argument made by my Councel might be Answered . And if it could be made appear unto them by any Law , to be Treason , they would then proceed farther , as in Honour and Justice they should find fit . Then came Christmas-day , the last Wednesday in the Month , and a most Solemn Fast kept on it , with as Solemn an Ordinance for the due observance of this Fast , and against the manner of keeping of that day in former Superstitious Times . A Fast never before heard of in Christendom . After this Conference , Mr. Serjeant Wild speaking freely to some Friends about this Business , told them , he wonder'd the Lords should so much distrust their Judgments , as to desire a Conference about it . To see how good Wits agree ! Surely , I believe he was of the Earl of Pembroke's Councel , or the Earl of his , they jump so together . It seems in these Mens Opinions , the House of Commons can neither Err in Conscience nor Judgment . Howsoever , that House thought it fit the Lords should be satisfied , that I was by Law guilty of High Treason . And to that end sent up a Committee , Jan : 2. 1644. to make proof of it to their Lordships . At this Meeting two Judges were present , Justice Reeves , and Judge Bacon . The Managers of the business against me , were three Lawyers , Mr : Brown , Serjeant Wild , and Mr : Nicolas . Neither my self nor any of my Councel there . What this will effect upon the Lords , Time must discover , as it doth the effects of other Eclipses . And thus far I had proceeded in this sad History by Jan : 3 : 1644. The rest shall follow as it comes to my Knowledge . H : W : Next day , the Arch-Bishop receiving the News , that the Bill of Attainder had passed in the House of Lords , broke off his History , and prepared himself for Death . I shall therefore supply the History from the Accounts of Mr : Rushworth , and Dr : Heylin . A short Supplement to the preceeding History , taken from the Historical Collections of John Rushworth , par : 3 : vol : 2 : p : 834. THE Reasons of the Commons for the Attainder of the Arch-Bishop , were at a Conference Jan. 2. by Serjeant Wild , Mr. Brown , and Mr. Nicolas , communicated to the Lords ; who thereupon , on the 4th of January , passed the Ordinance of Attainder ; whereby it was Ordained , that he should suffer Death , as in Cases of High Treason . And on the 6th of January it was Ordered by both Houses ; that he should suffer accordingly on Friday the 10th . But on the 7th , the Lords at a Conference , acquainted the Commons , with a Letter and Petition from the Arch-Bishop , and a Pardon to him from the King , dated the 12th of April 19 Car. of which he desired the benefit ; but the same was over-ruled and rejected . His Petition was , that in case he must Die , Dr : Stern , Dr : Heywood , and Dr : Martin , might be permitted to be with him , before and at his Death , to Administer Comfort to his Soul ; and that the manner of his Execution might be altered to Beheading . To which the Lords agreed ; but the Commons then refused both ; only granted , that Dr. Stern , and Mr. Marshal , and Mr. Palmer , should go to him ; and one or both of the latter , to be constantly present , whilst Dr. Stern was with him . But the next day , upon another Petition of his , setting forth Reasons , from his being a Divine , a Bishop , one that had had the Honour to sit in the House of Peers , and of the King 's Most Honourable Privy-Council , &c. Praying in those regards , not to be exposed to such an Ignominious Death ; the Commons consented to remit the rest of the Sentence , and that he should suffer Death by being Beheaded . Accordingly on the 10th of January , he was conducted from the Tower to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill ; where being arrived , holding a Paper in his Hand , he spake to the People as followeth . Then followeth the Arch-Bishop's Speech and Prayer , and other Circumstances of his Execution , verbatim , as they were Printed in a Pamphlet of three Sheets in 4to , London , 1644. A Larger Supplement to the preceeding History , taken out of Dr : Heylin's Cyprianus Anglicus , : or , his Life of Arch-Bishop Laud. Pag : 527 , &c. THE Bill of Attainder of the Arch-Bishop , passed in the House of Commons November 13. 1644. But yet the Business was not done ; for the Lords stuck at it : Some of which , having not extinguished all the Sparks of Humanity , began to find themselves Compassionate of his Condition , not knowing how soon it should or might be made their own , if once disfavoured by the Grandees of that Potent Faction . For the Ordinance having been Transmitted to the House of Peers , and the House of Peers deliberating somewhat long upon it , it was Voted on December 4. That all Books , Writings , and Evidences , which concerned the Tryal , should be brought before the Lords in Parliament ; to the end , that they might seriously and distinctly consider of all Particulars amongst themselves , as they came before them . But meaning to make sure work of it , they had in the mean time ( after no small Evaporations of Heat and Passion ) prepared an Ordinance , which they sent up unto the Lords , importing the displacing of them from all those Places of Power and Command which they had in the Army . Which being found too weak to hold , they fall upon another and a likelier Project , which was to bring the Lords to sit in the Commons House , where they were sure they should be inconsiderable both for Power and Number . And to effect the same with more speed and certainty , they had recourse to their Old Arts , drawing down Watkins with his General Muster of Subscriptions , and putting a Petition into his Hands , to be tendred by him to the Houses , that is , themselves : Wherein it was required amongst other things , That they should vigorously proceed unto the Punishment of all Delinquents ; and that for the more quick dispatch of Publick Business of State , the Lords would please to Vote and Sit together with the Commons . On such uncertain Terms , such a ticklish Tenure , did they then hold their Place and Power in Parliament , who so officiously complied with the House of Commons , in depriving the Bishops of their Vote , and the Church's Birth-Right . And this was it which helped them in that time of need . And yet not thinking this device sufficient to fright their Lordships to a present compliance , Strowd was sent up with a Message from the House of Commons , to let them know , That the Londoners would shortly bring a Petition , with 20000 Hands to obtain that Ordinance . By which stale and common Stratagem , they wrought so far on some weak Spirits , the rest withdrawing themselves , ( as formerly in the Case of the Earl of Strafford ) that in a thin and slender House , not above six or seven in number , it was pass'd at last . The day before they pass'd the Ordinance for Establishing their New Directory ; which in effect , was nothing but a total Abolition of the Common-Prayer-Book ; and thereby shewed unto the World , how little hopes they had of setling their new Form of Worship , if the Foundation of it were not laid in the Blood of this Famous Prelate , who had so stoutly stood up for it , against all Novellism and Faction , in the whole course of his Life . It was certified by some Letters to Oxon , and so reported in the Mercurius Aulicus of the following Week , That the Lord Bruce ( but better known by the Name of the Earl of Elgin ) was one of the Number of those few Lords , which had Voted to the Sentence of his Condemnation : The others which concurred in that fatal Sentence , being the Earls of Kent , Pembroke , Salisbury , and Bullingbrook , together with the Lord North , and the Lord Gray of Wark . But whatsoever may be said of the other six , I have been advertised lately from a very good Hand , that the said Lord Bruce hath frequently disclaimed that Action , and solemnly professed his detestation of the whole Proceedings , as most abhorrent from his Nature , and contrary to his known Affections , as well unto his Majesty's Service , as the Peace and Preservation of the Church of England . This Ordinance was no sooner passed , but it revived many of those Discourses which had before been made on the like occasion , in the Business of the Earl of Strafford . — Here we have a new-found Treason , never known before , nor declared such by any of his Majesty's Justices , nor ever brought to be considered of by the King and his Parliament ; but only Voted to be such , by some of those Members which sate at Westminster , who were resolved to have it so for their private Ends. The first Example of this kind , the first that ever suffered Death by the Shot of an Ordinance , as himself very well observed in his Dying Speech upon the Scaffold , ( though purposely omitted in Hind's Printed Copy ) to which now he hastneth . For the passing of the Ordinance being signified to him by the then Lieutenant of the Tower ; he neither entertained the News with a Stoical Apathy , nor wailed his Fate with weak and Womanish Lamentations , ( to which Extreams most Men are carried in this Case ) but heard it with so even and so smooth a Temper , as shewed , he neither was ashamed to Live , nor afraid to Die. The time between the Sentence and Execution , he spent in Prayers and Applications to the Lord his God , having obtained , though not without some difficulty , a Chaplain of his own to Attend upon him , and to assist him in the work of his Preparation ; though little Preparation needed to receive that Blow , which could not but be welcome , because long expected . — On the Evening before his Passover , the Night before the dismal Combat betwixt him and Death , after he had refreshed his Spirits with a moderate Supper , he betook himself unto his Rest , and Slept very soundly , till the time came , in which his Servants were appointed to Attend his Rising . A most assured sign of a Soul prepared . The fatal Morning being come , he first applied himself to his private Prayers , and so continued , till Pennington and others of their Publick Officers , came to conduct him to the Scaffold ; which he ascended with so brave a Courage , such a chearful Countenance , as if he had mounted , rather to behold a Triumph , than be made a Sacrifice ; and came not there to Die , but to be Translated . And though some Rude and Uncivil People , Reviled him as he pass'd along , with opprobrious Language , as loth to let him go to the Grave in Peace , yet it never discomposed his Thoughts , nor disturb'd his Patience . For he had profited so well in the School of Christ , that when he was reviled , he reviled not again ; when he suffered , he threatned not , but committed his Cause to him that Judgeth Righteously . And as he did not fear the Frowns , so neither did he covet the Applause of the Vulgar Herd ; and therefore rather chose to read what he had to speak unto the People , than to affect the ostentation , either of Memory or Wit , in that dreadful Agony : Whether with greater Magnanimity than Prudence , I can hardly say . As for the matter of his Speech , besides what did concern himself and his own Purgation , his great care was to clear his Majesty and the Church of England , from any inclination to Popery ; with a perswasion of the which , the Authors of the then present Miseries had abused the People , and made them take up Arms against their Soveraign . A Faithful Servant to the last : By means whereof , as it is said of Sampson in the Book of Judges , That the Men which he slew at his Death , were more than they which he slew in his Life : So may it be affirmed of this Famous Prelate , That he gave a greater Blow unto the Enemies of the Church and the King , at the Hour of his Death , than he had given them in his whole Life before . But this you will more clearly see by the Speech it self , which followeth here according to the best and most perfect Copy , delivered by his own Hands unto one of his Chaplains , and in his Name presented to the King by the Lord John Bellasis at the Court in Oxon. The Speech of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , spoken at his Death , upon the Scaffold on the Tower-Hill , Jan. 10. 1644. Good People , THIS is an uncomfortable Time to Preach ; yet I shall begin with a Text of Scripture , Heb. 12. 2. Let us run with Patience the Race which is set before us , looking unto Jesus , the Author and Finisher of our Faith ; who for the Joy that was set before him , endured the Cross , despising the Shame , and is set down at the right Hand of the Throne of God. I have been long in my Race , and how I have looked to Jesus the Author and Finisher of my Faith , he best knows . I am now come to the End of my Race , and here I find the Cross , a Death of Shame . But the Shame must be despised , or no coming to the Right Hand of God. Jesus despised the Shame for me , and God forbid but that I should despise the Shame for him . I am going apace ( as you see ) towards the Red-Sea , and my Feet are now upon the very Brink of it ; an Argument , I hope , that God is bringing me into the Land of Promise ; for that was the way through which he led his People . But before they came to it , he instituted a Passover for them , a Lamb it was , but it must be eaten with Sour Herbs . I shall obey , and labour to digest the Sour Herbs , as well as the Lamb. And I shall remember it is the Lord 's Passover : I shall not think of the Herbs , nor be angry with the Hand that gathereth them , but look up only unto him , who instituted that , and governs these . For Men can have no more Power over me , than what is given them from above . I am not in Love with this Passage through the Red-Sea , for I have the Weakness and Infirmities of Flesh and Blood plentifully in me ; and I have prayed with my Saviour , Vt transiret Calix iste , That this Cup of Red Wine might pass from me ; but if not , God's Will ( not mine ) be done : And I shall most willingly drink of this Cup , as deep as he pleases , and enter into this Sea ; yea , and pass through it in the way that he shall lead me . But I would have it remembred ( Good People ) that when God's Servants were in this Boisterous Sea , and Aaron amongst them , the Egyptians which persecuted them , ( and did in a manner drive them into the Sea ) were Drowned in the same Waters , while they were in pursuit of them . I know my God , whom I serve , is as able to deliver me from * the Sea of Blood , as he was to deliver the Three Children from the Furnace ; and ( I humbly thank my Saviour for it ) my Resolution is now as theirs was then ; they would not Worship the Image the King had set up , nor will I the Imaginations which the People are setting up ; nor will I forsake the Temple and the Truth of God , to follow the Bleating of Jeroboam's Calves in Dan and Bethel . And as for this People , they are at this Day miserably misled , ( God of his Mercy open their Eyes that they may see the right way ) for at this Day , the Blind lead the Blind , and if they go on , both will certainly fall into the Ditch . For my self , I am ( and I acknowledge it in all Humility ) a most grievous Sinner many ways , by Thought , Word and Deed : I cannot doubt but God hath Mercy in store for me ( a poor Penitent ) as well as for other Sinners . I have now , and upon this sad Occasion , ransacked every corner of my Heart ; and yet ( I thank God ) I have not found ( among the many ) any one Sin , which deserves Death by any known Law of this Kingdom : And yet hereby I charge nothing upon my Judges ; for if they proceed upon Proof ( by valuable Witnesses ) I , or any other Innocent , may be justly Condemned . And ( I thank God ) though the weight of my Sentence be heavy upon me , I am as quiet within , as ever I was in my Life . And though I am not only the First Arch-Bishop , but the First Man that ever died † by an Ordinance in Parliament ; yet some of my Predecessors have gone this way , though not by this means . For Elphegus was hurried away , and lost his Head by the Danes , and Simon Sudbury in the Fury of Wat Tiler and his Fellows . Before these , St. John Baptist had his Head Danced off by a lewd Woman ; and St. Cyprian , Arch-Bishop of Carthage , submitted his Head to a persecuting Sword. Many Examples , ( Great and Good ) and they teach me Patience ; for I hope my Cause in Heaven will look of another Dye than the Colour that is put upon it here . And some Comfort it is to me , not only that I go the way of these Great Men in their several Generations ; but also that my Charge ( as foul as it is made ) looks like that of the Jews against St. Paul , Act. 25. 8. for he was Accused for the Law and the Temple , i. e. Religion : And like that of S. Stephen , Act. 6. 14. for breaking the Ordinances which Moses gave , i. e. Law and Religion , the Holy Place and the Temple , ver . 13. But you will then say , Do I then compare my self with the Integrity of St. Paul and St. Stephen ? No , far be that from me . I only raise a Comfort to my self , that these great Saints and Servants of God , were laid at in their Time , as I am now . And it is memorable , that St. Paul , who helped on this Accusation against St. Stephen , did after fall under the very same himself . Yea ; but here is a great Clamour , that I would have brought in Popery : I shall answer that more fully by and by . In the mean time , you know what the Pharisees said against Christ himself ; if we let him alone , all men will believe in him , & venient Romani , and the Romans will come , and take away both our Place and Nation . Here was a causeless cry against Christ , that the Romans would come : And see how just the Judgment was ; they Crucified Christ for fear lest the Romans should come ; and his Death was it which brought in the Romans upon them , God punishing them with that which they most feared . And I pray God , this Clamour of venient Romani , ( of which I have given no cause ) help not to bring them in . For the Pope never had such an Harvest in England since the Reformation , as he hath now upon the Sects and Divisions that are amongst us . In the mean time , by Honour and Dishonour , by good Report and evil Report , as Deceivers and yet true ; am I passing through this World , 2 Cor. 6. 8. Some Particulars also I think it not amiss to speak of . And First , this I shall be bold to speak of the King our Gracious Soveraign . He hath been much traduced also for bringing in of Popery ; but in my Conscience ( of which I shall give God a very present Account ) I know him to be as free from this Charge as any Man living ; and I hold him to be as sound a Protestant ( according to the Religion by Law Established ) as any Man in this Kingdom ; and that he will venture his Life as far and as freely for it . And I think I do , or should know , both his Affection to Religion , and his Grounds for it , as fully as any Man in England . The Second Particular , is concerning this great and Populous City ( which God bless . ) Here hath been of late a Fashion taken up to gather Hands , and then go to the great Court of this Kingdom , ( the Parliament ) and Clamour for Justice ; as if that Great and Wise Court , before whom the Causes come , ( which are unknown to many ) could not , or would not do Justice but at their appointment . A way which may endanger many an Innocent Man , and pluck his Blood upon their own Heads , and perhaps upon the City 's also : and this hath been lately practised against my self , the Magistrates standing still , and suffering them openly to proceed from Parish to Parish , without any Check . God forgive the Setters of this , ( with all my Heart I beg it ) but many well-meaning People are caught by it . In St. Stephen's Case , when nothing else would serve , they stirred up the People against him . And Herod went the same way when he had killed St. James : Yet he would not venture on St. Peter , till he found how the other Pleased the People . But take heed of having your Hands full of Blood ; for there is a time , ( best known to himself ) when God ( above other Sins ) makes Inquisition for Blood ; and when that Inquisition is on foot the Psalmist tells us , that God remembers , ( that 's not all ) he remembers and forgets not the Complaint of the Poor . That is , whose Blood is shed by Oppression , ver . 9. Take heed of this : It is a fearful thing to fall into the Hands of the Living God ; but then especially , when he is making Inquisition for Blood. And ( with my Prayers to avert it ) I do heartily desire this City to remember the Prophesie that is expressed , Jer. 26. 15. The Third Particular is the Poor Church of England . It hath Flourished , and been a shelter to other Neighbouring Churches , when Storms have Driven upon them . But , alas ! now it is in a Storm it self ; and God only knows whether , or how it shall get out . And ( which is worse than the Storm from without ) it is become like an Oak cleft to Shivers with Wedges made out of it 's own Body , and at every Cleft Profaneness and Irreligion is entring in , while ( as Prosper speaks in his Second Book de Contemptu Vitae , cap. 4. ) Men that introduce Profaneness , are Cloaked over with the Name , Religionis imaginariae , of Imaginary Religion . For we have lost the Substance , and dwell too much in Opinion : And that Church , which all the Jesuites Machinations could not Ruine , is fallen into Danger by her own . The last Particular ( for I am not willing to be too long ) is my self . I was Born and Baptized in the Bosom of the Church of England Established by Law ; in that profession I have ever since lived , and in that I come now to Die. This is no time to dissemble with God , least of all in matters of Religion : And therefore I desire it may be remembred , I have always lived in the Protestant Religion established in England , and in that I come now to Die. What Clamours and Slanders I have endured for labouring to keep an Uniformity in the external Service of God , according to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church , all Men know , and I have abundantly felt . Now at last I am Accused of High-Treason in Parliament , a Crime which my Soul ever abhorred . This Treason was Charged to consist of two Parts , An Endeavour to subvert the Laws of the Land , and a like Endeavour to overthrow the true Protestant Religion Established by Law. Besides my Answers to the several Charges , I protested my Innocency in both Houses . It was said , Prisoners Protestations at the Bar , must not be taken . I can bring no Witness of my Heart , and the Intentions thereof ; therefore I must come to my Protestation , not at the Bar ; but my Protestation at this Hour and Instant of my Death ; in which I hope all Men will be such Charitable Christians , as not to think I would Die and Dissemble , being Instantly to give God an Account for the Truth of it . I do therefore here in the Presence of God and his Holy Angels take it upon my Death , that I never Endeavoured the subversion of Law or Religion : And I desire you all to remember this Protest of mine for my Innocency in this , and from all Treasons whatsoever . I have been Accused likewise as an Enemy to Parliaments : No ; I understand them , and the Benefit that comes by them too well to be so . But I did mislike the Misgovernments of some Parliaments , many ways , and I had good Reason for it . For Corruptio Optimi est Pessima , there is no Corruption in the World , so bad as that which is of the Best Thing within it self ; for the better the thing is in Nature , the worse it is Corrupted . And that being the Highest Court , over which no other hath Jurisdiction , when it is misinformed or misgoverned , the Subject is left without all Remedy . But I have done : I forgive all the World , all and every of those Bitter Enemies which have persecuted me ; and humbly desire to be forgiven of God First , and then of every Man , whether I have offended him or not ; if he do but conceive that I have . Lord do thou forgive me , and I beg forgiveness of him . And so I heartily desire you to joyn in Prayer with me . Which said , with a distinct and audible Voice he Prayed as followeth . O Eternal God and Merciful Father , look down upon me in Mercy , in the Riches and fulness of all thy Mercies look down upon me : But not till thou hast nailed my Sins to the Cross of Christ , not till thou hast bathed me in the Blood of Christ , not till I have hid my self in the Wounds of Christ , that so the Punishment due unto my Sins may pass over me . And since thou art pleased to try me to the utmost , I humbly beseech thee , give me now in this great Instant , full Patience , proportionable Comfort , and a Heart ready to Die for thine Honour , the King's Happiness , and the Churches Preservation . And my Zeal to this ( far from Arrogancy be it spoken ) is all the Sin ( Humane Frailty excepted , and all the Incidents thereunto ) which is yet known to me in this Particular for which I now come to suffer ; I say in this Particular of Treason . But otherwise my Sins are many and great : Lord Pardon them all , and those especially ( whatever they are ) which have drawn down this present Judgment upon me . And when thou hast given me strength to bear it , do with me as seems best in thine own Eyes : And carry me through Death , that I may look upon it in what Visage soever it shall appear to me . Amen . And that there may be a stop of this Issue of Blood in this more than miserable Kingdom , ( I shall desire that I may Pray for the People too , as well as for my self ) O Lord I beseech thee give Grace of Repentance to all Blood-Thirsty People ; but if they will not Repent , O Lord confound all their Devices , defeat and frustrate all their Designs and Endeavours upon them , which are , or shall be contrary to the Glory of thy Great Name , the Truth and Sincerity of Religion , the Establishment of the King and his Posterity after him in their just Rights and Priviledges , the Honour and Conservation of Parliaments in their just Power , the Preservation of this poor Church in her Truth , Peace and Patrimony , and the settlement of this distracted and distressed People under their Ancient Laws , and in their Native Liberty . And when thou hast done all this in meer Mercy to them , O Lord fill their Hearts with Thankfulness , and with Religious Dutiful Obedience to thee and thy Commandments all their Days . Amen , Lord Jesu , Amen . And receive my Soul into thy Bosom , Amen . Our Father which art in Heaven , &c. The Speech and Prayer being ended , he gave the Paper which he read into the Hands of Stern his Chaplain , permitted to Attend him in his last Extremity : Whom he desired to Communicate it to his other Chaplains , that they might see in what manner he left this World ; and so Prayed God to shew his Blessings and Mercies on them . And taking notice that one Hind had employed himself in writing the Words of his Speech as it came from his Mouth , he desired him not to do him wrong in Publishing a False or Imperfect Copy . This done , he next applied himself to the Fatal Block , as to the Haven of his Rest. But finding the way full of People , who had placed themselves upon the Theatre to behold the Tragedy , he desired he might have room to Die , beseeching them to let him have an end of his Miseries which he had endured very long . All which he did with so serene and calm a Mind , as if he rather had been taking order for a Noble-Man's Funeral , than making way for his own . Being come near the Block , he put off his Doublet , and used some Words to this Effect , God's Will be done ; I am willing to go out of this World , none can be more willing to send me . And seeing through the Chinks of the Boards , that some People were got under the Scaffold about the very Place where the Block was seated , he called to the Officer for some Dust to stop them , or to remove the People thence , saying , It was no part of his Desires that his Blood should fall upon the Heads of the People . Never did Man put off Mortality with a Better Courage , nor look upon his Bloody and Malicious Enemies with more Christian Charity . And thus far he was on his way toward Paradise , with such a Primitive Magnanimity , as Equalled if not Exceeded the Example of the Ancient Martyrs , when he was somewhat interrupted by one of those who had placed himself on the Scaffold , not otherwise worthy to be Named , but as a Firebrand brought from Ireland to inflame this Kingdom . Who finding that the Mockings and Revilings of Malicious People , had no power to move him , or sharpen him into any discontent or shew of Passion , would needs put in and try what he could do with his Spunge and Vinegar ; and stepping to him near the Block , he would needs propound unto him some impertinent Questions , not so much out of a desire to learn any thing of him , but with the same purpose as was found in the Scribes and Pharisees in propounding Questions to our Saviour ; that is to say , either to intrap him in his Answers , or otherwise , to expose him to some disadvantage with the standers by . Two of the Questions he made Answer to , with all Christian Meekness . The first Question was , What was the Comfortablest Saying which a Dying Man would have in his Mouth ? To which he Meekly made Answer , Cupio dissolvi & esse cum Christo. Being asked again , What was the fittest Speech a Man could use to express his Confidence and Assurance ? He answered with the same Spirit of Meekness , That such Assurance was to be found within , and that no words were able to express it rightly . But this not satisfying this Busie Man , ( who aimed at something else , as is probable , than such satisfaction ) unless he gave some Word or Place of Scripture , whereupon such Assurance might be truly founded ; he used some words to this effect , That it was the Word of God concerning Christ , and his dying for us . But then finding that there was like to be no end of the Troublesom Gentleman , he turned away from him , applying himself directly to the Executioner , as the Gentler and Discreeter Person . Putting some Money into his Hand , he said unto him , without the least distemper or change of Countenance , Here , Honest Friend , God forgive thee and I do , and do thy Office upon me with Mercy . And having given him a Sign when the Blow should come , he kneeled down upon his Knees , and Prayed as followeth ; viz. Lord I am coming as fast as I can ; I know I must pass through the shadow of Death , before I can come to see thee ; but it is but Umbra Mortis , a meer shadow of Death , a little darkness upon Nature ; but thou by thy Merits and Passion hast broke through the Jaws of Death . * The Lord receive my Soul , and have Mercy upon me , and bless this Kingdom with Peace and Plenty , and with Brotherly Love and Charity , that there may not be this effusion of Christian Blood amongst them , for Jesus Christ his sake , if it be thy will. Then laying his Head upon the Block , and praying silently to himself , he said aloud , Lord receive my Soul ; which was the Signal given to the Executioner ; who very dexterously did his Office , and took off his Head at a blow , his Soul ascending on the Wings of Angels into Abraham's Bosom , and leaving his Body on the Scaffold to the care of Men. And if the Bodies of us Men be capable of any Happiness in the Grave , he had as great a share therein as he could desire , his Body being accompanied to the Earth with great Multitudes of People , whom Love , or Curiosity , or remorse of Conscience , had drawn together purposely to perform that Office , and decently Interred in the Church of Alhallow Barking , ( a Church of his own Patronage and Jurisdiction ) according to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England . In which it may be noted as a thing remarkable , That being whilst he Lived , the greatest Champion of the Common-Prayer-Book here by Law Established , he had the Honour being Dead , to be Buried by the Form therein prescribed , after it had been long disused , and almost reprobated in most Churches of London . Hitherto Dr. Heylin . [ The same day that the House of Lords passed the Ordinance of Attainder against the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , ( viz. Jan. 4. ) they likewise passed an Ordinance , that the Book of Common-Prayer should be laid aside , and for Establishing the Directory for Publick Worship , which had been framed by the Assembly of Divines . Rushworth , par . 3. vol. 2. pag. 839. ] H. W. On the Arch-Bishop's Coffin was nailed a little Brass-Plate , with his Arms , and this Inscription Engraven thereon . In hac Cistuli conduntur Exuviae Gulielmi Laud Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis ; qui Securi percussus , Immortalitatem adiit Die X. Januarij , AEtatis suae LXXII . Archiepiscopatûs XII . In the Year 1663 his Body was removed from All-Hallows Church in London , and , being carried to Oxford , was there Solemnly deposited July 24. in a little brick Vault , near to the Altar of the Chappel in St. John Baptist's College . The Arch-Bishop's Last Will and Testament . In Dei Nomine , Amen . I William Laud , by God's great Mercy and Goodness , Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , being in perfect Health , ( tho' at this time a Prisoner in the Tower of London , God knows for what ) in due and serious Consideration of Humane Frailty , do hereby Make , Ordain and Declare , this my Last Will and Testament , in Manner and Form following . And First , in all Humility and Devotion of a contrite Heart , I 〈◊〉 beg of God Pardon and Remission of all my Sins , for and through the Merits and Mediation of Jesus Christ my alone Saviour . And though I have been a most Prodigal Son ; yet my hope is in Christ , that for his sake , God ( my most merciful Creator ) will not cast off the Bowels of Compassion of a Father . Amen , Lord Jesus . In this Hope and Confidence I render up my Soul with Comfort , into the Mercies of God the Father , through the Merits of God the Son , in the Love of God the Holy Ghost : And I humbly pray that most Blessed and Glorious Trinity , One God , to prepare me in that Hour of Dissolution , and to make me wait every Moment when my Changing shall come , and in my Change , to receive me to that Rest which he * prepared for all them that Love and Fear his Name . So , Amen : Lord Jesu , Amen . Whomsoever I have in the least degree Offended , I heartily ask God and him Forgiveness . And whosoever hath Offended me , I pray God forgive them , and I do . And I hope and pray , that God will forgive me my many Great and Grievous Transgressions against him . Amen . For my Faith , I Die as I have Lived , in the True Orthodox Profession of the Catholick Faith of Christ , foreshewed by the Prophets , and Preached to the World by Christ himself , his Blessed Apostles and their Successors ; and a True Member of his Catholick Church , within the Communion of a Living part thereof , the present Church of England , as it stands Established by Law. Secondly , I leave my Body to the Earth , whence it was taken , in full assurance of the Resurrection of it from the Grave at the last day . This Resurrection I constantly believe my Dear Saviour Jesus Christ will make happy unto me his poor and weary Servant . And for my Burial , tho' I stand not much upon the place , yet if it conveniently may be , I desire to be Buried in the Chappel of St. John Baptist's College in Oxford , underneath the Altar or Communion-Table there . And should I be so unhappy as to die a Prisoner ; yet my earnest desire is , I may not be buried in the Tower. But wheresoever my Burial shall be , I will have it private , that it may not waste any of the poor Means which I leave behind me to better Uses . Thirdly , For my Worldly Estate , I Will , that my Debts be presently paid , which at this time I praise God are very small . Then for St : Paul's Church , it grieves me to see it at such a stand . And tho' I have , besides my pains , given largely towards it , and the Repairs thereof ; yet I leave it a Blessing of 800 l. which will be truly paid in for that Work , if ever it go on , while the Party trusted with it lives . But my Executors are not charged with this ; 't is in safe , but other Hands . Item , I take the boldness to give to my Dread and Dear Soveraign King Charles ( whom God bless ) 1000 l. and I do forgive him the Debt , which he owes me , being 2000 l. and require , that the Tallies for it be delivered up . Item , I give to St : John's College in Oxford , where I was bred , all my Chappel-Plate , gilt or party-gilt : All my Chappel-Furniture , all such Books as I have in my Study at the time of my Death , which they have not in their Library , and 500 l. in Money , to be laid out upon Lands . And I Will , that the Rent of it shall be equally divided to every Fellow and Scholar alike , upon the 17th : day of October , : every fourth Year . Something else I have done for them already , according to my Ability : And God's everlasting Blessing be upon that Place and that Society for ever — I give to the Right Honourable George Lord Duke of Buckingham his Grace , my Chalice and Patin of Gold ; and these I desire the young Duke to accept , and use in his Chappel , as the Memorial of him who had a Faithful Heart to love , and the Honour to be beloved of his Father . So God bless him with wise and good Counsels , and a Heart to follow them . By Father and Mother , I never had Brother nor Sister ; but by my Mother many . They were all Ancient to me , and are Dead ; but I give to their Children as followeth . Legacies — To his Brother Dr : Robinson's Children , Scil : Henry and John , and Lucie , and Elizabeth Wife to Dr : Baily . To Dr : Cotsford , Son of his Sister Amie . To Dr : Edward Layfield , Son of his Sister Bridget . To Eliz : Holt , Daughter of his Sister Bennet . To William Bole , Son of his Sister Elizabeth . To his Sister Briget's Daughter , Wife to Mr : Snow . To his Chaplains . Rings * rich , or Watches . To the Poor of several places he had reference to , 5 l. each . To Canterbury , Lambeth , and Croydon , 10 l. each . To the University of Oxford , where I was Bred , and to the Town of Reading , where I was Born , I have already — in perpetuity , as God hath made me able . Item , I give to so many of my Servants , as did continue my Servants till the time that the Storm fell on me , as followeth . — Among the rest , to Mr : Cobb my Organ that is at Croydon , my Harp , my Chest of Viols , and the Harpsichon that is at Lambeth . The remainder of my Estate , above that which is given , or shall be added to this my Will , I charge my Executor ( as he will Answer me at the Bar of Christ ) that he lay out upon Land , as far as it will go ; and then settle it by some sure course in Law to such Uses , and under the same Conditions , as I have setled my Land at Bray upon the Town of Reading . Of which , 50 l. per Annum , to be setled on the Town of Ockingham , 50 l. on Henly upon Thames , 50 l. on Wallingford , and 50 l. on Windsor , to the Uses aforesaid for ever . If it rise to less ; that there be an even abatement to all these places . But if it purchase more , ( as , says he , it needs must , if I be well dealt with ) all above 200 l. per Annum , he gives to Dr : Baily , and his Son William after him , and his Heirs for ever . — He held a Lease of Barton-Farm ( near Winchester ) of the Cathedral Church of Winchester , taken in his Servant Richard Cobb's Name , Rent 370 l. per Annum , of which , he gives ( during the Lease ) 50 l. per Annum to the City of Winchester , for the binding out of Apprentices ; the rest to several Nephews and Servants . And if ( says he ) the Cathedral Church of Winchester be : suffered to enjoy its Lands , I leave the power of renewing this Lease to Dr : Richard Baily , he paying Mr : Rich. Cobb 100 l. for his pains taken for me in this Purchase , &c. Item , I give to my Successor ( if the present Troubles in the State leave me any ) my Organ in the Chappel at Lambeth ; Provided , that he leave it to the See for ever . Likewise , I give him my Barge , and Furniture to it . As for the Pictures in the Gallery at Lambeth , I leave them to Succession ; as well those that I found there , as those which I have added . But in case the Arch-Bishoprick be dissolved , ( as 't is threatned ) then I Will , that my Executor add the Organ , the Barge , and such Pictures as are mine , to my Estate ; that is , if they escape Plundering . Item , I give to my Servant * Mr : R : C : ( besides what already ) 50 l. if he deal truly with my Estate . By this Will I do revoke all former Wills ; and do charge my Executor ( as he will Answer me before Christ ) that he perform my Will punctually in all Particulars , which the Rapine of the Time shall not have Plundered from him , or the Violence of the Time over-ruled him . Item , I do lay upon Dr : Baily above Named , the charge of all my Papers and Paper-Books , if they can escape the Violence of the Time. And I give him an English Bible in 4to , cover'd with Murry-leather , in which are some brief Notes upon the Liturgy ; and a Note-Book in Folio , in which is my Catalogue of Books in relation to my course of Study , and my Directory to almost all my other Papers and Books : All which Papers and Paper-Books I give him also . But with this Proviso , that he burn all that he thinks not fit to use himself , that my Weakness ( whatever it be ) be not any Man's Scorn ; and my Diligence , I am sure , cannot . Then he makes Dr : Baily his sole Executor , and gives him 200 l. for his pains . But adds , — If he shall not be Living at the time of my Death , or shall die before he make due Probat of this my Will , then Mr : John Robinson of London , Merchant . And if he die , then Mr : Edward Layfeild . And if he die , then Dr : Tho : Walker , Master of Vniversity College . And my express Will is ; that whatsoever my Estate amounts unto , my Executor shall have no more of it , than is particularly and by Name given him in this my Will. And I do heartily pray my Executor to take care , that my Book written against Mr : Fisher the Jesuit , may be Translated into Latin , and sent abroad ; that the Christian World may know , see and judge of my Religion . And I give unto him that Translates it , 100 l. He makes the Bishops , Juxon , Curle , Wren and Duppa , Overseers of his Will , and gives them for their pains 10 l. apiece . Thus I forgive all the World , and heartily desire forgiveness of God and the World : And so again commend and commit my Soul into the Hands of God the Father who gave it , in the Merits and Mercies of my Blessed Saviour Jesus Christ who Redeemed it , and in the Peace and Comfort of the Holy Ghost who Blessed it ; and in the Truth and Unity of his Holy Catholick Church , and in the Communion of the Church of England , as it yet stands Established by Law. I most willingly leave the World , being weary at the very Heart of the Vanities of it , and of my own Sins , many and great , and of the grievous Distractions of the Church of Christ almost in all parts of Christendom : Which Distractions God in his good time make up , who well knows upon what many of them are grounded . For the Mony to bear the Charge of those Legacies expressed in my Will , and other Intendments ; I have , for fear of the present Storm , committed it to honest , and ( I trust in God ) safe Hands . And I doubt not , but they will deliver the Mony in their several Custodies to my Executor for the Uses expressed . But I forbear to Name them ; lest the same Storm should fall on them , which hath driven me out of all I have considerable in my own Possession , &c. Jan : 13 : Anno : 1643. Probat : 8 : Jan : 1661. by Dr : Baily . Several Passages of Arch-Bishop Laud's Conference with Fisher the Jesuit , 〈◊〉 Londin . 1639. Fol. referred to in the preceding History . I. Pag. 211. IN some Kingdoms there are divers Businesses of greatest Consequence , which cannot be finally and bindingly ordered , but in and by Parliament . And particularly the Statute-Laws , which must bind all the Subjects , cannot be made and ratified , but there . — And again , as the Supreme Magistrate in the State Civil , may not abrogate the Laws made in Parliament , though he may dispense with the Sanction , or Penalty of the Law , quoad hic & nunc , as the Lawyers speak . II. Pag. 171. John Capgrave , one of your own , and Learned for those Times ; and long before him William of Malmesbury tells us , that Pope Vrban the Second , at the Council held at Bari in Apulia , accounted my worthy Predecessor S. Anselm , as his own Compeer , and said , he was as the Apostolick and Patriarch of the other World. ( So he then termed this Island . ) Now the Britains having a Primate of their own , ( which is greater than a Metropolitan ) yea a Patriarch if you will , he could not be appealed from , to Rome , by S. Gregory's own Doctrine . III. Pag. 278. The Doctrine it self is so full of Danger , that it works strongly , both upon the Learned and Unlearned , to the Scandal of Religion , and the Perverting of Truth . For the unlearned First , how it works upon them by whole Countries together , you may see by what happened in Asturia , Cantabria , Galaecia ; no small parts of Spain . For there the People ( so he * tells me that was an Eye-Witness , and that since the Council of Trent ) are so addicted to their Worm-eaten and Deformed Images , that when the Bishops commanded New , and Handsomer Images to be set up in their rooms , the poor People cryed for their Old , would not look up to their New , as if they did not represent the same thing . And it works upon the Learned too , more than it should . For it wrought so far upon Lamas himself , who bemoaned the former passage , as that he delivers this Doctrine , That the Images of Christ , the Blessed Virgin , and the Saints , are not to be Worshiped , as if there were any Divinity in the Images , as they are Material things made by Art ; But only as they represent Christ and the Saints ; for else it were Idolatry . So then belike , according to the Divinity of this Casuist , a Man may Worship Images , and ask of them , and put his Trust in them , as they represent Christ and the Saints : For so there is Divinity in them , though not as things , yet as Representers . And what I pray did , or could any Pagan-Priest say more than this ? For the Proposition resolved is this ; The Images of Christ and the Saints , as they represent their Exemplars , have Deity or Divinity in them . And now I pray , A. C. do you be Judge , whether this Proposition do not teach Idolatry ? And whether the Modern Church of Rome be not grown too like to Paganism in this Point ? For my own part , I heartily wish it were not . And that Men of Learning would not strain their Wits to spoil the Truth , and rent the Peace of the Church of Christ , by such Dangerous , such Superstitious Vanities . For better they are not ; but they may be worse . Nay , these and their like have given so great a Scandal among us , to some ignorant , though ( I presume ) well-meaning Men , that they are afraid to Testifie their Duty to God , even in his own House , by any outward Gesture at all . Insomuch , that those very Ceremonies , which by the Judgment of Godly and Learned Men , have now long continued in the Practice of the Church , suffer hard Measure for the Romish Superstitions sake . IV. Pag. 292. And for the Calvinists , if they might be rightly understood , they also maintain a most True and Real Presence , though they cannot permit their Judgment to be Transubstantiated . And they are Protestants too . And this is so known a Truth , that Bellarmin confesses it . lib. 1. de Euchar. cap. 2. s. quinto dicit . — For the Calvinists , at least they which follow Calvin himself , do not only believe , that the true and real Body of Christ is received in the Eucharist ; but that it is there , and that we partake of it Verè & Realiter , ( which are Calvin's own Words ; ) And yet Bellarmin boldly affirms , that to his reading , no one Protestant did ever affirm it . And I , for my part , cannot believe but 〈◊〉 had read Calvin , and very carefully , he doth so frequently and so mainly oppose him . Nor can that place by any Art be shifted , or by any Violence wrested from Calvin's true meaning of the Presence of Christ in and at the Blessed Sacrament of the Eucharist , to any Supper in Heaven whatsoever . But most manifest it is , that quod legerim , for ought I have read , will not serve Bellarmin to excuse him . For he himself , but in the very Chapter going before , quotes four places out of Calvin , in which he says expresly , That we receive in the Sacrament the Body and the Blood of Christ verè , truly . So Calvin says it four times , and Bellarmin quotes the places ; and yet he says in the very next Chapter , That never any Protestants said so , to his Reading . And for the Church of England , nothing is more plain , than that it believes and teaches the true and real presence of Christ in the Eucharist . V. Pag. 376. Secondly , if the Religion of the Protestants be in Conscience a known false Religion , then the Romanists Religion is so too ; for their Religion is the same . Nor do the Church of Rome and the Protestants set up a different Religion , ( for the Christian Religion is the same to both ) but they differ in the same Religion ; and the difference is in certain gross Corruptions , to the very endangering of Salvation , which each side says the other is guilty of . VI. Pag. 377. After these Reasons thus given by him , A. C. tells me , That I neither do , nor can prove any Superstition or Error to be in the Roman Religion . What , none at all ? Now truly , I would to God from my Heart this were true , and that the Church of Rome were so happy , and the whole Catholick Church thereby blessed with Truth and Peace . For I am confident such Truth as that , would soon either command Peace , or confound Peace-Breakers . But is there no Superstition in Adoration of Images ? None in Invocation of Saints ? None in Adoration of the Sacrament ? Is there no Errour in breaking Christ's own Institution of the Sacrament , by giving it but in one kind ? None about Purgatory ? About Common-Prayer in an unknown Tongue none ? These and many more , are in the Roman Religion , ( if you will needs call it so ) and 't is no hard work to prove every of these to be Errour , or Superstition , or both . VII . Pag. 320. For a Church may hold the Fundamental Point Literally , and as long as it stays there , be without controul ; and yet Err grosly , dangerously , nay , damnably , in the Exposition of it . And this is the Church of Rome's Case . For most true it is , it hath in all Ages maintained the Faith unchanged in the expression of the Articles themselves : But it hath in the Exposition both of Creeds and Councils , quite changed and lost the Sense and the Meaning of some of them . So the Faith is in many things changed , both for Life and Belief , and yet seems the same . Now that which deceives the World is , that because the Bark is the same , Men think this old decayed Tree is as sound as it was at first , and not weather-beaten in any Age. But when they can make me believe that Painting is true Beauty , I 'll believe too , that Rome is not only Sound , but Beautiful . VIII . Pag. 128. For the Church may import in our Language , The only True Church ; and perhaps , ( as some of you seem to make it ) the Root and the Ground of the Catholik . And this I never did grant of the Roman Church , nor ever mean to do . But a Church can imply no more , than that it is a Member of the whole . And this I never did , nor ever will deny , if it fall not absolutely away from Christ. That it is a True Church , I granted also ; but not a Right , as you impose upon me . For Ens and Verum , Being and True , are convertible one with another ; and every thing that hath a Being , is truly that Being which it is , in truth of Substance . But this Word Right is not so used ; but it is referred more properly to perfection in Conditions : And in this Sense , every thing that hath a true and real Being , is not by and by Right in the Conditions of it . A Man that is most Dishonest , and Unworthy the Name , a very Thief ( if you will ) is a True Man , in the Verity of his Essence , as he is a Creature Endued with Reason ; for this none can steal from him , nor he from himself ; but Death . But he is not therefore a Right , or an Upright Man. And a Church that is exceeding Corrupt , both in Manners and Doctrine , and so a Dishonour to the Name , is yet a True Church in the verity of Essence , as a Church is a Company of Men , which profess the Faith of Christ , and are Baptized into his Name ; but yet it is not therefore a Right Church , either in Doctrine or Manners . It may be you meant cunningly to slip in this Word Right , that I might at unawares grant it Orthodox : But I was not so to be caught . For I know well , that Orthodox Christians are Keepers of Integrity , ( so St. Augustin ) and Followers of right Things ; of which the Church of Rome at this Day is neither . In this Sense then no Right , that is , no Orthodox Church at Rome . IX . Epist. Dedicat. circa med . For , to my remembrance , I have not given him , or his , so much as Course Language . But on the other side , God forbid too , that your Majesty should let both Laws and Discipline sleep , for fear of the Name of Persecution , and in the mean time , let Mr. Fisher and his Fellows , Angle in all parts of your Dominions for your Subjects . If in your Grace and Goodness you will spare their Persons , yet I humbly beseech you see to it , That they be not suffered to lay either their Weels , or Bait their Hooks , or cast their Nets in every Stream , lest that Tentation grow both too general , and too strong . I know they have many Devices to work their Ends ; but if they will needs be Fishing , let them use none but Lawful Nets : Let 's have no dissolving of Oaths of Allegiance , no Deposing , no Killing of Kings , no blowing up of States to settle Quod Volumus , That which fain they would have in the Church ; with many other Nets , as dangerous as these . For if their Profession of Religion were as good as they pretend it is , if they cannot compass it by good means , I am sure they ought not to attempt it by bad : For if they will do evil that good may come thereof , the Apostle tells me , Their Damnation's just , Rom. 3. 8. Now , as I would humbly beseech your Majesty to keep a serious Watch upon these Fishermen , which pretend S. Peter ; but Fish not with his Net. So , &c. X. A Passage out of the Conference at Hampton-Court , referred to in the preceding History . Pag. 28. Upon the first Motion , concerning falling from Grace , the Bishop of London took occasion to signifie to his Majesty , how very many in these days , neglecting Holiness of Life , presumed too much of persisting of Grace , laying all their Religion upon Predestination , if I shall Saved , I shall be Saved ; which he termed a desperate Doctrine , shewing it to be contrary to good Divinity , and the True Doctrine of Predestination , wherein , we should Reason rather ascendendo , than descendendo ; thus ; I Live in Obedience to God , in Love with my Neighbour , I follow my Vocation , &c. therefore I trust that God hath Elected me , and Predestinated me to Salvation : Not thus , which is the usual course of Argument ; God hath Predestinated and chosen me to Life ; therefore though I sin never so grievously , yet I shall not be damned : For whom he once loveth , he loveth to the End. Whereupon , he shewed his Majesty out of the next Article , what was the Doctrine of the Church of England , touching Predestination , in the very last Paragraph , Scil. We must receive God's Promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in Holy Scripture , and in our doings , that the Will of God is to be followed , which we have expresly declared unto us in the Word of God. Which part of the Article his Majesty very well approved . And after he had , after his manner , very singularly discoursed on that place of Paul , Work out your Salvation with fear and trembling ; he left it to be considered , whether any thing were meet to be added , for the clearing of the Doctor his doubt , by putting in the Word often , or the like ; as thus , We may often depart from Grace : But in the mean time wished that the Doctrine of Predestination might be very tenderly handled , and with great discretion ; lest on the one side God's Omnipotency might be called in question , by impeaching the Doctrine of his eternal Predestination ; or on the other side a desperate Presumption might be arreared , by inferring the necessary certainty of standing and persisting in Grace . XI . A Passage out of the Arch-Bishop's Speech in Star-Chamber , at the Censure of Pryn , Burton , and Bastwick , referred to in the Preceding History . Pag. 36. The Learned make but Three Religions to have been of old in the World , Paganism , Judaism , and Christianity ; and now they have added a Fourth , which is Turcism , and is an absurd mixture of the other three . Now if this ground of theirs be true ( as 't is generally received ) perhaps it will be of dangerous consequence , sadly to avow , that the Popish Religion is Rebellion . That some Opinions of theirs teach Rebellion , that 's apparently True ; the other would be thought on ; to say no more . XII . A Passage out of the New Statutes of the Cathedral and Metropolitical Church of Christ in Canterbury , drawn by the Arch-Bishop , and prescribed to that Church by the King , 1636. Cap. 34. de Celebratione Divinorum . Statuimus etiam ; ut nullus Canonicorum & aliorum in Choro Ministrantium , Divinorum Officiorum tempore , absque Insignibus Choro & Gradui convenientibus , Chorum ingrediatur . Singuli verò , cujuscunque fuerint Gradûs aut Ordinis , in ingressu Chori Divinam Majestatem devotâ mente adorantes , humiliter se inclinabunt versùs Altare ( prout antiquis quarundam Ecclesiarum Statutis cautum novimus ) & dein conversi , Decano quoque debitam Reverentiam exhibebunt . Quòd si contigerit aliquem ex quacunque causâ de loco in locum transire in Choro ; Reverentiam similiter in medio Chori , tam versùs Altare , quàm versùs stallum Decani ( si praesens fuerit ) exhibebit , tum in eundo , tum in redeundo , toties quoties . XIII . A Passage out of Arch-Bishop Parker's Antiquitates Britannicae , concerning Prohibitions , referred to in the preceding History . Pag. 326 , 327. edit . Londin . Jamque Juris Regni periti , ut sui commodi Causâ Regia for a multitudine litium & Infinitate replerent , plerasque Causas & Controversias ab Archiepiscopali & Episcopali Audientiâ ad sua Judicia vocabant ; & Ecclesiasticam Jurisdictionem decimarum , Matrimoniorum & Testamentorum atque ultimarum Voluntatum , finibus & cancellis concludere volebant ; in quibus etiam saepe ejus potestatem Prohibitionibus Regiis coercebant & impediebant . Tum illa Provisionum Statuta & Brevia de Praemunire , si Praelati ac Judices ecclesiastici digitum ( ut aiunt ) latum praescriptos à se jurisdictionis fines transilirent , multis minis vibrabant . Ea Poena Praelatis valdè terribilis fuit . Nam si à laicis Judicibus rei pronuntiarentur , & bonis omnibus mulctandi & aeternis carcerum tenebris involvendi erant . Hujus Poenae atrocitate Episcopi & Praelati jurisdictione praediti ita perplexi & perturbati sunt ; ut quia Leguleiorum minantia Tela vix vitare poterant , consilium sine Morâ ineundem putarunt , & Londini in Synodo convenerunt . In eâ supplicationem totius Anglicani Cleri Nomine conceptam Regi tradiderunt ; in qua de laicis judicibus oppidò semperquè clericis infestis graviter conquesti sunt . Nullam esse Causam dixerunt , cur pro Regis Regnique incolumitate ac Salute major Fides consuetudinum quàm Legum peritis sibique Ecclesiasticae Jurisdictionis Praelatis haberetur . Se enim jure certo haerere ac insistere ; illos arbitrio vagari , ac jura pro causis quotidianis quotidiana suo aeri insculpere , eademque in causis eisdem figere , tollere ac refigere . Tum quod in aliis Statutis Parliamenti Authoritate edantur ( quo quidem jure nescitur ) interpretationem sibi peculiariter arrogare & leges condentium intentiones atque mentes ( quae sola lex omnibus humanis legibus imperitat ) incertis motivis & decretis impudenter & imperitè , quocunque vellent , deducere . Non esse autem aliam Regi causam , cur Praelatorum fides sibi in dubium veniret , quàm quod prioribus seculis Clerus à Rege defecit , & Romano Pontifici adhaesit . Nunc autem eadem ista lata jura , quae Praelatis ipsis in Parliamento contra Romanum Pontificem deprecantibus pro jure Regio sancita sunt , in Praelatos Regni iniquâ Juridicorum & Leguleiorum calumniâ censurâque torqueri . Id quod ex uno inani verbo , ab aliquo litigioso calumniatore perperam interpretato , perspici facilè possit . Nam Lex his disertis verbis sancita est . That if any purchase or pursue , or do to be purchased or pursued , in the Court of Rome , or elsewhere ; any such Translations , Processes , and Sentences of Excommunications , Bulls , Instruments , or any other things , which touch the King , against him , his Regality , or his Realm , &c. Si quis impetret aut persequatur , seu impetrari vel persequi procuret , in Curiâ Romanâ , seu alibi , aliquas ejusmodi Translationes , Processus & Sententias excommunicationum , Bullas , Instrumenta , vel aliam rem quamcunque , quae Regem tangat , contra eum , ejus regalem dignitatem vel regnum . Ex his verbis Causidici , qui Praelatos Sanctionum periculis involvere vellent , cavillantur hac tam gravi poenâ ecclesiasticos Judices teneri , si quantulumcunquè in jurisdictionem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aut quovismodo titubaverint . Quo terrore proposito , perdifficilis & periculosa erit ecclesiasticae jurisdictionis tam arctis coercitae sinibus tractatio . Quod eo est 〈◊〉 , quia Statutum illud in Praelatorum gratiam latum est . Cum enim indignissimi antea quique ad Papam promiscuè confugissent , ab eoque nummis intervenientibus opulentissima beneficia & maximas dignitates Ecclesiasticas impetrâssent ; nec Praelati ea ambitione & cupiditate Romanâ impediti Ecclesias , quarum essent Patron , liberè conferre poterant , proscriptione sancitum est : Ne Regis deinceps subditi 〈◊〉 provisiones à Papâ peterent ; aut citationes , processus , excommunicationes , vel ecclesiasticas censuras à Papâ Romae , seu alibi , ratione hujusmodi Provisionum decretas , interpositas , aut fulminatas , in Angliâ vel alibi , contra Regem aut Regis subditos exequeretur , denunciaret , aut promulgaret . Quod verbum alibi calumniosi Legulei malitiosâ interpretatione convertunt in Praelatos ; ejusque sensum esse call dè fingunt , si de causa civili non modo Romae , sed in ecclesiasticis foris & consisto ijs , quae Curias Christianitatis appellant , etiam in regno , lis fortè interveniat . At longè alium fuisse illorum sensum , quorum consensu conditum tum Statutum fuit , certum est , qui illud verbum in curiâ Romanâ vel alibi , interposuerunt . Quia Papa ipse saepe ab urbe Romanâ Lugduni , Pisis , Avinione , aliisque locis , Româ longè lateque disjunctis , abfuit , in quibus illa 〈◊〉 jura non minus quam Romae usurpavit . Tum 〈◊〉 Papae eadem ipso Papae Nomine frequenter facere ; quibus perinde illâ saluberrimâ sanctione occurrendum fuit , quam his quae Romae siunt . Itaquè contra omnem juris & aequitatis rationem esse ; ut quae salubriter in Praelatorum utilitatem constituta sunt , iniquissimis interpretantium cavillis in eorum perniciem torqueantur . Praeterea quis existimare queat , tam insanos tum fuisse Episcopos ; ut tam duris & saevis , si modò ita accipiantur , in se Legibus vellent consentire ? Nam si causas forte civiles in suis foris tractent , pedemque in Regis jurisdictionem intulerint ; an eâdem poenâ afficiendi censerentur , quâ Papae provisores ? Etenim omni aequo & rationabili jure 〈◊〉 convenit esse delicto parem . Itaquè si jurisdictionis sibi 〈◊〉 sines exeant ; non ipso jure tam graves poenas incurrant ; sed Prohibitionibus coerceantur , quas si contempserint , vindicentur de contemptu . Legum enim poenas verborum ambiguitate ad casus non expressos nullo jure referendas ; sed si verbum ullum in condendâ lege ambiguum interveniat , etiam si de condentium mente non appareat , tamen id in benigniorem significationem interpretatione deducendum . Ad extremum addiderunt , iniquè secum agi , quòd laicorum Judicum , qui ut ecclesiastica jurisd ctio pen tus 〈◊〉 , & contemptui vulgo siat , quidlibet statuere vellent , tanquam inimicorum censuras & judicia patiantur . Summa petitionis hujus fuit ; ut Parliamenti interpretatione illa vox alibi , quae tam perplexam difficultatem induxit , declaretur ; tum ut Ecclesiastici Judices , nisi Prohibitiones regias spreverint 〈◊〉 tam atroci contra Provisores poena non teneantur : Postremò , ut hi , qui de jurisdictionis finibus totis viribus contra Praelatos tam hostiliter semper dimicare solent , à concedendis Prohibitionibus , & cognoscendis hujusmodi causis exercendisque in Ecclesiasticos Judices judiciis supersedeant : Alijque statuantur , qui cum de jurisdictionis utriusque finibus agatur , aut illae causae in controversiam venirent , sine omni suspicione & interpretari controversa jura aequius , & sine invidiâ judicare , rectius velint . In hac autem re Polidorus Virgilius falsus est . Quod Martinum Papam , qui diu antè obijt , cum Henrico Sexto Rege de rescindendis illis juribus & actionibus egisse , & illa statuta , quae contrà Papae Provisiones lata sunt , à poenis provisis & praemonitis nuncupata esse scribat . Sed ut omisso 〈◊〉 peregrino & à nostrae historiae sensu veritateque aliena , ad hanc Praesulum atque Praelatorum supplicationem revertamur : Si tum , cum Papa authoritatem regiam in omni jurisdictione exerceret , cumquè vis ejus etiam Regibus esset formidabilis , tamen contra tam immanem & violentam juris regni peritorum interpretationem deprecari Praelati coacti sunt ; quid nunc facient , cum Ecclesiasticae jurisdictionis gubernaculis Principi delatis , & Papali usurpatione exclusâ , nec illa Causidicorum turba neque quisquam 〈◊〉 hominum ordo majore fide , religione , doctrinâ , prudentiâ & facundiâ Papalem oppugnent , & Principis jurisdictionem tueantur , quàm Praelati : Vt graviori supplicio digni sint hi , qui Ecclesiastica judicia jam contrà Papam , eaquè Principis nomine exercitata , obsoletis illorum Statuorum calumnijs nunc impediant , & Praelatos à munere suo piè recteque gerendo deterreant ; quàm qui priscis illis temporibus Papales Provisiones Romae vel alibi impetrarent . Quod si tam iniqui calumniatores duriores esse volunt , & vetera ob alias causas lata jura non ad Principis aut Reipublicae ; sed ad suam utilitatem atque quaestum , & ad integerrimi religiosissimique Praelatorum ordinis perniciem refricare volunt ; saltem ipsi simili Lege latâ patiantur legem talionis : eademque poena plectantur ; si in Ecclesiasticae jurisdictionis limites incurrant , quâ Praelatos , si suas causas vel minimo digito attigerint , affici volunt . XIV . A Passage out of Arch-Bishop Parker's Antiquitates Britannicae , concerning Ceremonies used in Consecration of Churches , referred to in the Preceding History . Pag. 85. Etsi enim assentior rectè ac secundum Deum egisse Pontifices [ Romanos ] quòd hujusmodi nugis ac praestigijs , quae multis ante eos saeculis in summo usu & existimatione à veteribus culta & observata fuerunt , fidem omnem ac authoritatem detraxerint ; in hoc tamen desidero illorum 〈◊〉 Pietatem , sive Prudentiam , quod quae in eo genere corrigere volebant , in alio deteriora effecerunt ; ut immutata magis & ad novas superstitiones traducta , quàm penitus deleta & extincta cernantur . Legat enim qui volet recentiores , & nostro praesertim aevo editos , Pontificales ac Missales Libros ; reperiet eos & Ceremoniarum multitudine & peragendi difficultate atque taedio , & exorcisationis amentiâ , priores illos longè superare . Quibus enim , non dicam verbis , sed portentes , haec & hujusmodi à Pontificijs adhuc adjurantur ? Primarius Lapis , & Caementum pro Ecclesiâ aedificandâ , Sal & Aqua , Panis Benedictus , Dedicatio recentis Ecclesiae , Altaria , Vasa , Indumenta , Linteamina , & Ornamenta Ecclesiastica , Altare Portatile , Calix cum Patenâ , Crux Nova , Sanctorum Imagines , Campane atque Signa , Cineres , Incensus , tum in Militum ( ut vocant ) Règularium erectione , Arma , Enses & Vexilla Beilica . Haec omnia , quàm solenni ritu , Sanctarum Scripturarum Sententijs ad suas Decantationes perperam adhibitis , Pontificij peragunt , paucis videamus , &c. — Sed quid hujus generis infinita exempla persequar ? Cui enim dubium est , hujusmodi Exorcismis Papales Ritus & Ceremonias abundare ; qui ab his , quos in ordinatione Ordalii vulgarisque purgationis antiquitus secuta est , quam serò damnabant , aut nihil differunt , aut pluribus magisque stupendis praestigijs referti sunt . At Sanctus Augustinus , qui suo tempore de Caeremoniarum multitudine quaestus est , si jam viveret , quid de hoc immenso numero , & prolixo earum celebrandarum modo , existimare poterat ? XV. A Passage out of a Pamphlet , entituled Antidotum Culmerianum . Printed at Oxford , 1644. 〈◊〉 . referred to in the preceding History . Pag. 11. Who but he ( Richard Culmer , then demolishing the painted Glass and other Ornaments of the Cathedral Church of Canterbury ) made the place his Refectory , his Dining Room , the place of his Repast at that time ? Being so sedulous , hot and intent upon the Work , that to lose no time in following it , he took his Bottle and Bag with him to victual himself upon the place . If all this amount not to Impudence , as perhaps with too many Judges in these Days it will not ; I shall tell you now of Impudence with a Witness : And I term it so , because I have it from an Eye-Witness of good Credit , that , not without just Scandal , saw the deed done , and will be ready , if lawfully required , to attest and justifie the Report with his Corporal Oath . What do you think then of Pissing in the open Church , and at Noon-Day , in Publick view ? — This is he that did the deed in the Body of that Cathedral , &c. XVI . A Passage out of the same Pamphlet , referred to in the preceding History , being part of Richard Culmer's Information against Mr. E. B. a Gentleman of Quality of Goodneston in Kent , his Parishioner , Exhibited at the Council-Table . Pag. 35. And I heard the said Mr. B. say , having read over the Book of Sabbath-Recreations , and delivering it to me before Evensong in the Church , I asked him , if he had read it ; he replyed , yes ; it will make a good Privy Seal . And my Wife and I heard him in our own House say of the said Book , that it was , as if a School-Master should say ; it is a good Boy , ply thy Book , and thou shalt go to play in the Afternoon . And I and my Servant heard him say , that it was unfit such Books should be sent for Ministers to read in the Church . Yet , after he had a Project to get my Benefice , he to collogue for it , said in my Hearing that it was a good Book ; and if it were read , the Sabbath would be better kept than ever it was . Dated July 31. 1635. Per me Rich. Culmer . XVII . A third Passage out of the same Pamphlet , referred to in the preceding History , being the Order of Council-Table , made against Richard Culmer , after he had Exhibited the said Information . Pag. 19. At White-Hall , Octob. 9. 1635. Present . Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace . Lord Keeper Lord Privy-Seal Earl Marshal . Lord Cottington . Mr. Secretary Windebank . Whereas upon an Information given by R. C. Clerk , against E. B. of B. in the County of Kent , Gent. the said E. B. was sent for by Warrant , and bound to Appear and Answer the same before their Lordships , Friday the 9th of this present ; this day , both the said Parties having been called and heard before the Board : Their Lordships finding the said Information and Complaint against Mr. B. to have been Causeless and Unjust , did think fit and order , that he should be forthwith discharged from any further Attendance concerning the same , and that the Bonds by him entred into for his Appearance , should be delivered up unto him . Lastly , that the said R. C. should , for such his Mis-information and Abuse , stand committed Prisoner to the Fleet. XVIII . A Passage out of a Sermon , Preached by Dr. Heylin at Oxford , 1630. against the Feoffment for buying in Impropriations , referred to in the preceding History . Life of Arch-Bishop Laud , pag. 199. Planting also many Pensionary Lecturers in so many places where it need not ; and upon days of common Labour , will at the best bringing forth of Fruit , appear to be a Tare indeed , though now no Wheat be counted Tares , &c. We proceed a little on further in the proposal of some things to be considered . The Corporation of Feoffees for buying in of Impropriations to the Church ; doth it not seem in the appearance to be an excellent piece of Wheat ? A Noble and Gracious point of Piety ? Is not this Templum Domini , Templum Domini ? But , blessed God , that Men should thus draw near unto thee with their Mouths , and yet be far from thee in their Hearts ! For what are those intrusted in the managing of this great Business ? Are they not the most of them the most Active , and the best Affected Men in the whole Cause , and Magna Partium Momenta , chief Patrons of the Faction ? And what are those whom they prefer ? Are they not most of them such as must be serviceable to their dangerous Innovations ? And will they not in time have more Preferments to bestow , and therefore more Dependencies , than all the Prelates in the Kingdom , &c. yet all this while we sleep and slumber , and fold our Hands in Sloth ; and see perhaps , but dare not note it . XIX . A Passage out of the Statute of the 27th of Elizabeth , against Jesuits and Seminary Priests , referred to in the preceding History . 27 Eliz. cap. 2. sect . 3. And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid ; that it shall not be Lawful to or for any Jesuit , Seminary Priest , or other such Priest , Deacon , or Religious Ecclesiastical Person whatsoever , being born within this Realm , or any other Her Highness Dominions , and heretofore since the said Feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist , in the First Year of Her Majesty's Reign , made , ordained , or professed , or hereafter to be made , ordained , or professed , by any Authority or Jurisdiction , derived , challenged , or pretended from the See of Rome , by or of what Name , Title , or Degree so-ever , the same shall be called or known , to come into , be , or remain in any part of this Realm , or any other Her Highness Dominions , after the end of the same forty days , other than in such special Cases , and upon such special Occasions only , and for such time only , as is expressed in this Act ; and if he do , then every such Offence shall be taken and adjudged to be High Treason ; and every Person so offending , shall for his Offence be adjudged a Traytor , and shall suffer , lose and forfeit , as in Case of High Treason . And every Person , which after the end of the same forty days , and after such time of departure , as is before limited and appointed , shall wittingly , and willingly receive , relieve , comfort , aid , or maintain , any such Jesuit , Seminary Priest , or other Priest , Deacon , or Religious or Ecclesiastical Person , as is aforesaid , being at Liberty , or out of hold , knowing him to be a Jesuit , Seminary Priest , or other such Priest , Deacon , or Religious or Ecclesiastical Person , as is aforesaid , shall also for such Offence be adjudged a Felon , without Benefit of Clergy , and suffer Death , lose and forfeit , as in Case of one Attainted of Felony . XX. A Passage out of Sir Edward Coke's Institutes , being his Judgment upon the said Statute , referred to in the preceding History . Lib. 3. cap. 37. The Cause of making this Statute of 27 Eliz. against Jesuits and Seminary Priests and their Receivers , you may read at large lib. 5. fol. 38 , 39. in the Case De Jure Regis Ecclesiastico . [ Sir Edward Coke's Words in the place referred to by himself , are here subjoined . ] And albeit many of Her Subjects , after the said Bull of Pius Quintus , adhering to the Pope , did renounce their former Obedience to the Queen , in respect of that Bull ; yet all this time no Law was either made or attempted against them for their Recusancy , &c. — Then Jesuits and Romish Priests were sent over ; who in secret Corners whispered and infused into the Hearts of many of the Unlearned Subjects of this Realm , that the Pope had Power to Excommunicate and Depose Kings and Princes ; that he had Excommunicated the late Queen , Deprived Her of Her Kingdom , and discharged all Her Subjects of their Oaths , Duties , and Allegiance to Her — And thereupon Campian , Sherwin , and many other Romish Priests were Apprehended , &c. — But all this time there was no Act of Parliament made , either against Recusants , or Jesuits , or Priests , &c. — But after these Jesuits and Romish Priests coming daily into , and swarming within this Realm , instilling still this Poison into the Subjects Hearts , that by Reason of the said Bull of Pius Quintus , Her Majesty was Excommunicated , Deprived of Her Kingdom , &c. In the 27th Year of her Reign , by Authority of Parliament , Her Majesty made it Treason , for any Jesuit or Romish Priest , being Her Natural Born Subject , and made a Romish Priest or Jesuit since the beginning of Her Reign , to come into any of her Dominions : Intending thereby to keep them out of the same , to the end , that they should not infect any other Subjects , with such Treasonable and Damnable Persuasions and Practices , as are aforesaid : Which without Controversie were High Treason , by the Ancient and Common Laws of England . Neither would ever Magnanimous King of England , sithence the first Establishment of this Monarchy , have suffered any ( especially being his own Natural Born Subjects ) to live , that persuaded his Subjects , that he was no Lawful King , and practised with them to withdraw them from their Allegiance , &c. XXI . A Passage out of Bishop Montague's Origines 〈◊〉 , referred to in the preceding History . Tom. 1. par . 2. pag. 464. Sanctè credimus , accuratè tuemur & defendimus , hoc ipsum Officium & munus in Ecclesiâ , sive Apostolicum , seu 〈◊〉 , adeò esse de necessitate salutis ordinariâ ; ut sine altero alterum esse nequeat . Non est Sacerdotium , nisi in Ecclesiâ ; non est Ecclesia sine Sacerdotio . Illud autem intelligo , per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Episcopalem Ordinariam . Neque enim admittendam censemus extraordinariam aliquam seu Vocationem seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nisi miraculosam . Oportet omnino miraculis agant , & suam confirment functionem signo aliquo ; qui non ab Episcopis , derivata ab Apostolis per Successionem Institutione , in Ecclesiam inducuntur ; sed vel orti à sese , vel nescio unde intrusi , sese ingerunt . Nam quod praetendunt , ordinariam Vocationem retinendam , adhibendam , eique adhaerescendum , nisi in casu 〈◊〉 , absurdum est ; & suppositioni innititur impossibilitatis . Neque enim talis casus aut extit it aliquando , aut contingere potest ; nisi fallat nos Dominus , qui promisit : Portae Inferorum non praevalebunt , &c. THE ANSWER OF THE Most Reverend Father in God , William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , TO THE SPEECH OF THE Lord Say and Seal , touching the Liturgy . The Speech begins thus , MY Lords , I have waited to find you free from greater Businesses ; that I might crave leave to speak of something that concerns my self . And this I have the more desired , since my Lord of Canterbury's last Speech ; who expressing his Troubles , and 〈◊〉 the Misery of his Condition , and of the Condition of the Church of England , ( for he would needs join them together , which I think he may , as the Cause and the Effect , for the Miseries of the Church have certainly risen from him ) he insisted much upon this : That these Troubles had befallen him through the Malice of two Parties , the Papists and the Sectaries , and by those he said the Church was greatly afflicted . MY Lords , and all Christian Readers , those great Businesses which my Lord speaks of , are now ended ; and I hope as you are free from Business , so you will be free from Prejudice , while I also crave leave to speak something concerning my self . And this I also have the more desired , since I saw this Honourable Lord had put his Speech in Print , which I find as much , if not more against me , than for himself . This Speech was not put in Print , till near six Months after it was Spoken ; and I conceive was Printed then to renew the Business , and to whet the Malice of those Sectaries against me . 'T is true , that after I was Impeached by the House of Commons for High Treason , there came no Articles up against me , in full Ten Weeks after ; then they came up in Generals only ; and I was called to the House to hear them , on Friday February the 26th 〈◊〉 . Now by these Articles I found , that there was great , but ( I humbly praise God for it ) causeless Jealousie of me in point of Religion . This made me labour more to clear my self from that , than from any thing else objected against me , as ever hating to seem other in Religion than what I truly and really am . For of all Simulations or Dissimulations , that is the basest , when a Man for poor Temporary fading ends , shall shift his Religion or his Judgment concerning it , with the Time , if not with the Tide : As if at all times he had somewhat to seek before he would express : Whereas it is most true , which St. Hilary speaks in Matter of Religion , Non opus est intervallo aliquo inter Cor & Os ; There 's no need of a distance between the Heart and the Mouth ; as if a Man were to bethink himself of some faithless ambiguity , before he would speak that which belonged to the Profession of his Faith. Now , if seeing my self under so great a pressure , and the Church of England so hard lay'd at , as then it was , I did bewail the Condition of both , I think I did what became me . And I hope I offended no Man in joyning our Conditions together . And whereas this Honourable Lord thinks , that I might well joyn them , as the Cause and the Effect : I think so too my self , but in another Sense . For his Lordship says too peremptorily , that the Miseries of the Church have certainly risen from me . No certainly : The Miseries of this Church have proceeded from the Separatists , and from such as for private at least , if not for worse ends , have countenanced them and their strange Proceedings against the Government and Governours of the Church . And this so long , till they brought the Church's Condition ( which flourished before ) to be the Cause of my Condition , such as it now is . And I fell into this Condition , by labouring by all good Means to uphold the Church of England from that Misery , into which I fear it is now falling . And I doubt not , but God will open the Eyes of all Good Men , to see clearly in time , that this was the Cause which laid both me and this Church so low ; and not any Actions , much less Practices of mine . This being so , if I insisted much upon this , that these Troubles have befallen me through the Malice of two Parties , the Papists and the Sectaries ( as this Honourable Lord says I did ) I had great Reason so to do . For certainly , the Church of England is greatly afflicted by them ; and I pray God , in the end it be not torn in pieces between them . That which I then said in my sudden Speech to the Lords to this Particular , was as follows : I am very Unfortunate in this Business , between the Malignity of two Parties against me , the Papist and the Separatist . And shall I suffer on both sides at once ? Shall I be accounted a deadly Enemy to the Papist , as I am reputed by them both at Home and Abroad ; and in the mean time , accused for no less than Treason , for favouring and complying with them ? Well : If I do suffer ; 't is but because Truth usually lyes between two sides , and is beaten on both sides ( as the poor Church of England is at this day by these Factions : ) But in this and all things else , and in despight of Malice , Truth shall either be my Protection from Suffering , or my Comfort while I suffer ; and by God's gracious Assistance , I shall never depart from it , but continue at the Apostle's Ward ; Nihil possum contra veritatem : I can do nothing against the Truth ; and for it , I hope God will enable me patiently to suffer any thing . This , or to this effect , I then spake , and I hope , without any Offence ; sure I am , without reflecting upon any particular Person . Yet my Lord seems to think otherwise : For he says , How far this Man will extend this Word Sectary , and whom he will comprehend under it , I know not ; but I have some cause to fear , that I may lie under some Misapprehension in respect of Matters of this nature ; which how far it concerns him , your Lordships will perceive by what I shall say . My Lord it seems , knows not how far I will extend the Word Sectary : Truly , no farther than the Church of Christ extended it , ever since Sects and Schisms broke in upon it , to help dispoil it of Peace and Unity . And a Sectary is he ..... The next thing which my Lord knows not , is , Whom I will comprehend under that Name ; and that his Lordship may easily know . For I comprehend none under it , but such as divide from the Church , and either make or follow a Breach , where no just cause is given by the Church ; or where though cause were given , Ways of Division are preferr'd before Ways of Peace . But that which troubles my Lord about these things , which he professes he knows not , is , That he hath some cause to fear ( for so he confesses ) that he may lie under some Misapprehensions in respect of Matters of this nature . And this I think may trouble him indeed : For there 's cause enough , why he should fear , that he may lie under , not Misapprehensions , but very just Apprehensions , in respect of Matters of this nature ; since 't is manifest , that he separates himself , as Sectaries use to do , from the Common Prayers of the Church : And those such , as were composed by such Bishops and other Divines , as suffered , some of them to Martyrdom , for the Truth of CHRIST : And those such also , as were a second time , under the prosperous Reign of Queen Elizabeth , confirmed by Act of Parliament . So that his Lordship separating himself from those Prayers , which were made by the One , and confirmed by the Other , must needs be apprehended as a Sectary ; whether you look upon Church or State. But my Lord tells you , That you will perceive by that which he shall say , how far this concerns me . And therefore I pray you observe it diligently ; for I cannot yet conceive how any thing else that belongs to a Sectary , can concern me ; or any thing else , much , which his Lordship can say against me . My Lord of Canterbury ! A Man of mean Birth , Bred up in a College ( and that too frequently falls out to be in a Faction ) whose narrow Comprehension extended it self no farther , than to carry on a Side in a College , or canvas for a Proctor's Place in the Vniversity . This concerns me indeed , and very nearly ; for I see his Lordship resolves to rake me up from my very Birth ; a way unusual for Men well-bred , and little beseeming a Person of Honour ; especially thus to insult upon a Fallen Fortune . But yet it concerns me not in any relation to a Sectary , unless his Lordship would possess the World that I was bred in Faction , and so like enough to prove one . But how my Lord is mistaken in this , will plainly appear . First then , 't is true , I am a Man of ordinary , but very honest Birth ; and the Memory of my Parents savours very well to this day , in the Town in Reading , where I was born . Nor was I so meanly born , as perhaps my Lord would insinuate ; for my Father had born all Offices in the Town , save the Mayoralty . And my immediate Predecessor ( whom I am sure my Lord himself accounted very worthy of his Place ) was as meanly born as my self , his Father being of the same Trade in Guilford , that mine was of in Reading . But all this of my Birth might well have been spared ; for my Lord knows well enough , * — Miserum est aliorum incumbere famae ; Ne collapsa ruant subductis tecta columnis . And that which follows in the Satyrist . And had my Birth been meaner than it was , that would not have impaired me among Men of Understanding . And howsoever , this Advantage I have ; I have done Honour to my Birth ; which every Man hath not done , that hath had an Honourable Descent . To my Birth his Lordship adds , That I was bred up in a College . That 's true . But 't is as true , that his Lordship was bred up in a College also , and of the same Vniversity . And therefore so far he speaks as much against Himself , as me . But I hope , he intends not to charge being bred in a College as a Fault upon either of us . And though it too frequently falls out , that Colleges be in a Faction ( for that also is too truly observed by his Lordship ) yet that is no Fault in any Man , who neither Causes nor Nourishes the Faction . But that which his Lordship charges next upon me , is both a Weakness , and a Fault , if true . Weakness , That my Comprehensions are narrow . And a Fault , because they extended no farther than to carry on a Side in the College , or a canvas for a Proctor's Place in the Vniversity . For the Weakness first : My Comprehensions , as narrow as they are , are yet as large as God hath been pleased to make them , and as large as my hard Study , accompanied with his Grace , hath been able to stretch them . And so large I am sure they are ; as that I have ever looked carefully upon the whole Catholick Church of Christ , spread upon the Face of the whole Earth . And therefore certainly my Comprehensions are not so narrow as theirs , whose largest cannot , or will not , look upon one entire National Church ; nay , a Parochial is too big for them , and a Conventicle big enough . Nor did my narrow Comprehensions ever reject that great Body , the Catholick Church , out of the Creed , as some of late have done , whose Comprehensions are not , for all that , censured by his Lordship for their Narrowness . Next for the Fault : That 's twofold . First , My Comprehensions went no farther ( says my Lord ) than to carry on a Side in a College . Here my Lord is either utterly mistaken , or , which is worse , in a wilful Errour . For while I was Fellow of St. John Baptist's College , where I was bred , it is well known I never made nor held up any Side . Indeed , when I was Chosen President of that College , there was a bitter Faction both Raised and Countenanced against me ( I will forbear to relate how and by whom ; ) But this is certain , I made no Party then : For Four being in Nomination for that Headship , I lay then so sick at London , that I was neither able to go down , nor so much as write to my Friends about it . yet after much Tumble , a major part of the Votes made choice of me . Thus I was chosen President , May 10. 1611. After this , my Election was quarrelled at , and great means made against me ; insomuch that the most Gracious King , King James , sate to hear the Cause Himself , for the space of full three Hours , Aug. 28. at Tichburn in Hampshire , as he returned out of the Western Progress . Upon this Hearing , his Majesty approved my Election , and commanded my Settlement ; which was done accordingly at Michaelmas following . But the Faction in the College finding such Props above , as they had , continued very eager and bitter against me . The Audit of the College for the Year's Accompts , and Choice of New Officers , followed in November : There so God Blessed me with Patience and Moderation in the Choice of all Offices , that I made all quiet in the College . And for all the Narrowness of my Comprehensions , I Govern'd that College in Peace , without so much as the shew of a Faction , all my Time , which was near upon Eleven Years . And the Truth of all this is notoriously known , and many yet living of great Worth in the Church , able and ready to avow it . And this , I hope , was not to lead on a Side . Secondly , My Lord charges my narrow Comprehensions , as reaching no farther than a canvas for a Proctor's Place . I was ( with Thanks to their Love that thought me Worthy ) chose Proctor of the Vniversity , so soon as by Statute I was capable of it . But I never medled in the managing of the canvas for it for my self : Nor afterwards for any other , while I continued Fellow of the College . When I was chosen President , I continued so for two Years , and medled not in that Business . And this I did , because in some things I did utterly dislike that Canvas , and the Carriage of it . At last some of the Senior Fellows came to me , and told me , That the College had been many Years without the Credit of a Proctor ; and , that the Fellows began to take it ill at my hands , that I would not shew my self , and try my Credit and my Friends in that Business . Upon this , rather than I would lose the Love of my Companions , I did settle my self in an honest and fair way , to right the College as much as I could . And by God's Blessing , it succeeded beyond Expectation . But when we were at the strongest , I made this fair Offer more than once and again , That if the greater Colleges would submit to take their Turns in Order , and not seek to carry all from the lesser , we would agree to any indifferent course in Convocation , and allow the greater Colleges their full proportion according to their Number . This would not be hearkned unto ; whereupon things continued some Years . After this , by his Majesty's Grace and Favour , I was made Bishop of St. Davids ; and after that , of Bath and Wells . When I was thus gone out of the Vniversity , the Election of the Proctors grew more and more Tumultuous , till at the last the Peace of the Vniversity was like to be utterly broken ; and the divided Parties brought up a Complaint to the Council-Table . The Lords were much troubled at it , especially the Right Honourable William Earl of Pembroke , Lord Steward , and their Honourable Chancellour . I had by that time , and by the great Grace of his Now Majesty , the Honour to be a Councellor , and was present . There I acquainted the Lords , what Offers I had made during my time in the Vniversity , which I did conceive would settle all Differences , and make Peace for ever . The Lords approved the way ; and after the Council was risen , my very Honourable Lord the Earl of Pembroke , desired me to put the whole Business in Writing , that he might see and consider of it . I did so : His Lordship approved of it , and sent it to the Vniversity , with all Freedom to accept or refuse , as they saw Cause . The Vniversity approved all , only desired the addition of a Year or two more to the Circle ; which would add a turn or two more , to content some of the greater Colleges . This that Honourable Lord yielded unto ; and that Form of Election of their Proctors , was by unanimous Consent , made a Statute in Convocation , and hath continued the Vniversity in Peace ever since . And this is all the carrying on of a Canvas for a Proctor's place , which any Truth can challenge me withal . And it may be , my Lord is pleased to impute narrow Comprehensions to me , because my Advice inclosed the choice of the Proctors within a Circle . I am heartily sorry , I should trouble the Reader with these Passages concerning my self ; but my Lord forces me to it , by imputing so much Unworthiness to me . But my Lord leaves not here , but goes on , and says worse of me : Being suddenly advanced to highest Places of Government in Church and State , had not his Heart enlarged by the Enlargement of his Fortune ; but still the maintaining of his Party was that which filled all his Thoughts ; which he prosecuted with so much Violence and Inconsiderateness , that he had not an Eye to see the Consequences thereof to the Church and State , until he had brought both into those Distractions , Danger and Dishonour , which we 〈◊〉 find our selves 〈◊〉 withal . The next thing which my Lord charges me with , is , That I was suddenly advanced to highest Places of Government in Church and State. This is like the rest . And I dare say , when my Lord shall better consider of it , he will neither re-affirm nor avouch such an Untruth . Suddenly advanced ! What does my Lord call Suddenly ? I was Eleven Years his Majesty's Chaplain in Ordinary , before I was made a Bishop . I was a Bishop Twelve Years before I was preferred to be Archbishop of Canterbury , that Highest Place my Lord mentions . When I was made Archbishop , I was full Threescore Years of Age , within less than one Month. Whereas my immediate Predecessor was not any one Month in his Majesty's Ordinary Service as Chaplain , but far from that Honourable indeed , but yet Painful and Chargeable Service , and was made Bishop of Lichfield , of London , and of Canterbury , within the compass of two Years , he being at the time of his Translation to Canterbury , but Forty nine Years of Age ; and yet never Charged as a Man suddenly advanced . But my Advancement , which it seems pleased not my Lord so well as his did , was very sudden ; which I leave to the impartial Reader to judge . Next being advanced to this High Place , as my Lord calls it ; ( but now made low enough by his Lordship , and other of the same Feather ; ) he says , I had not my Heart enlarged with the Enlargement of my Fortune . Sure my Lord is mistaken again . For my Heart ( I humbly thank God for it ) was enlarged every way as much as my Fortune , and in some things perhaps more . But it may be my Lord meant , that my Heart was not sufficiently enlarged , because I could not receive those Separatists into it ( farther than to pray for them ) which would not suffer the open Bosom of the Church of England to receive them ; but neglecting their Father's Commandment , forsook also their Mother's Instruction . Nor did I maintain any Party ; but any Church-man , or any Man else that loved Order and Peace in the Church , was very welcome to me . And I leave the World to judge , by what they now see , whether I or this Lord , have practised or studied most the Maintenance and Advancement of a Party . And as I did not maintain a Party ; so much less did it fill all my Thoughts ( as narrow as my Lord thinks them . ) Nor did I prosecute these or any other my Thoughts , either with Violence , or Inconsiderateness . Not with Violence ; for I can name many , of whose Preferment , under God and the King , I was cause , who yet went not with them , which my Lord will needs miscal my Party . Nor did I punish either more , or more severely , any that were brought before me in the Commission , than were punished for the like Offences , in any the same number of Years in my late Predecessor's Time : As will manifestly appear by the Acts of the Court. Nor with Inconsiderateness . For I have many Witnesses that mine Eye was open , and did plainly see , and as freely tell ( where I then hoped there might have been remedy ) what was coming both upon Church and State , though not as Consequences upon my Proceedings ; and I wish with all my Heart , they were no more Consequences upon my Lord's Proceedings , than they have been upon mine . And my Lord is extreamly mistaken , to say that I brought both into those distractions , Danger and Dishonour , with which they are now encompassed . For 't is not I , that have troubled this Israel of God. For God is my Witness , I laboured nothing but the Settlement of the Decent External Worship of God among us , which whatever some other Men think , I know was sunk very low ; and if in labouring this , I did err in any Circumstance ( for in matter of Substance I am sure I did not ) that may be forgiven me for Humanity sake , which cannot free it self from Error . But that which brought all these Distractions both upon Church and State , was the bringing in of the Scots , and the keeping of them here at a vast charge , only to serve Turns , and those very base ones : And to the debasing and dishonour of this whole Nation , as well as the King. And how far this Lord had his Hand or his Head in this Treacherous Business , he best knows . Sure I am , his Lordship is thought one of the chief Moulders of this Leaven of the Pharisees . But my Lord thinks himself safe enough ; so he can cry me up among the Rabble , to be the Author of all . And not content with this , he insults farther upon me , as follows : Yet to magnifie his Moderation , presently after the breaking of the last Parliament , he told a Lord , who sits now in my sight , that if he had been a Violent Man , he wanted no occasion to shew it . For he observed , that the Lord Say never came to Prayers ; and added , that I was in his knowledge , as great a Separatist as any was in England . What ever it was I said , was not to magnifie my Moderation . Nor do I remember , that ever I spake these words . Yet First , if any Lord will say , upon his Honour , that I did say these very Words ; I will bear him and the Peerage of the Realm that Honour , as that I will submit and believe his Testimony , against my own Old now and Weak Memory . Next , upon enquiry made by some Friends of mine , I find that the Words I should speak are said to be these , that if I listed to take any advantage against this Honourable Lord , I had as much exception to him , as to any Separatist in England . These Words are neither so Bold , nor so Vncivil , as those in the Charge ; and perhaps I might speak these , though I remember it not . For during the last Parliament , not so few as Ten or a Dozen several Lords , came to me of themselves , as I sat there , and complained grievously of this Lord's absenting himself from the Prayers of the Church ; and some of them wondred , he was not questioned for the Scandal he gave by it . And if any of them would be so mean , as to urge me to speak by speaking Broad themselves , and then carry the Tale to this Noble Lord ; he did that , who ever he were , which I hope was not the Noblest of his Actions ; and if I did say these latter Words of this great Lord , I must and do say them again ; and I heartily beseech God that this Sin be not laid to my Charge , that I questioned him not , when the Times were calmer : For had I done that , I had done my Duty ; and if I had not cured him , perhaps I might have prevented so much common danger to this Church , as his Lordship hath procured since that time , both by his Example , his Counsel , and his Countenance . And for the Words , I doubt not , but he himself will be found to have made them good , before I have done examining this Speech of his Lordship . In the mean time my Lord proceeds ; My Lords , how far he hath spit this Venom of his against me , I am not certain ; but I may well fear , where it might do me greatest Prejudice . I shall therefore intreat your Lordships Favour and Patience , that I may give you in these things , which so nearly concern me , a true account of my self ; which I shall do with Ingenuity and Clearness , and so , as that if I satisfie not all Men , yet I hope I shall make it appear , I am not such a one , as this Waspish Man was willing to make the World believe . I have spit no Venom against his Lordship , much less have I spit any thing far . For this Report , which is here called Venom , is common through the Kingdom . And I have already told you , what divers Lords said to me during the last Parliament . And that is no more , than hath been avowed unto me by very many others , and some of very good Quality ; so the spreading was to me , not from me . But yet , my Lord fears , I spread it where it might do him greatest Prejudice . I know not what my Lord means by this , unless it be that I should spread it to his Majesty . And if that be his meaning ; I will tell his Lordship truth , what I know therein . I was present , when I heard some Lords , more than once , tell the King , that the Lord Say was a Separatist from the Church of England , and would not come at her Common-Prayers . And one of these Lords afterwards told me , he did conceive it was a great danger to this Kingdom , when Noblemen should begin to separate in Religion ; and that his Majesty had need look to it . To this last , which was spoken to me in private ( but I will depose the Truth of it ) I could not but assent . And to the former I then said , I had heard as much as was then told his Majesty ; but I was not certain of it . And I doubt not , but these Lords sit in his Lordship's sight , as well as that Lord who told him the other of me : And not in his Sight only , but in his Affections also , as things go now . But however they carry it with him now , this they said of him then . Nor will I here pick a Thanks , to tell this Lord what Service I did him to his Majesty , when he was thought to be in danger enough , though I was chidden by a Great one , that stood by , for my Labour . I shall therefore intreat the Christian Reader 's Favour and Patience , that having hitherto given him a most true and clear Account of that which my Lord charges me with , and doth nearly concern me ; So I may proceed to the rest , which I do with all Ingenuity and Truth . And so , as that if I satisfie not all Men ; yet I hope I shall make it appear , that I am not such a Waspish Man , as my Lord would fain render me to the World. But if I have been a Wasp in any Court , wherein I have had the Honour to sit ; yet his Lordship should not have called me so , considering what a Hornet all men say he is in the Court of Wards , and in other Places of Business : Where he pinches so deep , that discreet Men are in a doubt , whether his Aim be to sting the Wards , or the Court it self , to Death first . For no Man can believe , 't is for the good of the King. And if I fail in this endeavour of mine to clear my self ; I must desire the Courteous Reader to ascribe it , not to my Cause , which is very good against his Lordship , but to the narrowness of my Comprehensions , and my Weakness compared with his Lordships great Abilities . And now my Lord charges as hard as he can . Thus ; For the first of these , which he Charges upon me ; it may be , he was willing to have it thought , that I would not joyn in Prayer with your Lordships , but refused such a Communion ; which is altogether false . For I should most willingly joyn in Prayers with you . And farther , I will add , that I do not think , but some set Form of Prayers , by some Men in some Cases , may be lawfully used . For this First ; I was not willing to have any thing thought of this Lord which is not true ; and if it be altogether false , ( as his Lordship says it is ) that he will not joyn in Prayers with the rest of the Lords in Parliament , but refuses such a Communion ; I would fain know why his Lordship doth not joyn in Prayer with them . For most undoubtedly he may if he will. And since it is most true , that he hath not come to Prayers in the House with the rest of the Lords , not so much as once , either in the last Parliament , or this ; I think it may reasonably be concluded without any Falshood , that his Lordship will not joyn , no , not in such a Communion with them . Where it is to be observed , he says , he refuses not such a Communion with them . He refuses not ; yet he will not joyn : And he refuses not such a Communion . A Communion I have cause to doubt he doth refuse ; but not such a Communion as goes no farther than Prayers ; yet to these he comes not . At the Sacrament , I believe he will be more scrupulous , of whom , or with whom , he receives that . Indeed , his Lordship adds , that he would most willingly joyn in Prayers with their Lordships . And though this be most strange , that he should never do that , which he would most willingly do , an opportunity being offered him every Day : Yet , my Lord is pleased to add farther , what his Judgment is of set Forms of Prayer . And he tells you , that he thinks some set Forms , by some Men , in some Occasions may be lawfully used . Surely , the Church of England is much beholding to this Lord ; very much , and the State too . For the set Forms of Prayer which she enjoyns , were compiled by some of those who suffered no less than Martyrdom , for the Reformation of Religion : The same Form of Prayer was established by Act of Parliament ; and yet , as if Church and State were all at a loss , this Noble Lord , who confesses some set Forms Lawful , condemns this Form , by his Actions at least , in continual and professed abstaining from it . Some Forms , but not this ; by some Men , but not these ; in some cases , but not in God's Publick Service in the Church , may be Lawfully used . And yet for all these petty Somes of Restraint , I know his Lordship's Parts so great , that I dare not say , ( as he says of me ) that his Lordship is of narrow Comprehensions . But his Lordship will now tell us , what that is , in which he is not satisfied . But this is that , which I am not satisfied in , that a certain number of Men should usurp an Authority unto themselves , to frame certain Prayers , and Forms of Divine Service ; and when that is done , under the Name of the Church to enjoyn them upon all Persons , in all Times , and upon all Occasions , to be used , and no other . And upon this Ground ( which makes it the worse ) because these come from the publick Spirit of the Church ( when the Bishop or his Chaplain shall frame them ) and others proceed from the private Spirit of this or that particular Man. Now , truly , since my Lord does not think some set Forms of Prayer unlawful ; I am very sorry , his Lordship is not satisfied that a certain Number of Men should frame these Forms of Divine Service . For all Churchmen cannot possibly meet about that , or any other Church-Affair ; nor can any Synod or Assembly be called , but there must be some certain Number of them . Nor do these Men usurp any Authority to themselves herein : For in all Ages of the Church , from Christ downward , all set Forms of Prayer , used in any Church , have been either made by a certain Number of Men , or approved by them , when some Eminent Servant of God hath Composed them first , and then tendred them to the Judgment of the Church . And it is very necessary that it should be so . Nor would the Church of Old admit any Prayers in the publick Service and Worship of God ; but such as were so made , and so approved ; lest through Ignorance , or want of Care and Circumspection , something might slip in , that was contrary to the Faith. But I fear here 's Anguis in Herba . And that my Lord is not satisfied , not so much because these 〈◊〉 Forms are made by a set Number of Men , as because they are Churchmen , though he be 〈◊〉 to express it . And if that be his meaning , he must rest unsatisfied still . For Churchmen , and none but Churchmen must actually do Publick Church-Work , according to their Calling , and their Warrant . And yet , I hope , Churchmen will never be so Proud , but that if any Lay Religious Man , of larger Comprehensions than themselves , will offer in private any help to them , they will lend an open Ear to it , and after , with a prudent Consideration , do what is fit . And as this Lord is not satisfied , that a certain Number of Men should make these set Forms ; so much less is he satisfied , that when this is done , they should under the Name of the Church , enjoyn them upon all Persons , in all Times , and upon all Occasions , to be used , and no other . No set Forms , that I know , are enjoyned under the name of the Church , but such as the Church in Synod hath approved , or tolerated till a Synod may be called . And when any National-Church in a Kingdom that is Christian , hath approved a set Form ; yet that cannot be enjoyned upon all Persons , till the Soveraign Power in that State , hath weighed , approved , and commanded it . But then , though Framed by a certain Number of Men , that , and no other lays hold on all Persons , and in all Times , and upon all Occasions , that are Publick ; if Men will live in Obedience to the Church and State. I say Publick , leaving all Persons at all Times , free to use any Form of Prayer agreeable to the Foundations of Christian Religion , which shall best serve their several private Occasions . And therefore I conceive , my Lord is in a great Errour in that which he adds next ; Namely , that this Ground makes it the worse , because these set Forms are said to come from the Publick Spirit of the Church . I cannot think so hardly of my Lord , as if he could like a set Form of Prayer the worse , because it comes from the Publick Spirit of the Church . And therefore I will take his Words in another Sense , ( though they be in my Judgment very obscurely set down ) and perhaps that is his Lordship's meaning . That it makes the matter the worse , because these Forms of Prayer come as from the Publick Spirit of the Church , when it is but the Bishop or his Chaplain , or some private Spirit that frames them . If this be my Lord's meaning ; far be it from me , or any other to impose any Form of set Prayers upon the Church . But it is one thing to Impose , and quite another to Compose a set Form of Prayer . Impose , none can but Just Authority . Compose , all together cannot ; but some one or more must be singled out to take that pains . And all or most may approve , what one or few have compiled . When it is so approved , then it can no more be said to proceed from any private Spirit of this or that Man , be it the Bishop or his Chaplain ; but from the Spirit and Power of the Church . My Lord himself being a Prudent Man , hath had the Happiness to make Motions in Parliament , which have taken the House , been approved , and Orders drawn up upon them : When the Order is so agreed on , no Man may say , it is an Order of my Lord 's private Spirit , but the Order of the House , and approved by the publick Spirit , and imposed by the Publick Authority of the State. And therefore to me it seems strange , that my Lord , who understands these things so well , should neither like of a set Form of Prayers , Composed by private Men , nor by a certain number of Men , and after publickly Confirmed . Sure , this would make any Man think my Lord likes none , however he minces it . But my Lord goes farther , and says , This Injunction is an Vsurpation of Power over the Churches of Christ , and over the Gifts and Graces which Christ hath given unto Men ; which the Apostles never exercised , nor would assume . And yet they might much better have done it . And the same Reasons might have been alledged for it that are now . This turns such Forms , instead of being Directions , into Superstition . It seems by this ( for I am most willing to take my Lord 's Meaning at the fairest ) that my Lord can digest some set Forms of Prayer ; but he would have no Injunction upon them . So he that would use them might , and he that would not might choose ; and this in short time would bring meer confusion into the Church of God , which I hope is not my Lord's Intention to do . Besides , my Lord cannot but know that this Injunction for our set Form of Service , comes not from the Churches Direction and Constitution ( though her Wisdom and Piety framed it ) but from the Authority and Power of King and Parliament . So that all the Arguments which his Lordship brings here against the Church , are equally , if not more , set against the King and the Parliament . Well ; Why then is not an Injunction of set Form of Prayers fit ? Why , my Lord tells you : First , because it is an Vsurpation of Power over the Churches of Christ. 'T is indeed , an Act of Power , but no Usurpation . The Church Directing and the Soveraign Enacting , ever had this Power since States became Christian. And should I have called it an Vsurpation of Power , his Lordship , I fear , would have called it Treason against the King's Supremacy . But I doubt my Lord would have the Churches free from Regal Power having ought to do with them , durst he speak out . Secondly , because it 's an Vsurpation of Power over the Gifts and Graces which God hath given unto Men. Not so neither . For whatsoever Gifts or Graces God hath given unto Men , they may all have time , place , and occasions enough , to use them to God's Glory , and the Comfort of themselves and others ; and yet in the Publick Service of God , submit to that set Form of God's Worship , which is enjoyned for Unity and Decency in that External Service . So this lays no restraint upon the Gifts and Graces of pious and religious Men : But it keeps off bold , ignorant , and audacious Men , from foming out their own shame , to the great disorder and scandal of the Church of Christ. As we may see at this day , now that Injunction begins to be but a little loosed , what Froth and base Stuff is preached to the Consciences of Men. And yet these Men , which preach thus scandalously , talk of Gifts and Graces ; none more . Thirdly , because the Apostles never Exercised , nor would Assume this Power of enjoyning a set Form , and yet they might better have done it . But how doth my Lord know , the Apostles never Exercised , nor would Assume this Power ? Out of all doubt the Apostles did Exercise and Assume many things , which are not come down to our knowledge . And since the Apostles did enjoyn a Form of Doctrine to the Church of Rome , and delivered it too . And since St. Paul enjoyned the Church at Philippi , to walk by a set Rule , ( for a Rule it cannot be , unless it be set ) that so they might learn to mind the same things , Phil. 3. And a Form of Ordination by imposition of Hands , 1 Tim. 5. for such Persons as should instruct the People in these things . And this with a stiff Injunction , v. 21. And a Form of wholesome words , 2 Tim. 1. And since , St. John the Baptist taught his Disciples to pray , St. Luke 11. and that it was by some set Form of Prayer , I have some Reason to think : First , because if they did Pray by the Motion of the Spirit only , St. John could not teach them that , but the Spirit only . So either St. John taught them not at all to pray , which I hope this Lord will not say against a plain Text. Or else he taught them some set Form , which was in his power and theirs , to teach and learn. Secondly , because Christ's Disciples seem to intimate so much . For they desire Christ to teach them to pray , as St. John taught his Disciples . And Christ instantly granting their Request , taught them a set Form of Prayer : Therefore it is more than probable , that St. John taught his so too , though the Form be not Recorded in Scripture . Upon all which laid together , it is probable enough ( by my Lord's leave ) that the Apostles did Exercise some set Form , that at least which Christ taught them . And Assumed Power to enjoyn it upon their Followers . But herein yet the Apostles are somewhat beholding to this Lord , that he re-allows , they might better have done it , than any now-adays . Well ; I will not dispute what they might better have done ; sure I am , it may and ought to be done now . Fourthly , because the same Reasons might then have been alledged for it , that are now . The same might , but not all the same . In particular , the Church was small then , and might with ease be Ordered , in comparison of the great Congregations that are now . But especially the Apostles and Apostolical Men were then present , and could in another manner , and with a greater Power than Men now adays both Judge and Order the Gifts and Graces of other Men , to the avoiding of confusion in the Church , which God by his Apostles would none of . Besides , the Apostles and some others in those Times , had the Grace and the Gift of Prayer , as well as other Graces . And there was then as peculiar a Gift by Inspiration to pray , as to foretell things to come , or to do Miracles . As is evident in St. Chrysostom , who says , that these Men made use of this Gift , and Prayed publickly in their Assemblies . But so soon as this Gift with others ceased , there was a set Form from the beginning . Neither is it hard to prove , that some parts of our Liturgy hath been as Ancient as the Church hath any Records to shew ; and some both practised and prescribed by the Apostle St. Paul for the substance of them . And the true Reason why we cannot shew the exact Primitive Forms then in use , is , because they were continually subject to Alterations , both in times and places . Now if this Lord can furnish us with such Men , as shall be inabled to pray by the immediate Inspiration of God's Spirit , we will bind them up to no Form : But 'till he can , I hope we shall be so happy , as to retain the set Prayers of the Church . Fifthly , because this ( enjoyning ) turns such Forms , instead of being Directions , into Superstition . This is so wild a Conceit , that I wonder how it fell into the Thought of so Wise a Man as my Lord is taken to be . For can a Command or an Injunction alter the very Nature of a Thing so far , as to turn that which is a Direction , into a Superstition ? Then belike it is Superstition , for any Christian to obey the Decrees and Injunctions , whether for Belief or Practice , made by any the four first General Councils . And my Lord knows well that 't is Heretical , for any Man to profess against any of these Councils . And this not only by the Church Law ( which his Lordship so much slights ) but by the Laws of England . So by this Reason of my Lord's , it shall be Heretical to deny the Injunction , and Superstition to obey it . If this will not serve ; my Lord may be pleased to remember , that in the Council held at Jerusalem by the Apostles themselves ; they gave a Command though no such Command , as might trouble the believing Gentiles . And therefore Decreed , that they would lay no greater burthen on them . No more grievous Injunction , than that they abstain from things offered unto Idols , and from Blood , and from things strangled , and from Fornication ; where first , it is most evident , that the Apostles did assume this power of enjoyning , and exercise it too . And I hope , my Lord , for very Reverence to the Scripture , ( for as for the Church he valueth it not ) will not say this wholesom Direction to avoid Fornication , is made Superstition by the Apostle's Injunction . If this Doctrine may hold , I doubt very few will be Superstitious in this point . And many Men , that are very strict and hate Superstition perfectly , will rather not abstain from Fornication , than be Superstitious by abstaining . And no question can be made by a Reasonable Man , but that the Church of Christ , had and hath still as much Power to enjoyn a set Form of Prayers , as any of these things . But my Lord hath more Reasons than these ; and truly they had need be better too . But such as they are , they follow : This sets aside the Gifts and Graces which Christ hath given ; and thrusts out the Exercise of them , to substitute in their places , and introduce a Device of Man. Sixthly , then this Injunction of a set Form is unlawful ; because it sets aside the Gifts and Graces , &c. This is upon the Matter all one with my Lord's second Reason ; and there 't is answered . Yet truly I know no Gifts or Graces set aside , much less thruss out , but such as are neither Gifts nor Graces of Christ , but the Bold and Impudent Attempts of Weavers , Coblers , and Felt-Makers , taking on them to Preach without Knowledge , Warrant , or Calling . Much like the Gifts , which Alexander the Copper-Smith had in St. Paul's Time. And such Gifts and Graces as these , cannot be said to be thrust out . But my Lord and his Adherents thrust them into the Church , to help cry down all Truth and Order . Much less can they be said , to be thrust out to make room for a Device of Man , meaning the set Form of Common-Prayer . Now surely , I think , and upon very good grounds , that they which Composed the Common-Prayer-Book , had as good Gifts and Graces of Christ as these Men have . And that the conceived , and often-times , Senseless Prayers of these Men , are as much or more the Device of Man , than the set Form of Common-Prayer is . Yea , but for all that , my Lord says : This Injunction of such Forms upon all Men , turns that which in the beginning Necessity brought in , for the help of Insufficiency , to be now the continuance and maintenance of Insufficiency , and a bar to the Exercise of able and sufficient Gifts and Graces . As if because some Men had need to make use of Crutches , all Men should be prohibited the use of their Legs , and enjoyned to take up such Crutches , as have been prepared for those who had no Legs . In the Seventh and last place , my Lord is pleased to tell us , this Injunction of such Forms upon all Men , turns that , which in the beginning Necessity brought in for the help of Insufficiency , to the Maintenance of it . My Lord told us a little before , of a turning into Superstition : Now here 's another turning into the Maintenance of Insufficiency ; two very bad turnings , were either of them true : But God be thanked neither is . In the mean time my Lord confesses , that Necessity brought in this Injunction of set Forms . And I believe , there now is and ever will be , to the end of the World , as great a Necessity to continue them . But I cannot agree with my Lord in this , that it was a Necessity for the help of Insufficiency that brought them in . For when these were first enjoyned in the Church of Christ , Men were endued with as great Gifts and Graces , as any now are ; and perhaps greater . But Necessity brought them in when Christianity multiplyed , to preserve Unity and Order , and to avoid Confusion , and Sects and Schisms in the Church : And that all sorts of Men might be acquainted with that , which was used in the Publick Worship and Service of God. Now that which follows , is an unjust and foul Scandal upon the Church . Namely , that this Injunction is made the Continuance and Maintenance of Insufficiency . For I believe few Churches in many Ages , have had more sufficient Preachers than this of late hath had . And therefore 't is evident , this Injunction here , hath neither been the maintenance nor continuance of Insufficiency . This ground failing , my Lord 's fine Simile hath neither Crutch nor Leg to stand on ; but it is as all such fine fetches are , when they have no Ground to rest on : Nor is any thing more Poor in Learning , than a fine , handsom Similitude , such as this , when it hath no truth upon which to rest . For the best that can be said of it , is , that it is a pretty fine thing , if it were to the purpose . But to come nearer to the Business ; I would have his Lordship remember , that Christ taught his Apostles a set Form of Prayer St. Luc. 11. And I believe , they were so religiously Dutiful , as that they would not beg of Christ to teach them to Pray , and when he had taught them , then neglect , or not practise the very Form he taught . If my Lord can think this of the Apostles , he may ; I cannot . Nor can I think , that Christ taught them this Form , to be used as Crutches till their Legs were grown stronger . For our Saviour , doth not say , till ye be stronger , and have better Gifts , Pray as I teach you ; but simply and absolutely , when you Pray , say , Our Father , &c. That is , say these very Words , this very Form. And what ? Will my Lord say that Christ taught them this Form to maintain them in Insufficiency ? Or did he make Crutches for their Lameness ? Or thereby prohibit the use of their Legs ? This Speech savours of more Profaneness , than well become such a Professor . His Lordship speaks better of them in another place . There he can say , there never were , nor ever will be Men of so great Abilities and Gifts as they were Endued withal . And I think he dares not say , I am sure , nor he , nor any Man living can prove , that the Apostles , when their Gifts were at fullest , did neglect , or not use this Form of Prayer which Christ taught them . Therefore , either to use a set Form of Prayer is not to use Crutches ; or if it be , 't is to use the same , or the like Crutches , which Christ made , and his Apostles used . And they will better beseem any good Christians to use , than his own Legs , be they never so good . And for the set Prayers of the Church , this I think I am sure of ; That the Men which are cry'd up by my Lord to have such excellent Gifts and Graces , are in as much need of these Crutches as other Men. In the mean time , my Lord every way shews his Love to the set Liturgy of the Church , that makes nothing of it but Crutches ; which a Man , if the Bath cure him , would gladly hang up , and leave behind him . I well hoped to have found , that my Lord had entertained more moderate thoughts of things appertaining unto Religion . But since he himself thus proclaims it otherwise ; let us see how he goes forward without these Crutches . This I confess I am not satisfied in ; yet will farther say thus much . Here are with your Lordships some Bishops , Men of great Parts , able to Offer up this Worship unto God , in the use of those 〈◊〉 which God hath endued them with . And certainly they ought to serve him with the best of their Abilities which they have received . Let them make use of their own Gifts ; nay , let them but profess , that they account not themselves bound to use Forms , nor to this Form they use , more than any other ; but that it is free for them to conceive Prayer , or to help themselves by the use of any other Form , they please , as well as this prescribed . And let them practise the same indifferently , that so it may be manifest , the Fault rests in the person , and not in the Service : In the negligence of him that may offer better if he will , not in the Injunction of that which is offered . And I will not refuse to come to Prayers . For I take the Sin then to be personal , and to reside in the Person Officiating only . Now my Lord goes on farther , and tells us , That there are with your Lordships , some Bishops ; Men of great Parts , able to offer this Worship unto God , &c. Indeed my Lord goes far here ; and I am glad to hear that any Bishops can please him . Are Bishops , even as such , Members of Antichrist ( so I am sure my Lord , and his Followers have accounted them , and their Libels Print them for such every Day ) and now can any Offer this Worship unto God , which his Lordship would have ? Why then , my Lord can be pleased , I see , that even in this Church , God should be Worshiped by the Members of Antichrist . Or if not , then in this Passage he grosly Dissembles . But what is this Worship which his Lordship would have ? Why , it is to Pray in Publick , and not by a set Form enjoyned ; but in the use of those Gifts which God hath Endued them with . And it is most undoubtedly true which follows , that they ought to serve God with the best of the abilities they have received . But 't is as true , that Bishops , and all Ministers else , ought to serve God with the best Abilities which the Church of Christ can furnish them with . And I presume , I shall not wrong any my Brethren , not those of the greatest Parts , If I say , ( as I must ) that those Bishops , and other Divines , which Composed the set Form of our Service , and enjoyned it too ( as far as their Power reached ) were Men of as great Piety and Learning , and all other good Parts , as any now living . And it can be no Disparagement ; much less any fault or dulling of their own Gifts , for the best of Bishops to use the set Forms ordered by them . And the Phrase , which my Lord uses , is somewhat unusual . To offer this Worship unto God. We are said indeed to offer up our Prayers unto God , and by so doing to Worship , Honour , and Serve him ; and him alone in that . But to offer Worship to God , I think is an improper Phrase at least . And Psal. 110. the People are said to offer their Free-Will-Offerings with an Holy Worship , or in the Beauties of Holiness . And though perhaps his Lordship will not allow of this Translation ; yet so far he may , as to see the use of the Phrase . And in the Beauties of Holiness ( which keeps close to the Original ) will please him less : Since a Barn with them , is as good as a Church . And no Church Holy with them ; but that which is Slovenly , even to Nastiness . But then , 't is void of all Superstition . Next , my Lord proposes some Conditions , which being observed , his Lordship will not refuse to come to Common-Prayer . I 'll examine these then . For I would have all just Demands of his granted , that he may come . The First is , Let these Bishops ( and others I suppose he means ) make use of their own Gifts . Well ; let them on God's Name , in that Dutiful , Peaceable , and Orderly Way , make use of their own Gifts , not crossing what the Church justly prescribes . Secondly , Let them but profess , that they account not themselves bound to use Forms . This Condition is somewhat hard . For if they shall acknowledge they hold themselves bound to no Forms , they must be bound to no Order : And how Bishops will keep the Church in Order , if they will be bound to observe none themselves , I cannot tell . Besides , if they shall profess this , they must profess against the constant and continued Practice of the whole Church of Christ. Thirdly , Let them profess they are not bound to this Form they use more than any other , but that it is free for them to conceive Prayer , &c. Harder and harder . For they stand bound not only by Church-Ordinance , but by Injunction , and Command of the State in Parliament , strictly to observe this Form. And they are therefore bound to this Form more than any other . And therefore so long as this Act of Parliament remains in force , with what Honour or Conscience can this Lord ( who seems to stand so much upon Law ) ask this at the Bishops Hands , that they should profess , that they are not bound to any Forms ? Nor , to this more than any other ; when his Lordship must needs know , they are bound to this , and no other , and that by an Act of Parliament . Besides , What a Coil hath been kept by some of this Lord's Favourites , against Innovations of Religion , as contrary to Law ? No Rails to fence the Holy Table from Prophanation ? Though that be no Ceremony , nor forbidden by Law. No coming up to it , or the steps of the Chancel , to receive the Communion , though most decent , and in ancient usage , and forbidden by no Law that I know ? No Reverence to God himself at coming in , or going out of his Temple ; though that of the Psalmist began the ancient Liturgies of the Church , and is continued in our O come let us worship and fall down , and kneel before the Lord our maker , &c. Psal. 95. The Communion-Table must not stand North and South ; though the Queens Injunction commanded it to be set just in that Place , in which the Altar then stood . So they innovate themselves ; and then cry out of Innovation . And if this Lord's Doctrin be good ; let 's have no Injunction for North and South , and all 's well : But then we must have no Injunction for East and West neither . For if there be an Injunction ; East and West is Superstition , as well as North and South . But then if my Lord would have all free ; what would he have in this Particular ? Why , First , he would have it free for these Men to conceive Prayer . Let them in due time and place conceive Prayer on God's Name : But let them not make publick Abortion in the Church . 'T is an over-hasty Mother , that brings forth so soon as she has Conceived : And yet , Extemporary Men out-run these Mothers ; and Conceive and bring forth their unnatural Monsters , both at once . Next , he would have these Men to help themselves by the use of any other Forms , they please , as well as this which is prescribed . So then belike , these great Men of Gifts in my Lord's Eye , are not so perfect in the Spirit , but that they may need helps . And if my Lord be so indifferent , that these may help themselves by the use of any other Forms , as well as this which is prescribed ; let him be as fair , at least , to the Church that made him a Christian , as to others ; and give Men leave to help themselves , by the use of this Form which is prescribed , as well any other . And if it be the Injunction only that sticks in his Stomach , I am sorry he should shew himself so Guilty of the great Sin of Disobedience . Fourthly , Let them practise the same indifferently , that so it may be manifest the Fault rests in the Person , and not in the Service , &c. This is his Lordship's last Condition . And either I am dulled with this Business ; or the Expression is somewhat obscure : But I will take it as right as I can . It seems , my Lord would not refuse coming to the Prayers of the Church , for the Personal Fault of him that Officiates : And that 's well . It seems likewise , that to manifest this , whether the Sin lies in the Person that offers ; or in the Service that is Offered up , his Lordship would have an indifferent practice of that which is enjoyned and other Forms . And that 's stark naught . For by this , we shall have no certain Service of God for the People . It shall 〈◊〉 , and perhaps , more dangerously than is fit ; not only in different Parishes ; but in the same Congregation , at different times . And were not this so , yet I cannot assent to my Lord in this , that these Men he means , can so easily offer better if they will ; and that when they do not , it is their Negligence that is the only Cause . And besides , it is useless : For it is known already to sober Minds , that the Fault ( when any arises in that Work ) is neither in the Service , which is very good ; nor in the Injunction , which is very Lawful ; but in the Person which Officiates , if he do not his Duty : And so there is no need of a confused practising of divers Forms indifferently , to manifest that , which is known already . And if my Lord brings no worse Sins about him , when he comes to Church , than he will find Faults in the Liturgy ; he may safely come to Church , and be a Happy Man , in so doing . And I might well doubt of my Lord's meaning herein ; for himself is jealous of his Auditors . Therefore he adds ; I know not , whether I express my self clearly , to be understood in this or not ; and it may seem to be a nice Scrupulosity : Give me leave therefore to endeavour to clear it by an Instance or two . Truly my Lord takes himself right . For neither hath he expressed himself very clearly ; nor is the matter so material in it self , but that it may be , as it seems , a very nice Scrupulosity , and altogether unable to warrant his Lordship's Separation from the Prayers of the Church . Yet since my Lord desires to clear it by an Instance or two ; I shall be well content to hear and consider of them . His First Instance is , In the time of the Law , when God appointed himself to be Worshipped by Offerings and Sacrifices ; the Shadows and Types of those Truths which were to come : If a Poor Man , which had not Ability to bring a Bullock , or a Ram , or a Lamb , had brought a pair of Turtle Doves , or two Young Pigeons ; it would have been in him an acceptable Service . But if a Man of Ability , who had Herds and Flocks ; should out of Negligence or Covetousness , have spared the Cost of a Bullock or Ram , and brought Young Pigeons ; his Service would have been rejected , and himself punished . How much more would the Service have been Abomination , if Men should have taken Authority to have enjoyned all , to bring no other but Turtles , or Young Pigeons ; because some were not able to do more ? In one kind there might be a tolerable and lawful [ use ] of that which otherways used , ( especially if generally enjoyned ) would have been most unlawful . God will be Worshipped with the Fat , and best of the Inwards ; the best of Mens Gifts and Abilities , which he that worships , or officiates in Worshipping , is to do at his own Peril . And if it be left free unto him , the Worship may be Lawful to him , that joyneth with him therein , in it self , though performed in a negligent , and so in a sinful manner , by the Minister . But if that manner be enjoyned , the Service it self is to be refused . This is my Lord's First Instance from the Services under the Law. And I must needs say , he hath made it clear what he would have . But then , he must give me leave to say too , that this Instance differs so mainly from the thing in question ; that it helps my Lord and his Cause in nothing . Perhaps it makes it worse than it was . The difference is : God in the Law , did not only prescribe all the Sacrifices and Offerings which he would have , and for what : But also when , and how he would have them . And the Poor man which had not Ability to bring the greater Sacrifice , might by the express Letter of the Law , bring Turtles or Pigeons . Levit. 5. But if a Rich Man had brought them , his Service would have been rejected , and himself punished . So says my Lord : But the Law says not so . He that brought it , should have born his Sin , and the Priest could have made no Attonement for him ; which was punishment enough . But that he should any other way be punished , I find not in the Text of the Law. And this Lord , which will admit of nothing but Text , should not presume to add any thing to it . * The Rabbins indeed , reckon up Six and Thirty kinds of Offenders , which for their Sins are threatned to be cut off from their People ; and some are mentioned , Levit. 7. & 17. But none of these mentioned in Leviticus , or by the Rabbins , is the Rich Man's offering Turtles or Pigeons , instead of a Bullock or a Ram. Well , this was the strict prescription of Sacrifices and Offerings in the Law. But in the Gospel , though Christ setled his Doctrin and Sacraments ; yet when , and how , with other Ceremonial Things , were left at large to the Ordering of the Apostles , and the Church after them ; always providing for 〈◊〉 and Order . And this Liberty was left as much , if not more , in Preaching and Publick Prayer , than in the Sacraments . And therefore my Lord's Instance in this way , will not follow from the Law to the Gospel . To give instance in his own Words . In the Law ; The poor Man which had nor Bullock , nor Lamb , might by the express Warrant of the Law bring Turtles or Pigeons ; but they were to be his own which he bought ; and the Priest was to make his Attonement accordingly . But in the Gospel Men do not bring to the Priest or Minister their own Doctrins , or their Prayers ; but he offers in publick the Sermon to them , and the Prayers for them . So here the Instance comes not home neither . As for my Lord's Aggravation ; How much more would the Service have been abomination , if Men should have taken Authority to themselves , and have enjoyned all to bring nothing but Turtles or Pigeons ? Indeed it would have been full of Abomination ; because in this Injunction they would have gone quite contrary to God's own Command . And let my Lord shew in the Gospel any Precept , that commands Men to use Extemporary , or Conceived Prayers , in the Publick Service or Worship of God ; or that forbids the use of a Set Form of Prayer ; and then I will grant the Church's Injunction of such Forms to be in the highest degree unlawful . But these cannot be shewed . Besides , there is a great deal of Pride in this Instance . For my Lord all along the Instance , makes the Set Forms of the Church , Turtles and Pigeons , the poor Man's Sacrifice ; and the Conceived Prayers of his Party , to be the Rich and able Men's Sacrifice , the Ram and the Bullock ( the Calf I doubt it is . ) So a very little before , his Lordship tells us , of a Negligence in those his Men of Gifts , which might offer better if they will. As if it were a most easie thing for those Men to offer up far better Prayers to God , than the Set Liturgy of the Church . Whereas my Lord must give me leave to doubt that , even of the best of them . And so again a little after , his Lordship tells us , That God will be worshipped with the Fat and the best of the Inwards , which he Interprets with the best of Mens Gifts and Abilities ; and of this there is no doubt . Nor doth the enjoning of a Set Form of Publick Prayer hinder any Man from worshipping God with the best Gifts and Abilities which he hath . And who should be served with the best , if not he that gave them all ? But here 's the Pride of the Instance again : Their conceived , tedious , and oft-times senseless Prayers , must be the Fat and the Inwards with which God is pleased ; and the Set Forms of the Church Lean Carrion , and not fit for the Altar . O , my Lord , that you would in time lay your Hand on your Heart , and consider from what , and into what you are fallen ! My Lord concludes this Instance with this , That if it be left free to him that Officiates , 't is his personal Sin if he be negligent ; but it may be lawful for another that joins with him in that Service : But if that manner be enjoined , the Service it self is to be refused . And after this great Pride in , or of this Opinion , my Lord ends with * a Fallacy . For the Question is not , Whether a negligent Set Form of Prayer , or a Good Form of Set Prayer , negligently and without Devotion offer'd up to God ( as too often they are , God help us ) be better than other Prayers , carefully composed and devoutly uttered ? But simply , Whether a good Set Form of Prayer ( such as the Liturgy of England is ) be made so evil , only by the enjoyning of it , as that therefore the Service it self ought to be refused ? Now this my Lord may say as boldly as he will ; but neither he nor any man else shall ever be able to prove it . And in this very close , I cannot but observe , that which in me or another Man would have been great Pride : But what it is in this Lord , let the Reader judge . For he doth not conclude , that this Form being enjoyned , is the Cause why he refuses to come to our Prayers . But absolutely , as if all Men were bound to do as he doth . He says peremptorily , that in this Case of Injunction of a set Form , the Service it self ought to be refused . So that by this Doctrine , he is a Sinner that refuses not the Prayers of the Church of England . My Lord in the beginning , askt leave to speak a few Words , concerning himself ; but I believe , these will be found to concern some body else . Well , 't is time to consider of my Lord's second Instance ; and so I will. Now in the time of the Gospel , God hath appointed the foolishness of Preaching , ( for so the World accounts it ) to be the Means by which he will save those that Believe . I conceive , where there are not Gifts enabling Men to Preach , there might be a lawful and profitable use of Reading of Printed Sermons and Homilies ; and in such Cases they might very lawfully be heard . But if some Men , upon pretence to prevent Extravagant Preaching , should take upon them to set forth a Book of Publick Common Sermons , fit for all Times and Occasions ; and should enjoyn Ministers to conform to these , and use no other Preaching at all , but the Reading of those Common Sermons or Homilies so devised , for Publick Worship ; this would make it utterly Vnlawful , and to be Professed against , as that which were the bringing in of a Humane Device and Injunction in the place , and instead of God's Ordinance , to the Exclusion thereof . As the Pharisees , to establish Traditions of their own , made void the Commandments of God. I hope , my Lord will have no better success with this Instance under the Gospel , than he had with that under the Law. And yet whatsoever is Truth in his Instance , I shall most willingly grant . And therefore I do acknowledge , that in the time of the Gospel , God appointed the foolishness of Preaching , 1 Cor. 1. to be a Means ; but not to be The Means ( if it be meant the only Means ) by which he will save those that believe . I likewise confess , that in the World's Account 't is made the Foolishness of Preaching . And I would to God some Men , much magnified in these Times , did not give too often very just Cause to the World to account it , not only the Foolishness , but the Madness of Preaching ; such Preaching as is far from being a Means of Salvation . I conceive also , as well as my Lord , that where there are no Gifts enabling Men to Preach , ( as it falls out in too many Parishes in England , and the true Cause is , the smallness of the Living , unable to Feed and Cloath Men , and therefore cannot expect Men of Parts ) there not only might be , but is a lawful and profitable use of Reading of Printed Sermons and Homilies ; and that in such Cases , yes , and in other Cases too , they may very lawfully be heard . And I think farther , that if some Men , not upon their own private Authority , but lawfully meeting in a Synod or Convocation , shall , not upon pretence , but truly to prevent Extravagant Preaching , such as of late hath been , and is too common in England , should take upon them to set forth a Book of common Sermons , such as might be fit for all Times and all Occasions , which is not impossible to be done , and should enjoyn Ministers to conform to these , and use no other Preaching at all , but the Reading of these common Sermons or Homilies so devised for publick Worship ; I must needs say , it were a Cure not to be used but in Extremity , to bar all other Preaching for the Abuse of some , be it never so gross . Yet if the Distempers of the Pulpit , should grow in any National Church so high , so Seditious , so Heretical and Blasphemous , so Schismatical and Outragious , as many of them have been of late in this distracted Church of ours ; I say , if such a Book of Sermons , should be so set out , by the Church direction , and published by the Authority of King and Parliament , as the Book of Common Prayer is : When the Comparison is made thus even , and my Lords Instance so brought home : * I do then think , such a Book , not devised for publick Worship , but for publick Instruction ( for Sermons are not properly the Worship of God , but as to teach us Faith and Obedience , and how we are to pray and give Worship to him ) might be used with great profit ; yea , and with far more than many Sermons of the present time , which do in a manner teach nothing but Disobedience to Princes and all Authority , under a false pretence of Obedience to God. And for the Injunction which sticks so much with my Lord ; certainly in Cases of such Extremity , as is above-mentioned , and when nothing else will serve , I conceive it might well and profitably be laid upon the Ministers ; and yet that such an Imposition , would be far from making it utterly unlawful , and to be professed against , as that which were the bringing in of a Humane Device in the place , and instead of God's Ordinance , to the Exclusion thereof . For 't is probable , these Sermons my Lord speaks of , would be Preached before they were Printed . And the end of their being Preached , was to publish Christ and his Gospel to the World. And that also , was or ought to be the end of Publishing the same Sermons in Print , that the benefit of them might reach the farther , and be of longer continuance . So that upon the Matter , the Printing of Sermons , is but a large and more open Preaching of them still . And then if Preaching be God's Ordinance ; Printing of Sermons is the publishing of God's Ordinance . And therefore , if there were an Injunction for a Book of Sermons , as is mentioned ; it were but a more publick and durable divulging of God's Ordinance ; and not the bringing in of a Humane Device instead of it , and to the Exclusion thereof . As for that which follows , that this is like the Pharisees , who , to establish Traditions of their own , made void the Commandments of God. This is but a Simile , and is Answered in the former . And you see , that should any Necessity force the making of such an Injunction ( which God forbid ) it did help to publish God's Ordinance , and not make void his Commandments . Howsoever , my Lord may take this along with him : That that Party , which he governs in this Kingdom , are as well seen in this Art of the Pharisees , as any Men in Christendom ; and will , if they be let alone , make void all the Service of God , to bring in their Dreams , against all Reason , Religion and lawful Authority . And this is most true , whatever they think of themselves . But my Lord desires farther consideration of his Instance . Let it be considered , what difference can be found between these , but only this . Vse and Custom hath inured us to that of Prayer , not so in this of Preaching ; and therefore the Evil of it would easily appear unto us , if so enjoined . It is fit , my Lord should have his desire in this ; that it be considered what difference can be found between these : And out of all doubt my Lord acknowledges , that some difference there is . And were it this only ( as his Lordship would have it . ) That Vse and Custom hath inured us to that of Prayer , and not so in this of Preaching ; that might be Reason enough to continue our publick set Form of Prayer . For if the Service have not fault in it , but that 't is enjoyned : And if the enjoyning of a good Service of God Almighty , in which Christian People may consent , and unanimously and uniformly worship him , be no fault at all , as most certain it is not : 'T is neither wisdom nor safety to cast off such a Custom or Vsage , and leave every Minister ( and perhaps other Men too ) to make what Prayers they please in the Congregation , which doubtless would be many times such , as no good understanding Christian could say Amen to . Besides , with my Lord's leave , upon the Consideration which he desires me to take , I think I have found other Differences . For , besides the Vse and Custom which we are inured to , I find , that to have some set Form of Prayer , when the Congregation meets , is little less than * Traditio Vniversalis , an Universal Tradition of the whole Church . And that it took beginning , while some of the Apostles were yet living , and hath continued from thence in all Ages and Places of the Church to this day . Now , though particular Customs and Traditions vary and may be varied in several Churches ; yet I do not find there is such a Power over Traditions that are General ; but that next to the Scripture it self , they are kept by all Sober Christians inviolable . And St. Augustine says plainly [ St. Aug. Epist. 118. c. 5. ] 't is Insolentissimae insaniae ; a trick of most insolent Madness , to dispute or doubt of that , quod tota per Orbem frequentat Ecclesia , which the Church of Christ practises throughout the whole World. And for my part I believe him ; and I would my Lord did so too , and then I think he would not refuse the Service for the Injunction , nor fall into any fit of this insolent Madness . As for Preaching , that was ever left free . And therefore the Church did ever put a difference . And , I find upon this Consideration , another Difference yet , between Prayer and Preaching . For Preaching is a Speech to Man for his Edification , and Instruction in Faith and good Life . But Prayer is a Speech to God , to Honour and Worship him , in the acknowledgment of his Dominion over , and his Bounty and Goodness towards all Creatures ; but Mankind especially . And therefore , though a Man cannot take too much pains in that which he is to speak from God to Man , lest he be proved a False Relater : Yet of the two , there should be more care had , what Prayers he puts up for himself and the whole Congregation , unto God ; lest he be not only a false Worshipper ; but also , lest he suddenly and unadvisedly ask that , which may be hurtful unto all . And for ought he knows , God may at that time , be angry with us for our Sins , and may hear in his anger , and grant . And I believe , it will be found , a greater and more dangerous Sin , for the Priest to make the People ask at God's Hands , those things which they ought not . Besides , the Publick Prayers of the Church , do teach and inform the People , not only how to Pray , and so how to Worship ; but in many things also , what to believe , as well , nay , often times better than many Sermons . So that ill Praying in Publick , contains almost all the Mischiefs that ill Preaching hath in it , over and above all the Ill that is proper to it self : And so is the more dangerous Sin : And therefore the Church cannot be too careful for a set and known Form for Publick Prayer ; yea , and that enjoyned too , so it be well weighed before-hand ; though for Preaching she leave a greater Latitude . So upon consideration , I think there is more difference between a set Form of Prayer , and a set Form of Preaching , than that we are invited to the one , and not to the other . Yet , when I hear what Extravagant , nay Seditious Preaching there is now-a-days , I am strongly tempted to believe , that were the like Injunction for Preaching , it were far better , than that such loose , dangerous and most unchristian Preachings , as are in many places , should continue . It seems , my Lord hath now done with the First Part of the Waspish-Man's Charge against him ( for so he is pleased to call it . ) And that is his Lordship's account why he refuses to come to Common-Prayer . And now he goes on to the next . My Lords , let me presume upon your Patience , so far farther , as to give me leave , to speak to the other Imputation laid upon me ; that I am a Separatist , and the greatest in England . My Lords very Honourably afforded his Lordship Patience to speak to the other Imputation laid upon him ; and so shall I very freely . But how far , and in what Language , and upon what Occasion I imputed any thing to his Lordship , I have ingenuously declared already : And shall add no more , till my Lord hath proceeded farther , and expressed what he pleases ; as follows . And First I shall say of this Word Separatist , as that Learned Man , Mr. Hales of Eaton saith in a little Manuscript of his , which I have seen : That where it may be rightly fixed , and deservedly charged , it is certainly a great Offence . But in common use now among us , it is no other than a Theological Scare-crow ; wherewith the potent and prevalent Party uses to fright and inforce those who are not of their Opinions , to subscribe to their Dictates , without daring to question them , or bring them to any Rule of Examination , either of Scripture or Reason . And he observeth , that this was too usual even in Ancient Times , as well as now . And First , my Lord begins with the Word Separatist : And he professes , he will say of that , as Learned Mr. Hales saith . And surely the first part of Mr. Hales is very true ; That where this Word , or the Crime signified by it , is rightly fixt , and deservedly charged , 't is a great Offence . But that which follows , by my Lord 's good leave , and Mr. Hales his too , is somewhat too hard a Censure upon the Times , and the Persons living in them . The Truth is ; some Men are too apt to Accuse others of Schism and Separation ; but yet I do not think the Disease is so Epidemical , as 't is here expressed . As Namely , That it is in common use amongst us . Perhaps , nothing so Common at this Time , to call Separatist as to be one . Or that it is a Theological Scare-crow , by which the potent and prevalent Party uses to affright and enforce those who are not of their Opinions , to subscribe to their Dictates . Or sure , if there be such practice , the Fault is in the Persons that use it . But even that is no Excuse at all , for Schism or Separation ; because some , in an inconsiderate heat , Charge that Crime upon such as are not Guilty . For , perhaps my Lord may say as much as this , of Excommunication it self , that some are struck with it , who deserve it not ; and yet , I hope , my Lord hath not proceeded so far , as to say , that Excommunication is but a Theological Scare-crow . And I farther think , there are as few at this Day of them , whom my Lord calls the potent and prevalent Party , which refuse to be brought to any Rule of Examination , either of Scripture or Reason ; as have lived in this Church for some Hundreds of Years past , how meanly soever this Lord Esteems them , and how narrow soever he thinks their Comprehensions are . To conclude this Passage ; my Lord tells us , that Mr. Hales observes farther , that this was too usual , even in Ancient Times , as well as now . That some Faults , and some Degrees of this Fault , were in Ancient Times , as well as now , may be true enough : And yet in those Ancient Times , none thought Schism or Separation from the Church , howsoever charged , to be but a Theological Scare-crow . But caused it to be examined to the bottom , as 't is fit ; nay , necessary , that it should : For else , the most dangerous Separation , that can be ; may go away free with this . That it is but a trick of the prevalent Party , to fright other Men into their Opinions , by charging them with Separation . Now , the most dangerous Separation in a Church , is , where the Church it self hath little or no Power to punish Separatists . And where they of the Separation , are , by the great Misfortune of the State , become the potent and prevalent Party . And whether this be not , or at least were not the condition of the State and Church of England , when my Lord Printed this Speech of his ; I leave to the indifferent Reader to judge . My Lord hath Printed no more than this ; and therefore I will take notice of no more . But yet , Iam told by a very good Hand , that his Lordship upon this quotation of Mr. Hales his Manuscript , was pleased openly in that Honourable House of Parliament , where he spake it , to lend Mr. Hales one Wipe , and me another . But since my Lord is pleased to pass it over at the Press , I shall do so too . Yet with this , that if my Lord did give that Gird , I will make it plainly appear , whenever he shall publish it , that there is no shew of Truth in it . But now that my Lord hath done with Mr. Hales , he proceeds , and tells us his own Judgment . Secondly , I say that there is a two-fold Separation ; one from the Vniversal or Catholick Church ; which can no otherwise be made , but by denying the Faith ; ( for Faith and Love are the Requisites to that Communion . ) And I say so too , that there is a two-fold Separation ; and that one of them is from the Vniversal , or Catholick Church . But that this Separation can no otherwise be made , but by denying the Faith , I doubt comes short of Truth . First , because there is a great difference between Schism and Apostacy . And every Apostacy is a Separation ; but every Separation is not Apostacy . For a Man is not an Apostate properly , till he fall away , by denying the whole Faith. But a Man may be in Heresie , Schism and Separation ; upon the denyal of any one Article of the Faith , received by the Catholick Church . Secondly , because should a Man agree in all and every Article of the Faith , with the Catholick-Church ; yet he may maintain some false Opinion , and incongruous , both to the Verity , and the Practice of Religion , and Judgment of the Universal Church : And be so in Love with these , as that for these Opinions sake , he will Separate from the whole Body . Therefore Denyal of the Faith is not the only Cause of Separation from the Catholick Church ; since this Separation can be otherways made . And , my Lord within the space of Three Lines , crosses himself . For First , he says , that this Separation can no otherwise be made , but by denying the Faith. And in the very next Words , he tells us , that Faith and Love are the Requisites to that Communion . Two Requisites to that Communion with the Universal Church ; therefore two Causes of Separation from it . Therefore , by my Lord 's own Confession , he that is so out of Charity , with the Universal Church , for some Opinions or Practices which he dislikes , as that he will not Communicate with it ; is in Separation , though he do not deny the Faith. The other ( my Lord tells us ) is , a Separation from this or that particular Church , or Congregation . And that not in respect of difference with them , in matter of Faith or Love : But in dislike only of such Corruptions , in their external Worship and Liturgies , as they do admit of , and would enjoyn upon others . In this other Particular Separation , I shall meddle with neither Congregation nor Conventicle , Meeting allowed , or disallowed by Church or State ; but that Separation which is , or is not made by my Lord and his Followers , from the National Church of England , as it stands Setled and Established by Law. Not as her Service may be mangled , or otherwise abused in any particular Parish , or Congregation , whatsoever . And if this Lord dislike any the Service as 't is used in some one Parish or other , and yet will come to the Service as it is Established by Law in other , either Cathedral or Parochial Churches , my Lord hath had great Wrong , to be accounted a Separatist . But if my Lord will not come to the Prayers of the Church of England by Law Established , let his Pretence be what it will , a Separatist he is . But my Lord says , that this Particular Separation is not in respect of difference with them , in matter of Faith or Love. Where First you may observe on the by , that in my Lord's Judgment , Publick Breach in Charity , as well as in Faith , may be Cause of this Separation too , as well as of that from the Vniversal or Catholick Church , before mentioned . Next , that this particular Separation , if it be not in respect of Difference in Faith or Love ; in what respect is it then ? Why , if we may herein believe my Lord , 't is only in dislike of such Corruptions in their external Worship and Liturgies , as they do admit of , and would injoyn others . Well , First I 'll pray for my Lord , that there be no difference in Faith and Charity ; but I do very much doubt there is . Next , either there are such Corruptions in the External Worship and Liturgies , as his Lordship hath just Cause to dislike , or there are not . If there be not , why doth he Separate from them ? If there be , or probably seem to be ; why doth he not complain to the King , and the Church ; that these Corruptions may be considered on , and amended , if Cause appear ? And this he ought to do , before he Separate . For , I hope Christianity is not yet come to that pass , ( though it draw on apace ) that a Powerful Lay-Man or two , shall say there are Corruptions in the set Service of God , and then be Judges of such Corruptions themselves . Nor doth the Church of England admit of Corruptions in her Liturgy , or labour to injoyn them upon others . Now my Lord tells us farther . That This is a Separation not from their Persons , as they are Christians ; But from their Corruptions in matter of Worship , as they are therewith defiled . And this Separation , every Man , that will keep himself Pure from other Mens Sins , and not Sin against his own Conscience , must make . This will not yet help my Lord : For say this be not a Separation from their Persons , as they are Christians ; which yet it too often proves to be . And I believe , if this Lord would impartially examine himself , he would find to be true in himself , and his Comportment . But that it is from their Corruptions in matter of Worship , as they are therewith defiled . First , these Corruptions are not proved ; so 't is Petitio Principii , the begging of that to be granted , which is the thing in question . Secondly , if there be Corruptions ; yet it is not proved they are in the Matter ; but of the two , rather in the Manner of Worship . Thirdly , were both these granted , yet it will remain a Question still ; whether these Corruptions be such , as that the Worshippers are defiled therewith ? And another Question , whether so deeply defiled , as that other good Christians shall be defiled , by coming to Common-Prayer with them ? For I am not yet persuaded , nor shall be , till I be convinced , That every Man that will keep himself pure from other Mens Sins , and not Sin against his Conscience , is bound to make this Separation . For I conceive , many Corruptions may be tolerated ; nay , ought to be , before a Separation be made . And that a private Conscience is to be both informed , and reformed , before it be attempted . Nor can I think , that he which comes to the publick Service of any Church that is not Idolatrous , or peccant in the Fundamentals of Religion , doth partake with other Mens Sins , that frequent the same Common-Prayer or Service with him , or he with them . And yet my Lord is so peremptory , as that without any distinction or Degrees of Corruption ; he delivers it positively , with a great deal more Boldness than Knowledge ; That every Man , that will keep himself pure from other Mens Sins , must make this Separation . Every Man , and must make . And it is not to be conceived , but that what every Man must do , my Lord , who seems to be so careful to keep himself pure from other Mens Sins , hath done already . That is , hath made this Separation from the Church . And my Lord , for ought I see , is ready to confess as much . For he adds , And I will ingenuously confess , that there are many things , in many Churches or Congregations in England , practised , and injoyned upon all to be practised and suffered ; which I cannot practise nor admit of , except I should Sin against the Light of my Conscience , until I may out of the Word of God be convinced of the Lawfulness of them ; which hitherto I could never see sufficient ground for . I told you my Lord was very near confessing as much as I have said . For he says ingenuously there are many things in many Churches in England practised . First , I told my Lord before , that this Business of Separation , was not to be judged by what is practised in one or more Parochial Congregations , but by what ought to be practised in all the Churches of England . And if my Lord dislike any thing in one Congregation , he may go to another ( so he will endure the whole Liturgy , as it is setled by Law ) and no Man if he will do this , ought to account him a Separatist . And I find by my Lord's Words , that his Exception is to many Churches ; and I would willingly hope ( if his Carriage would let me ) that he excepts not against all . Besides , he tells us , that many things are so practised ; but he is not pleased to tell us what they are . And then it is not possible for me or any Man else , either to know whether his Lordship's Exception be just against them , or to give him satisfaction in them . And it is no great sign , that my Lord bears any good Mind to the Church , that he is so ready to charge many things against the Church , and to name none . My Lord goes farther , and says plainly , that these many things thus practised , or enjoyned also , and that upon all , to be practised or suffered , which he cannot practise nor admit of , except he should Sin against the Light of his Conscience . You have heard already , how much my Lord is troubled with this Enjoyning , and to that I refer you : In the mean time , since I am the Man so particularly shot at by my Lord , I shall answer for my self according to Truth ; and with Truth I can legally prove , if need be ; I have not Commanded or injoyned any one thing Ceremonial or other , upon any Parochial Congregation in England , much less upon all , to be either practised or suffered , but that which is directly commanded by Law. And if any Inferiour 〈◊〉 in the Kingdom , or any of my own Officers have given any such Command , 't is either without my Knowledge , or against my Direction . And 't is well known , I have sharply chid some for this very particular ; and if my Lord would have acquainted me with any such troubled thought of his , I would have given him ( so far as had been in my Power ) either Satisfaction or Remedy , if any thing had been against the Light of his Conscience . Though in these things I must needs tell my Lord , that there is now adays , in many Men which have shaken off all Church Obedience , great pretensions to Light in their Vnderstandings and Consciences ; when to Men which see indeed , 't is little less than Palpable Darkness . But how it is with my Lord and his Conscience , I will not take upon me to Judge ; but leave him to stand or fall to his own Master . Rom 14. For it seems , my Lord stands not simply upon the Light of his Conscience ; but only until he may be convinced out of the Word of God , of the Lawfulness of these things , which hitherto he could never see sufficient ground for . And this is the Common-Plea , which all of them have resort to , till they be convinced ; which ( as I have had experience of many ) they are resolved not to be . And they will be convinced in every particular , out of the Word of God , to the very taking up of a Rush or Straw , as their grave Master * T. C. taught them . As if God took care of Straws , or their taking of them up . As if every particular thing of Order or Decency , were expresly set down in the Word of God. Surely , if this were so , St. Paul should have had nothing to set in order when he came to Corinth . 1 Cor 11. And if this be so , the Church hath no Power left in any thing , not so much as to Command a Bell shall Tole to call the people to publick Prayers , because 't is no where commanded in the Word of God. So that upon this Ground , if any Man shall say , he hath Light enough in his Conscience , to see the unlawfulness of such Humane Devices , he may Separate from the Church , rather than Sin against this Light. So there shall be no Publick Service of God ; but some Ignis Fatuus or other , under the Name of Light in the Conscience , shall except against it , and Separate from it . Which is directly to set up the Light in each private Spirit , against that Light which God hath placed in his Church ; shine it never so clearly . Yet his Lordship is confident , and says , But , my Lords , this is so far from making me the greatest Separatist in England , that it cannot argue me to be any at all . For my Lords the Bishops do know , that those whom they usually apply this term unto , are the Brownists ( as they call them by another Name ) and they know their Tenents . The truth is , they differ with us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine , or saving Truth , I know . Here then my Lord is 〈◊〉 to say , that all that he hath hitherto said , is so far from making him the greatest Separatist in England , that it cannot argue him to be any at all : For my part , I would to God it were so : But let 's examine , whether it be so or not . First then , this I humbly conceive is certain ; That he , whoever he be , that will not Communicate in Publick Prayers with a National Church , which serves God as she ought , is a Separatist . But the Church of England as it stands established by Law , serves God as she ought : Therefore my Lord , by his general absenting himself from her Communion in Prayers , is a Separatist . And this is by his own confession : For he says , a little before , and that expresly , that this is a Separation , which every Man must make , that will keep himself pure from other Mens Sins . And I cannot doubt , but his Lordship hath made that , which he says he must make . All that can be said for my Lord herein , is this ; First , That my Lord Charges the Church of England with Corruptions in the Worship of God ; and such Corruptions , as he must Separate from her . But is it sufficient for a Separation for a particular Man , barely to say there are such Corruptions in the Liturgy , when he doth neither prove them to be such , nor so much as name them what they are ? Surely no. And I think these Gnats ( which his Lordship strains at ) may be swallowed , without any Offence to God or Man. So far are they from being a just Cause of Separation : Therefore , for all this , my Lord is a Separatist . Yea , but my Lord charges upon the Church of England , that she injoyns her Liturgy upon all Men , by a certain Number of Men usurping Authority to themselves , and imposing this Injunction , under the name of the Church . I have made answer already to this Power of the Church to compose a set Form for publick Service ; and I hope made it manifest , that this Authority is not usurped . And then that can be no just Cause of a Separation . Nay , I must doubt , whether if such Authority were usurped by some Church-Men , in any National Church , the injoyning of the Service after it is made , supposing always that it contain no Idolatry , or Fundamental Error , be for the Injunction alone a sufficient Warrant to my Lord , or any other to Separate ? Therefore , my Lord 's forsaking the publick Service of the Church , upon no better Grounds than these , makes him a Separatist by his own Confession , without any Man calling him so . As for his Lordship's being the greatest Separatist in England : I have at the beginning of this Tract clearly related , to the uttermost of my Memory , what and upon what occasion I spake of his Lordship in this kind . But whether I said it or not , my Lord , for ought I see , will hardly escape being so . For he is the greatest Separatist from the Church , that absents himself with most will and least cause : And this , if I mistake not , is my Lord's Case ; for he separates with most will , that says Men must and ought to Separate : And upon least Cause , because as yet he hath Named none at all ; but Corruptions in general ; which any Man may say ; and the Injunction of a set Form , which is no cause . Therefore ( for ought I yet see ) it may truly be said of his Lordship , that he is the greatest Separatist in England . Especially if you add to this , how busie and active his Lordship is , and for many Years hath been , to promote this Cause of Separation . And I have some very good grounds to think , that his Lordship hath been and is the great Cause , and enlarger of all the Separation that now is in Church Affairs . And of all the Disobedience thereby bred or cherished against Soveraign Power . Next , my Lord appeals to my Lords the Bishops ; and tells them , that they know that they whom they usually apply this Name ( Separatist ) unto , are the Brownists , as they call them by another Name . I know not all things , which the rest of my Learned Brethren the Bishops know . Yet , I think , both they and I know this , that the Name Separatist , is a common Name to all Hereticks or Schismaticks , that separate for their Opinions sakes , either from the Catholick , or from any particular Orthodox Church . And if my Lord himself ( who it seems is well acquainted with them ) or any of my Lords the Bishops do know , that this Name is usually applyed to the Brownists ; be it so . That I am sure is not material , unless it be for that which my Lord closes this passage withal . Namely , that my Lords the Bishops know the Tenents of the Brownists ; and that the truth is , they differ from us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine or Saving Truth that his Lordship knows . I doubt not but my Lords the Bishops know the Tenents of the Brownists , so far forth at least , as they be Tenents , and not varied from ; and so far as they are their General Tenents , to which all or most of them agree . And so far as they are plain and univocal Tenents , and not such as shall equivocate with the very Faith it self . But such Tenents of the Brownists as these are , it may be , all my Lords the Bishops know not . Now if the Truth be , as my Lord says it is , for ought he knows , that the Brownists differ from us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine , or saving Truth : Then out of all doubt Majus peccatum habent , their Sin ( and my Lord 's too ) is the greater , that they will so Uncharitably , and with so great Heat and setled Violence , and to the great scandal of Religion , first separate themselves from , and now labour utterly to overthrow that Church , which ( by my Lord 's own Confession here ) differs not from them in any Fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth . For sure , if they differ not from us , we differ not from them . But this is only Argumentum ad Hominem , and is sufficient to convince this Lord , I think , in his own way . But I doubt the Truth is quite another thing . Namely , that the Church of England is very Orthodox , and that the Brownists or Separatists , call them as you will , do Separate upon false and unchristian Opinions . And that besides Matters of Opinion and breach of Charity , they do differ from us in some Fundamental Points of Doctrine and saving Truth . My Lord a little before tells us of Corruptions in the Liturgy of the Church ; but names none . And should I charge the Brownists , with difference from the Church in Fundamental Points of Doctrine , and yet name none , I should run into the same fault for which I there taxed my Lord : I shall therefore give some Instances of some of their Opinions , and then leave the indifferent Reader to judge , whether they do not differ from us in some Fundamental Points of Doctrine and saving Truth . And then consequently , whether it be not an Heretical , as well as a Schismatical Separation , which they make from the Church of England . 1. And first , there was a Creed Printed by John Turner , in this present Year , and the Parliament sitting . This Turner is a Notorious Separatist , or Brownist if you will. In this Creed of his , he leaves out the descent of Christ into Hell. This is an Article of the Apostle's Creed . And 't is an Article of the Church of England . And so I presume a Fundamental Point of Doctrine . Yet herein , this Brownist and his Fellows differ from us . And I have heard from some present , that at a Committee of Lords , appointed for Matters of Religion , a * young Lord should say openly and boldly enough , that he did not believe the descent of Christ into Hell. And that my Lord , the Author of this Speech , should second him . 2. In the same Creed , Turner professes , he believes that Christ Instituted by his Apostles certain particular Churches here on Earth , and no other . So the Catholick Church , the Mother of all particular , both Men and Churches , and out of which there can be no Salvation in the ordinary way , is quite thrust out of this Brownist's Creed . And this I hope is another Fundamental Point of Doctrine and saving Truth . But in this I must do my Lord right , and not charge him with this point . Because a little before , his Lordship tells of a two-fold Separation , one whereof he says is from the Vniversal or Catholick Church . So the Catholick Church is not yet thrust out of my Lord's Creed . But then this appears , that the Separatists are not yet agreed upon all the Articles of their Creed . Nay , some of them call the Apostle's Creed a patched Forgery . And Barrow justifies it . 3. Thirdly , they differ from us in charging gross Corruptions upon the Church of England . And these are known to my Lord ; for he acknowledges them ; and so gross , that , should they be true , the Church of England must be faulty in Fundamental and Saving Truth . As shall farther appear in my Answer to my Lord's next Passage . Therefore if their Charge be true , they must , by my Lord 's own Confession , differ from us in Fundamental and saving Truth . And if their Charge be false , why do they separate from us ? Besides , all Anabaptists and Brownists agree in this , that the Church of England is Antichristian . And if it be so , they must either differ in Fundamentals from the Church of England : Or be Antichristian themselves in joyning with them : Or grant , that Christ and Antichrist have one and the same Foundation . 4. Fourthly , some of them yet living , though they dare not speak it out in all Companies , do cunningly insinuate , That at Death , Soul and Body are extinct together ; but shall rise again at the Resurrection , first or last . And that Christ shall come and live here upon the Earth again . That the Martyrs shall then rise and live with him a Thousand Years . And that Christ once come upon the Earth , shall not , ( for any thing they can learn out of Scripure ) ever depart from the Earth again . 5. Fifthly , one Brierly and his Independent Congregation , are of this Belief . * That the Child of God , in the Power of Grace , doth perform every Duty so well , that to ask Pardon for failing , either in matter or manner , is a Sin. That it is unlawful to pray for Forgiveness of Sins , after their Conversion . With divers others , some as bad , some worse , to the number of Fifty . 6. Sixthly , One Spisberrye yet living , and of that Independent Fraternity , maintains , that God works all things in us ; and that we are but Organs , Instruments , and meer empty Trunks . Which is to make God the Author of all the Sins which Men commit : And therefore * Brierly says expresly , that if they do at any time fall , they can by the power of Grace , carry their Sin to the Lord , and say , here I had it , and here I leave it . Will not the Devil one day stop the Mouth of this Blasphemy ? 7. Seventhly , Mr. Pryn himself ( who hath been a great stickler in these Troubles of the Church ) says expresly ; Let any true Saint of God be taken away in the very act of any known Sin , before it is possible for him to Repent ; I make no doubt or Scruple of it , but he shall as surely be saved as if he had lived to have repented of it . And he instances in David , in case he had been taken away , before he had repented of his Adultery and Murther . So according to this Divinity , the true Saints of God may commit horrible and carying Sins , dye without Repentance , and yet be sure of Salvation ; which teareth up the very Foundations of Religion ; induceth all manner of Profaneness into the World ; and is expresly contrary to the whole current of the † Scripture . 8. In the Eighth place , almost all of them say , That God , from all Eternity Reprobates by far the greater part of Mankind to eternal Fire , without any Eye at all to their Sin. Which Opinion my very Soul abominates . For it makes God , the God of all Mercies , to be the most fierce and unreasonable Tyrant in the World. For the Question is not here , what God may do by an absolute act of Power , would he so use it upon the Creature which he made of nothing : But what he hath done , and what stands with his Wisdom , Justice , and Goodness to do . 9. Ninthly , One Lionel Lockier , now or late of Cranbrooke in Kent , among other his Errors , rails against teaching Children the Lord's Prayer , or other Forms of Catechising . And if they differ from the Church of England in the whole Catechism , I think the Lord must work a Miracle , before he can make his Speech good , That they differ from us in no Fundamental point . 10. Lastly , to omit all those base Opinions , in which the Brownists agree with the Anabaptists ; this , in which they differ from them , will be sufficient to prove , that they differ from us in that which is fundamental ; unless they will say , that to believe the Trinity is not Fundamental . For some of them , and by name one ‖ Glover , deny the Deity of the Holy Ghost . Which stands condemned for a gross and Fundamental Heresie in the Second * General Council , held against Macedonius . And for the Familists ( of which there is Store this Day in England ) they deny the Resurrection of the Flesh , turning it , as they do many other things , into a Mystery or Allegorie . Perhaps , more particulars might be found , upon a narrow search . But if there be no more , these are enough to make it evident to the World , that these Separatists 〈◊〉 from us in some fundamental points of Doctrine , or saving Truth . And as these are in fault for their Separation ; so I doubt the Church is to blame , for not proceeding against such of them as are altogether incorrigible . But whether my Lord thinks these to be Fundamental Points ; or whether he know , that the Brownists do differ from us in them ; I shall not take on me to declare , till his Lordship open himself farther . In the mean time , his Lordship goes on to tell us , wherein these Brownists fail , though they do not differ in Fundamental Points to his Knowledge . Their failing is in this . They hold that there is no true Church in England , no true Ministry , no true Worship which depend the one upon the other ; they say all is Antichristian . Here is their Error ; they distinguish not between the bene esse or Purity of a true Church ; and the esse or true being of it , though with many Defects and gross Corruptions . But conclude , because such things are wanting , which are indeed necessary to the well-being of a true Church , and to be desired ; therefore there is none at all in being . Here my Lord shews a great deal of sharp and good Apprehension . And distinguishes very rightly between the entire being of a true Church , which is her bene esse ; and the true Being of a Church , which is her esse only . And my Lord doth farther fairly acknowledge , that this is the Brownists Error , To conclude no Church in being , because it hath many Defects and gross Corruptions in it to hinder its well-being . So then , my Lord here grants two things . First , that to hold there is no True Church in England , no True Ministry , no true Worship ( which depend one upon another ) but that all is Antichristian ; is an Error . And Secondly , that it is the Brownists Error . How , and how far these Three : No True Church ; no True Ministry ; no True Worship depend one upon another : And in what cases it may in some Exigents be otherways , I will not now dispute , nor divert from the main Business . 1. First then , if it be an Error to say , there is no True Church , no True Ministry , no True Worship in England . Then , I hope , it will be found Truth to say , there is a True Church , a True Ministry , and a True Worship in England . And he that shall avow the contrary , must needs differ from the Church of England , in Fundamentals . For these Contradictions ; a True Church , and no True Church ; a True Ministry , and no True Ministry ; a True Worship of God , and no True Worship ; cannot be built up but upon different Foundations . And as for that , which my Lord affirms , is added by the Brownists , That there are many Defects and gross Corruptions in it : So long as this is said , and not proved ; 't is enough , without farther Proof to deny , both the Defects and Corruptions , both the many and the gross . As I doubt not but the Church of England can make good against , both my Lord , and all the Brownists in England . 2. Secondly , if to affirm this , be the Brownists Error ; then I would fain know of my Lord , how he can say the Brownists do not differ from or with us , in any fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth ? For if this be no fundamental Point , or no saving Truth ; that we be in , and of a true Church ; that this Church hath a true Ministry , to be between God and us , in all the Duties of their Function ; whether upward to God in Prayer and Spiritual Sacrifice , or downward to us in the Word and Sacraments ; that in this Church , and by this Ministry , there is a true Worship , and that without gross Corruptions : What can be accounted , next the Creed it self , fundamental or saving ? So that in one Line , my Lord is pleased to say , the Brownists do not differ with us in any fundamental Point of Doctrine , or saving Truth ; and in the very next Line , his Lordship confesses , they differ from us in these three things , which if not several , yet altogether , as they depend one upon another , are saving and fundamental . Nor can this cautelous close help my Lord one jot , that he adds ; The Brownists do not differ from us in any fundamental point of Doctrine or saving Truth , as his Lordship knows . For were his Lordship of a shallow , or narrow Comprehension , 't were another matter : But since he is so full of understanding in these things , 't is impossible but he must know these three together are fundamental ; and being so , he must needs know also , that the Brownists differ with us in Fundamentals ; which is that which he denyed . If therefore my Lord will say , he knows not this to be the Brownists Error , why doth he take upon him to say it is ? If he will grant , that he knows it , he must needs know withal ( if he will not shut out the Light of his Conscience , of which a little before he is so tender ) that the Brownists , or Separatists , call them what you will , differ from us in some fundamental Points of Doctrine or saving Truth . Thus far then my Lord relates the failing of the Brownist . I hope he will be so careful as not to fail with them himself . Yes sure ; for he adds ; I hold no such Opinion ; but do believe to the contrary : That there are in England many true Churches , and a true Ministry which I do hear , and with which Churches I could joyn in Communion , were those Yokes of Bondage , which are laid upon them , taken off , and those Corruptions removed , which they do ( contrary , as I think , to their Duty ) yield unto , and admit of : And this I am sure , no Separatist in England holds , that deserves that Name . And therefore I hope your Lordships will in that respect let me stand right in your Opinions . Here my Lord tells us , he holds no such Opinion , but does believe to the contrary . But I doubt , he so believes to the contrary , as that he is of the same Opinion . For he believes , that there are in England , many true Churches , and a true Ministry . And so do all the Brownists : For no doubt , but they believe , that all their Congregations or Conventicles , are true Churches in England ; and that the Ministers which they hear are true Ministers . And this is plainly my Lord's Belief . For he saith , he believes there is a true Ministry in England , 〈◊〉 he doth hear . But what Ministers they are , which he doth hear , he does not say . Or if this be not my Lord's meaning ; but that there are some true Churches , and some true Ministers in England , though ordained as in England they are ; yet my Lord continues a Separatist still . For his Lordship doth not say , either that he doth , or that he will , or that he can joyn in Communion with any of these Churches , or this Ministry , which he says , are true . But only that he could joyn with them , if ; If what ? Why , if these Yokes of Bondage were taken off , which are laid upon them , and those Corruptions removed . By the Yokes of Bondage , he means the Injunction of a set Form of Prayers , which he hath so often mentioned in this Speech . But what Corruptions he means , I know not , till his Lordship shall be pleased to tell us . Only this I conceive I may add ; That all things are not Corruptions in the Church , which my Lord calls so . That if these Corruptions be fundamental , they may be such too , as may keep these Churches which he speaks of , from being true Churches , and the Ministry from being a true Ministry . But if these Corruptions be of a very light Allay , ( as I verily believe they are , if there be any ) then his Lordship ought not to separate , but to joyn in Communion with them ; for all these , either Yokes , or Corruptions . The Apostle indeed tells us of a Church without Wrinkle , Ephes. 5. But that is a Triumphant Church in Heaven ; not a Militant upon Earth . And for the Yokes , which my Lord speaks of , they are not Yokes of Bondage , as he pleases to call them ; but Yokes of Obedience , which , whenever they shall be broken , the wild Asses of the Wilderness , will over-run all . My Lord goes farther , and says ; That in these true Churches , this true Ministry does yield unto , and admit of these Yokes , and these Corruptions , contrary , as he thinks , to their Duty . But it seems , they think not so ; or if they do think so , why do they not remonstrate their Grievance ? Sure , if their Conscience tell them they do against their Duty , they ought to inform their Conscience , or forbear the Work. To inform their Conscience , I am sure is fit for them , if they need it . Though it seems , my Lord would rather have them forbear the Duty , the doing whereof , he calls their yielding unto ; and their admitting these things , which he calls Yokes and Corruptions . As for that which follows , and which my Lord says he is sure of , that no Separatist in England that deserves that Name , holds that which his Lordship says here he doth believe . In that also , I conceive his Lordship is utterly mistaken . For , I believe , there is no Separatist in England , Brownist , or other deserving that Name ; but he holds , and will say as much as my Lord believes , namely , that there are in England many true Churches , that is , Assemblies , or Congregations of their own Brotherhood . And a true Ministry : To wit , those which themselves have made . And that they do hear them ; that is , such as these . Yea , and that they could joyn in Communion with some other Churches , were those Yokes of Bondage , which are layd upon them , taken off , and those Corruptions removed . That is , upon the matter , if they would become as themselves are , then they would joyn with them . And this 〈◊〉 of all doubt they think they ought to do , and neither yield unto such Yoeks , nor admit of such Corruptions . So that my Lord may see every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in England , even they , which most deserve that Name , hold that which his Lordship believes . And therefore no question can be made , but that my Lord deserves that Name , as much as any of them , even while he says , he is sure no Separatist in England that deserves that Name , holds as he doth . But to come to the quick . The Brownists and Separatists deal plainly with God and the World , and say expresly , that the whole Church of England , as it stands established by Law , is peccant , both in the Doctrine , Liturgy , and Discipline of it ; and in such a degree , as that they neither will , nor can joyn in Communion with it : And therefore separate from it , and betake themselves to their own private Opinions and Congregations . But my Lord he Equivocates both with God and Man : And tells us , he believes there are true Churches in England , and a true Ministry which he hears . And this no Separatist that understands himself , but will say as fast as he . But let his Lordship come home to the Business directly and plainly : Let him say , that the Church of England is a true Church ; That the Ministry of it , is a true Ministry ; That the Doctrine , Liturgy and Discipline of it , as it stands established now by Law , are free from any such Corruptions as give just cause for a Separation . And when he hath said this , let him joyn in Communion with it as he ought to do ; and then he shall wrong my Lord very deeply , that says he is a Separatist . But for all this which he hath yet said for himself , 't is manifest , that a Separatist he is . And I doubt , hath hereby proved himself , whether I will or no , the greatest Separatist in England . And therefore he hath little cause to hope ( as he says he doth ) that he shall stand right in their Lordships Opinions , or any other Man's , that is not possest with the same Humour . Yet , my Lord hath two Requests to make . I will now end with two Requests : The one , that your Lordships will please to pardon me , for troubling you with so long a Discourse concerning my self . I have not used it heretofore ; and I am not like to offend again in the same kind . It is but once , and your Lordships will consider the occasion . In this Suit , were there need , I would joyn with my Lord. For though I have a great deal of hard Measure put upon me in this Speech ; yet I have the more reason to be content with it , because this whole Discourse of my Lord's , well weighed , is more against himself than me . And such Trouble of his Lordship's , I hope all Men well affected to the present Church of England , will easily Pardon . And this I doubt not , but their Lordships , and all Men else , will the rather do , when they consider the Occasion . Which certainly I gave not personally in the House : But a Guilty Conscience ( it seems ) would needs be meant . The Second ( Request ) is to entreat of you , that where you know there is one and the same God worshipped , one and the same Faith embraced , one and the same Spirit working Love , and causing an unblamable Conversation , without any offence to the State , in your Brethren , who in all these concur with you ; you will not suffer them , ( for Ceremonies and Things indifferent to you , but not to them but Burthens , which without offence to the State , or prejudice to the Churches you may take off if you will ) to be thrust out of the Land and cut off from their Native Country . For if you thus shall wound the Consciences of your Brethren , you will certainly offend and sin against Christ. In this second Request , I can easily agree with my Lord in some things ; but must differ in other . And First , I agree with all my Heart , that I would have no pressure at all ; much less cutting off from their Native Country , put upon them , who are known to worship the same God , to embrace one and the same Faith , and one and the same Spirit working Love. But in this I must disagree , that the Separatists , ( for they are the Men of whom this Lord speaks thus , and says they are your Brethren , and concur with you in all these ) are not known to be such . For though he be one and the same God whom they worship , yet the Worship is not one and the same . For my Lord says plainly , that our set Forms are Superstition : And that he cannot joyn in Communion with us , till our yokes of Bondage , and our other gross Corruptions be removed . And I must doubt they embrace not the same Faith , till they admit the whole Creed , and will use the Lord's Prayer , which few of them will. As for the Spirit that works by Love , I much fear he is a great stranger to many of these Men. For I have many ways found their Malice to be fierce , and yet endless . And therefore I wonder my Lord should have the Boldness to tell my Lords in Parliament , that they know all these things of these Men , and that they are their Brethren and concur with them in all these forenamed things ; whom in the mean time , their Lordships do , and cannot but know , different from them ; nay separating from them , in the very Worship of God. Next I agree with my Lord again , that I would have no pressure put upon those Men , in whom the Spirit of Love causes an unblamable Conversation , without any offence to the State. But in this I must disagree , that the Separatists from the Church of England , are such manner of Men. For the private Conversation of very many of them ( whom I could name , were it fit , ) is far from being unblamable . And the Publick Conversation of all , or most of them , is full of offence to the State : Unless my Lord think the State is or ought to be of their Humour . For how can their Conversation be without great offence , very great , to this or any State Christian ; who shall have and maintain private Conventicles and Meetings , in a different way of Religion , from that which is Established by the State ? Nay , which shall not only differ from , but openly and slanderously oppose that which is so Established ? Besides , no well governed State will allow of private Meetings , especially under pretence of Religion ( which carry far ) without their privity and allowance . For if this be permitted , there lies a way open to all Conspiracies against the State whatsoever , and they shall all be satisfied under the pretence of Religion . The third thing in which I agree with my Lord is , that I would not , that for Ceremonies and Things indifferent , these Men should be thrust out of the Land , and cut off from their Native Country . No , God forbid ; if any thing will reclaim them . But then I must disagree with my Lord in this , That these Men ( whether such as my Lord describes them or no ) are thrust out of the Land , or cut off from their Native Country , for Ceremonies or Things indifferent . For First , they are not all Ceremonies , for which they separate from the Church . For they pretend certain gross Corruptions in the very Worship of God ( as my Lord a little before delivers . ) Secondly , be the Cause what it will , none of them have been banished , or thrust out of the Land , or cut from their Native Country ( as is here spoken to move Hatred against the Government . ) But 't is true , they have thrust themselves out , and cut themselves off , and run a Madding to New England , scar'd away ( as they say ) by certain gross Corruptions , not to be endured in this Church . Nor after they have gone a Madding enough , is their return denyed to any : And I know some that went out like Fools , and are come back so like — that you cannot know the one from the other . In this Passage 't is said by my Lord , that these Ceremonies and Things indifferent unto you , ( speaking to the Lords in Parliament ) are not so to them , but Burthens . In this Passage I can agree with my Lord in nothing . For First , my Lord but a very little before , tells of Yokes of Bondage and gross Corruptions . And are they so soon become but Ceremonies and Things indifferent ? If they be more than Ceremonies and Things indifferent , then my Lord delivers not the whole Truth . And if they be but Ceremonies and Things indifferent , then his Lordship and all other Separatists , ought rather to yield to the Church in such things , than for such things to separate from it . And certainly so they would , if the Spirit that worketh by Love , did work in them . Yea , but my Lord says , they are such things , as though they be indifferent to others , yet to them they are not , but burthens . And it may be , they make them so ; for in their own Nature they are nothing less : And of great use they are to preserve the Substance and the Body of Religion . But this I find ; let any thing in the World be enjoyned by the Church Authority , and it is a Burthen presently . And so you see all along this Speech , how earnest my Lord is , in behalf of himself and these Separatists , against all Injunctions of set Forms , and Yokes of Bondage . This is an excellent way of Religion , to settle Temporal Obedience . And I can as little agree with that which follows . Namely , that the Lords may without any Offence to the State , or prejudice to the Churches , take away , if they will , these Things indifferent to them ; but Burthens to these Brethren . For First , suppose them to be but 〈◊〉 and Things indifferent ; yet can they not be taken away without offence to the State , or prejudic to the Churches ; who to please a few unruly Separatists , must make an Alteration in that part of Religion , which hath continued with great Happiness to this Church , ever since the Reformation . Secondly , I will not dispute it here , what Power a Lay Assembly ( and such a Parliament is ) hath to determine Matters of Religion , Primely and Originally by and of themselves , before the Church hath first agreed upon them . Then indeed they may confirm or refuse . And this course was held in the Reformation . But Originally to take this Power over Religion , into Lay Hands , is that which hath not been thus assumed , since Christ to these unhappy days . And I pray God this Chair of Religion , do not prove Cathedra Pestilentiae , as the vulgar reads it Psal. 1. 1. to the infecting of this whole Nation with Schism and Heresie , and in the end bring all to confusion . I meddle not here with the King's Power . For he may be present in Convocation when he pleases , and take or leave any Canons , as he pleases , which are for the Peace and well Ordering of the Church ; as well as in Parliament , take or leave any Laws made ready for him , for the good and quiet of his People . But if it come to be Matter of Faith , though in his Absolute Power he may do what he will , and Answer God for it after : Yet he cannot commit the ordering of that to any Lay Assembly , Parliament , or other ; for them to determine that , which God hath intrusted into the Hands of his Priests . Though if he will do this , the Clergy must do their Duty , to inform him , and help that dangerous Error if they can . But if they cannot , they must suffer an unjust Violence , how far soever it proceed ; but they may not break the Duty of their Allegiance . 'T is true , Constantius the Emperour , a great Patron of the Arrians , was by them interested in their Cause , and medled in a decernendo , in determining , and that before-hand , what the Prelats should do ; and sometimes in Commanding the Orthodox Prelats to Communicate with the Arrians . This they refused to do , as being against the Canons of the Council of Nice . And then his Answer was ; b Yea , but that which I will , shall go for Canon . But then we must know withal , that c Athanasius reckn'd him for this , as that Antichrist which Daniel Prophesied of . d Hosius also , the Famous Confessor of those Times , condemned in him that kind of medling in and with Religion . And so doth e St. Hilary of Poictiers . Valentinian also the Younger , took upon him to judge of Religion , at the like presuasion of Auxentius the Arrian ; but he likewise was sharply reproved for it by f St. Ambrose . In like manner , Maximus the Tyrant took upon him to judge in Matters of Religion , as in the Case of Priscillian and his Associates . But this also was checkt by g St. Martin Bishop of Tours : Where it is again to be observed , that though these Emperours were too busie in venturing upon the determination of Points of Faith ; yet no one of them went so far , as to take Power from the Synods , and give it to the Senate . And the Orthodox and Understanding Emperours , did neither the one nor the other . For h Valentinian the Elder , left this great Church-work , to be done by Church-Men . And though the Power to call Councils , was in the Emperour : And though the Emperours were sometimes personally present in the Councils , and sometimes by their Deputies , both to see Order kept , and to inform themselves ; yet the decisive Voices were in the Clergy only . And this will plainly appear in the Instructions given by the Emperor Theodosius to Condidianus , whom he sent to supply his place in the Council of Ephesus ; which were , k That he should not meddle with Matters of Faith , if any came to be debated . And gives this Reason for it : Because it is unlawful for any but Bishops , to mingle himself with them in those Consultations . And Basilius the Emperour , long after this , in the Eighth General Council held at Constantinople , 〈◊〉 . * 870. affirms it of the Laity in general ; l That it is no way lawful for them to meddle with these things . But that it is proper for the Patriarchs , Bishops and Priests , which have the Office of Government in the Church , to enquire into these Things . And more of this Argument might easily be added , were that needful , or I among my Books , and my Thoughts at liberty . And yet this crosses not the Supremacy , which the King of England hath in Causes Ecclesiastical ; as it is acknowledged , both by the Church and Law. For that reaches not to the giving of him Power to determine Points of Faith , either in Parliament or out ; or to the acknowledgment of any such Power residing in him ; or to give him Power to make Liturgies , and publick Forms of Prayer ; or to Preach or Administer Sacraments ; or to do any thing which is meerly Spiritual . But in all things which are of a mixed Cognizance ; such as are all those , which are properly called Ecclesiastical , and belong to the Bishops External Jurisdiction ; the Supremacy there , and in all things of like Nature is the Kings . And if at any time the Emperour or his Deputy , sit Judge in a Point of Faith , it is not because he hath any right to judge it , or that the Church hath not Right ; but meerly in case of Contumacy , where the Heretick is wilful , and will not submit to the Church's Power . And this the Hereticks sometimes did ; and then the Bishops were forced to Appeal thither also ; but not for any Resolution in the point of Faith , but for Aid and Assistance to the just Power of the Church . I cannot but remember a very Prudent Speech utter'd in the beginning of the late preceding Parliament , and by that Lord who now made this . The occasion was . A Lord offer'd to deliver a Message from the King before he was formally brought into the House , and his Patent shew'd . This Lord , who thinks Church-Ceremonies may so easily be alter'd , stood up and said : He would not be against the delivery of the Message ; he knew not how urgent it might be ; but desired withal , that it might be enter'd , that this was yielded unto by Special leave of the House . For that ( saith he ) though this be but a Ceremony , yet the Honour and Safety of the Priviledges of this Great House , is preserved by nothing more , than by keeping the Ancient Rights and Ceremonies thereof intire . And this I think was very wisely spoken , and with great Judgment . And could my Lord see this in the Parliament , and can he not see it in the Church ? Are Ancient Ceremonies , the chief Props of Parliamentary Rights ; and have they no use in Religion , to keep up her Dignity ; yea perhaps , and Truth too ? The House of Parliament , is , I confess ; a Great and Honourable House . But the whole Church of Christ is greater . And it will not well beseem a Parliament to maintain their own Ceremonies , and to kick down the Ceremonies of the National Church , which , under God , made all their Members Christians . Most sure I am , they cannot do it , without ossence both to State and Church , and making both a Scorn to Neighbouring Nations . Now in the close of all , my Lord tells his Fellow Peers , and all others in them , That if they shall thus wound the Consciences of their Brethren , ( the Separatists ) they will certainly offend and sin against Christ. Soft and fair . But what shall these Lords do , if to Humour the Consciences of those Brethren ( some weak , and many wilful , and the cunning misleading the simple ) they shall disgrace and weaken , and perhaps , overthrow the Religion they profess ? Shall they not then , both wound their own Consciences , and most certainly sin against Christ ? Yes , out of all doubt , they shall do both . Now , where it comes to the wounding of Consciences , no question can be made , but that every Man ought first to look to his own ; to his Brethrens after . A Man must not do that which shall justly wound his Brother's Conscience , though he be his Brother in a Separation , and stand never so much a-loof from him . But he must not wound his own , to preserve his Brother from a wound ; especially such a one as happily may cure him , and by a timely pinch make him sensible of the ill Condition in which he is . As for these Men , God of his Mercy give them that Light of his Truth , which they want ; and forgive them the boasting of that Light , which they presume they have . And give them true Repentance , and in that Sense , a wounded Conscience , for their breaking the Peace of this Church . And forgive them all their Sins , by which they still go on with more and more violence to distract this Church . And God of his Infinite Goodness preserve this Church at all times , and especially at this time , while the Waves of this Sea of Separation rage so horribly . And as for this Lord , God forgive him , and I do , and I hope this Church will. Amen . In Turri Lond : Dec. 3. 1641. S. S. Trinitati sit Laus & Gloria in AEternum . Arch-Bishop LAUD's ANNUAL ACCOUNTS OF HIS PROVINCE , PRESENTED TO THE KING IN The beginning of every Year ; With the KING 's Apostills ; or , Marginal Notes : Transcribed and Published from the Originals . Together with the KING's INSTRUCTIONS TO THE Arch-Bishops Abbot and Laud , Upon which These ACCOUNTS were formed : AND The last Account of Arch-Bishop Abbot to the King concerning his Province . LONDON : Printed for 〈◊〉 : 〈◊〉 , at the Rose and Crown in St : Paul's Church-Yard , M DC XCV . INSTRUCTIONS Sent from the King to Arch-Bishop Abbot , in the Year : 1629. Carolus Rex . INstructions for the most Reverend Father in God , our right Trusty , and right intirely well beloved Councellor , George Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ; concerning certain Articles to be observed , and put in execution by the several Bishops in his Province . I : That the Lords the Bishops , be commanded to their several Sees to keep Residence , excepting those which are in necessary Attendance at Court. II : That none of them Reside upon his Land or Lease that he hath Purchased , no ron his Commendam , if he * should have any , but in one of the Episcopal Houses , if he have any . And that he waste not the Woods where any are left . III : That they give charge in their Triennial Visitations , and all other convenient times , both by themselves , and the Arch-Deacons ; that † the Declaration for the setling all Questions in difference , be ‖ chiefly observed by all Parties . IV : That there be a special care taken by them all , that * the Ordinations be Solemn , and not of unworthy Persons . V : That they take great care concerning the Lecturers , in these special Directions following . 1 : That in all Parishes the Afternoon Sermons may be turned into Catechizing by Questions and Answers , when , and wheresoever there is no great cause apparent to break this ancient and profitable Order . 2 : That every Bishop Ordain in his Diocess , that every Lecturer do read Divine Service according to the Liturgy Printed by Authority , in his Surplice and Hood , before the Lecture . 3 : That where a Lecture is set up in a Market-Town , it may be read by a company of Grave and Orthodox Divines near adjoyning , and in the same Diocess ; and that they Preach in Gowns and not in Cloaks , as too many do use . 4 : That if a Corporation maintain a single Lecturer , he be not suffered to Preach , till he profess his willingness to take upon him a Living with cure of Souls within that Corporation ; and that he actually take such Benefice or Cure , as soon as it shall be fairly procured for him . VI : That the Bishops do countenance and encourage the Grave and Orthodox Divines of their Clergy ; and that they use means by some of their Clergy , that they may have knowledge , how both Lecturers and Preachers behave themselves in their Sermons within their Diocess . That so they may take Order for any abuse accordingly . VII : That the Bishops suffer none but Noblemen , and Men qualified by Learning , to have any Private Chaplain in his House . VIII : That they take special Care , that Divine Service be duly frequented ; as well for Prayers and Catechizing , as for Sermons : And take particular note of all such as absent themselves as Recusants , or otherwise . IX : That every Bishop , that by our Grace , Favour , and good Opinion of his Service , shall be nominated by us to another Bishoprick , shall , from that Day of Nomination , not presume to make any Lease for Three Lives , or One and Twenty Years , or concurrent Lease ; or any way make any Estate , or cut any Woods or Timber ; but meerly receive the Rents due , and so quit the place : For we think it an hateful thing , that any Man , leaving the Bishoprick , should almost undo the Successor . And if any Man shall presume to break this Order , we will refuse him at our Royal Assent , and keep him at the Place which he had so abused . X : We Command you to give us an Account every Year the Second Day of * January , of the performance of these our Commands . Dorchester . Arch-Bishop Abbot's Account of his Province for the Year : 1632. sent to the King. May it it Please your most Excellent Majesty , THE Year is at an end ; redit Orbis in Orbem , & moritura ruit perituri Machina Mundi . But the Account of the Church Affairs for the last Year must not be forgotten . To speak generally unto the Articles heretosore propounded by your Majesty ; it is enough to say , that the Bishops , for ought it appeareth unto me , have lived at home ; and in their Episcopal-Houses : Saving only my Lord of St. Davids ; who by his Wives Sickness , but especially by a Law Suit , which concerneth him for all that he hath , as he informeth , was constrained to keep here . But now that vexatious Suit being ended , he promiseth to repair home , and there to reside ; that there shall be no just Occasion of Complaint against him . Of Arminian Points there is no dispute : And Ordinations of Ministers , for ought that I can learn , are Canonically observed : The Rules for Lecturers are strictly kept . Care is had , that Divine Service is Religiously read and frequented ; saving by certain Separatists about London , who for their Persons are contemptible , but fit to be punished for their wilful Obstinacy ; which we do with Moderation : Yet yielding them Means to confer with Learned Men , which we hope will prevail with some of them . And so it may be said of the rest of the Articles , that I find no noted Transgression of them . There is not in the Church of England left any inconformable Minister , which appeareth : And yet the Lord Bishops of London and Lincoln have been forced to deprive Two or Three , whom no time can Tame , nor Instruction conquer , according to the rule , Immedicabile Vulnus Ense recidendum est . There was one Burges , a Physician , who opened his Mouth wide against the repairing of St : Pauls Church ; but he hath been so castigated , that , as I trust , very few others will be encouraged to walk in his ways , and to Blaspheme so Holy a Work. There hath been these Two last Years past , mention made of Papists frequenting Holy-Well or St. Winifred's Well in Wales ; and the Bishop of St : Asaph doth not forget to touch it again in these Words : There hath been there all this Summer more than ordinary concourse of People , and more bold and open practice of Superstition . Where it is not to be forgotten , that at that Well a great part of the Powder Treason was hatched : And therefore my humble Opinion is , that serious Letters should be directed from your Majesty or Privy Council , to the Lord President of Wales and his Fellow Commissioners , that at Summer next , some course should be taken for the repressing of this Confluence , being indeed no better than a Pilgrimage . The Lady Wotton in Kent hath set up a bold Epitaph upon her Lord's Tomb , and will not be perswaded to take it down . We have therefore called her into the High-Commission , where , by excuse of Sickness , she hath not yet appeared : But at the next Term ( God willing ) we intend to proceed with her ; which is but necessary , for the avoiding of Scandal in the Country . These few , are the most observable things , whereof I can give your Majesty any reckoning : And if there were any thing else worthy the reporting , I should not conceal it . But there being nothing more , it may be the great comfort of your Majesty , that in so large and diffuse a Multitude both of Men and Matters , upon strict Examination , there is so little exorbitancy to be found . Lambeth : Jan : 2. 1632. Your Majesty's Humble Servant , G : CANT . INSTRUCTIONS Sent from the King to Arch-Bishop Laud , in the Year : 1634. Ex Registro Laud : Fol : 217. Charles R. INstructions for the most Reverend Father in God , our right Trusty , and right entirely Beloved Counsellor William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , concerning certain Orders to be observed and put in Execution by the several Bishops of his Province . I : That the Lords the Bishops respectively be commanded to their several Sees , there to keep Residence ; excepting those who are in necessary Attendance at our Court. II : That none of them Reside upon his Land or Lease that he hath Purchased , nor on his Commendam , if he hold any ; but in one of his Episcopal Houses . And that he wast not the Woods where any are left . III : That they give Charge in their Triennial Visitations , and at other convenient times , both by themselves , and the Arch-Deacons ; that our Declaration for setling all Questions in difference , be strictly observed by all Parties . IV : That there be a special care taken by them all , that their Ordinations be Solemn , and not of unworthy Persons . V : That they likewise take great care concerning the Lecturers within their several Diocesses ; for whom we give the special Directions following . 1 : That in all Parishes , the Afternoon Sermons be turned into Catechizing by Question and Answer ; when , and wheresoever there is not some great Cause apparent to break this ancient and profitable Order . 2 : That every Bishop take care in his Diocess , that all Lecturers do read Divine Service according to the Liturgy Printed by Authority , in their Surplices and Hoods , before the Lecture . 3 : That where a Lecture is set up in a Market-Town , it may be read by a Company of Grave and Orthodox Divines , near adjoyning , and of the same Diocess ; and that they ever Preach in such seemly Habits as belong to their Degrees ; and not in Cloaks . That if a Corporation do maintain a single Lecturer , he be not suffered to Preach , till he profess his willingness to take upon him a Living with Cure of Souls within that Corporation ; and he do actually take such Benefice or Cure , so soon as it shall be fairly procured for him . VI : That the Bishops do countenance and encourage the Grave and Orthodox Divines of their Clergy , and that they use means by some of the Clergy , or others , to have knowledge , how both Lecturers and Preachers within their several Diocesses behave themselves in their Sermons ; that so they may take present Order for any abuse accordingly . VII : That the Bishops suffer none under Noblemen , and Men qualified by Law , to have or keep any Private Chaplain in his House . VIII : That they take special care , that Divine Service be diligently frequented , as well for Prayers and Catechism , as Sermons ; and that particular notice be taken of all such as absent themselves , as Recusants or otherwise . IX : That no Bishop whatsoever , who , by our Grace and good Opinion of his Service , shall be nominated by us to another Bishoprick , shall from the Day of that our nomination , presume to make any Lease for Three Lives , or One and Twenty Years , or Concurrent Lease , or any way renew any Estate , or cut any Wood or Timber ; but meerly receive the Rents due , and quit the Place . For we think it a hateful thing , that any Man's Preferment to a better Bishoprick should almost undoe the Successor . And if any shall presume to break this Order , we will refuse him at our Royal Assent , and keep him at the Place which he hath so abused . X : That every Bishop give his Metropolitan a strict Account yearly , of their Obedience to our late Letters prohibiting them to change any Leases from Years into Lives ; and that they fail not to certifie , if they find that the Dean , or Dean and Chapter , or any Arch-Deacon , or Prebendary , &c. within their several Diocesses , have at any time broken our Commands , in any particular contained in the aforesaid Letters . XI : That every Bishop , to whom , in regard of the small Revenues of his Bishoprick , we either have already , or shall hereafter , not only give Power , but Command to receive and hold as in Commendam any Lease expired , or near expiring , and belonging to their See , or any Ecclesiastical Benefice , or Benefices , or other Promotion with Cure , or without ; being in his , or their own Gift by Letters given under our Signet , and sent to those Bishops respectively , do likewise give an Account yearly to his Metropolitan , that he doth not put any of the aforenamed Benefices , or other Preferment out of his Commendam , to give to any Son , Kinsman , Friend , or other , upon any pretence whatsoever , thereby to frustrate our gracious Intentions to those several Sees , and the Succeeding Bishops therein . XII : That every Bishop respectively do likewise in his yearly Account to his Metropolitan , give notice of any notable Alteration , or other Accident within his Diocess , which may any ways concern either the Doctrine or the Discipline of the Church established . XIII : That whereas John Bancroft Dr. in Divinity , and Bishop of Oxford , hath very worthily , at his own proper Cost and Charges Built a House for himself , and the Bishops of Oxford successively , ( by our both leave and encouragement ) upon the Vicarage of Cuddesden near Oxford , which Vicarage is in the Patronage and Gift of him and his Successors . And whereas our farther Will and Pleasure is , that the said House together with the Vicarage aforesaid , shall ever be held in Commendam by the Bishops of Oxford successively . That therefore the said Bishop for the time being do yearly give his particular Account of his holding both the House , and Benefice aforesaid , to the end , that we and our Successors may upon all occasions be put in mind of keeping that House and Vicarage to the See of Oxford , at all times of change , when or howsoever that Bishoprick shall become void . XIV : Lastly , we Command every Bishop respectively , to give his Account in Writing to his Metropolitan , of all these our Instructions , or as many of them as may concern him , at , or before the Tenth day of December yearly . And likewise , that you out of them make a Brief of your whole Province , and present it to us every Year , by the Second day of January following , that so we may see how the Church is Governed , and our Commands Obeyed . And hereof in any wise fail you not . Jan. 19. 1634. Comput . Angl. A Memorial of the Arch-Bishop's Annual Account to the King's Majesty , of his Province , for the Year : 1635. Ex Registro Laud , fol : 241. WHereas his Majesty in his late Instructions to the Lords the Bishops , hath amongst other things commanded , that every Bishop respectively , should give an Account in Writing to his Metropolitan , of all those Instructions , or so many of them as may concern him , at , or before the Tenth day of December yearly : And likewise , that the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace , do make out of them a Brief of his whole Province , and present it to his Sacred Majesty every year , by the second day of January following . My Lord Arch-Bishop in Obedience to the said Commands , did present an Account in Writing to his Majesty , how those Prudent and Pious Instructions , for the Good and Welfare of the Church of Christ in this Kingdom , have been obeyed and performed by the several Bishops within his Province of Canterbury , for the Year of our Lord God 1634. Which Account by his Grace's Command , is Registred amongst the other Acts of his Province by his principal Register . And that in farther Obedience to the said Instructions , his Grace delivered another Brief in Writing , of his said Province , for this present Year of our Lord God , 1635. unto Sir John Cooke Knight , one of the Principal Secretaries of State , to be presented to his Majesty by the time aforesaid ; but by Reason of his the said Secretary's Sickness , it is mislaid or lost , and so hath not been presented to his Majesty , nor any Observation by the King put upon it ; which loss notwithstanding , the Lord Arch-Bishop commanded instead of Registring the Brief it self , that this Memorial of the loss of it should be Registred . Martij : 14. 1635. W : Cant. W. S. A. C. NOtwithstanding this Memorial , the Arch-Bishop's Account for the Year 1635. is very happily come to my Hand after this manner . My very Worthy Friend , Sir Will. Cooke of Broom in Norfolk , sent me a Letter dated Nov : 6 : 1681. that being Executor to an Uncle of his then lately Deceased in Suffolk , he found in his Study a Bundle of Original Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud , ( which are the Annual Accounts here following , from : 1632. to : 1639. ) with a Letter to me in the Words following . May it please your Grace , &c. vide infra . The Writer of this Letter Mr : Thomas Raymond , a very Ingenious Gentleman , was ( as Sir Will : C : tells me ) bred up under Sir Will. Boswell Embassadour in Holland , and was after Governour to the present Earl of Peterborough in his Travels : And was after his Return , ( as I have heard ) one of the Clerks of his Majesty's Privy Council , possibly , under Sir Jo : Cooke Principal Secretary , by which Means these Papers might come into his Hands . The Originals are all Signed by the Arch-Bishop ; that of 1632. by G. Cant. being Abbot's last , and the rest W : Cant. being Arch-Bishop Lauds ; all which are Apostilled in the Margin with the King 's own Hand , except only that of 1635. which it seems by Secretary Cook 's default , never came to the King's view . I found also , among Arch-Bishop Laud's Papers , Duplicates of the Accounts for 1634 , 6 , 7 , 8 , and 9. with the King's Notes also Copied in the Margin : And 3 of them , ( scil . the 3 last ) are Registred in Registr . Laud , f. 215. 254. 289. Mr. Raymond's Letter to my Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft ; concerning the following Papers . May it please your Grace , THE inclosed Papers being of Ecclesiastick Concern , and true and mighty Evidences of the abundant Love and Care of a Blessed King , for the good of the Church , as well as that of a most Pious and Learned Prelate , your Grace's Predecessor ; I thought my self bound both in Duty and Prudence , to Transmit them to your Grace , as to their proper place , both for use and safety : And this I have endeavoured to do in the carefullest manner I could ; and do implore your Grace's Pardon for this intrusion ; beseeching ( most humbly ) Almighty God , to grant your Grace multos annos in all Health and Prosperity , so much conducing to the good of his Church amongst us : And withdrawing my self unto my wonted Solitude , do crave the great Honour to be esteemed , as I am ready to approve my self , Della mia povera Capanna 18 — di Novembre : 78. Your GRACE's Most Humble , and Most Faithful Servant , THO. RAYMOND . Arch-Bishop Laud's Account of his Province , sent to the King , for the Year 1633. with the King 's Apostills , in the Margin . May it please Your most Sacred Majesty , ACcording to Your Royal Commands , I do here , upon the Second of January 1633. Comput . Aglic : present my Accompt of both the Diocess and Province of Canterbury , concerning all those Church Affairs , which are contained within your Majesty's most gracious Declaration and Instructions ; Published out of your most Princely and Religious Care to preserve Unity in Orthodox Doctrine , and Conformity to Government in this your Church of England . And First , for my own Diocess of Canterbury , I hear of many things amiss ; but as yet , my time hath been so short , that I have had no certain knowledge of any thing fit to certifie ; save only , that some of my Peculiars in London are Extreamly out of order . For the Bishoprick of London , it is certified , that my Lord the now Bishop hath not received complaint against any of his Clergy , since his coming to that See , which was since Michaelmas last . For all the former part of this First Year I must give your Majesty Accompt for my self , being then Bishop there . And First , having heretofore , after long patience and often conference , proceeded against Nathaniel Ward , Parson of Stondon in Essex , to Excommunication and Deprivation , for refusing to subscribe to the Articles established by the Canon of the Church ( of which I certified the last Year ) I have now left him still under the Censure of Excommunication . I did likewise convent Mr : John Beedle , Rector of Barnstone in Essex , for omitting some parts of Divine Service , and refusing Conformity . But upon his submission and promise of reformation , I dismissed him with a Canonical Admonition only . Since my return out of Scotland , Mr : John Davenport , Vicar of St : Stephens in Coleman-street ( whom I used with all Moderation , and about Two Years since , thought I had setled his Judgment , having him then at advantage enough , to have put extremity upon him , but forbare it ) hath now resigned his Vicarage , declared his Judgment against Conformity with the Church of England , and is since gone ( as I hear ) to Amsterdam . For Bath and Wells , I find that the Lord Bishop hath in his late Visitation taken a great deal of pains to see all your Majesty's Instructions observed . And particularly hath put down divers Lecturers in Market-Towns , which were Beneficed Men in other Bishops Diocesses . Because he found , that when they had Preached Factious and Disorderly Sermons , they retired into other Countries , where his Jurisdiction would not reach to punish them . His Lordship hath likewise sent up a List of Romish Recusants , which were presented at his last Visitation ; which , he saith , are for the most part but of mean Condition , and those not many , considering the greatness of the County . In this Diocess , the Town of Mawling , and that whole Deanery , were very much out of Order ; but the Arch-Deacon , by my Lord the Bishop's Command , hath setled them . My Lord likewise brought Mr : Throgmorton the Vicar of Mawling into the High Commission ; where he submitted himself , and received a Canonical Admonition . I likewise certifie your Majesty , that the Bishop complains that the Cathedral Church suffers much for want of Glass in the Windows , and that the Church-Yard lies very undecently , and the Gates down ; and that he hath no Power to remedy these things , because the Dean and Chapter refuse to be visited by him , upon pretence that their Statutes are not confirmed under the Broad Seal ; with some other circumstances , with which I shall acquaint your Majesty more at large . Concerning this Diocess , whereas your Majesty's Instructions require that Lecturers should turn their Afternoon Sermons into Catechizing by way of Question and Answer ; some Persons and Vicars make a question , whether they be bound to the like Order , because Lecturers only be named , as they pretend : But your Majesty's Expression is clear for Catechizing generally , and my Lord the Bishop will presently settle this doubt . There is one Mr : Elms in that Diocess , who being not qualified by Law , keeps a School-Master in his House , and useth him as a Chaplain to preach a Lecture upon Sundays in the Afternoon in the Church of Warmington : But by this time , if the Bishop keep his promise , that abuse is Rectified . The Bishop complains , that the Peculiars of his Diocess ( wherein he hath no Power ) are much out of Order ; and I easily believe it . But the Remedy will be hard ; because I know not in whom the Peculiars are ; but shall inform my self . His Lordship farther certifies , that he hath suppressed a Seditious Lecture at Repon ; and divers Monthly-Lectures , with a Fast and a Moderator ( like that which they called Prophesying in Queen Elizabeth's Time ) as also the Running Lecture , so called , because the Lecturer went from Village to Village ; and at the end of the Week Proclaimed where they should have him next , that his Disciples might follow . They say this Lecture was ordained to Illuminate the Dark Corners of that Diocess . My Lord of St : Davids is now Resident in his Diocess , and hath so been ever since the last Spring ; and professes , that he will take great care hereafter , to whom he gives holy Orders . His Lordship certifies , That he hath Suspended a Lecturer for his Inconformity ; and that they have but few Romish Recusants . The Bishop of St : Asaph returns , That all is exceeding well in his Diocess , save only that the Number and Boldness of some Romish Recusants increaseth much in many Places , and is incouraged by the Superstitious and frequent Concourse of some of that Party to Holy-Well , otherwise called St : Winifreds Well : Whether this Concourse be by way of Pilgrimage or no , I know not ; but I am sure it hath long been complained of , without Remedy . My Lord the Bishop certifies , that he hath not one Refractory Nonconformist or 〈◊〉 Minister within his Diocess ; and that there are but two Lecturers , and that they both are Licensed Preachers . My Lord the Bishop of Lincoln signifies , That the Company of Mercers in London , trusted with the Gift of one Mr : Fishburn , set up a Lecturer in Huntingdon , with the allowance of Forty Pounds per An. to Preach every Saturday Morning ( being Market-Day ) and Sunday in the Afternoon ; with a Proviso in his Grant from them , that upon any dislike they may have of him , he shall at a Month , or a Fortnights Warning , give over the Place , without any relation to Bishop or Arch-Bishop . My most humble Suit to your Majesty , is , that no Lay - Man whatsoever , and least of all Companies or Corporations , may , under any Pretence of giving to the Church or otherwise , have Power to put in or put out any Lecturer , or other Minister . His Lordship likewise complains of some in Bedfordshire , that use to wander from their own Parish-Churches , to follow Preachers Affected by themselves , of which he hath caused his Officers to take special care . As for the placing of the Communion-Table in Parish-Churches , his Lordship professes , that he takes care of it , according to the Canon . These two last are no part of your Majesty's Instructions ; yet , since his Lordship hath been so careful to report them to me , I take it my Duty to express that his Lordship's care to your Majesty . These two Diocesses are void ; and I had no Certificat before the Death of the Bishops . All the Bishops above mentioned ( which are all that have yet certified ) do agree , that all other things in your Sacred Majesty's Instructions contained , are carefully observed ; and particularly that of avoiding factious medling with the prohibited Questions . From any of the rest of the Bishops within my Province , I have not as yet received any Certificat at all , namely ; Salisbury , Norwich , Worcester , Oxford , Bristol , Winchester , Chichester , Glocester , Exeter . So I humbly submit this my Certificat : W. CANT . The Lord Bishop of Ely certifies , that he hath had special Care of your Majesty's Instructions ; and that he doth not know that they are broken in his Diocess , in any point . Jan. 2. 1633. W. CANT . The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King for the Year : 1634. May it please Your most Excellent Majesty , I Am at this time , in Obedience to your Sacred Majesty's Commands , to give you an Account , how your prudent and pious Instructions for the Good and Welfare of the Church of Christ , in this your Kingdom , have been obeyed and performed by the several Bishops within my Province of Canterbury , which , with all Humility and Obedience , I here present as followeth : And First I represent to your Majesty , That I have this Year , partly by my Vicar-General , and partly by the Dean of the Arches , visited seven Diocesses , beginning ( as I am bound by the Ecclesiastical Laws ) at my own Metropolitical Church of Canterbury , and that Diocess , that I might first see what was done at Home , before I did curiously look abroad into other Bishops Jurisdictions . And not to conceal Truth from your Majesty , I found in my own Diocess ( especially about Ashford-side ) divers professed Separatists , with whom I shall take the best and most present Order that I can ; some of them , and some of Maidstone ( where much Inconformity hath of late Years spread ) being already called into the High Commission , where , if they be proved as guilty as they are voiced to be , I shall not fail to do Justice upon them . I conceive , under favour , that the Dutch Churches in Canterbury and Sandwich are great Nurseries of Inconformity in those Parts . Your Majesty may be pleased to remember , I have complained to your self , and my Lords at the Council-Board , and humbly desired , That they , both of the French , Italian , and Dutch Congregations , which are born Subjects , may not be suffered any longer to live in such a Separation as they do , from both Church and State. And have , according to that which I thought might best sort with your Majesty's Intentions , commanded my Vicar-General , when he was lately at Canterbury , to begin fairly to call them to Conform with the English Church . Which business I do hereby humbly beseech your Majesty to look upon with a provident Eye , not here only , but much more in London , for the better settling of both Church and Commonwealth in that Particular . And for your Majesty's Instructions I have for my own part punctually observed them . The rest of the Diocesses which I visited this Year , are Rochester , Salisbury , Bristol , Bath and Wells , Exeter and Lincoln . For Rochester I found no eminent thing amiss ; but the Bishop himself fell into a Palsie , and was thereby forced to go to the Bath , and so to be longer absent from his Diocess , than otherwise he would have been ; and he is now returned , God be thanked , much better ; though not perfectly well . And for the Diocess , I did not find in my Visitation any noted Breach upon any your Majesty's Instructions . For Salisbury , I found the Bishop had taken a great deal of Care about your Majesty's said Instructions ; and that they might be the better both known and obeyed , he hath caused Copies of them to be sent to most of the Ministers in his Diocess ; which hath done a great deal of good . And though it be not amongst your Instructions , yet I am bold to signifie unto your Sacred Majesty , that I find the greatest part of Wiltshire overgrown with the Humours of those Men that do not Conform ; and are as backward , both Clergy and Laity , towards the Repair of St. Paul's Church , as any part of England that I have observed . The Cathedral at Salisbury is much pestered with Seats , and I have given Order to remove them ; which I hope your Majesty will approve , as well as you did at York and Durham ; and add your Power , if mine be not sufficient . For Bristol , I find in my Visitation that the Bishop there hath taken very good Pains and Care since his coming thither . And that some Clergy-men in Dorsetshire , which gave great cause of Suspicion , have quit themselves in a better manner than was expected ; though all be not right in those Parts . Concerning Bath and Wells , I must needs return to your Majesty , that which I would to God I could do of all the rest , namely , That all your Instructions are punctually observed ; and the Lectures ( as many as are in that Diocess ) read , not by any particular factious Persons , but by a Company of Learned neighbouring Ministers , which are every way conformable to the Church . For Exeter , where , according to many Complaints that had been made here above , I might have expected many things out of Order ; I must do my Lord the Bishop this Right , that for your Majesty's Instructions , they have been carefully observ'd . But a great Division there is between the Dean and Chapter . I have twice set them at Peace , yet it breaks out again . And , I doubt , there being so many Brothers and Brothers-in-Law in that Chapter , is not the least Cause of it ; the rest siding together for fear of Oppression . I find also there hath been , and is at this present , a great Difference between the Dean and Chapter and the City , about Burial within the Church-yard of the Cathedral . I shall do my best to set Peace between them , and if I cannot , as I much fear it , I shall be an humble Suitor to your Majesty , to take it into your Princely Consideration ; lest it do more Prejudice to both Bodies , than is yet thought of . As for Lincoln , it being the greatest Diocess in the Kingdom , I have now reduced that under Metropolitical Visitation also , and visited it this preceding Year . My Visitors there found Bedfordshire , for the bigness , most tainted of any part of the Diocess : And in particular Mr : Buckley is sent to the High-Commission for Inconformity . And in Leicester the Dean of the Arches Suspended one Mr : Angell , who hath continued a Lecturer in that great Town , for these divers Years , without any License at all to Preach ; yet took Liberty enough . I doubt his Violence hath crackt his Brain , and do therefore use him the more tenderly , because I see the Hand of God hath overtaken him . For Lincoln it self , my Vicar General certifies me , there are many Anabaptists in it , and that their Leader is one Johnson a Baker ; and that in divers parts of that Diocess , many both of Clergy and Laity are excessively given to Drunkenness : That the Town of Boston , which was a great Nursery of Inconformity , is since the calling of some of the Magistrates into the High-Commission , become very Orderly , and setled to Obedience . But the Town of Louth somewhat to blame . At Kelstern dwells the wild young Gentleman Mr : South ( concerning whom I have lately spoken , and that often with your Majesty ) he hath committed a horrible Incest , and gotten two Sisters with Child . I have called him into the High-Commission against the next Term , and I hope your Majesty will give me leave to make South blow West for St. Pauls . At Kensworth in Hertfordshire , and some other Places , many gadd from their own Churches by Troops , after other Ministers . Which is a common fault in the South Parts of that Diocess , where the People are said to be very giddy in matters of Religion . The Cathedral of this Diocess is not well ordered , either for Reparation or Ornaments ; but the Dean and Chapter , to whom that Care belongs , have promised speedy amendment . For Eaton College , within that Diocess , I do not find but that the Provost , Sir Henry Wotton , hath carried himself very worthily . The greatest things thought to be amiss in that Society , are those which are referred to me by your Majesty , upon the Complaint of Kings College in Cambridge ; to which I have no more to say , till I see whether they of Eaton will decline the Reference or no. Thus far concerning the Diocesses , which I have visited this Year . In all which I find one great Complaint , and very fit to be redressed . It is the general grievance of the poor Vicars , that their Stipends are scarce able to Feed and Cloath them . And which is worse , the Vicars in great Market-Towns where the People are very many , are for the most part worst provided for . But I humbly thank your Majesty , some good hath of late been done for them ; and I shall pursue all just and fair ways to give them Relief ; Humbly beseeching you to give your gracious Assistance to me and them . For Winchester , I find my Lord Bishop there , hath been very careful for all your Majesty's Instructions , and that they are well observed through that Diocess ; save only , that in two Parishes , the Bishop finds some defect about Catechizing in the Afternoon , of which he will take great Care , that it my be remedied . And I find by his Lordship's return to me , that there are divers obstinate Recusants in those parts , which , I presume , are certified to your Majesty's Judges according to Law. The Bishop of London visited his Diocess this Year , the City and Middlesex in Person , the rest by his Chancellour , by reason of his necessary attendance upon your Majesty . In this his Visitation , he found divers complaints about Inconformity to the Church Discipline ; but the Proofs came home only against Four , Three Curates , and a Vicar . The Vicar upon Submission , hath time given him till the next Term , to settle himself and reduce his Parishioners . And two of the Three Curates did presently submit themselves , and promise constancy in their Obedience to the Church . The Third Curate one Philip Saunders of Hutton in Essex , being Refractory was Suspended , and hath since forsaken the Diocess . It seems he means to settle himself , where he may hope to find more Favour . For Norwich , the Bishop certifies , that he hath put down some Lectures , where Factious Men performed them , and particularly , that he hath Suspended one Bridges Curate of St : Georges Parish in Norwich , for transgressing your Majesty's Declaration in his Lectures ; but hath of late freed him from that Suspension , upon humble submission made , and promise not to offend hereafter . And farther , that he hath lately heard complaint of Mr : Ward of Ipswich for some Words uttered in Sermons of his , for which he is now called into the High-Commission . He farther Certifies , that he hath Suspended one Enoch Grey for unsound Doctrine Preached by him . And that one Simon Jacob , alias Bradshaw , and Ralph Smith two Wanderers , went up and down Preaching here and there , without Place of Aboad or Authority : And that upon his Summoning them to appear , they are run out of that Diocess . Your Majesty's Instructions in other things , have ( as he certifieth ) been carefully observed both by himself and his Clergy . The Bishop of Ely certifies , that for any thing that hath been made appear to him , all your Majesty's Royal Injunctions for the good of the Church have been carefully observed throughout his Diocess . And he promises to carry a watchful Eye , as he hath ever done , concerning all such Lecturers , as are , or shall at any time be in his Diocess . For St. Davids , the Bishop is now gone and setled in his Diocess , whence he hath not been absent two Months these two Years . He promiseth to be very careful whom he Ordains . The Lecturers in those parts are not many ; yet of late , he hath been driven first to Suspend , and afterwards to dismiss one Roberts a Welch Lecturer for Inconformity . And one or two others , that have with their giddiness offered to distemper the People , he hath likewise driven out of his Diocess . But his Lordship complains grievously ( and not without Cause ) that divers Impropriators , in those parts , have either pulled down the Chancels , or suffered them to fall , to the great debasing of their Churches , and leaving them so open and cold , as that the People in those mountainous parts must endure a great deal of hardness , as well in the Churches , as in their way to them . The Bishop of St. Asaph professes he hath little to return . And that it is a great part of his Comfort , in that remote place , that the whole Diocess in a manner is peaceable and obedient , as well to your Majesty's Instructions , as other things which concern the Church . That they are not any where troubled with Inconformity : But heartily wishes , that they might be as well acquitted from Superstition and Prophaneness . The Bishop of Landaff certifies , That this last Year he Visited in Person ; and found that William Erbury , Vicar of St. Maries in Cardiff , and Walter Cradocke his Curate , have been very disobedient to your Majesty's Instructions , and have Preached very Schismatically and Dangerously to the People . That for this he hath given the Vicar a Judicial Admonition , and will further proceed , if he do not submit . And for his Curate , being a bold ignorant young Fellow , he hath Suspended him , and taken away his License to serve the Cure. Among other things he used this base and Unchristian passage in the Pulpit , That God so loved the world , that for it he sent his Son to live like a Slave , and dye like a Beast . He farther Certifies , that one William Newport , Rector of Langua in Monmouthshire , hath pulled down the Partition betwixt the Chancel and the Church , and sold part , and disposed the rest to his own use , with some other violences , to the great prophanation of that place : For which the Bishop desires leave to bring him into the High Commission . The Bishop of Glocester Certifies , That he is forced to Ordain some very mean Ministers in his Diocess , to supply Cures as mean ; yet he professeth , that to his knowledge , he never gave Holy Orders to any unworthy Person . And further he saith , that he hath put down some Lecturers , and set up othersome , which he conceives he did without offence , being done upon different occasions ; but saith , that he doth neither know , nor can probably conjecture , that there is any one unconformable Man in all his Diocess . Which , if it be true , is a great clearing of those parts , which have of late been so much suspected . This Bishoprick is void . For the Diocess of Oxford , I find the Bishop very careful , and that he hath according to his Promise made to your Majesty , built a House at Cuddesden , a Vicarage in his own Diocess and Gift , which he now holds in Commendam . Which House he humbly desires , by your Majesty's Favour , may be annexed to the See of Oxford , which never yet had any House belonging to it . And for your Instructions , they have all been observed within his Diocess , save that he doubts some few Lecturers , of whom he will make present Inquiry , and hath already suppressed Two , which were not performed as they ought , viz. at Dadington and Woodstocke . My Lord of Chichester Certifies all very well in his Diocess ; save only in the East part , which is far from him , he finds that some Puritan Justices of the Peace , have awed some of the Clergy into like Opinions with themselves , which yet of late have not broken out into any publick Inconformity . The Bishop of Peterborough hath Visited his Diocess this last year , and begun so well to look to all good Orders , that I hope things will go very well there . But I find he is beholding to his Predecessors , who took very good care in former Years concerning your Majesties Instructions . This is all the Return which I have this year to make to your Majesty , having received no Accompt at all from these Bishops following , viz. Worcester , Coventry and Lichfield , and Bangor . So I humbly submit my Certificat . W. Cant. The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King , for the Year 1635. ACcording to your Royal Commands , I do here , upon the Second of Januay 1635. Comput : Angl. present my Account both for the Diocess and Province of Canterbury , concerning all those Church-Affairs , which are contained in your Majesty's most gracious Instructions , published out of your most Princely and Religious care to preserve Unity in Orthodox Doctrine , and Conformity to Government within this your Church of England . And First , for my own Diocess ; I humbly represent to your Majesty , that there are yet very many Refractory Persons to the Government of the Church of England about Maidstone and Ashford , and some other Parts ; the Infection being spread by one Brewer , and continued and increased by one Turner . They have been both Censured in the High-Commission Court some Years since ; but the Hurt which they have done , is so deeply rooted , as that it is not possible to be plucked up on the suddain ; but I must crave time to work it off by little and little . I have , according to your Majesty's Commands , required Obedience to my Injunctions sent to the French and Dutch Churches at Canterbury , Maidstone and Sandwich . And albeit they made some shew of Conformity ; yet I do not find they have yielded such Obedience as is required , and was ordered with your Majesty's Consent and Approbation . So that I fear , I shall be driven to a quicker proceeding with them . The Cathedral Church begins to be in very good Order . And I have almost finished their Statutes ; which being once perfected , will ( mutatis mutandis ) be a sufficient Direction for the making of the Statutes for the other Cathedrals of the new Erection , which in King Henry the Eighth's Time , had either none left , or none Confirmed ; and those which are , in many things not Canonical . All which Statutes , your Majesty hath given Power to me with others , under the Broad Seal of England , to alter , or make new , as we shall find Cause . And so soon as these Statutes for the Church of Canterbury are made ready , I shall humbly submit them to your Majesty for Confirmation . There is one Mr : Walker , of St : John's the Evangelist , a Peculiar of mine in London , who hath all his time been but a disorderly and a peevish Man ; and now of late hath very frowardly Preached against the Lord Bishop of Ely his Book concerning the Lord's Day , set out by Authority . But upon a Canonical Admonition given him to desist , he hath hitherto recollected himself , and I hope will be advised . For the Diocess of London , I find my Lord the Bishop hath been very careful for all that concerns his own Person . But Three of his Arch-Deacons have made no return at all to him ; so that he can certifie nothing , but what hath come to his knowledge without their help . There have been convented in this Diocess Dr : Stoughton of Aldermanbury , Mr : Simpson Curate and Lecturer of St : Margarets - New-Fishstreet , Mr : Andrew Moline Curate and Lecturer of St : Swithin , Mr : John Goodwin Vicar of St : Stevens Colman-street , and Mr : Viner Lecturer of St : Laurence in the Old 〈◊〉 , for Breach of the Canons of the Church in Sermons , or Practice , or both . But because all them promised Amendment for the future , and submission to the Church in all things ; my Lord very moderately forbore farther proceeding against them . There were likewise convented Mr : Sparrowhawke Curate and Lecturer at St : Mary Woolchurch , for Preaching against the Canon for Bowing at the Name of Jesus ; who , because he wilfully persisted , is suspended from Preaching in that Diocess . As also one Mr : John Wood , a wild turbulent 〈◊〉 , and formerly Censured in the High-Commission-Court . But his Lordship forbore Mr : White of Knightsbridge , for that his Cause is at this present depending in the Court aforesaid . Concerning the Diocess of Lincoln my Lord the Bishop returns this Information . That he hath Visited the same this Year all over in Person , which he conceives no Predecessor of his hath done these Hundred Years : And that he finds so much good done thereby , beyond that which Chancellours use to do when they go the Visitation ; that he is sorry he hath not done it heretofore , in so many Years as he hath been Bishop . He farther Certifies , that he hath prevailed beyond Expectation for the Augmenting of Four or Five small Vicarages ; and conceives ( as your Majesty may be pleased to remember I have often told you upon my own Experience ) that it is a Work very necessary and fit to be done , and most worthy of your Majesty's Royal Care and Consideration . For Conformity , his Lordship professeth that in that large Diocess he knows but one unconformable Man , and that is one Lindhall , who is in the High-Commission Court , and ready for Sentence . My Lord the Bishop of Bath and Wells Certifies , that his Diocess is in very good Order and Obedience . That there is not a single Lecture in any Town Corporate , but grave Divines Preach by course ; and that he hath changed the Afternoon Sermons into Catechising by Question and Answer , in all Parishes . His Lordship farther Certifies , that no Man hath been Presented unto him since his last 〈◊〉 , for any Breach of the Canons of the Church , or Your Majesty's Instructions ; and that he hath received no notice of any increase of Men Popishly affected , beyond the number mentioned in his last Certificat . The Bishop of this See died almost Half a Year since ; and had sent in no Certificat . But I find by my Visitation there this present Year , that the whole Diocess is much out of Order , and more at Ipswich and Yarmouth , than at Norwich it self : But I hope my Lord , that now is will take care of it ; and he shall want no Assistance , that I can give him . Mr : Samuel Ward , Preacher at Ipswich , was Censured this last Term in the High-Commission Court , for Preaching in Disgrace of the Common-Prayer-Book and other like gross Misdemeanours . These Six Bishops respectively make their Answer , that in their own Persons they have observed all your Majesty's Instructions ; and that they find all their Clergy very conformable , no one of them instancing in any particular to the contrary . In this Diocess , the Bishop found , in his Triennial Visitation the former Year , two noted Schismaticks , Wroth and Erbury ; that led away many simple People after them . And finding , that they willfully persisted in their Schismatical course , he hath carefully preferred Articles against them in the High-Commission Court ; where , when the Cause is ready for Hearing , they shall receive according to the Merits of it . Concerning this Diocess , your Majesty knows , that the late Bishop's Residence upon the place was necessarily hindred by his Attendance upon your Majesty's Person , as Clerk of the Closet . But he hath been very careful for the observance of all your Instructions ; and particularly for Catechizing of the Youth : As also for not letting of any thing into Lives , to the Prejudice of his Successor ; in which he hath done exceeding well : And I have by your Majesty's Command laid a strict Charge upon his Successor , to look to those Particular Leases which he hath made stay of , that they may be reduced into Years , for the good of that See , which abundantly needs it . My Lord Bishop of Winchester Certifies , that there is all Peace and Order in his Diocess ; and that himself and his Clergy have duly Obeyed your Majesty's Instructions . But he Informs , that in the Parish of Avington in Hampshire , one Vnguyon an Esquire , is Presented for a new Recusant ; as also Three others , whereof Two are in Southwark . These Three Bishops , for their several Diocesses , respectively make return , that all Obedience is yielded to every of your Majesty's Instructions . The late Bishop of St : Davids ( now of Hereford ) hath in his time of Residence , taken a great deal of pains in that See , and hath caused Two to be questioned in the High Commission , and Suspended one Roberts , a Lecturer , for Inconformity . Three or four others which were Suspended , he hath released , upon hope given of their Obedience to the Church , and hath absolutely deprived Two for their exceeding Scandalous Life . He complains much , and surely with cause enough , that there are few Ministers in those poor and remote places , that are able to Preach and Instruct the People . My Lord the Bishop informs , that that County is very full of Impropriations , which makes the Ministers poor ; and their Poverty makes them fall upon Popular and Factious courses . I doubt this is too true , but it is a Mischief hard to cure in this Kingdom ; yet I have taken all the care I can , and shall continue so to do . From the rest of the Bishops of my Province , I have received no Certificat this Year , viz. Covent . and Litchfield . Worcester . Bangor . So I humbly submit this my Certificat . W. CANT . The Arch-Bishop's Accounts of his Province to the King , for the Year : 1636. May it please your Sacred Majesty , ACcording to your Royal Commands expressed in your late Instructions for the good of the Church , I do here most humbly present my Yearly Account for my Diocess and Province of Canterbury , for this last Year ending at Christmass , 1636. And First , for my own Diocess , I have every Year acquainted your Majesty , and so must do now , that there are still about Ashford and Egerton , divers Brownists and other Separatists . But they are so very mean and poor People , that we know not what to do with them . They are said to be the Disciples of one Turner and Fennar , who were long since apprehended , and imprisoned by Order of your Majesty's High Commission Court. But how this part came to be so infected with such a Humour of Separation , I know not , unless it were by too much connivence at their first beginning . Neither do I see any Remedy like to be , unless some of their chief Seducers be driven to Abjure the Kingdom , which must be 〈◊〉 by the Judges at the Common Law , but is not in our power . I have received Information from my Officers , that the Walloons and other Strangers in my Diocess , especially at Canterbury , do come orderly to their Parish Churches , and there receive the Sacraments , and Marry , &c. according to my Injunctions , with that limitation which your Majesty allowed . There have been heretofore many in Canterbury , that were not conformable to Church Discipline , and would not kneel at the Communion ; but they are all now very Conformable , as I hear expresly by my Officers ; and that there is no falling away of any to Recusancy . There hath been a Custom , that some Ministers thereabouts , have under divers pretences lived for the most part at Canterbury , and gone seldom to their Benefices ; which hath given a double Scandal , both by their absence from their several Cures , and by keeping too much Company , and that not in the best manner . I have seen this remedied in all , save only one Man ; and if he do not presently Conform , I have taken order for his Suspension . In the Diocess of London , I find that my Lord the Bishop there ( now by your Majesty's Grace and Favour Lord High Treasurer of England ) hath very carefully observed those Instructions which belong to his own Person . And for the Diocess , his Lordship Informs me of three great Misdemeanours . The one committed by Dr : Cornelius Burges , who in a Latin Sermon before the Clergy of London , uttered divers insolent passages against the Bishops and Government of the Church , and refused to give his Lordship a Copy of the Sermon ; so there was a necessity of calling him into the High Commission Court ; which is done . The second Misdemeanour , is of one Mr : Wharton , a Minister in Essex , who in a Sermon at Chelmesford , uttered many unfit , and some scurrilous things . But for this he hath been Convented , and received a Canonical Admonition . And upon his sorrow and submission , any farther Censure is forborn . The third Misdemeanour which my Lord complains of , is , the late spreading and dispersing of some Factious and Malicious Pamphlets against the Bishops and Government of the Church of England . And my Lord farther Certifies , that he hath reasonable ground to perswade him , that those Libellous Pamphlets have been Contrived or Abetted , and dispersed by some of the Clergy of his Diocess ; and therefore desires me to use the Authority of the High Commission , for the further discovery of this Notorious practice , to prevent the Mischiefs which will otherwise ensue upon the Government of the Church . This , God willing , I shall see performed . But if the High Commission shall not have Power enough , because one of those Libels contains Seditious Matter in it , and that which is very little 〈◊〉 of Treason ( if any thing at all ) then I humbly crave leave to add this to my Lord Treasurer's Motion , and humbly to desire , that your Majesty will call it into a higher Court , if you find Cause ; since I see no likelyhood , but that these Troubles in the Church , if they be permitted , will break out into some Sedition in the Common-wealth . My Visitation is yet depending for this Diocess ; and by reason of the Sickness , I could not with safety hold it , nor think it fit to gather so much People together ; but , God willing , I shall perform that Duty , so soon as conveniently I may , and then Certifie your Majesty at the next return , what shall come under mine own view . In this Diocess I find by my Lord's Report from his Officers , that there are divers Recusants in several parts of the Country , and that some of them have been seduced away from the Church of England within these two or three Years . For all things else I receive no complaint thence , save only of three or four Ministers that are negligent in Catechising , and observe it not at all , or but in the Lent only . But I shall call upon the Bishop to see this remedied , and to be as vigilant as he can against any farther increase of Recusants . From Bath and Wells I have received a very good and happy Certificat , both that all your Majesty's Instructions have been exactly performed throughout that whole Diocess . And that by God's Blessing , and the well Ordering of Church Affairs , there have been fewer Popish Recusants presented than formerly , and that the number of them is much decreased . And this I cannot but highly approve to your Majesty , if there be not fewer presented , either by the over-awing of them which should present , or some Cunning in those which would not be presented . For this Diocess , my Lord hath given me in a very careful and punctual Account , very large , and in all Particulars very considerable ; And I shall return it to your Majesty as briefly as I can reduce it . And first , he hath for this Summer , but by your Majesty's leave , lived ( from both his Episcopal Houses ) in Ipswich , partly because he was informed , that that side of his Diocess did most need his presence , and he found it so : And partly , because his Chappel at his House in Norwich , was possessed by the French Congregation , and so the Bishoprick left destitute . But he hath given them warning to provide themselves elsewhere by Easter next . His Lordship found a general defect of Catechising quite through the Diocess ; but hath setled it . And in Norwich , where there are 34 Churches , there was no Sermon on the Sunday Morning , save only in four ; but all put off to the Afternoon ; and so no Catechising . But now he hath ordered that there shall be a Sermon every Morning , and Catechising in the Afternoon in every Church . For Lectures , they abounded in Suffolk , and many set up by private Gentlemen , even without so much as the knowledge of the Ordinary , and without any due observation to the Canons , or the Discipline of the Church . Divers of these his Lordship hath carefully regulated according to Order , and especially in St. Edmonds-bury , and with their very good content , and Suspended no Lecturer , of whom he might obtain Conformity . And at Ipswich it was not unknown unto them , that now Mr : Ward stands Censured in the High Commission , and obeys not : Yet the Bishop was ready to have allowed them another , if they would have sought him ; but they resolve to have Mr. Ward or none , and that ( as is conceived ) in despight of the Censure of the Court. At Yarmouth , where there was great division heretofore for many Years , their Lecturer being Censured in the High Commission , about two Years since , went into New-England , since which time there hath been no Lecture , and very much peace in the Town , and all Ecclesiastical Orders well observed . But in Norwich , one Mr : Bridge , rather than he would Conform , hath left his Lecture and two Cures , and is gone into Holland . The Lecturers in the Country , generally observing no Church Orders at all . And yet the Bishop hath carried it with that Temper , and upon their promise , and his hopes of Conformity , that he hath Inhibited but three in Norfolk , and as many in Suffolk , of which one is no Graduate , and hath been a common Stage-player . His Lordship craves direction what he shall do with such Scholars ( some in Holy Orders , and some not ) as Knights and private Gentlemen keep in their Houses , under pretence to Teach their Children . As also with some Divines that are Beneficed in Towns or near , but live in Gentlemens Houses . For my part , I think it very fit the Beneficed Men were punctually commanded , to reside upon their Cures . And for the rest , your Majesties Instructions , allow none to keep Chaplains , but such as are qualified by Law. All which notwithstanding , I most humbly submit ( as the Bishop doth ) to your Majesty's Judgment . For Recusants , whereas formerly there were wont to be but two or three Presented , his Lordship hath caused above forty to be Endicted in Norwich , at the last Sessions ; and at the Assizes in Suffolk , he delivered a List of such as were Presented upon the Oath of the Churchwardens , to the Lord Chief Justice , and his Lordship to the Grand Jury : But they slighted it , pretending the Bishop's Certificat to be no Evidence . But the true Reason is conceived to be , because he had also inserted such as had been Presented to him for Recusant Separatists , as well as Recusant Romanists . His Lordships Care hath been such , as that though there are about One Thousand Five Hundred Clergy-Men in that Diocess , and many Disorders ; yet there are not Thirty Excommunicated or Suspended ; whereof some are for Contumacy , and will not yet submit ; some for obstinate denyal to Publish your Majesty's Declaration ; and some for contemning all the Orders and Rites of the Church , and intruding themselves , without License from the Ordinary , for many Years together . Last of all , he found , that one half of the Churches in his Diocess had not a Clerk able to Read and Answer the Minister in Divine Service , by which means the People were wholly disused from joyning with the Priest , and in many places , from so much as saying Amen . But concerning this his Lordship hath strictly enjoyned a Reformation . If this Account , given by my Lord of Norwich , be true , as I believe it is ( and ought to believe it , till it can be disproved ) he hath deserved very well of the Church of England , and hath been very ill rewarded for it . His humble Suit to your Majesty is , That you will be graciously pleased in your own good time to hear the Complaints that have been made against him , [ that he may not be overborn by an Outcry , for doing Service . In the Diocess of Oxon I find all your Majesty's Instructions carefully obeyed ; and there is but one Lecture in the whole Diocess , and that is read at Henly upon Thames , by some Ministers of the Diocess , conformable Men , and allowed by the Bishop . His Lordship hath also called upon divers Recusants ; but upon their being questioned , they plead an Exemption from his Authority under your Majesty's Great Seal . From my Lord of Ely , I have received a very fair Account , that his Diocess is very orderly and obedient ; insomuch , that he hath not any thing of Note to acquaint me with . My Lord in his Certificat mentions two Particulars fit for your Majesty's Knowledge : The First is , that one of His Clergy in Bedfordshire , a Learned and Pious Man ( as he saith ) set up a Stone upon Pillars of Brick , for his Communion-Table , believing it to have been the Altar-Stone . And because this appeared to be but a Grave-Stone , and for avoiding of farther Rumours in that Country , among the preciser sort his Lordship caused it to be quietly removed , and the ancient Communion-Table placed in the room of it : But did not farther question the Party , because they found him a harmless Man , and otherwise a Deserver . But how deserving soever he be , I must judge it a very bold part in him to attempt this without the Knowledge and Approbation of his Ordinary . The Second is , that there are risen some Differences in the Southern parts of his Diocess , about the Ministers urging the People to receive at the Rails , which his Lordship , saith he , hath procured to be placed about the Holy Table , and the People in some places refusing so to do . Now because this is not Regulated by any Canon of the Church , his Lordship is an humble Suitor that he may have Direction herein . And truly , I think for this Particular , the People will best be won by the Decency of the Thing it self ; and that I suppose may be compassed in a short time . But if your Majesty shall think it fit , that a quicker way be held , I shall humbly submit . From the Lord Bishop of this Diocess I have received no Particular ; but in General thus : That all your Majesty's Instructions are now observed there , without repugnance , for ought either Chancellor , or any other Officer of his hath informed him . My Lord the Bishop of this See certifies , That your Majesty's Instructions are carefully observed ; and that there are only two Lecturers in the City of Worcester ; both very conformable , and that they shall not longer continue than they are so . And that the one of them preaches on Sundays in the Afternoons , after Chatechizing and Service in the Parish-Churches , and ending before Evening Prayers in the Cathedral . I may not here forbear to acquaint your Majesty , that this Sunday Lecture was ever wont to be in the Cathedral , and that it is removed , because the City would suffer no Prebendary to have it . And Evening Prayers in their Parish-Churches must needs begin betimes , and their Catechizing be short ; and the Prayers at the Cathedral begin very late , if this Lecture can begin and end in the space between . But if it can be so fitted , I think the Dean and Chapter will not complain of the remove of the Lecture to a Parish-Church . For these Three Diocesses my Lords the Bishops Certifie that all your Majesty's Instructions are carefully observed ; neither do any of them mention any thing amiss in the general , either for Doctrine or Discipline . Only the Bishop of Exeter hath sent me up two Copies of the late Libel , Intituled , News from Ipswich , which were sent thither to a Stationer with Blank Covers . These Five Diocesses following I have Visited this Year , by my Vicar General and other Commissioners . And for Hereford , I find not many things amiss ; though the often change of the Bishop there which hath of late hapned , hath done no good among them . But some pretensions there are to certain Customs , which , I conceive , were better broke than kept : And I shall do my best to reform them , as I have Opportunity ; and humbly beg your Majesty's Assistance , if I want Power . For St. Davids , the Bishop is now there , and will take the best care he can , to see all things in Order . But there is one Matthews the Vicar of Penmayn , that preaches against the keeping of all Holy-Days , with divers other as Fond , or Prophane Opinions . The Bishop hath inhibited him , and if that do not serve , I shall call him into the High-Commission Court. Baronet Rudde is in this Diocess , the Son of a late Bishop there , who is a sober Gentleman , He hath Built him a Chappel , and desires the Bishop to Consecrate it . But his Lordship finding one of your Majesty's Instructions to be , that none should keep a Chaplain in his House , but such as are qualified by Law , which he conceives a Baronet is not , hath hitherto forborn to Consecrate this Chappel , as being to be of small use without a Chaplain ; and humbly craves direction herein what he shall do . I humbly propose to your Majesty , whether , considering the Charge this Gentleman hath been at , and the ill Ways which many of them there have to Church , it may not be fit to Consecrate this Chappel , and then that he may have a License to use the Minister of the Parish , or any other lawfully in Orders . Always provided , that he use this Chappel but at times of some necessity , not making himself or his Family strangers to the Mother-Church ; and that there be a Clause expressed in the License for recalling thereof , upon any Abuse there committed ; and that this License be taken , either from the Bishop under his Seal , or from the Arch-Bishop of the Province . For Landaff , there is very little found amiss : Only the Bishop complains , that whereas Mr. Wroth and Mr. Erbury are in the High-Commission for their Schismatical proceedings ; the slow prosecution there against them , makes both them persist in their By-ways , and their Followers judge them Faultless . But for this , I humbly present to your Majesty this Answer , That now the loss of two Terms by reason of the Sickness , hath cast the Proceedings of that Court , as well as of others , behind-hand : And there is no Remedy , where all things else stay as well as it . In the Diocess of St. Asaph there is no Complaint , but the usual , That there is great resort of Recusants to Holy-Well ; and that this Summer the Lady Falkland and her Company , came as Pilgrims thither ; who were the more observed , because they travelled on Foot , and Dissembled neither their Quality , nor their Errand . And this Boldness of theirs is of very ill construction among your Majesty's People . My humble Suit to your Majesty is , That whereas I complained of this in open Council in your Majesty's presence , you would now be graciously pleased , that the Order then resolved on for her Confinement , may be put in execution . For Bangor , I find that Catechising was quite out of use in those remote parts ( the more the Pity ) : But the Bishop is now in hope to do much good , and sees some Reformation in that particular already . And I would say for this , and the other Diocesses in Wales , that much more good might be done there in a Church-way , if they were not overborn by the Proceedings of the Court of the Marches there . And this present Year in this Diocess of Bangor my Commissioners for my Metropolitical Visitation there complain unto me , that the Power which belongs to my place , hath been in them very much wronged and impeached by that Court : And I do most humbly beseech your Majesty in your own good time , to give this my Cause a Hearing , if it take not a fair end without that trouble . For Rochester , the Bishop ( God comfort him ) is very ill of a Palsy , and that I fear hath made him forget his Account . Neither hath the Bishop of Glocester sent me any ; but why I know not . And for Bristol , that See is void . For this Diocess , I have likewise received no Account . But I fear , that whereas the Bishop was lately complained of to your Majesty for making Waste of the poor Woods there remaining ; he is not over-willing to give an Accotnt of that Particular . Nor of the gross Abuse committed in the Cathedral Church by the Lady Davis , who , I most humbly beseech your Majesty , may be so restrained , as that she may have no more Power to commit such horrible Profanations . And so I most humbly submit this my Yearly Account of my Province of Canterbury to your Majesty's Princely Wisdom . W : CANT . The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King , for the Year : 1637. In Dei Nomine , Amen . May it please Your most Gracious Majesty , ACcording to your Commands , in your Instructions Published for the good of the Clergy , and my bounden Duty , I here present my Annual Account for the Province of Canterbury , for the Year last past , 1637. And First , to begin with mine own Diocess , I must give your Majesty to understand , that at and about Ashford in Kent , the Separatists continue to hold their Conventicles , notwithstanding the Excommunication of so many of them as have been discovered . They are all of the poorer sort , and very simple , so that I am utterly to seek what to do with them . Two or three of their principal Ringleaders , Brewer , Fenner and Turner , have long been in Prison , and it was once thought fit to proceed against them by the Statute for Abjuration : But I do much doubt , they are so ignorantly wilful , that they will return into the Kingdom , and do a great deal more hurt before they will again be taken . And not long since Brewer slipt out of Prison , and went to Rochester and other parts of Kent , and held Conventicles , and put a great many simple People , especially Women , into great Distempers against the Church . He is taken again , and was called before the High Commission , where he stood silent , but in such a jeering scornful manner , as I scarce ever saw the like . So in Prison he remains . In the Churchyard of the same Town a Butcher's Slaughter-House opened , to the great Annoyance of that place ; which I have commanded should be remedied , and the Door shut up . At Biddenden I have Suspended Richard Warren the School-Master , for refusing the Oath of Allegiance , of Canonical Obedience , and to Subscribe to the Articles . Besides , this precise Man will read nothing but Divinity to his Scholars : No , not so much as the Grammar Rules ; unless Mars , Bacchus , Apollo , and Pol , AEdepol , may be blotted out . The Strangers in Canterbury do not so much resort to their Parish-Churches , as formerly they did , at my first giving of my Injunctions . But Visiting this Year , I have given a publick and strict Charge that the Delinquents be presented and punished , if they do not their Duty in that behalf . There is one dwelling in Addisham , a Married Man , called by the Name of Thomas Jordan : He was formerly called Thomas Mounton , because he was found in the Church Porch of Mounton in Swadling Clothes , left there in all likelyhood by his Mother , who was some Beggar or Strumpet . It is believed , he was never Christned : I have therefore given Order that he shall be Christned , with that Caution which is prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer , where the Baptism is doubtful . About Sittingborn there are more Recusants than in any other part of my Diocess . And the Lady Roper Dowager is thought to be a great means of the increase of them . But I have given strict charge that they be carefully presented according to Law. There is still a remainder of Schismaticks in Egerton , and the Parishes adjacent . But they are as mean People as those about Ashford , and I am as much to seek what to do with them . My Lord Treasurer complains , that he hath little assistance of his Archdeacons ; and I believe it to be true , and shall therefore if your Majesty think fit , cause Letters to be written to them , to awake them to their Duties . His Lordship likewise complains of some inconformable Men which his Chancellor hath met with in this his last Visitation ; but they have received such Censure , as their Faults deserved , or else submitted themselves . Only Mr. John Knolles a Lecturer at Colchester , had forborn to receive the Holy Communion for two Years , since he came to be Lecturer : And being enjoyned to perform that Duty within a Month , he was so zealous , as that he forsook Lecture and Town and all , rather than he would receive the Communion . I find likewise in this Account , 28 Ministers Convented before the Chancellor for some Inconformities . And five for excess in Drinking . But there is as good Order taken with them as could be . The Lectures in this Diocess continue many : But there is great care taken to keep them in order . I find in the Diocess of Winchester , divers Recusants newly pretended : But whether they be newly perverted , doth not appear by my Lord the Bishops Account to me . There are some five complained of for not Catechising , which I shall require of the Bishop to see remedied . Here my Lord the Bishop Certifies , that he is very careful , and sees all things done according to your Majesty's Instructions . My Lord the Bishop of this Diocess , dyed before the time came , that he was to give up his Accounts ; so that I can relate nothing upon certainty ; but shall give the succeeding Bishop Charge to be very careful , because his Predecessor lay languishing , and was able to look to little for three whole Years before his Death . The Account from hence is very brief . But my Lord is confident , that his Diocess is clean through in good Order ; and I will hope it is so . My Lord of Peterburgh hath taken a great deal of pains , and brought his Diocess into very good order . Only he saith , there are three Lecturers in the same ; one at Northampton , but that is read by the Vicar of the place ; one at Rowel , which hath Maintenance allowed ; and a third at Daventree , maintained by the Contribution of the Town . And this last I think the Bishop had need take care of . This Diocess appears by my Lord's Certificate , to be in marvelous good order for all things ; and a great Reformation hath been wrought there by his Care and Industry . For Popish Recusants , the number of them is there much decreased ; neither are any newly presented for Recusancy . My Lord the Bishop of Lincoln is not ( as your Majesty knows ) in case to make any Return for his Diocess . And since the Jurisdiction thereof came by his Suspension into my Hands , I have neither had time nor leisure to make any great Inquiry how conformable in Doctrine or Discipline Men in those parts are . Yet this I find , that both in Buckinghamshire and in Bedfordshire , there are many too refractory to all good Order . And there are a great number of very poor and miserable Vicarages and Curatships in many parts of this large Diocess , and which are almost past all cure and hope of help , unless by your Majesties Grace and Favour some may be had . My Lord of Norwich hath been very careful of all your Majesty's Instructions . And upon the 24th of September last , being then in his Diocess , and giving Orders , he refused to admit five well Learned and well Mannered Men , because they wanted a sufficient Title according to the Canon of the Church . I find that there are in this Diocess six Lectures , namely at Wimondham , North-walsham , East-Earling , Norwich , Linn , and Bungay : But they are all performed by Conformable and Neighbouring Divines , and under such Conditions and Rules as my Lord their Bishop hath prescribed them . Only that at Bungay is inhibited for a time , at the entreaty of some of their own Company , and for Misdemeanours in it . As for the single Lecturers , my Lord hath had a special Eye over them . Your Majesties Letters , requiring the Mayor , Sheriffs and Aldermen , &c. to repair on Sundays to Divine Service and Sermons , at the Cathedral in Norwich , are very well observed by the most of them . But Complaint is brought to the Bishop against one Thomas King , who is held a factious and a dangerous Man , and he frequently absents himself from the Cathedral , and it is doubted that his ill Example will make others neglect their Duties . Divine Service , both for Prayers , Catechism and Sermons , is diligently frequented ; and that beyond what could suddainly be hoped for in such a Diocess , and in the midst of the humorousness of this Age. Of those which stood under Episcopal Censure , or that fled to avoid Censure , there are not above three or four which have submitted themselves . Yet his Lordship hath had patience ( notwithstanding a peremptory Citation sent out ) hitherto to expect them : But now must proceed to Deprivation , or suffer Scorn and Contempt to follow upon all his Injunctions . Nevertheless , herein he humbly craves direction , and so do I , if it please your Majesty to give it . His Lordship likewise , very carefully and necessarily ( as I conceive ) craves direction for these Particulars following . 1. Divers Towns are depopulated ; no Houses left standing , but the Mannor House and the Church , and that turned to the Lord's Barn , or worse use ; and no Service done in it , though the Parsonages or Vicarages be presentative . 2. In other Towns the Church is ruined , and the Inhabitants thrust upon Neighbouring Parishes , where they fill the Church , and pay few or no Duties . 3. At Carrowe Close by Norwich , there are twelve Houses , some of them fair , reputed to be of no Parish , and so an ordinary receptacle for Recusant Papists , and other Separatists , to the great prejudice of that Neighbouring City . 4. At Lanwood near New-Market , and in Burwell the Mother Church stands ; but the Roof suffered to decay within the Memory of Man , and the Bells sold , and the Hamlet quite slipt out of all Jurisdiction 〈◊〉 . That Church was an Impropriation to the Abby of Ramsey , and is now in Sir William Russell's Hands . 5. The Churchyards in many places are extreamly Annoyed and Profaned , especially in Corporate Towns. And at St. Edmonds-Bury , the Assizes are Yearly kept in a remote side of the Churchyard , and a common Ale-House stands in the middle of the Yard : The like abuses by Ale-Houses , Back-doors , and throwing out of Filth , with something else not fit to be related here , are found at Bungay : At St. Maries ad Turrim in Ipswich , at Woodbridge , and at Norwich , the Sign-Posts of two or three Inns stand in the Church-yard . Of remedy for these Abuses , the Bishop is utterly in despair , unless your Majesty be pleased to take some special Order for them : Because they which have these Back-doors into Church-yards or common Passages , will plead Prescription , and then a Prohibition will be granted against the Ecclesiastical Proceedings . 6 : Lastly , his Lordship Certifies , that divers , not only Churches , but Town-ships themselves , are in danger of utter ruin by a breach of the Sea. And there was provision made by Act of Parliament , in the Seventh Year of your Majesty's Royal Father of Blessed Memory for redress of it : But nothing being since done , it will now cost five times as much to remedy as then it would . But the Bishop is in good hope great good may yet be done , if your Majesty will be graciously pleased to appear in it , upon such Humble Petition as he and I shall make to Your Majesty . The Bishop of this Diocess assures me , that all things are in very good Order there . And indeed I think the Diocess is well amended within these few Years , his Lordship having been very careful both in his Visitations and otherwise . This Year , by reason of the return of divers that were Captives in Morocco , and having been Inhabitants of those Western Parts , there arose in my Lord the Bishop a Doubt , how they , having renounced their Saviour , and become Turks , might be readmitted into the Church of Christ , and under what Penitential Form. His Lordship at his last being in London spake with me about it , and we agreed on a Form , which was afterwards drawn up , and approved by the Right Reverend Fathers in God my Lords the Bishops of London , Ely and Norwich , and is now setled by your Majesty's Appointment ; and I shall take care to see it Registred here , and have given Charge to my Lord of Exon to see it Registred below , to remain as a President for future times , if there should be any more sad Examples of Apostacy from the Faith. Whereas your Majesty hath lately been graciously pleased to grant the ordering of the Woods of Shotover and Stowe by Lease , to the Lord Bishop of Oxford ; his Lordship assures me , that there is a great deal of Care taken , and a great deal of Charge laid out by him and his Tenant for the Preservation and well ordering of the Woods there . He hath likewise been very careful concerning Recusants within that Diocess : But saith that divers of them pretend and shew their Exemptions , that they should not be troubled for matters concerning their Religion in any Ecclesiastical Courts ; which hath made his Lordship forbear till your Majesty's Pleasure be farther known . For Lectures , there are none in that Diocess , save one at Henly upon Thames ; Preached by the Incumbent , an orderly Man ; and in the Peculiars at Tame and Banbury ; but they are out of the Bishop's Jurisdiction . My Lord Bishop of this See hath taken great care in his first Visitation ; and if he continue that care ( as I doubt not but he will ) he will quickly settle that Diocess into better Order . But he complains of the Dean and Chapter ( for whose Benefit he hath lately made many good Injunctions ) that they will not consent that Twenty Pounds per An. ordered by their Statute , for the Repairing of High-Ways , may be turned to the necessary supply of their Quire , in regard that 100 l. per An. is lately given by Dr. White towards the Repair of the same High-Ways . But this , and other things if your Majesty thinks fit , I can easily alter when I come to revise their Statutes , or by a Command from your Majesty in the mean time . He farther complains , that his Predecessor , Bishop Wright ( now Bishop of Lichfield ) detains in his custody , all the Writings belonging to Cromhall , the Lease which your Majesty by your Royal Letters commanded should expire and return to the Bishoprick . And sure , if this be so , it is very fit he be commanded to restore them out of Hand . Lastly , he complains , that they of the preciser Faction do every Day endeavour to disquiet the People , and that by strange Inventions . And at present they give out , that the Liturgy Printed for Scotland , hath in it sundry Notorious Points of Popery , &c. Which troubles the People , and doth much harm otherwise . The like is certified me from the Bishop of Exon , concerning Rumours raised in those Parts . My Lord Bishop of Chichester is in a Quartan-Ague , besides his old Diseases of the Stone and the Gout : I pray God comfort him . But I do not hear from him , that there is much amiss in that Diocess . The Bishop of this Diocess certifies me , that your Majesty's Instructions are in all things carefully observed , and he hath used the utmost Diligence he can , in reclaiming of Recusants ; and such as will not conform themselves , he hath taken a strict Course , to have them proceeded withal , and granted Significavits against divers . In this Diocess , my Lord's Words are , That there is nothing but common Peace , and universal Conformity . My Lord of Landaff hath been very careful for the setling of the Rights and Profits of this Bishoprick ; and God hath Blessed his Endeavours therein . And for the Government , he professes , that in his late Visitation he hath not found one Schismatical Minister , or Non-Conformist in the Diocess . The Bishop of this See was Consecrated but a little before Michaelmas last ; and , by your Majesty's leave , hath not been yet in his Diocess ; and so for this broken part of the Year is able to give no Account . My Lord the Bishop Certifies , that he is less troubled with Non-Conformists since Mr : Wheatly of Banbury gave over his Lecture at Stratford within that Diocess . And that during this heavy Visitation at Worcester , he hath caused the Lectures to cease in that Town . The Bishop of this See hath not had his Health of late , and is now come to Town to seek to recover the same , for wich he humbly craves your Majesty's Favourable Construction . But he Certifies , me that all your Majesty's Instructions , are duly observed within that Diocess . From the Bishops of Lichfield and Glocester , I have not received any Certificates . And so with my Prayers for your Majesty's long Life and Happy Reign ; I humbly submit this my Account for the Year last past , 1637. W. CANT . The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King , for the Year : 1638. May it please your Most Sacred Majesty . ACcording to my bounden Duty , and your Majesty's Commands , expressed in your Instructions for the good of the Clergy , I here present my Account for the Year last past , 1638. And First , to begin with my self and my own Diocess , I have been careful to obey all your Majesty's particular Instructions , both for the residing upon my Houses , and preserving of my Woods , &c. There was one Bedle a Minister of Essex , came into this Diocess ; and at Harbledown near Canterbury ( the Curate there being dead ) Preached very disorderly , three hours together at a time , and got himself many ignorant followers . But so soon as ever he was enquired after by my Officers , he fled the Country , and I purpose , God willing , to speak with the Chancellor of London concerning him . I do not find that there is either any increase or decrease of Papists or Puritans in the Diocess . But the Separatists about Ashford , are very busie , miserable poor , and out of that , bold against all Church Censure ; so that without some Temporal Assistance from the Judges we know not what to do : And this I have often and humbly represented . Yet two notorious Separatists being call'd in question , are fled the Country , and one of them brake Prison . At Tenterden some People are somewhat refractory ; but the Archdeacon assures me , he hath great hope to reduce them ; which I shall be glad of . The Strangers at Canterbury do reasonably well obey my Injunctions for coming to our Churches , and I shall give them all Incouragement , holding it fitting to keep a moderate Hand with them . In the Diocess and City of London , there was like to be some distraction , both among the Ministers and the People , occasioned at first , by some over-nice Curiosities , Preached by one Mr. Goodwin , Vicar of St. Stephens in Coleman-street , concerning the Imputation of Christ's Righteousness in the Justification of a Sinner . But the differences arising about it were timely prevented by Convention of the Parties dissenting . And so , God be thanked , that Business is at peace . There is but one noted refractory Person that stands out in that Diocess , and he is now under Suspension . My Lord the Bishop's Certificate informs me , that there are a great many Recusants within that Diocess ; and that in some 〈◊〉 their Children are not brought to be Baptized in the Church , which I shall require the Bishop to take special care of . This Diocess being now in my Charge , I do humbly certifie your Majesty , that one part of Buckinghamshire , and some places in Lincoln and Leicestershires are somewhat disorderly . But I do not find any Man presented unto me for any wilful Refractoriness , save one , whom Ih ave caused to be called into the High Commission Court. There are in Lincolnshire many miserable poor Vicarages and Curateships . Might your Majesty's Reign be so blest , as that they might in time find some relief . But this is quite beyond Episcopal Power . In this Diocess my Lord hath taken care of all your Majesty's Instructions , and assures me that there is no Lecture in any Market Town within his Diocess , except at Henley , which is performed by their own Minister , a discreet Man. As for that which was begun by private Persons in the Chappel of your Majesty's Mannor House at Woodstocke , and might have been of very dangerous , both Example and Consequence , the Bishop hath carefully suppressed it by your Majesty's Gracious Command upon his Petition . There is no Complaint in this Diocess , but only of one Mr. Ephraim Hewet of Wraxhall in Warwickshire , who hath taken upon him to keep Fasts in his Parish , by his own appointment , and hath contemned the decent Ceremonies commanded by the Church . My Lord the Bishop proceeds against him , and intends either to reform or punish him . In this Diocess the Bishop assures me that all things go very orderly and well , saving that divers Impropriators suffer willing Ruins ( as he conceives ) in the Churches , which belong unto them ; wherein he humbly craves both Advice and Aid , that it may be remedied . There was one Mr. Workeman , sometimes a Lecturer at Glocester , and for Inconformity in a very high degree , put from that place , by Sentence of the High Commission Court. Since that , this Man hath been received into the House of one Mr. Kyrle of Wallford , and lived there without any Cure or other known Imployment . The Bishop hearing of him , and resolving to call him in Question , if he did not Conform himself , he hath suddenly left that Diocess , and is gone God knows whether . There were some other Complaints put up , which I certified to the Bishop : But his Lordship hath given me a fair Answer , and assures me , that by his care and vigilancy they shall all be rectified , and that out of hand . My Lord informs me , that in his Predecessor Bishop Whites absence , he living most commonly at London , being your Majesty's Almoner , there was cut down and wasted above a Thousand Loads of Wood. For all other businesses they are in good condition within that Diocess , saving that my Lord the Bishop humbly craves leave hereby , to represent a great grievance to your Majesty , which concerns the Bishoprick , the Dean and Chapter , and all other Clergy Men ( or indeed rather all your Majesty's Liege People ) inhabiting within the Isle of Ely. In this Diocess , the Bishop found out one Jeffryes , who commonly Administred the Blessed Sacrament of the Eucharist , being either not in Holy Orders at all , or at least not a Priest : So soon as he was discovered , he slipt out of the Diocess ; and the Bishop thinks , that he now serves in a Peculiar under the Dean and Chapter of Wells . I will send thither to know the certainty , and see the abuse punished , if I can light upon the Person . The Bishop further Certifies me , that there are very many within that small Diocess , who stand Excommunicate , and divers of them only for not payment of Fees : And again , that many of these are not able to pay them . I think it were not amiss , that once every Year in Lent , the Chancellor were commanded to take an Account of all the Excommunicats in the Diocess , and to cause all to be Absolved that shall be fit for Absolution ; and particularly , to see that no Man be suffered to continue Excommunicated , where nothing but Poverty hinders the payment of Duties or other Fees. The Bishop likewise informs me , that Monuments even of obscure and mean Persons , are grown very common in those Parts , and prejudicial both to the Walls and Pillars , and Liberty of Churches , which the Bishop opposes as much and as fairly as he can : But all is too little . There were in this Diocess the last year but two Refractory Ministers known to the Bishop , Mr. Wroth and Mr : Erbury : The former hath submitted ; but the other would neither submit , nor satisfie his Parishioners , to whom he had given publick offence ; so he resigned his Vicarage , and hath left thereby the Diocess in peace . For this Diocess , the Bishop humbly craves your Majesty's Pardon , for his longer stay in London than ordinary , and professes his Excuse formerly made to your Majesty to be most true , viz. That he was forced to it by extremity of Sickness falling upon him in those parts , and forcing his change of Air. That Diocess hath been a little out of quiet this year , by some Mens medling with those nice Questions , which your Majesty hath forbidden should be commonly preached in the Pulpit . But the Relation being somewhat imperfect , I shall inform my self farther , and then give your Majesty such Account as I receive . In this Diocess , the Bishop Certifies me two considerable things , and both of them are of difficult Cure. The one concerns his Bishoprick , where every thing is let for Lives by his Predecessors to the very Mill that Grinds his Corn. The other concerns the Diocess in general , where , by Reason of the Poverty of the Place , all Clergy-Men of Hope and Worth , seek Preferment elsewhere . And he tells me plainly , some weak Scholars must be Ordained , or else some Cures must be left altogether unsupplied . My Lord of Glocester confesseth he hath been absent from his Diocess a good part of this Year , being kept from his Dwelling-Houses , by the Infection at Glocester , which just Cause of Absence he humbly submits to your most gracious Majesty . Concerning that Diocess the Bishop speaks not much more : But the Arch-Deacon at his Visitation , finding the Clergy conformable , gave them this grave and fitting Admonition , viz. That no Man should presume his conformity should excuse him , if in the mean time his Life were Scandalous . Which was very necessary for that Place , and these Times . And the Arch-Deacon certifies farther , that there are divers , which as far as they dare , oppose Catechising ; and but for fear of losing the Livings , would almost go as far as Burton and Bastwick did , which is his own expression under his Hand . My Lord the Bishop there complains much of the Decay of his Houses , and the impoverishing of that Bishoprick by some of his Predecessors . And this partly by letting of long Leases before the Statute restrained it , and partly by a coarse exchange of some Lands in former times . This latter cannot now be helped ; but for the decay of his Houses , if he pursue that faculty which I granted to his immediate Predecessor , he may help a great part of that decay without much charge . And this , God willing , I shall put him in mind to do , and give him the best assistance that I can by Law. For the Churches in that Diocess ( which are very many ) my Lord acknowledges , that they are in very decent and good order generally . The only thing which he saith troubles his Diocess is , that the People have been required to come up and receive at the Rail which is set before the Communion-Table , and that heretofore many have been Excommunicated or Suspended for not doing so . For the thing it self , it is certainly the most decent and orderly way , and is practised by your Majesty , and by the Lords in your own Chappel , and now almost every where else . And upon my knowledge , hath been long used in St : Giles his Church without Cripplegate London , with marvellous Decency and Ease ; and yet in that Parish there are not so few as Two Thousand Communicants , more than within any Parish in Norwich Diocess : And when your Majesty had the Hearing of this Business , in the now Bishop of Ely's Time , you highly approved it . And therefore , I presume , you will be pleased to command that the present Bishop continue it , and look carefully to it . And whereas they plead that many stood suspended for it , the Bishop of Ely , in whose Time it was , doth assure me , that in above One Thousand Three Hundred Parishes , there were not Thirteen either Excommunicated or Suspended for refusing of this . In this Diocess , the Bishop gives a fair Account to all your Majesty's Instructions ; so that I have cause to hope , that that Diocess is in reasonable good Order : Only he complains , that his Predecessors have Leased out part of his House at Lichfield , which puts him to very great Annoyance : But he is entring into a Legal way for redress of his Abuse ; in which I presume your Majesty will give him all fair and just Assistance , if he shall be forc'd to crave the same . My Lord the Bishop came but lately to this See , and hath not as yet found much amiss . The Bishop of that Diocess is Dead , and no other yet setled ; so I can have no Account from thence this Year . These Four Bishops Certifie , that all things are orderly and well within their several Diocesses . And so with my Prayers for your Majesty's long Life , and happy Reign ; I humbly submit this my Account for the Year last past , being : 1638. January : 2d . 〈◊〉 W. Cant. The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King , for the Year : 1639. In Dei Nomine , Amen . May it Please your most Sacred Majesty , ACcording to your Royal Commands expressed in your Instructions for the good of the Church , I here most humbly Present this my Account for the Year finished now at Christmas 1639. And First , to begin with my own Diocess . The great thing which is amiss there , and beyond my Power to remedy , is the stiffness of divers Anabaptists and Separatists from the Church of England ; especially in , and about the Parts near Ashford . And I do not find , either by my own Experience , or by any Advice from my Officers , that this is like to be remedied , unless the Statute concerning Abjuration of your Kingdom , or some other way by the Power of the Temporal Law or State be thought upon . But how fit that may be to be done for the present , especially in these broken Times , I humbly submit to your Majesty's Wisdom , having often complained of this before . Many that were brought to good Order for receiving of the Holy Communion , where the Rails stand before the Table , are now of late fallen off , and refuse to come up thither to receive . But this , God willing , I shall take care of , and order as well as I can , and with as much speed . And the same is now commonly fallen out in divers other Diocesses . There was about half a Year since , one that pretended himself a Minister , who got many Followers in Sandwich , and some Neighbouring Parishes ; but at last , was found to have gone under three Names , Enoch , Swann , and Grey ; and in as several Habits , of a Minister , an ordinary Lay-Man , and a Royster. And this being discovered , he fled the Country , before any of my Officers could lay hold on him . Upon this occasion , I have commanded my Commissary and Arch-Deacon to give Charge in my Name , to all Parsons and Vicars of my Diocess , that they suffer no Man to preach in their Cures , but such as for whom they will Answer , as well otherwise , as for the point of Conformity ; which I hope will prevent the like abuse hereafter . In this Diocess , the last Year , there was some heat struck by opposite Preaching in the Pulpit , between one Mr : Goodwin Vicar of St : Stevens in Coleman-street , and some other Ministers in the City , concerning the Act of Believing , and the Imputation of Christ's Righteousness in the Justification of a Sinner . And the Peoples Minds were much perplexed hereabouts . This business was quieted by my Lord the Bishop and his Chancellour , and a Promise of Forbearance made : Yet now lately Mr : Goodwin hath preached again in the same way , and the same Perplexity is like to be caused again thereby in the City . Yet my Lord the Bishop is in hopes to settle this also quietly ; wherein he shall have the best Assistance I can give him . The Arch-Deacons in this Diocess and others , are too negligent in giving their Bishops due Information of such things as are committed to their Charge . Mr : Joseph Simonds , Rector of St : Martin's Ironmonger-lane , is utterly fallen from the Church of England , and hath abandoned his Benefice , and gone beyond the Seas ; and so was deprived in September last past . Mr : Daniel Votyer , Rector of St : Peter's in Westcheap , hath been likewise convented for divers Inconformities , and promised Reformation , as Mr : Simonds also did ; but being now called into the High Commission , Order is taken for the Officiating of his Cure , till it shall appear , whether he will desert it , or no ; for he also is gone beyond the Seas . Mr : George Seaton , Rector of Bushy in the County of Hertford , is charged with continual Non-residency , and other Misdemeanours , little beseeming a Clergy-man . But of this , neither my Lord nor my self can say more to your Majesty , till we see what will rise in Proof against him . My Lord , the Bishop of this Diocess , gives me a very fair Account of all things regular therein ; saving , that the Popish Recusants , which , he saith , are many in that Diocess , do yearly increase there ; and that this may appear by the Bills of Presentment in his Annual Inquisitions . My Lord the Bishop informs me , that he hath been very careful in point of Ordination , as being a Bishop near the University , and to whom many resort for Holy Orders at times appointed by the Church . But he complains , that having refused to give Orders to Twenty or Thirty at an Ordination , most of them have addressed themselves to other Bishops , and of them received Orders , not only without Letters Dimissory , but without such Qualification as the Canon requires . In this Case I would humbly advise your Majesty , That my Lord the Bishop may enquire , and certifie by what Bishops these Parties so refused by him , were Admitted into Holy Orders , that so they may be admonished to be more careful for the future ; and that this Abuse may not find Encouragement , and increase . For Popish Recusants , they have been proceeded against in this Diocess according to Law , saving only such of them as have pleaded , and shewed your Majesty's Exemption under your Great Seal , from being question'd in any Ecclesisiastical Court for matters concerning their Religion . I find by the Bishop's Certificate , that he hath constantly resided upon his Episcopal Houses ; but saith , that he cannot have his Health at Eccleshall , and hath therefore since resided in his Palace at Lichfield ; but with very little Comfort , by reason of Inmates , left , as his Lordship saith , upon the Church's Possession . His Lordship adds , That he hath an ancient Palace at Coventry in Lease , but with reservation of the Use thereof , in case the Bishop shall at any time come to live there . Here he means to reside for a time , if it stand with your Majesty's good liking . For Popish Recusants , his Lordship saith , they are presented and prosecuted according to the Law. This Diocess , my Lord the Bishop assures me , is as quiet , uniform , and conformable , as any in the Kingdom , if not more . And doth avow it , that all which stood out in Suffolk , as well as Norfolk , at his coming to that See , are come in , and have now legally subscribed , and professed all Conformity ; and for ought he can learn , observe it accordingly . Yet his Lordship confesseth , that some of the Vulgar sort in Suffolk are not conformable enough , especially in coming up to Receive at the Steps of the Chancel , where the Rails are set : But he hopes by fair means he shall be able to work upon them in time . His Lordship adds , That some have Indicted a Minister , because he would not come down from the Communion Table to give them the Sacrament in their Seats . But this your Majesty hath been formerly acquainted with by the Minister's Petition , which you were graciously pleased to command me to underwrite , and send to the Lord Chief Justice , who rides that Circuit ; which I did accordingly ; and hope your Majesty will be pleased to take Care , that there may be some Settlement in this Particular . My Lord the Bishop of Ely informs me , That Sir John Cutts , a Gentleman near Cambridge , keeps a Chaplain , being not thereto ( as he conceives ) qualify'd by Law. Sir John pretends , that he keeps him as a Curate to the Parson . The Case , may it please your Majesty , is this : In the Town of Childerly there were of old two Parishes , Magna & Parva : The one was long since wasted and lost ; the other remains Presentative . But the whole Town is depopulated , except the Knight's House ; and the Church is gone ; upon the decayed Walls whereof stand mean Houses of Office , as Brewhouse , Stable , &c. Upon this Rectory the Knight ever provides to have a Titular Incumbent , who now is one Mr : Rainbowe , a Fellow of S : Magdalen College in Cambridge , and Houshold Chaplain to the Earl of Suffolk . What Allowance the Knight makes him is not known . Tithes he takes none . The Knight and his Family go to no other Church : But he hath a Chappel , which , he saith , was Consecrated by Bishop Heton ; and produces an Instrument with Seal , purporting , that on such a day at Childerly , Bishop Heton did Consecrate a Chappel , by saying Service there himself , and having a Sermon . Now upon colour hereof , the Knight entertains a Stipendary , who is termed his Chaplain , and pays him a Stipend ; but he is neither appointed nor payed by the Incumbent . The Bishop questioning the whole business , hath required him to attend me , to know whether such a Consecration be to be allowed of . And if it be , then whether I will allow of a Chappel in that place instead of a Parish Church , now diverted to other profane Uses . Of this I shall take the best care I can , by advice of the ablest Civilians : And in the mean time certifie your Majesty , that the Bishop hath reason to be as strict in this as he may , because there is a good Rectory devoured by this means , and that almost in the view of the University of Cambridge . I likewise find by my Lord the Bishop's Account , that there are divers Particulars of moment , and very fit for redress , presented to him in his late ( yet being his first ) Visitation , and most of them in the University and Town of Cambridge . As namely , that Emanuel , Sidney and Corpus Christi Colleges have certain Rooms built within the Memory of Man , which they use for Chappels to all Holy Uses ; yet were never Consecrated . That most of the Church-Yards within the Town of Cambridge are annoyed and profaned with Dwelling-Houses and Shops , and part of them turned in Gardens , where by digging , the Bones of the Dead have been displaced ; with divers other Profanations ; as namely , the Church-Yards of St : Michaels , St : Marys , St : Bennets , and of St : Botolphs : And farther , that in most of the Chancels of the Churches in Cambridge , there are common Seats over-high and unfitting that place in divers Respects . In all which businesses the Bishop hath been very tender , both out of his respect to his Mother the University of Cambridge , and because divers of the Benefices in Cambridge are Impropriations belonging to some Colleges there ; yet is pleased to ask my Direction herein , as I most humbly do your Majesty's . And herein , if your Majesty so please , I think it may be fit to consider well of the ill Example , if Three College Chappels shall be used without any Consecration . And for the Profanations and disorderly Seats , I think , if an Admonition would amend them , it were well given . But if that prevail not , the High-Commission may order it , if your Majesty so please . And I hope my Lord the Bishop should not have had all this to do at his first coming into that Diocess , if I could have held my Metropolitical Visitation of that See before this time : From performance of which Duty , I have been bold heretofore to acquaint your Majesty what hath hindred me . There are also divers poor Cures within Six or Seven Miles round about Cambridge , which are served by some Fellows , or other Members of Colleges within the University , who , being many of them Stipendaries , go or send thither upon Sundays , and perchance on Holy-Days to read Service ; but are absent all the rest of the Week from all necessary Duties of their Cure. And by this means , the Parishioners want such necessary help and comfort in all time of Sickness , either of them , or their Families . Against this , I have taken the best care I can in Oxford . But how to effect it in Cambridge , I understand not so well , being not acquainted with the course of that University . There hapned also in the Town of Tadlow a very ill Accident on Christmas-day , 1638. by reason of not having the Communion-Table railed in , that it might be kept from Profanations . For in Sermon time a Dog came to the Table , and took the Loaf of Bread prepared for the Holy Sacrament , in his Mouth , and ran away with it . Some of the 〈◊〉 took the same from the Dog , and set it again upon the Table . After Sermon , the Minister could not think fit to Consecrate this Bread ; and other fit for the Sacrament was not to be had in that Town ; and the Day so far spent , they could not send for it to another Town : So there was no Communion . And this was Presented by Four Sworn Men of the Town aforesaid . Lastly , it was likewise Presented to the Bishop , that about Forty Years ago , one Sir Francis Hind did pull down the Church of St : Etheldred in Histon , to which then appertained a Vicarage Presentative , and forc'd the Parishioners to thrust themselves upon another small Church in the said Town , to the great wrong of the Parishioners thereof . And that the Lead , Timber , Stones , Bells , and all other Materials , were sold away by him , or imployed to the Building of his House at 〈◊〉 : And that now it is called in question , the People ( not being able of themselves to re-edifie the Church ) can get no redress against the Descendents from the said Sir Francis , because the Heir was a Child , and in Wardship to your Majesty . There is notice come to my Lord the Bishop of some Brownists in that part of his Diocess adjoyning to Wales , which Schismatically preach dangerous Errours , and stir up the People to follow them . And when they hear of any Enquiry made after them , they slip out into another Diocess . But the Bishop promises to do his best to order them . But howsoever , your Majesty may hereby see how these Schisms increase in all parts of your Dominions . This Diocess is in good order ; and there was lately given Ten Pounds per Annum for Four Solemn Sermons , to be preached Annually for ever , which the Bishop hath ordered very well . In this Diocess , Catechising in the Afternoon by Question and Answer , is generally well observed ; though some Men do preach also in the Afternoon . In this Particular , the Bishop craves to receive Direction , whether he shall command them to Catechise only , and not Preach ; because your Majesty's Instructions seem to be strict in this point . I think your Majesty may be pleased to have the Ministers to preach if they will , so that they do first Catechise orderly by Question and Answer , and afterwards preach upon the same Heads to the People , for their better understanding of those Questions . Besides , some Knights and Esquires keep Schoolmasters in their Houses , or Scholars to converse with , or dyet the Vicar , where his Maintenance is little : And this they say is not to keep a Chaplain , which your Majesty's Instructions forbid . Yet most of these read or say Service in their Houses , ( which is the Office of a Chaplain ) But they read not the Prayers of the Church , according to the Liturgy Established . The Bishop craves direction in this also . And I think it be very necessary , that the Bishop proceed strictly , and keep all such , that they read or say no Prayers , but those which are allowed and established by the Church , in the Book of Common Prayers . There are not observed more than Seven or Eight throughout the whole Diocess which seem refractory to the Church ; and they have made large professions of their Conformities , which the Bishop will settle so soon as he can . But this he saith he finds plainly , that there are few of the Laity Factious , but where the Clergy misleads them . And this I doubt is too true in most parts of the Kingdom . They have in this Diocess come to him very thick to receive Confirmation , to the number of some Thousands . There were two Lectures held this last Year , the one at Wainfleet , and the other at Kirton in Lindsey , where some two or three of the Ministers , which read the Lecture , were disorderly . Among the rest , one Mr. Show preached very Factiously , just at the time when your Majesty was at Barwicke , and his Fellow Lecturers complained not of him . Hereupon the Chancellor having notice of it , called him in question ; and the business was so foul , and so fully proved , that the party fled the Country , and is thought to be gone for New-England . Some other small Exorbitances there are , which the Chancellor complains of : But there is hope that this Example will do some good among them . In this Diocess , one Mr. Coxe upon Hosea : 4. 4. preached a Sermon , to prove that the Church of England did not maintain the Calling of Bishops , to be Jure Divino ; which Sermon troubled those Parts not a little . My Lord the Bishop after he had had Speech with him , sent him to me . When he came , it pleased God so to bless me , that I gave him satisfaction , and he went home very well contented , and made a handsome Retractation voluntarily of himself , and satisfied the People . In the skirts of this Diocess in Shropshire , there was a Conventicle St. of mean Persons laid hold on , and Complaint was made to the Council of the Marches . And the Lord President of Wales very Honourably gave notice of it , both to the Lords and my self ; and they were remitted to receive such Censure , as the Laws Ecclesiastical impose upon them . These Bishops do all Certifie , that every thing is well in their several Diocesses , concerning the Particulars contained in your Majesty's Instructions , and otherwise . The like is Certified by the Lord Bishop of Chichester , saving that of late there hath hapned some little disorder in the East parts of that Diocess about Lewis , which we are taking care to settle as well as we can . And for Non-Conformists , he saith , that Diocess is not so much troubled with Puritan Ministers , as with Puritan Justices of the Peace , of which latter there are store . And so with my Prayers for your Majesty's long and happy Reign , I humbly submit this my Account . January 2. 1639. W. Cant. H. W. WHen I wrote the Preface to this first Volume , I had intended to reserve what follows , as well as the immediately preceding Papers ( viz : the Arch-Bishop's Annual Accounts of his Province ) for the Second Volume ; as not believing there would be any room for them in this . But the Book having now fallen much short of the number of Sheets , by me at first computed ; I have thought fit to cause these Memorials to be here adjoyned , that so this Volume might be thereby increased to a convenient Bulk . I made choice of these , rather than any other Papers for this purpose ; because they contribute very much to the more perfect knowledge of the great Transactions of those Times , both in Church and State ; and do indeed constitute a part of the History of the Life and Actions of the Arch-Bishop , and are often referred to by him in the preceding History . The Original Accounts of the Arch-Bishop to the King concerning his Province , Apostilled in the Margin with the King 's own Hand , are now in my Custody . The Accounts indeed are not wrote in the Arch-Bishop's own Hand ( that being not thought fair enough by himself , to be presented to the King's view upon that occasion ) but very fairly wrote by his Secretary , or some other employed by him . But the Notes or Apostils , added by the King to them , and therewith remitted to the Arch-Bishop , are wrote in the King 's own Hand ; which is fair enough , although the Orthography be vitious ( a matter common to many Learned Men of that time , and even to the Arch-Bishop himself ) which yet however I have caused to be retained ; as having observed , that the Arch-Bishop had caused the King's Orthography to be Literally followed in those Transcripts , which he ordered his Secretary and Registrary to make of them ; either to be kept for his own use , or to be inserted in his Publick Register . ROME's MASTER-PIECE : OR , THE Grand Conspiracy of the POPE AND HIS JESUITED INSTRUMENTS , TO Extirpate the Protestant Religion , Re-establish Popery , Subvert Laws , Liberties , Peace , Parliaments ; BY Kindling a Civil War in Scotland , and all his Majesty's Realms , and to Poison the King himself , in case he Comply not with them in these their execrable Designs . Revealed out of Conscience to Andreas ab Habernfield , by an Agent sent from Rome into England , by Cardinal Barbarino , as an Assistant to Con the Pope's late Nuncio , to prosecute this most Execrable Plot , ( in which he persisted a principal Actor several Years ) who discovered it to Sir William Boswell , his Majesty's Agent at the Hague , 6 : Sept : 1640. He , under an Oath of Secresie , to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ( among whose Papers it was casually found [ by * Mr : Prynn , May , : 31 : 1643. ] who Communicated it to the King , As the greatest Business that ever was put to him . Together with The ARCH-BISHOP's NOTES . The Lord both will bring to Light the hidden things of Darkness , and will make manifest the Counsels of the Hearts ; and then shall every man have Praise of God. 1 : Cor : IV : 5. It is Ordered by the Committee of the House of Commons in Parliament , concerning Printing , this first day of August , : 1643. That this Book , Intituled , ROME's MASTER-PIECE , be forthwith Printed by Michael Sparke , Senior . John White . LONDON : Printed for Ri Chiswell , : at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's ChurchYard , M DC XCV . ROME's MASTER-PIECE . IF there be any professing the Protestant Religion within the King's Dominions , or elsewhere , who are yet so wilfully blinded as not to discern , so sottishly incredulous as not to believe , any real long-prosecuted Conspiracy , by former secret Practices and the present Wars to extirpate the Protestant Religion , re-establish Popery , and inthrall the People in all three Kingdoms , notwithstanding all visible effects , and transparent demonstrations of it , lively set forth in the late Declaration of the Lords and Commons , concerning the Rise and Progress of the Grand Rebellion in Ireland , and other Remonstrances of that nature ; let them now advisedly fix their Eyes , Minds , upon the ensuing Letters and Discoveries , ( seised on by Master Prynn , in the Arch-Bishop's Chamber in the Tower , May 31. 1643. by Warrant from the close Committee , unexpectedly commanded on that service ) and then they must needs acknowledge it an indubitable verity ; [ Since Sir William Boswell , the Arch-Bishop , ] and those who revealed this Plot , were perswaded [ of its reality upon the first Discovery , ] before it brake forth openly in Ireland and England . Who and what the Author of this Discovery was ; who the chief active Instruments in the Plot ; when , and where they assembled ; in what vigorous manner they daily prosecuted it ; how effectually they proceeded in it ; how difficult it is to dissolve or counterwork it , without special diligence , the Relation it self will best discover . Whose verity if any question , these Reasons will inforce belief : First , That the Discoverer was a chief Actor in this Plot , sent hither from Rome by Cardinal Barbarino ; to assist Con the Pope's Legate in the pursuit of it , and privy to all the particulars therein discovered . Secondly , That the horrour and reality of the Conspiracy so troubled his Conscience , * [ as it ingaged him to disclose it , ] yea to renounce that bloody Church and Religion , which contrived it ; though bred up in , preferred by it , and promised greater advancements for his diligence in this Design . Thirdly , That he discovered it under an Oath of Secresie , and offered to confirm every particular by solemn Oath . Fourthly , That he discovers the Persons principally imployed in this Plot , the places and times of their secret Conventions , their manner and diligence in the pursuit of it , with all other Circumstances so punctually , as leaves no place for doubt . Fifthly , The principal Conspirators nominated by him are notoriously known to be fit instruments for such a wicked design . Sixthly , Many particulars therein have [ immediate relation to the King and Arch-Bishop , ] to whom he imparted this Discovery , and durst not reveal any thing for Truth , which they could disprove on their own knowledge . Seventhly , Sir William Boswell , [ and the Arch-Bishop , ] if not the King himself , were fully satisfied , that it was real and most important . Eighthly , Some particulars [ are ratified by the Arch-Bishop's Testimony , in the Memorials of his own Life , ] written with his own Hand some Years before ; and others so apparent , that most intelligent Men in Court or City , were acquainted with them whiles they were acting , though ignorant of the Plot. Finally , The late sad effects of this Conspiracy in all three Kingdoms , in prosecution of this design , compared with it , are such a convincing Evidence of its reality ; and God's admirable hand of Providence in bringing this concealed Plot so seasonably to light , * [ by an instrument unexpectedly rarsed from the Grave of Exile and Imprisonment , to search the Arch-Bishop's Papers , who had seised his in former times , and shut him up close Prisoner in a Foreign Dungeon ] such a Testimony from Heaven super-added to the premises , that he who deems it an Imposture , may well be reputed an 〈◊〉 , if not a Monster of Incredulity . The first Overture and larger Relation of the Plot it self , were both writ in Latin , as they are here Printed , and faithfully translated word for word , as near as the Dialect will permit . All which premised , the Letters and Plot here follow in order . Sir William Boswell's first Letter to the Arch-Bishop concerning the Plot. May it please your Grace , THE offers ( whereof your Grace will find a Copy ) here inclosed towards a further and more particular discovery , were 〈◊〉 made unto me at the second hand , and in speech , by a Friend of good Quality and Woith in this place . But soon after ( as soon as they could be put into Order ) were avowed by the principal Party ; and delivered me in writing by both together : Upon Promise and Oath , which I was required to give , and gave accordingly , not to reveal the same to any other Man living but your Grace ; and by your Graoe's Hand , unto his Majesty . In like manner they have tyed themselves not to declare these things unto any other , but my self ; until they should know , how his Majesty and your Grace would dispose thereof . The Principal giving me withal to know , That he puts himself and this Secret into your Grace's power : As well because it 〈◊〉 your Grace so nearly after his Majesty : As that he knows your Wisdom to guide the same aright ; and is assured of your Graces Fidelity to his Majesty's Person , to our State , and to our Church . First , Your Grace is humbly , and earnestly Prayed , to signifie his Majesty's Pleasure ( with all possible speed ) together with your Grace's Disposition herein , and purpose to carry all with Silence , from all , but his Majesty , until due time . Secondly , When your Grace shall think fit to shew these things unto his Majesty ; to do it immediately ; not trusting to Letters , or permitting any other person to be by , or in hearing : And to intreat and councel his Majesty , as in a case of Conscience , to keep the same wholly and solely in his own Bosom , from the knowledge of all other Creatures living , but your Grace ; until the Business shall be clear , and sufficiently in his Majesty's and your Grace's Hands to effect . Thirdly , Not to enquire or demand the Names of the parties from whom these Overtures do come ; or any farther discoveries and advertisements in pursuit of them which shall come hereafter , until due satisfaction shall be given in every part of them . Nor to bewray unto any person but his Majesty , in any measure or kind , that any thing of this nature , or of any great importance is come from me . For as I may believe these Overtures are verifiable in the way they will be layed ; and that the parties will not shrink : So I make account , That if never so little a glimpse , or shadow of these Informations shall appear by his Majesty's , or your Grace's Speech or Carriage , unto others , the means whereby the business may be brought best unto Tryal , will be utterly disappointed : And the parties , who have in Conserence towards God , and Devotion to his Majesty , Affection to your Grace , and Compassion of our Country , disclosed these things , will run a present and extream Hazard of their Persons and Lives . So easily it will be conjectured ( upon the least occasion given upon his Majesty's or your Grace's parts ) who is the Discoverer ; by what means , and how he knows so much of these things ; and where he is . These are the Points , which together with the offers , they have presfed me especially to represent most seriously unto your Grace . For my own paticular , having most humbly craved pardon of any Error or Omissions , that have befallen me in the managing of this business , I do beseech your Grace to let me know ; First , Whether , and in what order I shall proceed hereafter with the Parties ? Secondly , What Points of these Offers I shall chiefly , and first put them to enlarge and clear ? Thirdly , What other Points and enquiries I shall propose unto them , and in what manner ? Fourthly , How far farther I shall suffer my self to hear and know these things ? Fifthly , Whether I shall not rather take the parties Answers and Discoveries sealed up by themselves ; and having likewise put my own Seal upon them , without questioning or seeing what they contain , so transmit them to his Majesty or your Grace ? Sixthly , Whether I may not insinuate upon some fair occasion , That there will be a due Regard held of them and their Service , by his Majesty and your Grace : When all particulars undertaken in these general offers , and necessary for perfecting the discovery and work intended , shall be effectually deliver'd to his Majesty or your Grace ? Upon these Heads , and such other as his Majesty or your Grace shall think proper in the business , I must with all Humility beseech your Grace to furnish me with Instructions , and Warrant for my proceedings , under his Majesty's Hand with your Grace's Attestation , as by his Majesty's Goodness and Royal Disposition is usual in like Cases . May it please your Grace to entertain a Cypher with me upon this Occasion . I have sent the Counterpart of one here inclosed : In the vacant spaces whereof your Grace may insert such Names more , with numbers to them , as you think requisite . If these Overtures happily sort with his Majesty's and your Grace's Mind , and shall accordingly prove effectual in their Operation , I shall think my self a most Happy Man , to have had my Oblation in so Pious a Work for my most Gracious Sovereign and Master : More particularly , in that your Grace , under his Majesty , shall be Opifex rerum & Mundi melioris origo . Which I shall incessantly beg in my Prayers at his Hands , who is the giver of all good things ; and will never forsake or fail them , who do not first fail and fall from him , the God of Mercy and Peace . With which I remain evermore , I have not dared to trust this Business ( without a Cypher ) but by a sure Hand ; for which I have sent this Bearer , my Secretary , Express : But he knoweth nothing of the Contents hereof . Hague in Holland , 9. Sept. 1640. Sti. loci . Your GRACE's Most Dutiful and Obliged Servant , William Boswell . Sir William Boswell's Indorsement . For Your Grace . The Arch-Bishop's Indorsment with his own Hand . Rece . Sept. 10. 1640. Sir William Boswell about the Plot against the King , &c. Andreas ab Habernfield his Letter to the Arch-Bishop , concerning the Plot revealed to him . Illustrissime ac Reverendissime Domine , COncutiuntur omnes Sensus mei , quoties praesens negotium mecum revolvo ; nec Intellectus sufficit , quaenam aura , tam horrenda attulerit , ut per me apricum videant . Praeter spem enim bonus iste vir mihi innotuit , qui cum me discurrentem de turbis istis Scoticicis audisset ; ignorare me , inquit , nervum Rei , superficialia esse ista quae vulgo sparguntur : Ab ista hora indies mihi fiebat familiarior ; qui dexteritate mea agnita , pleno pectore cordis sui onera , in sinum meum 〈◊〉 ; deposuisse se gravamen conscientiae , quo premebatur , ratus . Hinc Factiones Jesuitarum , quibus totus terrenus intentatur orbis , mihi enarravit ; depastasque ipsorum pervirus , Bohemiam & Germaniam ut adispicerem , ostendit , sauciam utramque partem vulnere irreparabili : Eandem Pestem per Angliae Scotiaeque repere Regna , cujus materiam , Scripto adjacenti revelatam , me edocuit : Quibus auditis , viscera mea convellebantur , tremebant horrore Artus ; Tot animarum millibus infestam paratam esse vora ginem : Verbis conscientiam mo ventibus , animum hominis accendi ; vix horam unam monita coxerat , abdita omnia apperuit , liberumque dedit , agerem , ut iis , quorum interest , innotescerent . Non tardandum cum rebus censui : Ea ipsa hora Dominum Bosuelium Residentem Regium Hagae Comitum , adii , juramento silentii mihi obstricto , Rem communicavi , ponderaret ista ad trutinam monui , neque differret ei quin ageret , ut 〈◊〉 succurratur propere . Is , ut virum honestum condecet , officii memor , propiusque introspecto negotio , monita recusare non quievit ; quinimo egit è vestigio ut expressus expediretur . Retulitque iterum , quam acceptissimum Regi , tuaeque Reverentiae fuisse oblatum ; de quo ex corde gavisi sumus , judicavimusque ac tutum , favorabibile sese interposuisse in hoc Negotio NUMEN , quo servaremini . Ut verò rerum enarratarum confirmetur veritas , studio primaria nonnulla conjurationis capita sunt praeterita , ut notitia eorum ab circumventa conjurationis societate extorqueatur . Promovebitur res cito tutoque in actum , si cautè procedetur Bruxellis . Meo consilio observandum esse eam diem qua fasciculi literarum expediuntur , qui sub titulo , Al Monsignor Strario Archidiacono di Cambray , una coperta ligati , Praefecto Tabellionum traduntur , ab ipso talis fasciculus tacite poterit repeti ; inutilis tamen erit , quia omnes inclusae Characteristicè scriptae sunt : Alter quoque fasciculus hebdomadatim Roma veniens , qui sub inscriptione , Al Illustrissimo Signor Conte Rossetti , pro tempore Legato , adportatur , non negligendus : Cui similiter Charactere eodem conscriptae includuntur literae . Ut intelligantur , Reda consulendus erit . Supra nominata dies expeditionis . AEdibus Redae adcumulata congregatio circumvenietur ; quo succedente , Tuae Reverentiae erit Negotium disponere . Detecto tandem per Dei gratiam , intestino hoste , omnis amaritudo animorum qua ab utraque parte causata est , aboleatur , oblivioni tradatur , deleatur & consopiatur , utrique parti Insidiare hostis : Ita Rex , amicusque Regis , & Regnum utrumque Discrimini vicinum servabitur , eripietur imminenti periculo . Haec penes etiam Reverentia tua Injunctum sibi habeat , si alias consultum sibi optimè volet , ne Pursivantibus suis nimium fidat ; vivunt enim eorum nonnulli sub stipendio partis Pontificiae . Quot Scopuli , quot Scillae quotque infensae obsultant T ae . R ae . Charibdes , quàm periculoso mari agitatur vita T. R. Cymbula naufragio proxima , ipse judicet ; pellenda ad portum prora properé . Haec omnia tuae Reverentiae in aurem ; scio enim juramento silentii obligatam ; ideo aperto nomine , praesentibus Reverentiae tuae innotescere volui mansurus . Hagae Comitum Sept. 14. S. N. 1640. Observantissimus , & Officiosissimus Andreas ab Habernfeld . Illustrissimo ac Reverendissimo Dom. Domino Gulielmo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi , Primati & Metropolitano totius Regni Angliae Dom. meo . Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord , ALL my Senses are shaken together as often as I revolve the present business ; neither doth my Vnderstanding suffice ( to conceive ) what Wind hath brought such horridthings , that they should see the Sunshine by me . For besides expectation this good Man became known unto me , who when he had heard me discoursing of these Scottish stirs , said , that I knew not the Nerve of the Business , that those things which are commonly scattered abroad are Superficial : From that hour he every day became more familiar to me ; who acknowledging my dexterity herein , with a full Brest poured forth the Burdens of his Heart into my Bosom , supposing that he had discharged a Burthen of Conscience wherewith he was pressed . Hence he related to me the Factions of the Jesuits , with which the whole Earthly World was assaulted , and shewed , that I might behold how through their Poyson , Bohemia and Germany were devoured , and both of them maimed with an irreparable Wound : That the same Plague did creep through the Realms of England and Scotland , the matter whereof revealed in the adjacent writing , be discovered to me : Which things having heard , * my Bowels were contracted together , my Loyns trembled with horrour , that a pernicious Gulf should be prepared for so many thousands of Souls : With Words moving the Conscience , I inflamed the Mind of the Man : He had scarce one hour concocted my Admonitions , but he disclosed all the Secrets , and he gave free Liberty that I should treat with those whom it concerned , that they might be informed thereof . I thought no delay was to be made about the things ? The same Hour I went to Master Boswell the King 's Leger at the Hague , who being tied with an Oath of Secrecy to me , I communicated the Business to him ; I admonished him to weigh these things by the Ballance , neither to defer , but act , that those who were in danger might be speedily succoured : He , as becomes an honest man , mindful of his Duty , and having nearer looked into the business , refused not to obey the monitions : Moreover , he forthwith caused that an Express should be dispatched ; and sent word back again , what a most acceptable Oblation this had been to the King and your Grace ; for which we rejoyced from the Heart , and we judged , that a safe and favourable Deity had interposed it self in this Business , whereby you might be preserved . Now that the verity of the things related might be confirmed , some principal heads of the Conspiracy were purposely pretermitted , that the Knowledge of them might be extorted from the circumvented Society of the Conspirators . Now the things will be speedily and safely promoted into Act , if they be warily proceeded in at Bruxels . By my advice , that day should be observed wherein the Packet of Letters are dispatched , which under the Title of , To Monsieur Strario Arch-Deacon of Cambray , tied with one Cover are delivered to the Post-Master , such a Packet may be secretly brought back from him ; yet it will be unprofitable , because all the inclosed Letters are written Characteristically . Likewise another Packet coming weekly from Rome , which is brought under this Subscription , to the Most Illustrious Lord Count Rossetti , Legat for the time ; these are not to be neglected : to whom likewise Letters writ in the same Character are included . That they may be understood , Read is to be consulted with . The forenamed day of dispatch shall be expected : In Read's house an accumulated Congregation may be circumvented ; which succeeding , it will be your Grace's part to order the Business . The Intestine Enemy being at length detected by God's Grace , all Bitterness of Mind which is caused on either side may be abolished , delivered to oblivion , deleted and quieted , the Enemy be invaded on both parts : Thus the King and the King's Friend , and both Kingdoms near to danger , shall be preserved , delivered from imminent Danger . Your Grace likewise may have this Injunction by you , if you desire to have the best advice given you by others , that you trust not overmuch to your Pursevants ; for some of them live under the Stipend of the Popish party . How many Rocks , how many Scillaes , how many displeased Charibdes appear before your Grace , in what a dangerous Sea the Cockboat of your Grace's Life , next to Shipwrack , is tossed , your self may judge ; the Fore-deck of the Ship is speedily to be driven to the Harbour . All these things ( I whisper ) into your Grace's Ear ; for I know it bound with an Oath of Secresie ; therefore by open Name , I would by these Presents become known unto your Grace . Hague 14. Sept. S. N. 1640. Your Grace's most Observant , and most Officious Andrew Habernfeld . Andreas ab Habernfeld , [ a Chaplain ( as some affirm ) to the Queen of Bohemia ] his Indorsement hereon . The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement with his own hand . Rece . Octob. 14. 1640. Andreas ab Habernfeld his Letters sent by Sir W. Boswell about the discovery of the Treason . I conceive by the English Latin herein , that he must needs be an Englishman , with a concealed and changed Name . And yet it may be this kind of Latin may relate to the Italian . Or else he lived some good time in England . [ The declaration of this Treason I have by his Majesty's special Command , sent to Sir W. Boswell , that he may there see what proof can be made of any particulars . ] The general Overture and Discovery of the Plot sent with Sir William Boswell's first Letter . The King's Majesty , and Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , are to be secretly informed by Letters . * 1. THat the King's Majesty , and the Lord Arch-Bishop are both of them in great danger of their lives . 2. That the whole Common-wealth is by this means endangered , unless the mischief be speedily prevented . 3. That these Scottish Troubles are raised to the end , that under this pretext , the King [ and Arch-Bishop might be destroyed . ] 4. That there is a means to be prescribed , whereby both of them in this case may be preserved , and this Tumult speedily composed . 5. That * although these Scottish Tumults be speedily composed , yet that the King is endangered ; and that there are many ways , by which Destruction is plotted to the King [ and Lord Arch-Bishop . ] 6. That a certain Society hath conspired , which attempts the Death of the King , [ and Lord Arch-Bishop , ] and Convulsion of the whole Realm . 7. That the same Society every week deposits with the President of the Society , what intelligence every of them hath purchased in eight days search , and then confer all into one Packet ; which is weekly sent to the * Director of the Business . 8. That all the Confederates in the said Conspiracy may verily be named by the Poll. But because they may be made known by other means , it is thought meet to defer it till hereafter . 9. That there is a ready means , whereby the Villany may be discovered in one moment , the chief Conspirators circumvented , and the primary Members of the Conjuration , apprehended in the very act . 10. That very many about the King , who are accounted most faithful and intimate , to whom likewise the more secret things are intrusted , ARE TRAYTORS TO THE KING , corrupted with a foreign Pension , who communicate all secrets , of greater or lesser moment , to a foreign Power . 11. These and other most secret things , which shall be necessary to be known for the security of the King , may be revealed , if these things [ shall be acceptable to the Lord Arch-Bishop . ] 12. In the mean time , if his Royal Majesty and [ the Lord Arch-Bishop ] desire to consult well to themselves , they shall keep these things , only superficially communicated unto them , most secretly under deep silence , not communicating them so much as to those whom they judge most faithful to them , before they shall receive by Name , in whom they may confide : For else they are safe on no side . Likewise they may be assured , that whatsoever things are here proposed , are no Figments , nor Fables , nor vain Dreams ; but such real Verities , which may be demonstrated in every small Tittle . For those who thrust themselves into this Business , are such Men , who mind no gain ; but the very Zeal of Christian Charity suffers them not to conceal these things : Yet both from his Majesty [ and the Lord Arch-Bishop ] some small exemplar of Gratitude will be expected . All these Premises have been communicated under good faith , and the Sacrament of an Oath , to Mr. Leger Embassadour of the King of Great Brittain , at the Hague ; that he should not immediately trust , or communicate these things to any Mortal , besides the King [ and the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . ] Subscribed , &c. Present , &c. Hague , Com. 6 Sept. 1640. in the stile of the place . Regiae Majestati , & Dom. Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi insinuandum per Literas . 1. REgiam Majestatem & Dom. Archiepiscopum , utrumque in magno discrimine vitae constitutum . 2. Totam Rempublicam hoc nomine periclitari , nisi properè occurratur malo . 3. Turbas istas Scoticas in eum finem esse concitatas ; ut sub isto praetextu Rex & Dominus Archiepiscopus perimeretur . 4. Dari medium , quo utrique hac in parte bene consuli , & tumultus iste cito componi possit . 5. Compositis etiam turbis istis Scoticis , 〈◊〉 periclitari Regem ; esse plarima media quibus Regi , & Domino Archiepiscopo machinatur exitium . 6. Conspirasse certam societatem , quae Regi & Dom. Archiepiscopo molitur necem , totiusque Regni convulsionem . 7. Eandem Societatem singulis septimanis , explorationis octiduae suum quemque quod nundinatus est , ad Praesidem Societatis deponere , & in unum fasciculum conferre ; qui Hebdomadatim ad Directorem negotii expeditur . 8. Nominari quidem posse omnes per capita dictae conspirationis conjuratos . At quia alio medio innotescent differre in posterum placuit . 9. Medium esse in promptu , quo uno momento detegi poterit scelus , Conspiratores praecipui circumveniri , membraque primaria Conjurationis in ipso actu apprehendi . 10. Astantes Regi plurimos , qui pro fidelissimis & intimis censentur , quibus etiam secretiora fiduntur , proditores Regis esse , peregrinâ pensione corruptos , qui secreta quaeque majoris , vel exigui momenti , ad exteram Potestatem deferunt . 11. Haec & alia secretissima , quae scitu ad securitatem Regis erunt necessaria , quòd si haec accepta Dom. Archiepiscopo fuerint , revelari poterunt . 12. Interim si Regia Majestas sua & Dominus Archiepiscopus bene sibi consultum volunt , haec superficialiter quidem tantum ipsis communicata , sub profundo silentio , & secretissimè servabunt , ne quidem iis , quos sibi fidelissimos judicant , communicaturi , antequam de nomine acceperint , quibus fidendum sit : Ab nullo enim latere alias tuti sunt . Sint etiam certi , quicquid hic proponitur , nulla figmenta , nec fabulas , aut inania Somnia esse ; sed in rei veritate it a constituta , quae omnibus momentis demonstrari poterunt . Qui enim se immiscent huic negotio , viri honesti sunt , quibus nullus quaestus in animo ; sed ipse Christianae Charitatis Fervor ista facere non sinit : Ab utroque tamen , suae Majestati , tum Domino Archiepiscopo , gratitudinis exemplar tale quale expectabitur . Haec omnia antecedentia sub bona fide & juramenti Sacramento , Dom. Residenti Regis Magnae Britanniae , Hagae Comitum communicata esse , ne ulli mortalium , praeter Regem , & Dom. Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem immediatè ista fideret , vel communicaret . Subscripta , &c. Proesentes , &c. Hagae Com. 6 Sept. 1640. St. loci . Detectio &c. offerenda Seren. Regiae Majestati Britanniae & [ Dom. Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi , ] &c. 6. Sept. 1640. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Letter to the King concerning the Plot : With the King's directions in the Margin , written with his own Hand . May it please your Majesty , AS great as the Secret is which comes herewith , yet I chuse rather to send it in this silent covert way , and I hope safe , than to come thither , and bring it my self . First , because I am no way able to make haste enough with it . Secondly , because should I come at this time , and antedate the meeting Septemb. 24. there would be more jealousy of the Business , and more enquiry after it ; especially , if I being once there , should return again befor that Day , as I must if this be followed , as is most fit . The danger it seems is imminent , and laid by God knows whom ; but to be executed by them which are very near about you . ( For the great Honour which I have to be in danger with you , or for you , I pass not , so your Sacred person and the State may be safe . ) Now , May it please your Majesty , This Information is either true , or there is some mistake in it : If it be true , the persons which make the discovery , will deserve Thanks and Reward ; if there should be any mistake in it , your Majesty can lose nothing but a little silence . The Business ( if it be ) is extream foul . The discovery thus by God's Providence offered , seems fair . I do hereby humbly beg it upon my Knees , of your Majesty , that you will conceal this Business from every Creature , and his Name that sends this to me . And I send his Letters to me , to your Majesty , that you may see his Sense both of the Business and the 〈◊〉 . And such Instructions as you think fit to give him , I beseech you let them be in your own Hand for his Warrant , without imparting them to any . And if your Majesty leave it to his Discretion to follow it there in the best way he can , that in your own Hand will be Instruction and Warrant enough for him . And if you please to return it herewith presently to me , I will send an Express away with it presently . In the mean time , I have by this Express returned him this Answer , That I think he shall do well to hold on the Treaty with these Men , with all Care and Secresy , and drive on to the Discovery , so soon as the Business is ripe for it , that he may assure himself and them , they shall not want reward , if they do the Service . That for my part he shall be sure of Secresy , and that I am most confident that your Majesty will not impart it to any . That he have a special Eye to the Eighth and Ninth Proposition . Sir , for Gods sake , and your own safety , secresy in this business : And I beseech you send me back this Letter , and all that comes with it , spedily and secretly , and trust not your own Pockets with them . I shall not eat nor sleep in quiet till I receive them . And so soon as I have them again , and your Majesty's Warrant to proceed , no diligence shall be wanting in me to help on the Discovery . This is the greatest business that ever was put to me . And if I have herein proposed or done any thing amiss , I most humbly crave your Majesty's pardon . But I am willing to hope I have not herein erred in judgment ; and in fidelity I never will. These Letters came to me on Thursday , Septemb. 10. at night , and I sent these away according to the date hereof , being extreamly wearied with writing this Letter , copying out these other which come with this , and dispatching my Letters back to him that sent these , all in my own hand . Once again , secrecy for God's sake , and your own . To his most blessed Protection I commend your Majesty and all your Affairs : And am * York 13. Lambeth Septemb. 11. 1640. Your Majesty's most humble faithful servant , W. Cant. * As I had ended these , whether with the labour or indignation , or both , I fell into an extream faint Sweat : I pray God keep me from a Fever , of which three are down in my Family at Croyden . These Letters came late to me , the Express being beaten back by the Wind. The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement with his own Hand . Received from the King , Sept. 16. 1640. For your Sacred Majesty . Yours Apostyled . The King's Answer to the Plot against him , &c. Sir William Boswell's second Letter to the Arch-Bishop . May it please your Grace , THis Evening late I have received your Grace's dispatch , with the enclosed from his Majesty , by my Secretary Oueart , and shall give due account with all possible speed of the same , according to his Majesty's and your Grace's Commands , praying heartily that my Endeavours , which shall be most faithful , may also prove effectual , to his Majesty's and your Grace's content , with which I do most humbly take leave , being always Hagh . 24. Sept. 1640. S. Angelo . Your Grace's most dutiful and humble servant , William Boswell . The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement . Received Sept. 30. 1640. Sir William Boswell his acknowledgment that he hath received the King's directions and my Letters . Sir William Boswell's third Letter to the Arch-Bishop , sent with the larger Discovery of the Plot. May it please your Grace , UPon receipt of his Majesty's Commands , with your Grace's Letters of 9. and 18. Sept. last . I dealt with the party to make good his offers formerly put in my Hand , and transmitted to your Grace : This he hopes to have done , by the inclosed , so far as will be needful for his Majesty's satisfaction ; yet if any more particular explanation or discovery shall be required by his Majesty or your Grace , He hath promised to add thereunto , whatsoever he can remember and knows of truth . And for better assurance and verification of his integrity , he professeth himself ready ( if required ) to make * Oath of what he hath already declared , or shall hereafter declare in the business . His Name he conjures me still to conceal : Though he thinks his Majesty and your Grace , by the Character he gives of himself , will easily imagine who he is , having been known so * generally through Court and City , as he was for three or four Years , in the quality and imployment he acknowledgeth ( by his Declaration inclosed ) himself to have held . Hereupon he doth also redouble his most humble and earnest suit unto his Majesty and your Grace , to be most secret and circumspect in the Business , that he may not be suspected to have discovered , or had a hand in the same . I shall here humbly beseech your Grace to let me know what I may further do for his Majesty's Service , or for your Grace's particular behoof ; that I may accordingly endeavour to approve my self , as I am Hague . 15. Octob. 1640. Your Grace's most dutiful and obliged servant , William Boswell . The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement . Received Octob. 14. 1640. Sir William Boswell in prosecution of the great Business . If any thing come to him in Cyphers , to send it to him . The large particular Discovery of the Plot and Treason against the King , Kingdom , and Protestant Religion ; and to raise the Scottish Wars . Most Illustrious and Reverend Lord. WE have willingly and cordially perceived , that our offers have been acceptable both to his Royal Majesty , and likewise to your Grace . This is the only Index to us , That the blessing of God is present with you , whereby a spur is given , that we should so much the more cheerfully and freely utter and detect those things whereby the hazard of both your Lives , the subversion of the Realm and State both of England and Scotland , the tumbling down of his Excellent Majesty from his Throne , is intended . Now lest the Discourse should be enlarged with superfluous circumstances , we will only premise some things which are meerly necessary to the business . They may first of all 〈◊〉 , that this * good Man , by whom the ensuing things are detected , was born and bred in the Popish Religion , who spent many Years in Ecclesiastical dignities . At length being found fit for the expedition of the present Design , by the counsel and mandate of the Lord Cardinal Barbarino , he was adjoyned to the assistance of Master Cuneus ( * Cun ) by whom he was found so diligent and sedulous in his Office , that hope of great promotion was given to him . Yet he , led by the instinct of the good Spirit , hath , howsoever it be , contemned sweet promises , and having known the vanities of the Pontifician Religion ( of which he had sometime been a most severe defender ) having likewise noted the Malice of those who fight under the Popish Banner , felt his Conscience to be burdened ; which Burden that he might case himself of , he converted his Mind to the Orthodox Religion . Soon after , that he might exonerate his Conscience , he thought 〈◊〉 , that a desperate Treason , machinated against so many Souls , was to be revealed , and that he should receive ease , if he vented such things into the Bosom of a Friend : Which done , he was seriously admonished by the said Friend , that he should shew an Example of his Conversion and Charity , and free so many innocent Souls from imminent Danger : To whose monitions he willingly consented , and delivered the following things to be put in Writing , out of which the Articles not long since tendered to your Grace , may be clearly explicated and demonstrated . 1. First of all , that the Hinge of the Business may be rightly discerned , it is to be known , that all those Factions with which all Christendom is at this Day shaken , do arise from the Jesuitical Off-spring of Cham , of which four Orders abound throughout the World. Of the First Order are Ecclesiasticks , whose Office it is to take care of things promoting Religion . Of the second Order are Politicians , whose Office it is , by any means to shake , trouble , reform the State of Kingdoms and Republicks . Of the Third Order are Seculars , whose property it is to obtrude themselves into Offices with Kings and Princes , to insinuate and immix themselves in Court Businesses , bargains and sales , and to be busied in Civil Affairs . Of the Fourth Order are Intelligencers ( or Spies ) Men of Inferiour condition , who submit themselves to the * services of great Men , Princes , Barons , Noblemen , Citizens , to deceive ( or corrupt ) the Minds of their Masters . 2. A Society of so many Orders the * Kingdom of England nourisheth : For scarce all Spain , France , and Italy , can yield so great a multitude of Jesuits , as London alone ; where are found more than Fifty Scottish Jesuits . There the said Society hath elected to it self a seat of Iniquity , and hath conspired against the King , and the most faithful to the King , especially the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , and likewise against both Kingdoms . 3. For it is more certain than certainty it self , that the forenamed Society hath determined to effect an universal Reformation of the Kingdom of England and Scotland . Therefore the determination of the end , necessarily infers a determination of means to the end . 4. Therefore to promote the undertaken Villany , the said Society dubbed it self with the Title of , The Congregation of propagating the Faith ; which acknowledgeth the Pope of Rome the Head of the College , and Cardinal Barbarino his Substitute and Executor . 5. The chief Patron of the Society at London , is the Popes Legat , who takes care of the business ; into whose Bosom , these Dregs of Traytors weekly deposite all their Intelligences . Now the Residence of this Legation , was obtained at London , in the name of the Roman Pontif , by whose mediation it might be lawful for Cardinal Barbarino to work so much the more easily and safely upon the King and Kingdom . For none else could so freely circumvent the King , as he who should be palliated with the Pope's Authority . 6. Master Cuneus did at that time enjoy the Office of the Pope's Legat , an universal Instrument of the conjured Society , and a serious promoter of the business , whose secrets , as likewise those of all the other Intelligencers , the present good Man , the Communicator of all these things , did receive and expedite whither the business required . Cuneus set upon the chief Men of the Kingdom , and left nothing unattempted , by what means he might corrupt them all , and incline them to the Pontifician Party : He inticed many with various Incitements ; yea , he sought to delude the King himself with gifts of Pictures , Antiquities , Idols , and of other Vanities brought from Rome , which yet would prevail nothing with the King. Having entred familiarity with the King , he is often requested at Hamptoncourt , likewise at London , to undertake the cause of the Palatine , and that he would interpose his Authority , and by his Intercession persuade the Legat of Colen , that the Palatine in the next Diet to treat of Peace , might be inserted into the Conditions ; which verily he promised , but performed the contrary . He writ indeed , that he had been so desired by the King concerning such things , yet he advised not that they should be consented to , lest peradventure it might be said by the Spaniard , that the Pope of Rome had patronized an heretical Prince . In the mean time , Cuncus smelling * from the Arch-Bishop , most trusty to the King , that the King's Mind was wholly pendulous ( or doubtful , ) resolved , That he would move every Stone , and apply his Forces , that he might gain him to his party : Certainly , considing , that he had a means prepared . For he had a command to * offer a Cardinal's Cap to the Lord Archbishop , in the Name of the Pope of Rome , and that he should allure him also with higher Promises , that he might corrupt his sincere Mind . Yet a sitting ocasion was never given , whereby he might insinuate himself into the Lord Arch-Bishop ( for the Scorpion sought an Egg : ) Free access was to be impetrated by the Earl and Countess of Arundel , likewise by Secretary Windebank : The intercession of all which being neglected , he did fly the Company or familiarity of Cuneus , worse than the Plague : He was likewise perswaded by others of no mean rank , well known to him , neither yet was he moved . 7. Another also was assayed , who hindred access to the detestable wickedness , Secretary Cook ; he was a most bitter hater of the Jesuits , from whom he intercepted access to the King ; he entertained many ( of them ) according to their deserts , he diligently enquired into their Factions ; by which means every incitement , breathing a Magnetical ( attractive ) power to the Popish Party , was ineffectual with him ; for nothing was so dear unto him , that might incline him to wickedness . Hereupon being made odious to the Patrons of the Conspiracy , he was endangered to be discharged from his Office ; it was laboured for three Years space , and at last obtained . Yet notwithstanding there remained on the King's part a knot hard to be untied ; for the Lord Arch-Bishop by his constancy , interposed himself as a most hard Rock . When Cuneus had understood from the Lord Arch-Bishop's part , that he had laboured in vain , his Malice and the whole Societies waxed boyling hot : Soon after Ambushes began to be prepared , wherewith the Lord Arch-Bishop , together with the King , should be taken . Likewise a Sentence is passed against the King ( for whose sake all this business is disposed ) because nothing is hoped from him , which might seem to promote the Popish Religion ( but especially when he had opened his Mind , that he was of this Opinion , that every one might be saved in his own Religion , so as he be an honest and pious Man ) 8. To perpetrate the Treason undertaken , the Criminal * execution at Westminster , caused by some Writings of Puritans , gave occasion of the first Fire : Which thing was so much exasperated and exaggerated by the Papists to the Puritans , that if it remained unrevenged , it would be thought a blemish to their Religion ; the Flames of which Fire , the subsequent book of * Prayers increases . 9. In this heat , a certain Scottish-Earl , called Maxfield , if I mistake not , was expedited to the Scots by the Popish party ; with whom two other Scottish Earls , Papists , held correspondency : He ought to stir up the People to Commotion , and rub over the injury afresh , that he might inflame their Minds , precipitate them to Arms , by which the hurtful Disturber of the Scottish Liberty might be slain . 10. There , by one Labour , Snares are prepared for the King ; for this purpose the present business was so ordered , that very many of the English should adhere to the Scots ; That the King should remain inferiour in Arms , who ( thereupon ) should be compelled to crave assistance from the Papists ; which yet he should not obtain , unless he would descend into * Conditions , by which he should permit † Universal liberty of the exercise of the Popish Religion ; for so the affairs of the Papists would succeed according to their desire . To which consent , if he should shew himself more difficult , there should be a present remedy at hand : For the King's Son growing now very fast to his youthful age ( who is * educated from his tender age , that he might accustom himself to the Popish Party ) the King is to be dispatched : For an † Indian Nut stuffed with most sharp Poyson , is kept in the Society ( which Cuneus at that time shewed often to me in * a boasting manner ) wherein a Poyson was prepared for the King ; after the Example of his † Father . 11. In this Scottish Commotion , the Marquess of Hamelton , often dispatched to the Scots in the name of the King , to interpose the Royal Authority , whereby the heat of minds might be mitigated , returned notwithstanding as often without Fruit , and without ending the business : His Chaplain at that time repaired to us , who * communicated some things secretly with Cuneus . Being demanded of me in Jest , Whether also the Jews agreed with the Samaritans ? Cuneus thereunto answered ; Would to God all Ministers were such as he : What you will , may be hence conjectured . 12. Things standing thus , there arrived at London from Cardinal Richelieu , Mr. Thomas Chamberlain , his Chaplain and Almoner , a Scot by Nation , who ought to assist the College of the Confederated Society , and seriously to set forward the business , to leave nothing unattempted , whereby the first heat might be exasperated . For which service he was promised the Reward of a * Bishoprick . He cohabited with the Society four Months space ; neither was it lawful for him first to depart , until things succeeding according to his wish , he might be able to return back again with good News . 13. Sir Toby Matthew , a Jesuited Priest , of the Order of Politicians , a most vigilant Man of the chief Heads , to whom a Bed was never so dear , that he would rest his Head thereon , refreshing his Body with Sleep in a Chair for an Hour or two ; neither Day nor Night spared his Machinations ; a Man principally noxious , and himself the Plague of the King and Kingdom of England ; a most impudent Man , who flies to all Banquets and Feasts , called or not called ; never quiet , always in action and perpetual motion ; thrusting himself into all Conversations of Superiours ; he urgeth Conferences familiarly , that he may fish out the Minds of Men ; whatever he observeth thence , which may bring any Commodity or Discommodity to the Part of the Conspirators , he communicates to the Pope's Legat ; the more secret things he himself writes to the Pope , or to Cardinal Barbarino . In sum , he adjoins himself to any Man's Company ; no Word can be spoken , that he will not lay hold on , and accommodate to his Party . In the mean time , whatever he hath sished out , he reduceth into a Catalogue , and every Summer carrieth it to the General Consistory of the Jesuits Politicks , which secretly meets together in the Province of * Wales , where he is an acceptable Guest . There Councils are secretly hammer'd which are most meet for the Convulsion of the Ecclesiastick and Politick Estate of both Kingdoms . 14. Captain Read , a Scot , dwelling in Longacre-street , near the Angel-Tavern , a Secular Jesuit , who for his detestable Office performed ( whereby he had perverted a certain Minister of the Church , with secret Incitements to the Popish Religion , with all his Family , taking his Daughter to Wife ) for a * Recompence obtained a Rent or Impost upon Butter , which the Country People are bound to render to him , procured for him from the King , by some chief Men of the Society , who never want a Spur , whereby he may be constantly detained in his Office. In his House the Business of the whole Plot is concluded , where the Society , which hath conspired against the King , the Lord Archbishop , and both Kingdoms , meet together , for the most part every Day : But on the Day of the Carriers ( or Posts ) dispatch , which is ordinarily Friday , they meet in greater numbers ; for then all the Intilligencers assemble , and confer in common , what things every of them hath fished out that Week ; who that they may be without suspicion , send their Secrets by Toby Matthew , or Read himself , to the Pope's Legat ; he transmits the compacted Pacquet , which he hath purchased from the Intelligencers , to Rome . With the same Read , the Letters brought from Rome are deposited , under feigned Titles and Names , who by him are delivered to all , to whom they appertain ; for all and every of their Names are known to him . Vpon the very same occasion , Letters also are brought hither under the covert of Father Philip , ( he notwithstanding being ignorant of things ) from whom they are distributed to the Conspirators . There is in that very House a publick Chapel , wherein an ordinary Jesuit consecrates , and dwells there . In the said Chapel , Masses are daily celebrated by the Jesuits , and it serves for the Baptizing of the Children of the House , and of some of the Conspirators . Those who assemble in the forenamed House , come frequently in Coaches , or on Horse-back in Lay-mens Habit , and with a great Train , wherewith they are disguised , that they may not be known ; yet they are Jesuits , and conjured Members of the Society . 15. All the Papists of England contribute to this Assembly , lest any thing should be wanting to promote the undertaken Design . Vpon whose Treasury , one Widow , owner of the Houses , wherein Secretary Windebank now dwelleth , dead above three Years since , bestowed four hundred thousand English Pounds ; so likewise others contribute above their Abilities , so as the Business may be promoted unto its desired End. 16. Besides the foresaid Houses , there are Conventicles also kept in other more secret places , of which verily they confide not even among themseves , for fear lest they should be discovered . First , every of them are called to certain Inns , ( one not knowing of the other ) hence they are severally led by Spies to the place where they ought to meet , otherwise ignorant where they ought to assemble , le st peradventure they should be surprised at unawares . 17. The Countess of Arundel , a strenuous She-Champion of the Popish Religion , bends all her Nerves to the universal Reformation ; whatsoever she hears at the Kings Court , that is done secretly or openly , in Words or Deeds , she presently imparts to the Popes Legat , with whom she meets thrice a Day , sometimes in Arundel-House , now at the Court , or at Tarthal . He scarce sucks such things by the Claw . The Earl himself called now about three Years since , this Year , ought to go to Rome ; without doubt to consult there of serious things , concerning the Design . With gifts and Speeches the Jesuits watch diligently to their Masses . At Greenwich at the Earl's costs , a Feminine School is maintained , which otherwise is a Monastery of Nuns ; for the young Girls therein , are sent forth hither and thither into foreign Monasteries beyond the Seas . 18. Mr. Porter of the King's Bed-Chamber , most addicted to the Popish Religion , is a bitter Enemy of the King ; he reveals all his greatest Secrets to the Popes Legat ; although he very rarely meets with him , yet his Wife meets him so much the oftner , who being informed by her Husband , conveighs secrets to the Legat. In all his Actions he is nothing inferiour to Toby Matthew ; it cannot be uttered how diligently he watcheth on the Business . His Sons are secretly instructed in the Popish Religion ; openly , they profess the Reformed . The Eldest is now to receive his Father's Office , under the King which shall be : A Cardinals Hat is provided for the other , if the Design shall succeed well . Above three Years past , the said Mr. Porter , was to be sent away by the King to Morocco : But he was prohibited by the Society , lest the Business should suffer delay thereby . He is a Patron of the Jesuits , for whom for the exercise of Religion , he provides Chappels both at home and abroad . 19. Secretary Windebank , a most sierce Papist , is the most unfaithful to the King of all Men , who not only betrays and reveals even the King 's greatest Secrets , but likewise communicates Counsels , by which the Design may be best advanced . He at least thrice every Week converseth with the Legat in Nocturnal Conventicles , and reveals those things which he thinks fit to be known ; for which end , he hired a House near to the Legat's House , whom he often resorts to through the Garden-door ; for by this vicinity , the Meeting is facilitated . The said Secretary is bribed with Gifts to the Party of that conjured Society , by whom he is sustained , that he may the more seriously execute his Office. He sent his 〈◊〉 expresly to Rome , who ought to insinuate himself into the Roman Pontif. 20. Sir Digby , Sir Winter , Mr. Mountague the younger , who hath been at Rome , my Lord Sterling , a Cousin of the Earl of Arundel's , a Knight , the Countess of Neuport , the Dutchess of Buckingham , and many others who have sworn into this Conspiracy , are all most vigilant in the Design . Some of these are inticed with the hope of Court ; others of Political Offices ; others attend to the sixteen Cardinals Caps that are vacant , which are therefore detained idle for some years , that they may impose a vain hope on those who expect them . 21. The President of the aforesaid Society was my Lord Gage , a Jesuit Priest , dead above three years since . He had a Palace adorned with lascivious Pictures , which counterfeited Prophaneness in the House ; but with them was palliated a Monastery , wherein forty Nuns were maintained , hid in so great a Palace : It is situated in Queen-street , which the Statue of a golden Queen adorns . The Secular Jesuits have bought all this Street , and have reduced it into a Quadrangle , where a Jesuitical College is tacitly built , with this hope , that it might be openly finished , as soon as the universal Reformation was begun . The Pope's Legat useth a threefold Character , or Cypher ; one wherewith he communicates with all Nuncios ; another , other , with Cardinal Barbarino only ; a third , wherewith he covers some great Secrets to be communicated . Whatever things he either receiveth from the Society , or other Spies , those he packs up together in one Bundle , dedicated under this Inscription , To Monsieur Stravio , Arch-Deacon of Cambray ; from whom at last they are promoted to Rome . These things being thus ordered , if every thing be laid to the balance , it will satisfie in special all the Articles propounded . WHEREIN , 1. THe Conspiracy against the King [ and Lord Arch-Bishop is detected ] and the means whereby ruin is , threatned to both , demonstrated . 2. The imminent Dangers to both Kingdoms are rehearsed . 3. The rise and progress of that Scottish Fire is related . 4. Means whereby the Scottish Troubles may be appeased , are suggested ; for after the Scots shall know by whom and to what end their Minds are incensed , they will speedily look to themselves ; neither will they suffer the Forces of both Parts to be subdued , lest a middle Party interpose , which seeks ( the ruin ) of both . 5. With what Sword the King's Throat is assaulted , even when these Stirs shall be ended , Cuneus his Confession , and a visible Demonstration , sheweth . 6. The Place of the Assembly , in the House of Captain Read , is nominated . 7. The day of the eight days dispatch by Read and the Legat is prescribed . 8. How the Names of the Conspirators may be known . 9. Where this whole Congregation may be circumvented . 10. Some of the principal unfaithful ones of the King's Party are notified by name ; many of whose Names occur not , yet their Habitations are known ; their Names may be easily extorted from Read. If these things be warily proceeded in , the strength of the whole Business will be brought to light ; so the Arrow being foreseen , the Danger shall be avoided ; which that it may prosperously succeed , the Omnipotent Creator grant . The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement with his own Hand : Rece . Octob. 14. 1640. The Narration of the great Treason , concerning which he promised to Sir William Boswell , to discover against the King and State. Illustrissime ac Reverendissime Domine . ACcepta suae Regiae Majestati simulac Reverentiae Tuae fuisse offerta nostra lubentes , & ex animo percepimus . Adesse vobis benignitatem Numinis , hoc unicum nobis Index est , quo stimulus datur , ut tantò alacrius , liberaliusque , illa quibus vitae discrimen utriusque , statusque Regni Angliae , tum Scotiae eximiae Majestatis sede deturbatio intendatur , effundamus , detegamus . Ne autem ambagibus superfluis dilatetur Oratio , nonnulla , quae tantum ad rem necessaria praemittemus . Sciant primò , bonum istum virum per quem sequentia deteguntur , in pulvere isto Pontificio esse natum & educatum , qui in dignitatibus Ecclesiasticis aetates consumpsit . Tandem praesentis Negotii expeditioni , par inventus , Consilio & Mandato Domini Cardinalis Barbarini , ad auxilium Domino Cuneo adjunctus est ; penes quem in officio ita diligens ac sedulus inventus , ut spes magnae promotionis ipsi data fuerit . Ipse verò , boni Spiritus ductus instinctu , ut dulcia promissa contempsit , agnitisque Religionis Pontificiae vanitatibus ; ( quarum alias defensor fuerat severissimus ) malitia etiam sub vexillo Papali militantium notata , gravari Conscientiam suam senserat ; quod Onus ut deponeret , ad Orthodoxam Religionem Animum convertit . Mox ut Conscientiam suam exoneraret , machinatum in tot innocentes Animas scelus , revelandum censuit , levamen se percepturum , si in sinum Amici talia effundat . Quo facto , ab eodem Amico serio commonitus , verae Conversionis , Charitatisque Exemplar ostenderet , liberaret ab imminenti Discrimine innocentes tot Animas : In cujus monita lubens consenserat , calamoque sequentia excipiendum dederat , ex quibus Articuli non ita pridem tuae Reverentiae oblati , luculenter explicari & demonstrari poterunt . 1. Ante omnia , ut Cardo Rei recipiatur , sciendum est , omnes istas , quibus tota Christianitas hodiè concutitur , Factiones , exoriri ab Jesuitica ista Chamea Sobole , cujus quatuor per Orbem luxuriant Ordines . Primi Ordinis sunt Ecclesiastici , quorum Religionis promotoria est curare . Secundi Ordinis sunt Politici , quorum Officium est , statum Regnorum , Rerumque publicarum , quoquomodo intentare , turbare , reformare . Tertii Ordinis sunt Seculares , quorum proprium est , Regibus , Principibusque , ad Officia sese obtrudere , insinuare , immiscere se rebus forensibus ; emptionibus venditionibusque , & quae Civilia sunt occupari . Quarti Ordinis Exploratores sunt , sortis inferioris homines , qui servitiis Magnatum , Principum , Baronum , Nobilium , Civium , sese submittunt , Animis Dominorum imposituri . II. Tot Ordinum Societatem Regnum Anglicanum alit : Vix enim tota Hispania , Gallia & Italia tantam multitudinem Jesuitarum , quantam unicum Londinum , exhibere posset ; ubi plus quam 50. Scoti Jesuitae reperiuntur . Ibi sedem iniquitatis , dicta Societas sibi elegit , conspiravitque in Regem , Regique fidelissimos , inprimis vero Dominum Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem , etiam in Regnum utrumque . III. Certo certius enim est , determinasse Societatem nominatam , reformatione universali Regnum Angliae tum Scotiae adficere . Determinatio ergo finis , infert necessario determinationem mediorum ad finem . IV. Ad promovendum ergo susceptum scelus , Titulo Congregationis Fidei propagandae , dicta Societas sese insignivit ; quae Caput Collegii Pontificem Romanum substitutum , & executorem Cardinalem Barbarinum agnoscit . V. Patronus Societatis primarius Londini , est Legatus Pontificius , qui curam negotii gerit ; in cujus sinum , faex illa proditorum omnia explorata , hebdomadatim deponit . Impetrata autem est reseda Legationis istius Londini , Pontificis Romani nomine , qua mediante , Cardinali Barbarino agere in Regem Regnumque tanto tutius faciliusque liceret . Nullus enim alias , tam libere ambire Regem posset , quam ille qui Pontificia Auctoritate palliatus fit . VI. Fungebatur tum temporis Officio Legati Pontificii , Dominus Cuneus , Conjuratae Societatis Instrumentum universale , & serius negotii promotor ; cujus secreta , ut & aliorum exploratorum omnium , praesens vir bonus , communicator horum , excipiebat , expediebatque quo res postulabat . Adoriebatur Cuneus primaria Regni Capita , nihilque intentatum sivit , quomodo singula corrumperet & ad partem Pontificiam inclinaret : Variis incitamentis plurimos alliciebat ; Etiam Regem ipsum donationibus Picturarum , Antiquitatum , Idolorum , aliarumque vanitatum Roma allatarum , deludendum quaerebat , quae tamen apud Regem nihil proficerant . Familiaritate inita cum Rege , rogatur sae pius Hantocurti , etiam Londini , Palatini causam ageret , interponeretque auctoritatem suam , intercessione Legato Coloniensi persuaderet , ut Palatinus in conditiones , proximis Comitiis de pace acturis , insereretur ; quod quidem pollicitus est , contrarium vero praestitit ; scripsit quidem , † Rogagatum se de talibus ab Rege fuisse , non consulere tamen , ut consentiatur , * ne ab Hispanis fortasse dicatur , Pontificem Romanum Principi Haeretico parocinatum fuisse . 〈◊〉 interim Cuneus , ab Domino Archiepiscopo Regi fidelissimo , totum animum Regium esse pendulum , omnem se moturum lapidem , nervosque adplicaturum statuerat , ut ad partem suam lucrari possit : Paratum se habere medium certò confisus . Mandatum enim habebat , Pileum Cardinalem , Nomine Pontificis Romani , Domino Archiepiscopo offerret , lactaretque pollicitis etiam sublimioribus , ut Animum sincerum corrumperet . Commoda tamen occasio nunquam dabatur , qua Domino Archiepiscopo sese insinuare posset ( quaerebat enim Scorpius ovum : ) Per Comitem & Comitissam Arondelianam , etiam per Secretarium Windebankum , liber accessus impetrari debebat : Quorum omnium intercessionibus neglectis , societatem vel familiaritatem Cunei , Peste pejus fugiebat : Persuadebatur etiam ab aliis non infimis , ipsi bene notis , nec tamen commovebatur . VII . Quaerebatur & alius qui ad facinus detestandum accessum impediebat , Secretarius Cook ; erat is osor Jesuitarum infensissimus , quibus aditum ad Regem intercipiebat ; excipiebat plurimos pro meritis , in illorum Factiones , sedulo inquirebat ; quo nomine incitamentum omne , vim magneticam ad partem Pontificiam spirans , erat apud ipsum inefficax ; nihil enim tam carum erat , quod ipsum ad pravum inclinasset . Hinc Conjurationis Patronis exosus factus , periclitabatur de Officio ut exueretur ; laborabatur per triennium , quod ultimo impetratum . Mansit nihilominus ab parte Regis , nodus solutu difficilis ; Dominus Archiepiscopus enim constantia sua , sicuti durissimum sese interposuit Saxum . Laborasse se incassum , ab parte Domini Archiepiscopi Cuneus cum intellexisset , efferbuit Malitia ipsius , totiusque Societatis : Mox insidiae parari caeperunt , quibus Dominus Archiepiscopus una cum Rege caperetur . In Regem quoque ( cujus gratia totum istud disponitur negotium ) à quo quia nihil quod promovendae Religioni Papistic ae inserviret speratur , ( imprimis verò , Cum Animum suum aperuerit , se ejus Opinionis esse , quemvis in Religione sua dummodo vir probus & pius sit , salvari posse ) Sententia lata est . VIII . Ad perpetrandum susceptum facinus , executio criminalis Westmonasterii , per scripta nonnulla Puritanorum causata , primi incendii ansam dedit : Quae res ab Papistis apud Puritanos in tantm exacerbabatur , exaggerabaturque , ut si inulta maneret , Religioni ipsis duceretur ; cujus incendii , subsequens tandem liber Precum , flammas auxit . IX . In isto fervore expeditus fuit ad Scotos ab parte Pontificia Comes quidam Scotus Maxfield , ni fallor nomine , cum quo , duo alii Comites Scoti Papistae , correspondebant . Is commovere debebat plebem , injuriamque refricare ut Animos accenderet , ad Arma praecipitaret , quibus noxius libertatis Scoticae , perimeretur Turbator . X. Ibi una opera paratus in Casses Regi ; eo enim directum esse praesens negotium ut Anglorum complurimi sese adglutinarent Scotis ; Rex armis maneret inferior , qui ab Papistis auxilia petere cogeretur ; quae tamen non impetraret , nisi in Conditiones discenderet , quibus libertatem universalem exercitii Religionis Pontificiae , permitteret ; ita enim res Papistarum ad nutum succederent . Quo consensu si difficiliorem sese exhibuerit , remedium erit in promptu : Adolescente enim cum primum Regio Filio , ( qui à teneris , ut parti Pontificiae adsuescat , educatur ) de Rege actum est : Nux quippe Indica acutissimo veneno referta in Societate servatur ( quam Cuneus tum temporis gloriabundus mihi ostentabat ) quo Regi exemplo Patris , parabatur Pharmacum . XI . In ista Commotione Scotica Marquesse d'Hamelton saepius Regis nomine ad Scotos ablegatur , Regiam auctoritatem interponeret , quâ aestus animorum mitigaretur , sine fructu tamen , reque infecta toties reversus . Ipsius Concionator tum temporis nos adiit , qui cum Cuneo secretè nonnulla communicavit . Interrogatus a me , joco ; Num etiam Judaei cum Samaritanis convenirnt ? Ad quae Cuneus respondit , Vtinam omnes ministri tales ut ipse essent : Conjiciatur hinc quidcunque . XII . Rebus sic stantibus , ab Cardinali Richelieu , Dominus Thomas Camerarius , Sacellanus & Eleemosinarius ipsius , natione Scotus , Londinum adpulit , qui Collegio Societatis conjuratae adsidere debebat , remque seriò agere , nihil intentatum relinquere , quo primus exasperaretur fervor . Quo Officio Honorarium Episcopatus erat ipsi pollicitum . Conhabitabat & Societati per quatuor Menses ; nec prius discedendum licebat , donec rebus ex voto cedentihus , cum bonis novis redux fieri possit . XIII . Cavalliero Tobias Mathei , Sacerdos Jesuita , Ordinis politicorum , è capitibus primariis homo vigilantissimus , cui nunquam tam charum cubile , quo caput reclivet , ad sellam tantum , hora una , atque altera , somno corpus reficit ; nec diei nec nocti , machinamentis parcit ; vir summè noxius & ipsa Regis Regnique Angliae Pestis ; homo impudentissimus , qui per omnia convivia , epulasque , vocatus vel non vocatus , volitat ; nunquam quietus , semper in actione , motuque perpetuo ; singulis Conversationibus Superiorum immiscuit ; urget familiariè colloquia , ut animos hominum expiscaretur : Quicquid inde ad partes Conjuratorum commodi vel incommodi concernere advertit , Legati Pontificio communicat ; Secretioria ipse ad Pontificem vel Cardinalem Barbarinum praescribit . In summa , cuivis Societati sese adglutinat ; nullum verbum effari potest , quod ipse non arripiat & ad partes suas accommodet . Quicquid inter à temporis expiscatus , in Catalogum redigit , & quavis AEstate ad Consistorium generale Jesuitarum Politicorum , quod in Provincia Wallensi secreto concurrit , Hospes acceptus defert . Ibi tacitè 〈◊〉 cuduntur quae ad convulsionem Status Ecclesiastici , tum Politici , Regni utriusque sunt aptissima . XIV . Capitaneus Reda , Scotus , habitans in platea Longaker , prope tabernam Angeli , Jesuita Secularis , qui ob detestandum officium praestitum ( quo Ministrum quendam Ecclesiae , incitamentis dulcibus ad Religionem Papisticam , tota cum familia ipsius perverterat , filia ipsius in uxorem ducta ) pro repensa obtinuit reditus vel vectigal Butiraceum , quod Rustici sibi praestare tenentur , adquisitum ipsi ab Rege , per non nullos Societatis praecipuos , cui stimulus nunquam deficit , quo in officio constans detineatur . In ipsius aedibus Rei totius peragitur Negotium , ubi Societas quae in Regem & Dominum Archiepiscopum , Regnumque utrumque conjuravit , plerumque diebus singulis concurrit : Die vero expeditionis Tabellarii , quae ordinariè est dies Veneris , tanto frequentiores ; tum enim omnes Exploratores conveniunt , quae quisque ea hebdomada expiscatus est , in commune conferunt ; qui ut extra suspicionem sint , secreta sua per Tobiam Mathei vel ipsum Redam , ad Legatum Pontificium amandant ; ipse , fasciculum compactum quem ab Exploratoribus nundinatus est , Romam transmittit . Apud eundem Redam deponuntur literae Roma illatae , sub titulis & nominibus fictis , quae per ipsum singulis ad quos spectant traduntur ; illorum enim omnium & singulorum nomina ipsi sunt cognita . Eadem ipsa occasione adferuntur etiam literae , sub coperta Patris Philippi ( ipso tamen rerum nescio ) à quo conjuratis distribuuntur . Habetur in illis ipsis aedibus Sacellum publicum ; cui Jesuita ordinarius consecrat , ibidemque habitat . In dicto Sacello Missae celebrantur quotidie à Jesuitis ; Baptismoque liberis domesticis & nonnullorum Conjuratorum inservitur . Qui in nominatis AEdibus concurrunt , Rhodis vel Equis , frequenter habitu Politico , magnoque Comitatu , quo palliantur ne innotescant ; Jesuitae tamen sunt , & Membra Societatis conjurata . XV. Hoc coetu contribuitur ab omnibus Papistis Angliae , ne quidquam ad promovendum susceptum Negotium deficiat . In quem fiscum , unica Vidua , proprietaria olim AEdium , quas modo Secretarius Windebank inhabitat , ante triennium defuncta 40000 Librarum Anglicarum , contulit ; sic & alii etiam citra vires faciunt , modo ad optatum finem promoveatur negotium . XVI . Praeter nominatas AEdes , etiam per alia loca secretiora fiunt Conventicula , de quibus ne inter se quidem fidunt , metu ne dispatentur . Convocantur primo ad certa Diversoria singuli , ( alter alterius inscius ) hinc per Exploratores ad locum ubi convenire debent , singuli deducuntur , ignari alias ubi conventuri sint , ne forte insperato obruantur . XVII . Comitissa d' Arondel , strenua Pontificiae Religionis Propugnatrix , ad Reformationem universalem omnes nervos intendit ; quicquid ad Aulam Regis , secretè vel apertè verbis vel factis geritur , Legato Pontificio insinuat , cum quo ad minimum ter de die , modo in AEdibus Arondelianis , jam ad Aulam vel Tarthalae cum ipso congreditur . Ex Ungue talia vix exsugit . Ipse Comes vocatus jam à triennio hoc Anno ire debebat Romam ; acturus ibi dubio procul de seriis , Negotium concernentibus . Donis dictionibusque suis , Jesuitae missis invigilant . Grinwici , Impensis Comitis , Schola Foeminea sustentatur ; quae alias Monasterium Monialium est ; Adultae enim inibi Juvenculae , hic inde per extera transmarina Monasteria emittuntur . 18. Dominus Porter , Cubicularius Regius , Pontificiae Religioni addictissimus , Regis infensus hostis , Is ipsius secretissima quaeque , Legato Pontificio aperit , quamvis rarissime cum ipso conveniat ; Uxor tantò saepius , quae ab marito informata , Legato secreta confidit : In omnibus suis actionibus Tobiae Mathei nihil cedit ; effari non potest qualiter negotio invigilet . Filii ipsius in Religione Pontificia occulte informantur ; aperte , Reformatam profitentur . Major Natu Officium Patris suscepturus , sub Rege futuro : Alteri , si negotium bene successerit , Pileus Cardinalis paratus est . Ante triennium ablegari debebat dictus Dominus Porter à Rege 〈◊〉 : Prohibitus fuit ab Societate ne , moram pateretur negotium . Patronus est Jesuitarum , quibus ad exercitium Religionis , Sacella , domi forisque subministrat . 19. Secretarius Windebank , Papista acerrimus , Regi omnium infidelissimus , qui non solum secretissima etiam quaeque Regia prodit & revelat , sed etiam Consilia , quibus optime Negotio consuleretur , communicat . Ipse ad minimum ter in hebdomada , per nocturna Conventicula cum Legato conversatur ; injungitque quae scitu digna cogitat : Cujus causa , aedes vicinas Legati Domo conduxit , quem saepius per portam horti adit ; hac enim vicinitate facilitatur congressus . Dictus Secretarius ad partem Societatis conjuratae , muncribus emptus est , quibus sustentatur , ut magis seriò officium peragat . Filium suum expresse Romam misit , qui Romano Pontifici sese insinuare debebit . 20. Cavalliero Digbi , Cavalliero Winter , Dominus Mountagu Jun. qui Romae fuit , Mi-lord Sterling , Cognatus Comitis d'Arondel , Eques , Comitissa de Neuport , Ducissa Buckingham , & plerique alii qui in Conditionem hane jurarunt , omnes in opere sunt vigilantissimi . Horum alii , Aulicorum ; alii Politicorum Officiorum spe inescantur ; alii ad sexdecim Pileos Cardinales vacantes attendunt , qui ideo ab aliquot annis otioss detinentur , ut spem vanam expectantibus imponant . 21. Praeses nominatae Societatis erat Mi-lord Gage , Sacerdos Jesuita , ante triennium defunctus . Habebat is Palatium , lascivis Picturis exornatum , quae prophanitatem in aedibus mentiebantur ; Palliabatur vero illis , Monasterium , quo quadraginta Moniales sustentabantur , tanto Palatio occultatae : Situm 〈◊〉 in Platea Reginae , quam Statua Regina aurea decorat . Istam Plateam totam Jesuitae Seculares emerunt , redegeruntque in Quadratum , ubi tacitae Collegium Jesuiticum exstruitur , ea spe , ut quam primum Reformatione universali incepta , aperte elaborari possit . Legatus Pontificius triplici Charactere sive Cifra utitur : Uno , quo , cum omnibus Nunciis communicat ; altero , cum solo Cardinale Barbarino : Tertio , quo secretioria nonnulla communicanda occultat . Quaecunque per hebdomadam ab Societate aut aliis Exploratoribus excepit , illa uno fasciculo consarcinat , sub inscriptione , Al Monsignor Stravio Archidiacono di Cambray , dedicat ; ab quo tandem promoventur Romae . His ita constitutis , si singula ad trutinam ponantur , satisfiet in specie omnibus Articulis propositis . QUIBUS , 1. COnjuratio in Regem , & Dominum Archiepiscopum detegitur ; Media quibus exitium utrique minatur , demonstratur . 2. Pericula Regno utrique imminentia recensentur . 3. Exortus incendii illius Scotici & progressus enarratur . 4. Media quibus turbae istae Scoticae sedari possint , suggeruntur ; postquam enim resciverint Scoti , à quibus & in quem finem animi ipsorum accendantur , consulent sibi properè ; neque utriusque partis vires succumbere sinent , ne medius sese interponat qui utramque quaerit . 5. Quo ense Regis petatur jugulum , etiam turbis istis sopitis , Cunei Confessio , oculataque demonstratio docet . 6. Lous Congregationis , in AEdibus Capitanei Redae , nominatur . 7. Dies expeditionis octiduae per Redam & Legatum injungitur . 8. Quomodo nomina Conjuratorum innotescere possent . 9. Ubi tota ista Congregatio possit circumveniri . 10. Infideles nonnulli ab parte Regis praecipuorum de nomine notificantur ; plures , quorum nomina non occurrunt ; habitationes tamen notae sunt ; de nomine facile ab Reda extorqueri poterunt . Si cautè in his procedetur , nervus totius negotii in apricum prodibit ; ita Sagitta praevisa , effugietur periculo ; quod ut succedat prospere , Creator Omnipotens faxit . A further Evidence and Confirmation of some things in the Relation concerning the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . THE Relation of this horrid Plot by a chief Actor in it , ( with which the Arch-Bishop acquainted the King , not many Days before this Parliament began ) lay concealed among the Arch-Bishop's Papers , a [ without any Prosecution of the Conspirators ( for ought appears ) who are since dispersed in part by the Parliament ] but neither Dissolved , nor taken off this Plot , but more active in it ; putting forth their last and utmost Endeavours in all Places to accomplish this their Design , which they have almost brought to Maturity , to our Shame and Grief , by new raised Civil Wars both in Ireland and England . Two things in this Plot which concern [ the Arch-Bishop ] may perchance seem strange to different sorts of Men. First , That [ the Pope's Legat should presume to tempt the Arch-Bishop with the Offer of a Cardinal's Cap , ] and that certainly no such Proffer was ever made unto him . But to put this out of Question : The Bishop himself , under his own Hand , among other Memorials in the Journal of his Life , ( found in his Pocket ) hath these two remarkable Notes , Anno 1633. August 4. Sunday , News came to Court of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Death , and the King resolved presently to give it me . That very Morning at Greenwich there came one to me SERIOUS-LY , and THAT AVOWED * ABILITY TO PERFORM IT , and OFFERED ME TO BE A CARDINAL . I went presently TO THE KING and ACQUAINTED HIM BOTH [ WITH THE THING and PERSON . ] August 17. ( the same Month ) Saturday I had A SERIOUS OFFER MADE ME AGAIN TO BE A CAR-DINAL . I was then from Court ; but so soon as I came thither ( which was Wednesday , August 21. ) I ACQUAINTED HIS MAJESTY WITH IT . But my Answer again was , That somewhat dwelt within me that would not suffer that TILL ROME were other than it is . So that by his own Notes it appears , a Cardinal's Cap was twice proffered him very seriously , and that he acquainted the King with it ; b [ not by way of Complaint ] to crave Justice against c [ the Party who durst presume to tempt him with such a Foreign Dignity , to be the Pope's Sworn Instrument , but by way of Advice , and to sound his Majesty's Opinion hereof , as his Answer ] imports : Neither did he absolutely disclaim the Dignity it self , as if he might in no case accept it , but conditionally , Till Rome should be other than it is now , d [ and then he would not refuse it . ] Indeed the Arch-Bishop in his * Reply to Fisher , e [ challengeth ] this Title ( Patriarch of another World ) as his Due , being given to his Predecessor Anselme ; and therefore cannot brook any other Pope ( in point of Sovereignty ) to Lord it over him here ; and this made him refuse the Cap. But had he resisted the 〈◊〉 Landing or Continuance here , which he never f [ did for ought appears , but entertained some Familiarity with him ] at first , though they afterwards grew more strange ; or peremptorily refused the first Offer with Indignation , [ thrust out the Legat or Offerer by Head and Shoulders , g prosecuted him ] ( as he did poor innocent Puritans ) [ upon the Statute of 23 Eliz. c. 1. as a Traytor , for attempting to seduce and subject him to the See of Rome ; ] or brought him [ publickly into the Star-Chamber or High-Commission ] as he did some others for lesser pretended Crimes and Scandals ; he had discharged the part of a good zealous Prelate and Protestant : But here was no such Proceeding in this Case . The very Parties that tendred this Cap , h [ presuming some good Inclination in him to accept it ] and to the Romish Church , which he maintains to be a True Church , wherein Men are , and may be saved : And the Second Proffer following so soon at the Heels of the First , intimates , That the First was in such sort entertained by him , as rather encouraged , than discouraged the Party to make the Second . And his Second Consultation with the King concerning it , insinuates , That [ the King rather enclined to , than against it ; ] or at leastwise left it arbitrary to him , to accept or reject it , as he best liked . As for his Severity in prosecuting Papists , it appears by his Epistle to the King before his Conference with the Jesuit Fisher , where he useth these Speeches of his Carriage towards them ; God forbid that I should perswade a Persecution in any kind , or practise it in the least i [ against Priests and Jesuits . ] For to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as cross Language . Therefore he is no great Enemy to them . The Second thing which may seem strange to others , is this ; That the Pope's Legat and Jesuits should ever hate , or conspire his Death , unless he were an utter Enemy to all Popery , Papists , and the Church of Rome ; which admits an easie Answer . The Truth is , the Bishop being very pragmatical and wilful in his Courses , could not well brook pragmatical peremptory Jesuits , who in Popish Kingdoms are in perpetual Enmity with all other Orders , and they with them ; they having been oft banished out of * France and other Realms by the Sorbonists , Dominicans , and other Orders ; no Protestants writing so bitterly against these Popish Orders , as themselves do one against the other ; yea , the Priests and Jesuits in ‖ England were lately at great Variance , and persecuted one another with much Violence . This is no good Argument then [ that the Arch-Bishop held no Correspondence with Priests and other Orders , ] and bare no good Affection to the Church of Rome , in whose Superstitious Ceremonies he outstripped many Priests themselves . What Correspondency he held with k [ Franciscus de Sancta Clara , with other ] Priests , and k [ Dr : Smith Bishop of Calcedon , ] whom the Jesuits persecuted , and got Excommunicated , ( though of their own Church and Religion ) is at large discovered in a Book , entituled , The English Pope ; and by the Scottish Common-Prayer Book found in the Arch-Bishop's Chamber , with all those Alterations , wherein it differs from the English , l [ written with his own Hand ; ] some of which smell very strongly of Popery : As namely , his blotting out of these Words at the Delivery of the Bread and Wine in the Sacrament , Take and eat this , in remembrance that Christ died for thee ; and feed on him in thy Heart by Faith with Thanksgiving : Take and m [ drink this in remembrance that ] Christ's Blood was shed for thee , &c. and leaving only this former Clause ( the better to justifie and imply a * n [ Corporal ] Presence of Christ in the Sacrament ) The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for thee : The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which was shed for thee , preserve thy Body and Soul unto everlasting Life . And this Popish Rubrick written with his own Hand . The Presbyter , during the time of Consecration , shall stand AT THE MIDDLE OF THE ALTAR , where he may with more Ease and Decency * USE BOTH HIS HANDS , than he can do , if he stand at the North-end : With other Particulars of this kind . Moreover , in his Book of Private Devotions , written with his own Hand , he hath ( after the Romish Form ) reduced all his Prayers to Canonical Hours . And in the Memorials of his Life , written with his own Hand , there are these suspicious Passages , among others , besides the Offer of the Cardinal's Cap , Anno 1631. Jun. 21. & 26. My nearer Acquaintance began to settle with Dr. S. God bless us in it . Junii 25. Dr. S. with me at Fulham cum Ma. &c. o [ meant of Dr. Smith , the Popish Bishop of Calcedon , as is conceived . ] Jun. 25. Mr. p [ Fr. Windebank my old Friend ] was Sworn Secretary of State , which Place I OBTAINED FOR HIM of my Gracious Master King Charles . What an Arch-Papist and Conspirator he was , the Plot relates , and his Flight into France * for : releasing Papists and Jesuits out of Prison , and from Executions by his own Warrants , and imprisoning those Officers who apprehended them ) confirms . q [ About this time Dr : Theodore Price , Sub-dean of Westminster , a Man very intimate with the Arch-Bishop , ] and recommended specially to the King by him to be a Welch Bishop ( in Opposition to the Earl of Pembrook , and his Chaplain Griffith Williams ) soon after died a Reconciled Papist , and received Extream Vnction from a Priest : Noscitur ex comite . August 30. 1634. he hath this Memorial : Saturday , at Oatlands the Queen sent for me , and gave me Thanks for a Business with which she trusted me ; her Promise then that she r [ would be my Friend , ] and that I should have immediate Address to her , when I had occasion . All which considered , together with s [ his Chaplains ] Licensing divers Popish Books , with their expunging most Passages against Popery out of Books brought to the Press , with other Particulars commonly known , will give a true Character of his Temper , that he is t [ another Cassander , ] or middle Man , between an Absolute Papist , and a real Protestant , who will far sooner hug a Popish Priest in his Bosom , than take a Puritan by the Little Finger : An absolute Papist in all matters of Ceremony , Pomp and external Worship , ( in which he was over-zealous , even to an open u [ 〈◊〉 Persecution of all Conscientious Ministers , ] who made Scruple of them , ) if not half an one at least in Doctrinal Tenets . How far he was guilty x [ of a Conditional Voting ] the breaking up the last Parliament before this was called , and for what end it was summoned , this other Memorial under his own Hand will attest : Decemb . 5. 1639. Thursday , the King declared his Resolution for a Parliament , in case of the Scottish Rebellion : The first Movers to it were my Lord Deputy of Ireland , my Lord Marquess Hamilton , and my self : And A RESOLUTION VOTED AT THE BOARD TO AS-SIST THE KING IN EXTRAORDINARY WAYS , IF THE PARLIAMENT SHOULD PROVE PEEVISH AND REFUSE , &c. But of him sufficient , y [ till his Charge ( now in preparation ) shall come in . ] Observations on , and from the Relation of this PLOT . FRom the Relation of the former Plot by so good a Hand , our own Three Realms , and all Foreign Protestant States may receive full Satisfaction . First , That there hath been a most cunning , strong , execrable Conspiracy long since contrived at Rome , and for divers Years together most vigorously pursued in England with all Industry , Policy , Subtilty , Engines , by many active , potent Confederates of all sorts , all Sexes , to undermine the Protestant Religion , re-establish Popery , and alter the very Frame of Civil Government in all the King's Dominions ; wherein a most dangerous visible Progress hath been lately made . Secondly , That to effect this Trayterous Design , they have not only secretly erected some Monasteries of Monks , Nuns , in , and about London ; but sent over hither whole Regiments of most active subtile Jesuits , incorporated into a particular new Society , whereof the Pope himself is Head , and Cardinal Barbarino his Vicar ; which Society was first discovered , and some of them apprehended in their private College at Clerkenwel ( together with their Books of Account , Reliques , and Massing Trinkets ) about the beginning of the Second Parliament of this King ; yet such Power , Favour , Friends they had then acquired , that their Persons were speedily and most indirectly released out of Newgate without any Prosecution , to prevent the Parliament's Proceedings against them . Since which , this conjured Society increasing in Strength and Number , secretly replanted themselves in Queenstreet and Long-Acre ; and their Purses are now so strong , their Hopes so elevated , their Designs so ripened , as they have there purchased , and founded [ a new magnificent College ] of their own for their Habitation , near the fairest Buildings of Nobles , Knights and Gentlemen , the more commodiously to seduce them . Thirdly , That these Jesuits and Conspirators hold weekly , constant , uninterrupted Intelligence with the Pope and Romish Cardinals ; and have many Spies or Intelligencers of all sorts about the King , Court , City , Noblemen , Ladies , Gentlemen , and in all Quarters of the Kingdom , to promote this their Damnable Plot. Fourthly , That the Pope for divers late Years hath had a known avowed Legat , Con by Name , openly residing even in London near the Court , of purpose to reduce the King and his Kingdoms to the Obedience of the Church of Rome ; and the Queen at least , another Leger at Rome trading with the Pope , to facilitate the Design , to wit , one Hamilton a Scot , who receives a large Pension out of the Exchequer , granted to another Protestant of that Name , who payeth it over unto him , to palliate the business from the People's knowledge ; by which means there hath been a constant allowed Negotiation held between Rome and England , without any open interruption . Fifthly , That the Pope's Legat came over into England to effect this Project , and kept his Residence here in London , for the better Prosecution thereof , by the King 's own Privity and Consent . And whereas by * the ancient Law and Custom of the Realm yet in force , even in Times of Popery , no Legat whatsoever coming from Rome ought to cross the Seas , or land in England , or any the King's Dominions , without the King's Petition , Calling and Request ; and before he had taken a Solemn Oath or Protestation to bring and attempt nothing in Word or Deed to the Prejudice of the Rights , Priviledges , Laws and Customs of the King and Realm . This Legat , [ for ought appears ] was here admitted without any such cautionary Oath , which would have crossed the chief End of his Legation , to prejudice all of them , and our Religion too . Yea , whereas by the * Statutes of the Realm , it is made no less than High Treason for any Priests , Jesuits , or others , receiving Orders or Authority from the Pope of Rome , to set footing in England , or any the King's Dominions , to seduce any of his Subjects to Popery : And no Popish Recusant ( much less then Priests , Jesuits and Legats ) ought to remain within Ten Miles of the City of London , nor come into the King's or Prince's Courts , the better to avoid such traiterous and most dangerous Conspiracies , Treasons and Attempts as are daily devised and practised by them against the King and Commonweal . Yet notwithstanding , this Pope's Legat , and his Confederates , have not only kept Residence for divers Years in , or near London and the Court , and enjoyed free Liberty , ( without Disturbance , or any Prosecution of the Laws against them ) to seduce his Majesty's Nobles , Courtiers , Servants , Subjects every where , to their Grief and Prejudice ; but likewise have had familiar Access to , and Conference with , the King himself ( under the very Name and Authority of the Pope's Legat ) by all Arts , Policies and Arguments , to pervert and draw him , with his three Kingdoms , into a new Subjection to the See of Rome , ( as * Cardinal 〈◊〉 the last Pope's Legat extant in England before this in Queen Mary's Reign , reconciled her and the Realm to Rome , to their intolerable Prejudice . An [ Act so inconsistent with the Laws of the Realm , with his Majesty's many ancient and late Remonstrances , Oaths , Protestations to maintain the ] Protestant Religion , without giving way to any back-sliding to Popery , in such sort as it was maintained and professed in the purest Times of Queen Elizabeth , &c. as may well amaze the World , which ever looks more at real Actions than verbal Protestations . Sixthly , That the Popish Party and Conspirators have lately usurped a Sovereign Power , not only above the Laws and Magistrates of the Realm ( which take no hold of Papists , but by the Parliament's late Care against them here ) but even over the King himself ; who either cannot , or dares not ( for fear , perchance , of Poysoning , or other Assassination ) oppose or banish these horrid Conspirators from his Dominions and Court , but hath a long time permitted them to prosecute this Plot without any publick Opposition or Dislike , by whose Powerful Authority and Mediation all may easily divine . Alas ! What will become of the poor Sheep , when the Shepherd himself not only neglects to chase and keep out these Romish Wolves , but permits them free Access into , and Harbour in the Sheepfold , to assault , if not devour , not only his Flock , but Person too ? Either St. * John was much mistaken in the Character of a good Shepherd , and in prescribing this Injunction against such Seducers , † If there come any unto you , and bring not this Doctrine , receive him not into your House , neither bid him God speed : for he that biddeth him God speed , is Partaker of his evil Deeds . And the * Fathers and Canonists deceived in this Maxim , Qui non prohibet malum quod potest , jubet : Or else the Premises cannot be tolerated or defended by any , who profess themselves Enemies , or Opposites , to the Pope , Priests , or Church of Rome . Seventhly , That these Conspirators are so potent , as to remove from Court and Publick Offices all such as dare strenuously oppose their Plots , [ ( as the Example of a Secretary Cook , with other ] Officers lately removed in Ireland , evidence ) and plant others of their own Party and Confederacy both in his Majesty's Court , Privy Council , Closet , Bed-chamber , [ if not Bed , ] and about the Prince , to corrupt them : And how those who are thus environed with so many industrious potent Seducers of all sorts , who have so many Snares to entrap , so many Enticements to withdraw them , both in their Beds , Bed-Chambers , Closets , Councils , Courts , where-ever they go or come , should possibly continue long untainted , unseduced , without an omnipotent Protection ( of which none can be assured , who permits or connives at such dangerous Temptations ) is a thing scarce credible in Divine or Humane Reason , if * Adam's , † Solomon's , and others Apostacies by such means be duly pondered . He who sails in the midst of dangerous Rocks , may justly fear and expect a ‖ Wrack . Eighthly , That the late Scottish Trouble and Wars were both plotted and raised by these Jesuitical Conspirators , of purpose to force the King to resort to them and their Popish Party for Aid of Men and Money against the Scots ; and by Colour thereof , to raise an Army of their own , to gain the King into their Power , and then to win or force him to what Conditions they pleased ; who must at least-wise promise them an universal Toleration of their Religion throughout his Dominions , e're they will yield to assist him . And in case they conquer or prevail , he must then come fully over to their Party , or else be sent packing by them with a poysoned Fig to another World , [ as his Father ( they say ) was ; ] ( it 's likely by their Instruments or Procurement , they are so conusant of it ; ) and then [ the Prince yet young , and well enclined to them already by his Education ] being got into their Hands by this wicked Policy , shall soon be made an Obedient Son of the Church of Rome . Thus the Relator , a chief Actor in this pre-plotted Treason , discovers . And if his single Testimony ( though out of a wounded Conscience ) will not be believed alone , the ensuing Circumstances will abundantly manifest the Scottish Wars to be plotted and directed by them : For Con the Pope's Legat , Hamilton the Queen's Agent , most of the Jesuits then about London , Captain Read their Host , the Lord Sterling , with other * chief Actors in the Plot , being all Scots , and employing Maxfield , and he two other Popish Scots , in raising these Tumults ; the Earl of Arundel , [ another principal Member of this Conspiracy , being by their procurement made General of the first Army against the Scots , ] and most of his Commanders Papists ; the Papists in all Counties of England ( upon the Queen's Letters directed to them ) contributing large Sums of Money , besides Men , Arms and Horses , to maintain this War. Sir Toby Matthew ( the most Industrious Conspirator in the Pack ) making a Voyage with the Lord Deputy into Ireland , to stir up the Papists there to contribute Men , Arms , Moneys , to subdue the Scottish Covenanters ; [ yea , Marquess Hamilton's own Chaplain ] ( employed as the King's Commissioner to appease these Scots ) [ holding Correspondency with Con , and resorting to him ] in private , to impart the Secrets of that business to him , the general Discontent of the Papists and Conspirators upon the first Pacification of those Troubles , which they soon after infringed , and by new Contributions raised a second Army against the Scots , when the English Parliament refused to grant Subsidies to maintain the War. All these concurring Circumstances compared with the Relation , will ratifie it past Dispute , that this War first sprung from these Conspirators . Ninthly , That the subsequent present Rebellion in Ireland , and Wars in England , originally issued from , and were plotted by the same Conspirators . For the Scottish War producing this setled Parliament , beyond their expectation , which they foresaw would prove fatal to this their long-agitated Conspiracy , if it continued undissolved ; thereupon some Popish Irish Commissioners coming over into England , and confederating with the Dutchess of Buckingham , [ Captain Read * ] and other of these Conspirators , who afterwards departed secretly into Ireland , they plotted an universal Rebellion , Surprisal and Massacre of all the Protestants in that Kingdom ; which though in part prevented by a timely discovery , securing Dublin , and some few Places else , yet it took general Effect in all other Parts , to the loss of [ about an Hundred and Forty Thousand Protestants Lives , ] there massacred by them . And finding themselves likely to be overcome there by the Parliament's Forces sent hence , and from Scotland , to relieve the Protestant Party ; thereupon to work a Diversion , they raised a Civil Bloody War against the Parliament here in England , procuring the King [ after Endymion Porter , a principal Conspirator in the Plot , had gained the Custody of the Great Seal of England ] to issue out divers Proclamations under the great Seal , proclaiming the Parliament themselves Traytors and Rebels , to grant Commissions to Irish and English Papists ( contrary to his former Proclamations ) to raise Popish Forces both at Home and in Foreign parts , for his Defence , as his trustiest and most loyal Subjects ; to send Letters and Commissions of Favour to the Irish Rebels , and hinder all Supplies from hence to the Protestant Party . And withal they procured [ the Queen , ] by the Earl of Antrim and Dutchess of Buckingham's Mediation , [ to send Ammunition to the Irish Rebels , ] and to attempt to raise an Insurrection in Scotland too , as the Declaration of the Rise and Progress of the Rebellion in Ireland , more largely discovers . Seeing then all may clearly discern the exact Prosecution of this Plot , carried on in all these Wars by the Conspirators therein particularly nominated , by the Queen and Popish Party in all Three Kingdoms , and in Foreign Parts too , who have largely contributed Men , Money , Arms , Ammunition , to accomplish this Grand Design , through the Instigation of those Conspirators in this Plot , who are gone beyond the Seas , and have lately caused publick Proclamations to be made in Bruges , and other parts of Flanders , in July last , ( as appears by the Examination of Henry Mayo , since seconded by others , That all People who will now give ANY MONEY TO MAINTAIN THE RO-MAN CATHOLICKS IN ENGLAND , should have it repaid them again in a Years time , with many Thanks ; ) the whole World must now of Necessity both see and acknowledge ( unless they will renounce their own Eyes and Reason ) that this Conspiracy and Plot is no feigned Imposture , but a most real perspicuous agitated Treachery , now driven on almost to its Perfection , the full Accomplishment whereof ( unless Heaven prevent it ) the Catholicks of England expect within the Circuit of one Year , as the forenamed Proclamations intimate . Tenthly , That no setled Peace [ was ever formerly intended , nor can now ] be futurely expected in England or Ireland without an universal publick Toleration ( at the least ) of [ Popery , and a Repeal and Suspension of all Laws against it ; ] this being the very Condition in the Plot which the King must condescend to , e're the Papists would engage themselves to assist him in these Wars thus raised by them , for this end . And that none may doubt this Verity , the late most insolent bold Demands of the Irish Rebels in the Treaty with them , the present Suspension of all Laws against Priests and Recusants in all Counties under his Majesty's Power ; [ the uncontrolled multitudes of Masses in his Armies , Quarters , Wales , the North , and elsewhere ; ] the open Boasts of Papists every where , most really proclaim it . And if the King , after all their many Years restless Labour , Plot , Costs , Pains , and pretended Fidelity to his Cause against the Parliament , should deny these Merit-mongers such a diminutive Reward as this is , ( the very least they will expect ) now they have him , the Prince and Duke within their Custody , Bristol , Chester , [ Ireland , ] all his Forccs in their Power , this Discoverer ( an Eye and Ear-witness of his Destiny from the Legat's own Vaunt , will inform his Majesty , and all his Protestant Subjects ( who will tremble at the very apprehension of it ) that they [ have an Indian poisoned Nut ] reserved for him amongst this Jesuitical Society ; or if it be lost , a poisoned Knife perchance , or some other Instrument , to dispatch him out of the World , and to get the possession and protection of the Prince , whom they will educate in their Antichristian Religion ; which how possible , how probable it is for them ( considering their present Power and Endeavours to effect it , their * poisoning of the Emperour Henry the Seventh , in the sacred Host ; of King John in the Chalice ; their † stabbing of Henry the Third of France , with a Knife in the Belly ; of Henry the Fourth his Successor , first in the Mouth , next in the Heart-strings ; though all of their own Religion , because they would not humour the Pope in every unreasonable Demand , ( though Henry the Fourth turned an Apostate from the Protestant Religion wherein he was bred , restored the Jesuits formerly banished out of France , rased the Pillar erected in Paris , as a standing Monument of their Treasons against their Sovereigns , and built them a stately College , to secure his Life from their Assassination , which yet would not save him from their Butchery : ) Together with their pistolling of the Prince of * Orange [ and poisoning of † King James himself ( as the Legat boasted ) ] may inform his Majesty , and all his faithful Protestant Subjects , ( especially such as by their confederating with them in these their Wars , have done nought but executed their fore-named Designs ) whom it concerns now very nearly , to prevent , if possible , such a sad Catastrophe of that bloody Tragedy which hath been acted over-long in Ireland and England , by these Conspirators fore-plotted Treasons . The execrable Horrridness and Reality whereof , made the very Discoverer of the Plot , out of remorse of Conscience , to desert the Conspirators Conspiracy , and that bloody Religion which begot it ; and therefore should much more incite [ all such in his Majesty's Army ] who are cordially faithful to their Sovereign , Religion , Country , Posterity , and have hitherto ignorantly acted these Conspirators Treasonable Designs , under colour of serving the King , to consider with remorse of Conscience , whose Instruments they have thus long been , whose Treasons they have ripened , what Protestant Blood they have shed , how much they have weakened , impoverished , betrayed their own Protestant Party , who have really stood for God , Religion , King , Country , Parliament , against these Romish Conspirators ; and what Hopes , what Advantages they have given these Confederates both in England and Ireland , to over-top , suppress , and ere long utterly to extirpate the Protestant Religion , themselves , and all others who cordially profess it , as they have done many thousands of them already . And then upon all these sad , most serious Considerations ( the very Thoughts whereof should cause their Souls to bleed and tremble ) speedily to desert these traiterous Papists , ere they get all into their Power , [ and unite all their Heads , Hearts , Hands , Forces , to the Parliament's Party ] who had so good cause to take up defensive Arms , to prevent the imminent ruin , which otherwise is like to befal both King , Kingdom , Religion , Parliament , Liberty , Property , Posterity , ere we be aware ; [ especially since the most cowardly unworthy yielding up of Bristol , a fit Inlet for the Irish Rebels ] who have conspired to come over hither with all expedition , and [ Welsh Papists to cut all our Throats . ] Eleventhly , That those Protestants who now side with Popish Conspirators , when they have accomplished their Designs , whatsoever they may now fancy to themselves , shall find no more Mercy or Favour from them , than the greatest Roundheads , if they comply not with them in all things , and even in Popery it self : For if they will not spare the King 's own Person and Life , after so many Favours , Graces , extended to them , ( as they will not , if we believe this Relation , or the late Story of King Henry the Fourth of France , yet fresh in memory ) what inferiour Person can think to be secure to fare better than the King himself ? And if Con the Legat , to insinuate himself into the King's and [ Palatine's Favours ] at the first , when he had no interest in them , would not so much as advise the Legat of Cologne , to mediate for the Palsgrave , lest peradventure the King of Spain should report , that the Pope had Patroniz'd an Heretical Prince , as the Relation attests , though he promised the King effectually to do it ; How [ can Prince Rupert , Maurice , or any other Commanders in the King's Army , when they have fully accomplished the Pope's , and these his Instruments Designs ] ( under whose Banner they ignorantly , yet really militate , and promote his Cause , instead of the King 's and Kingdoms , to whom they and others have been so much engaged ) hope to receive the least Dram of Favour , Pity , much less any Recompence from the Pope and Popish Party , if they continue Hereticks still , notwithstanding all their present goodly Promises ? Will they part with any other Inheritances to them , then , who will not so much as now mediate for them to regain their own ? Will these , who have butchered so many thousands of innocent Protestants in Ireland , in England , even before they were sure of the Day , without any provocation given , spare any Mother's Son of them alive , if they once erect their Trophies over them ? Certainly the Experience of all former Ages , compared with the present , may fully resolve all , That the very tender Mercies of these wicked ones , will be nought but extream Cruelty ; and if they prevail , we all must perish , without distinction , sooner or later , unless we will turn Apostates , and lose our Religion , God , Heaven , Souls , to save our transitory Lives . Finally , Therefore let the serious Consideration of all the Premises instruct us , to learn Wisdom from these our Adversaries ; let their indefatigable Industry , subtil Policy , sincere Fidelity , chearful Constancy , bountiful Liberality , fraternal Unanimity , undaunted Magnanimity , indissolvable Confederacy , and uninterrupted Pertinacy in prosecuting , establishing , propagating their Antichristian Religions , Treasons , Designs , excite all Protestants [ ( according to their several late Covenants and Protestations much forgotten ) ] to equalize , if not transcend them in all these , in defending , securing , propagating our true Christian Religion , protecting our King , Kingdoms , Parliament , Laws , Liberties , Posterities , all we yet have , or hereafter hope for , from that imminent ruin , which these Popish Conspirators threaten to them . Fore-warn'd , fore-arm'd : If now we perish through our own private Dissentions , Folly , Cowardise , Covetousness , Treachery , or Security , or [ monstrous Credulity ] that these Conspirators and Papists now in Arms , fight only for the King and establishment of the Protestant Religion , as it was in Queen Elizabeth's days , against whom they plotted so many Treasons , even for her very Religion , and the Powder-Plot since , against King James and the whole Parliament ; our Blood shall rest upon our own Heads , who would not take timely notice of our incumbent Dangers , nor suddenly prevent them whiles we might . THE EXAMINATION OF HENRY MAYO . WHO saith , That on Thursday last , being the Twentieth of July , One Thousand Six Hundred Forty Three , he being at Bruges in Flanders , heard Proclamation made in Dutch , ( who understands it very well ) That all People within that City , that would go to the Governours House , and give any Money to maintain the Roman 〈◊〉 in England , they should have their Money repaid them again in a Years time , with many Thanks . HENRY MAYO . This Examination was taken before 〈◊〉 EDWARD BOYCE . JOHN BOYCE . GEORGE TROTTER . H. W. I Will conclude this first Volume with three Letters of the Arch-Bishop ; two of them wrote by him , while Chancellor of the Vniversity of Oxford , to his Vice-Chancellor there , for discovering , preventing and punishing the Practices of Romish Emissaries ; who endeavoured to seduce the Youth of that Place ; and the third to Sir Kenelm Digby , upon his return to the Communion of the Church of Rome ; being so many Authentick and Vndeniable Arguments of the Arch-Bishop's Since-cerity in the profession of , and Zeal for the Established Religion of the Church of England . To which I will subjoyn the Testimonies of two worthy Persons yet living , concerning the Opinion had of the Arch-Bishop at Rome , during his Life ; and with what Joy they received the News of his Death and Sufferings . The first Letter to Oxford , was wrote upon Occasion of this following Letter . Letter from Oxon , to Mr : Fish of Clerkenwell ; to convey two Oxford Youths beyond Sea. Mr. Fish brought me this Letter , Aug : 29 : 1637. Sir , THough unknown , I have presumed to be so bold , as to solicit you in a Business , viz. To know , whether you could send over one or two , who for Religion sake are desirous to be entred into some Order beyond the Seas , especially that of the Fratrum Minorum , or Jesuits . So , expecting your Answer , and unwilling to disclose my self , till I have it ; I rest 23. Augu : Yours — Direct your Letter as 〈◊〉 as you can to one Richard Pully in St : John's College Oxon. Superscribed thus , To his very loving Friend Mr : John Fish in Clerkenwell , give these . Leave this at one Mr : Fishes at Doctors Commons , to be delivered unto him . London . My Letter to the Vice-chancellor [ Dr : Bayly ] Aug : 29 : 1637. sent presently away , for care to be had of this Business . Salutem in Christo. S I R , I Have yet received no Letter from you this Week . If I do , you shall have answer on Friday , if I have so much Leisure . In the mean time , I send you this inclosed , which came to my Hands this present Afternoon . I pray examine the Business , with all the care and industry you possibly can , as well for the discharge of your own Duty and Credit as mine , in the Government of that Place . And if there be such a Man as * Pully here mentioned ; be sure to make him fast , and examine him throughly touching all Particulars , that you shall think material for the discovery of these unworthy Practices , for the seducing of Youths in that University or elsewhere . Especially concerning the Author of this Letter ; and what Youths have been dealt withal after this sort , either in that House , or any other of the Town . And whether any Jesuits , or other , have of late lyen hankering up and down thereabouts , or be there at this present to that purpose , or any other as bad . In all which I desire you to use your utmost Diligence and Discretion , that you can ; and let me have an account with all convenient speed . So I leave you to God's Grace , and rest Croydon , Aug : 29 : 1637. Your very Loving Friend , W : C A N T. My LETTER to the Vice-Chancellor [ Dr : Frewen ] for watchfulness against Jesuits , Febr : 7 : — You had need be very careful of the University : For while none of you think of it , the Jesuits and their Instruments are busie thereabouts . And at this present they have seduced a young Youth of Exeter College . I have forgotten his Name ; but it begins with a * W , and the young Organist of St : John's , who slipt away , whilst the President was at Sarum . I have granted an Attachment against them , if they can light upon them , before they take Shipping ; as also against Cherriton , for that I hear is his Name , who seduced them . You had need be very careful in these Businesses ; for else we shall very deservedly hear ill of it . — Lambeth , Febr : 7 : 〈◊〉 . W : Cant. Arch-Bishop Laud's Letter to Sir Kenelm Digby . Salutem in Christo. Worthy Sir , I Am sorry for all the Contents of your Letter , save that which expresses your Love to me . And I was not a little troubled at the very first words of it . For you begin , that my Lord Ambassador told you , I was not pleased to hear you had made a Defection from the Church of England . 'T is most true , I was informed so ; and thereupon I writ to my Lord Ambassador , to know what he heard of it there . But 't is true likewise , that I writ to your self ; and Mr. Secretary Cooke sent my Letters very carefully . Now seeing your Letters mentioned my Lord Ambassador's Speech with you , without any notice taken of my writing ; I could not but fear these Letters of mine came not to your Hands . Out of this Fear , your Second Letters took me ; for they acknowledged the receipt of mine , and your kind acceptance of them . Had they miscarried , I should have held it a great Misfortune . For you must needs have condemned me deeply in your own Thoughts , if in such a near and tender Business , I should have solicited my Lord Ambassador , and not written to your self . In the next place I thank you , and take it for a great Testimony of your Love to me ; that you have been pleased to give me so open and clear Account of your proceedings with your self in this matter of Religion . In which as I cannot but commend the strict reckoning , to which you have called your self ; so I could have wish'd , before you had absolutely setled the Foot of that Account , you would have called in some Friend , and made use of his Eye as a By-stander , who oftentimes sees more than he that plays the Game . You write , I confess , that after you had fallen upon these troublesom Thoughts , you were nigh two Years in the diligent Discussion of this matter ; and that you omitted no Industry , either of conversing with Learned Men , or of reading the best Authors , to beget in you a right Intelligence of this Subject . I believe all this , and you did wisely to do it . But I have some Questions , out of the freedom of a Friend , to ask about it . Were not all the Learned Men , you conversed with for this Particular , of the Roman Party ? Were not the best Authors , you mention , of the same Side ? If both Men and Authors were the same way ; can they beget any righter Intelligence in you , than is in themselves ? If they were Men and Authors on both Sides , with whom you conversed ; why was I ( whom you are pleased to Style one of your best Friends ) omitted ? True , it may be , you could not reckon me among those Learned Men and Able for Direction , with whom you conversed : Suppose that ; yet your self accounts me among your Friends . And is it not many times as useful , when Thoughts are distracted , to make use of the Freedom and Openness of a Friend not altogether Ignorant , as of those which are thought more Learned ; but not so Free , nor perhaps so Indifferent ? But the Result , you say , that first-began to settle you , was , that you discern'd by this your diligent Conversation , and studious Reading , that there were great Mistakings on both Sides , and that Passion and Affection to a Party , transported too many of those that entred into the Lists in this Quarrel . Suppose this also to be true , I am heartily sorry , and have been ever since I was of any Understanding in matters of Religion , to hear of Sides in the Church . And I make no doubt , but 't will one Day fall heavy upon all , that wilfully make , or purposely continue Sidings in that Body . But when Sides are made and continued , remember you confess there are great Mistakings on both Sides . And how then can you go from one Side to the other ; but you must go from one great Mistaking to another ? And if so , then by changing the Side , you do but change the Mistaking , not quit your self from Mistakes . And if you do quit your self from them , by God's Goodness , and your own Strength ; yet why might not that have been done , without changing the Side ; since Mistakes are on both Sides ? As for the Passion and Transportation of many that enter the Lists in this Quarrel ; I am sure you mean not to make their Passion your Guide ; for that would make you mistake indeed . And why then should their Passion work upon your Judgment ? especially , since the Passion , as well as the Mistakes are confest to be on both Sides . After this follows the main part of your Letters , and that which principally resolved you to enter again the Communion of the Church of Rome , in which you had been Born and Bred , against that semblance of good Reason , which formerly had made you adhere to the Church of England . And first you say , you now perceive that you may preserve your self in that Church , without having your Belief bound up in several particulars , the dislike whereof had been a motive to you to free your self from the Jurisdiction which you conceived did impose them . 'T is true , all Churches leave some particulars free . But doth that Church leave you free to believe , or not believe , any thing determined by it ? And did not your former Dislike arise from some things determined in and by that Church ? And if so , what Freedom see you now , that you saw not then ? And you cannot well say , that your Dislike arose from any thing not determined ; for in those , the Jurisdiction of that Church imposes not . You add , That your greatest Difficulties were solved , when you could distinguish between the Opinions of some New Men raised upon wrested Inferences , and the plain and solid Articles of Faith delivered at the first . Why , but I cannot but be confident you could distinguish these long since , and long before you joined your self to the Church of England . And that therefore your greatest Difficulties ( if these were they ) were as fully and fairly solved then , as now they are , or can be . Besides , if by these plain and solid Articles you mean none but the Creed ( and certainly no other were delivered at the first ) you seem to intimate by comparing this and the former Passage , that so you believe these plain and first Articles , you may preserve your self in that Church , from having your Belief bound up to other Particulars ; which I think few will believe , besides your self , if you can believe it . And the Opinions of New Men , and the wrested Inferences upon these , are some of those great Mistakes which you say are on both sides , and therefore needed not to have caused your Change. To these first Articles you say , The Church , in no succeeding Age hath power to add ( as such ) the least Tittle of New Doctrine . Be it so ; and I believe it heartily ( not as such ) especially if you mean the Articles of the Creed . But yet if that Church do maintain , That all her Decisions in a General Council , are Articles Fidei Catholicae ; and that all Christians are bound to believe all and every of them , eâdem Fide , quâ Fidei Articulos ; and that he is an Heretick which believes them not all : Where is then your Freedom , or your not being bound up in several Particulars ? And if you reply , You dislike no Determination which that Church hath made ; then why did you formerly leave it , to free your self from that Jurisdiction that you conceived imposed them ? For if the things which troubled you were Particulars not determin'd , they were not imposed upon your Belief . And if they were determin'd , and so imposed ; how are you now set free more than then ? You say again , You see now , that to be a Catholick , doth not deprive them of the fore-named Liberty , who have Abilities to examin the things you formerly stuck at , and drive them up to their first Principles . But first then , what shall become of their Liberty , who are not able to examin ; shall they enthral their Consciences ? Next , what shall secure them , who think themselves , and are perhaps thought by others able to examin , yet indeed are not ? Thirdly , what Assurance is there in Cases not demonstrable ( as few things in Religion are ) that they which are able to examin , have either no Affection to blind their Judgment , or may not mistake themselves and their way , in driving a doubtful Point to its First Principles ? Lastly , how much doth this differ from leaning upon a private Spirit ; so 〈◊〉 cried out against by that side , when Men , under pretence of their Ability , shall examin the Tenets of the Church , and assume a Liberty to themselves , under a colour of not being bound ? But , you say , this is not the breaking of any Obligation that Church lays upon you ; but only an exact understanding of the just and utmost Obligations that Side ties Men to . I must here question again : For first , what shall become of their Freedom , that cannot reach to this exact understanding ? And next , do not you make your self , as a private Man , Judge of the Church's Obligations upon you ? And is it not as great an Usurpation upon the Church's Power and Right , to be Judge of her Obligations , as of her Tenets ? For if the Points be left free , there 's no Obligation : Nor can you , or need any other , have any Scruple . But if the Points be binding by the Predetermination of the Church ; can you any way be Judge of her Obligation , but you must be Judge also of the Point to which she obliges ? Now , I think , that Church will hardly give liberty to any private Man to be so far her Judge , since she scarce allows so much to any , as Judicium Discretionis , in things determin'd by her . These utmost Obligations , to which that Side ties Men , you believe many Men ( and not of the meanest Note ) pass over in gross , without ever throughly entring into the due Consideration thereof . And truly I believe so too , that among too many Men on both sides , neither the Points nor the Obligations to them , are weighed as they ought . But that 's no Warrant ( pardon my Freedom ) that your self hath consider'd them in all Circumstances ; or that you have consider'd them better now , than you did before , when the Dislike of that imposing Jurisdiction , was your first Motive to free your self from it , by joining to the Church of England . And whereas you say , That you have return'd into that Communion , who from your Birth had right of possession in you , and therefore ought to continue it , unless clear and evident proof ( which you say surely cannot be found ) should have evicted you from it : Truly , Sir , I think this had been spoken with more advantage to you and your Cause , before your adhering to the Church of England , than now ; for then right of possession could not have been thought little . But now since you deserted that Communion , either you did it upon clear and evident proof , or upon apparent only . If you did it then upon clear and evident proof , why say you now no such can be found ? If you did it but upon apparent and seeming proof ( a semblance of very good Reason as your self calls it ) why did you then come off from that Communion , till your proof were clear and evident ? And why may not that , which now seems clear and evident , be but apparent , as well as that which then seem'd clear unto you , be but semblance now ? Nor would I have you say , That clear and evident proof cannot be found for a Man , in this case of Religion , to forego the Communion , which had right of possession in him from his Birth : For the Proposition is an universal Negative , and of hard proof . And therefore though I think I know you and your Judgment so well , that I may not without manifest wrong charge you , that you did in this great Action , and so nearly concerning you , ad pauca respicere , which our Great Master tells us breeds facile and easie , rather than safe and warrantable Determinations ; yet it will lie upon you not only in Honour without , but also in Conscience within , to be able to assure your self that you did ad plurima , if not ad omnia respicere . The thing being so weighty in it self , and the miserable Division of Christendom ( never sufficiently to be lamented ) making the Doubt so great , that you who have been on both sides , must needs lie under the Dispute of both sides , whether this last Act of yours , be not in you rather a Relapse into a former Sickness , than a Recovery from a former Fall. But against this , the Temper of your Mind ( you say ) arms you a-against all Censures , no slight Air of Reputation being able to move you . In this , I must needs say , you are happy : For he that can be moved from himself by the changeable Breath of Men , lives more out of , than in himself ; and ( which is a Misery beyond all expression ) must in all Doubts go to other Men for Resolution ; not to himself ; as if he had no Soul within him : But yet post Conscientiam Fama . And though I would not desire to live by Reputation ; yet would I leave no good means untried , rather than live without it . And how far you have brought your self in question , which of these two , Conscience or Reputation , you have shaken by this double Change , I leave your self to judge ; because you say your first was with a semblance of very good Reason . And though you say again , That it now appears you were then mis-led ; yet you will have much ado to make the World think so . The way you took in concealing this your Resolution of returning into that Communion , and the Reasons which you give why you so privately carried it here , I cannot but approve . They are full of all Ingenuity , tender and civil Respects , fitted to avoid Discontent in your Friends , and Scandal that might be taken by others , or Contumely that might be returned upon your self . And as are these Reasons , so is the whole frame of your Letter ( setting aside that I cannot concur in Judgment ) full of Discretion and Temper , and so like your self , that I cannot but love even that which I dislike in it . And though I shall never be other than I have been to the Worth of Sir Kenelm Digby ; yet most heartily sorry I am , that a Man whose Discourse did so much content me , should thus slide away from me , before I had so much as suspicion to awaken me , and suggest that he was going . Had you put me into a Dispensation , and communicated your Thoughts to me before they had grown up into Resolutions , I am a Priest , and would have put on what Secrefie you should have commanded . A little Knowledge I have ( God knows a little ) I would have ventur'd it with you in that serious Debate you have had with your self . I have ever honoured you , since I knew your Worth , and I would have done all Offices of a Friend to keep you nearer than now you are . But since you are gone , and setled another way , before you would let me know it , I know not now what to say to a Man of Judgment ; and so resolved : For to what end should I treat , when a Resolution is set already ? So set , as that you say no clear and evident proof can be found against it : Nor can I tell how to press such a Man as you to ring the Changes in Religion . In your power it was not to change ; in mine it is not to make you change again . Therefore to the Moderation of your own heart , under the Grace of God , I must and do now leave you for matter of Religion ; but retaining still with me , and entirely , all the Love and Friendliness which your Worth won from me ; well knowing , that all Differences in Opinion shake not the Foundations of Religion . Now to your Postscript , and then I have done . That I am the first , and the only Person to whom you have written thus freely : I thank you heartily for it . For I cannot conceive any thing thereby , but your great Respect to me , which hath abundantly spread it self all over your Letter . And had you written this to me , with a Restraint of making it further known , I should have perform'd that Trust : But since you have submitted it to me , what further Knowledge of it I shall think fit to give to any other person ; I have , as I took my self bound , acquainted his Majesty with it , who gave a great deal of very good Expression concerning you , and is not a little sorry to lose the Service of so able a Subject . I have likewise made it known in private , to Mr. Secretary Cooke , who was as confident of you as my self . I could hardly believe your own Letters , and he as hardly my Relation . To my Secretary I must needs trust it , having not Time to write it again out of my scribled Copy ; but I dare trust the Secresie in which I have bound him . To others I am silent , and shall so continue , till the thing open it self ; and I shall do it out of Reasons , very like to those which you give , why your self would not divulge it here . In the last place , you promise your self , That the Condition you are in , will not hinder me from continuing to be the Best Friend you have . To this I can say no more , than that I could never arrogate to my self to be your Best Friend ; but a poor , yet respective Friend of yours I have been , ever since I knew you : And it is not your Change , that can change me , who never yet left , but where I was first forsaken ; and not always there . So praying for God's Blessing upon you , and in that Way which He knows most necessary for you , I rest , Lambeth , March , 27 , 1636. Your very Loving Friend , To serve you in Domino . I have writ this Letter freely ; I shall look upon all the Trust that ever you mean to carry with me , that you shew it not , nor deliver any Copy to any Man. Nor will I look for any Answer to the Quaeries I have herein made . If they do you any good , I am glad ; if not , yet I have satisfied my self . But leisure I have none , to write such Letters ; nor will I entertain a Quarrel in this wrangling Age ; and now my Strength is past . For all things of moment in this Letter , I have pregnant places in the Council of Trent , Thomas , Bellarmin , Stapleton , Valentia , &c. But I did not mean to make a Volume of a Letter . Endorsed thus with the Archbishop's own Hand . March : 27 : 1636. A Copy of my Answer to Sir Ken : Digby's Letters , in which he gives me an account of his Return to the Ro : Communion . The Testimony of the Reverend Mr : Jonathan Whiston , concerning the Opinion had of the Archbishop at Rome ; and with what Joy the News of his Death and Suffering was there received . I Do remember , that being Chaplain to the Honourable Sir Lionel Tolmach Baronet , about the Year : 1666. I heard him relate to some Person of Quality , how that in his younger days he was at Rome , and well acquainted with a certain Abbot ; which Abbot asked him , Whether he had heard any News from England ? He answered , No. The Abbot replied , I will tell you then some ; Archbishop Laud is Beheaded . Sir Lionel answered , You are sorry for that , I presume . The Abbot replied again , That they had more cause to rejoice , that the Greatest Enemy of the Church of Rome in England was cut off , and the Greatest CHAMPION of the Church of England silenced : Or in Words to that purpose . In witness whereof , I have hereunto set my Hand , this 28th : Day of September , 1694. Jona . Whiston , Vicar of Bethersden in Kent . The Testimony of the Learned and Worthy John Evelyn Esq Fellow of the Royal Society , concerning the same Matter . I Was at Rome in the Company of divers of the English Fathers , when the News of the Arch-Bishop's Suffering , and a Copy of his Sermon made upon the Scaffold , came thither . They read the Sermon , and commented upon it with no small Satisfaction and Contempt ; and looked upon him as one that was a great Enemy to them , and stood in their Way ; whilst one of the blackest Crimes imputed to him was his being Popishly affected . John Evelyn . FINIS . BOOKS Printed for RICHARD CHISWELL . SCriptorum 〈◊〉 Historia Literaria a Christo nate usque ad seculum xiv : facili 〈◊〉 Digesta . Qua de Vita illorum ac Rebus Gestis , de Secta , Dogmatibus , 〈◊〉 , Style ; de Scriptis Genuinis , Dubiis , Suppositiis , Ineditis , Deper ditis , Fragmentis ; Deque Variis Operum Editionibus perspicue Agitur . Accedunt Scriptores Gentiles , Christianae Religionis 〈◊〉 ; & Cujusvis Seculi Breviarum . Inseruntur suis Locis Veterum 〈◊〉 Opuscula & Fragmenta , tum Graeca , tum Latina hactenus inedita . Premissa denique 〈◊〉 , quibus plurima ad Antiquitatis Ecclesiasticae Studium spectantia Traduntur . Opus indicibus necessariis Instructum , Authore Gulielmo Cave , SS . Theol. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Windesoriensi . Accedit Hen. Whartoni Appendix ab ineunte Secula xiv : ad Annum usque MDX VII . 〈◊〉 : Disquisitiones Criticae de Variis per Diversa 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 Bibliorum Editionibus . Quibus Accedunt Castigationes Theologi Cujusdam Parisiensis ad Opusculum Is : Vossii de Sybillinis Oraculis , & Ejusdem responsionem ad Objectiones nuperae Critica Sacra : 4to . Censura Celebriorum Authorum ; sive tractatus in quo Varia Virorum 〈◊〉 de Claris. Cuiusque Seculi Scriptoribus Judicia traduntur . Unde Facilimo 〈◊〉 Lector 〈◊〉 queat quid in singulis quibusque istorum Authorum Maxime Memorabile sit & qucnam in pretio apud Eruditos 〈◊〉 Habiti Fuerunt . Opera Thomae Pope-Blunt , Baroneti . Fol : V : Cl : Gulielmi Camdeni , & Illustrium 〈◊〉 ad G. Camdenum Epistolae , cum Appendice Varii Argumenti . Accesserunt Annalium Regni Regis Jacobi 〈◊〉 . Apparatus , & 〈◊〉 de Antiquitate , Dignitate , & Officio Comitis Marescali Angliae . Premittitur G. Camdeni Vita . Scriptore Thoma Smitho , S : T : D : Ecclesiae Anglicanae Presbytero . 4to . Jacobi Usserii Armachani Archiepiscopi Historia Degmatica Controversiae inter Orthodoxos & 〈◊〉 de Scripturis & Sacris Vernaculis ; nunc primum Edita . Accesserunt ejusdem Dissertationes duae de Pseudo-Dionysii seriptis , & de 〈◊〉 ad Laodiceos antehac 〈◊〉 . Descripsit , Digessit , & notis atque auctario , Locupletavit Henricus Wharton , A : M : Rev : in Christo Pat : ac 〈◊〉 : Archiepisc : Cantuariensi a sacris Domesticis . 4to . 1690. Anglia 〈◊〉 sive Gollectio Historiarum Antiquitus Scriptarum de Archiepiscopis & 〈◊〉 Angliae a Prima Fidei Christianae susceptione ad Annum 1540. in duobus Voluminibus per Henricum Whartonum . Fol. 1691 Some Remarks upon the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient Churches of 〈◊〉 . By Peter Allix , D : D : Treasurer of Sarum . 4to — his Remarks upon the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient Churches of the Albigenses . 4to Dr : Burnet's ( now Lord Bishop of Sarum ) Vindication of the Ordinations of the Church of England . 4to . — History of the Rights of Princes , in disposing of Ecclesiastical Benefices , and Church Lands . 〈◊〉 8vo . — Life of William Bedel D : D : Bishop of Kilmore in Ireland ; together with the Copies of certain Letters , which passed between Spain and England , in matter of Religion , concerning the general Motives to the Roman Obedience : Between Mr : James 〈◊〉 , a late Pensioner of the Holy Inquisition in Sevil , and the said William Bedel . 8vo . — Some Passages of the Life and Death of John late Earl of Rochester . 8vo . — A Collection of Tracts and Discourses , from 1678 to Christmas 1689 inclusive . In 2 Volumes . 4to . — Examination of the Letter writ by the late Assembly-General of the Clergy of France to the 〈◊〉 , inviting them to return to their Communion ; together with the Methods proposed by them for their Conviction . 8vo . — Pastorall Letter to the Clergv of his Diocess , concerning the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , to K : William and Q : Mary . 4to — Ten several occasional Sermons since 1690. The Jesuits Memorial for the intended 〈◊〉 of Ergland , under their first Popish Prince . Written by Father Parsons 1596. And prepared to be proposed in the first Parliament after the Restoration of Popery , for the better Establishment and Preservation of that Religion . Published from the very Manuscript Copy that was presented by the Jesuits to the 〈◊〉 K : James the Second , and found in his Closet . With an Introduction , and some Animadversions , by Edward Gee , Chaplain to their Majesties . 8vo . Dr : Cumberland ( now Lord Bishop of 〈◊〉 ) his Essay towards the Recovery of the Jewish Measures and Weights , comprehending their 〈◊〉 ; by help of Antient Standards , compared with ours of England ; useful also to state many of those of the Greeks and Romans , and the Eastern Nations . 8vo . Dr : Patrick ( now Lord Bishop of Ely ) his Parable of the Pilgrim , written to a Friend , the sixth Edition . 4to , 1681. — Hearts-Ease ; or , a Remedy against all Troubles : with a consolatory Discourse , particularly directed to those who have lost their Friends and Relations . To which is added two Papers , printed in the time of the late Plague . The sixth Edition corrected . 12mo . 1695. — Answer to a Book spread abroad by the Romish Priests , 〈◊〉 [ The Touch - 〈◊〉 of the Reformed Gospel ] wherein the true Doctrine of the Church of England , and many Texts of the Holy Scripture are faithfully explained , 1692. 8vo . — Nine several occasional Sermons since the Revolution , 4to . — Exposition of the Tea Commandments . 8vo . A Vindication of their Majesty's Authority to fill the Sees of the deprived Bishops , in a Letter 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 B — 's refusal of the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells . 4to . A Discourse concerning the unreasonableness of a new Separation on Account of the Oaths to the present Government . With an Answer to the History of Passive Obedience , so far as relates to them . 4to : A Vindication of the said Discourse concerning the Unreasonableness of a New Separation from the Exceptions made against it in a Tract called , [ A brief Answer to the said 〈◊〉 &c. ] 4to . 〈◊〉 : Or , a Discourse concerning the Earth before the Deluge ; wherein the Form and Properties ascribed to it , in a Book , intituled , [ The Theory of the Earth ] , are excepted against ; and it is made appear , That the Dissolution of that Earth was not the Cause of the Universal Flood . Also a New Explication of that Flood is attempted . By Erasmus Warren , Rector of 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 . 4to . The Present State of Germany . By a Person of Quality . 8vo . Memoris 〈◊〉 to the Royal Navy of England for Ten Years , determined December 1688 : By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 8vo . 〈◊〉 of what 〈◊〉 in Christendom , from the War begun 1672. to the Peace concluded 1679 : 8vo . 〈◊〉 Historical Collections : The Third Part , in two Volumes . Containing the Principal Matters which happened from the Meeting of the Parliament , Nov : 3 : 1640. to the end of the Year 1644. Wherein is a particular Account of the Rise and Progress of the Civil War , to that Period . Fol : 1692. A Discourse of the Pastoral Care. By Gilbert Burnet , Lord Bishop of Sarum : 1692 : The Character of Queen Elizabeth : Or , A full and clear Account of her Policies , and the Methods of her Government , both in Church and State ; her Vertues and Defects : Together with the Characters of her Principal Ministers of State ; and the greater part of the Affairs and Events that happened in her time . By Edmund Bohun Esq : 1693. 8vo . The Letters of the Reverend Father Paul , Councellor of State to the most Serene Republick of Venice , and Author of the Excellent History of the Council of Trent . 1693. An Impartial History of the Wars in Ireland . In Two Parts . From the time that Duke Schomberg landed with an Army in that Kingdom , to the 23 d. of March , 1691 / 2. when their Majesties Proclamation was published , declaring the War to be ended . Illustrated with Copper Sculptures , describing the most important Places of Action . By George Story , an Eye-witness of the most remarkable Passages . 4to . 1693. Linguae Romanae Dictionarium 〈◊〉 Novum : Or , A New Dictionary , in Five Alphabets . ( 〈◊〉 ) English Words and Phrases before the Latin. ( 2 : ) Latin Classic . ( 3 : ) Latin Proper Names . ( 4. ) Latin Barbarous . ( 5. ) Law-Latin . Cambridge . 4to . 1693. Dr : John Conant's Sermons . 1693. 8vo . Of the Government of the Thoughts . By Geo : Tully , 〈◊〉 of York . 8vo . 1694. Origo Legum : Or , A 〈◊〉 of the Origine of Laws , and their Obliging Power ; as also of their great Variety ; and why some Laws are immutable , and some not , but may suffer change , or cease to be , or be suspended , or abrogated . In Seven Books . By George Dawson . Fol. 1694. Four Discourses delivered to the Clergy of the Diocess of Sarum : 〈◊〉 I : The Truth of the Christian Religion . II : The Divinity and the Death of Christ. III : The Infallibility and Authority of the Church . IV. The Obligations to continue in the Communion of the Church . By Gilbert Lord Bishop of Sarum . 8vo . 1694. A brief Discourse concerning the Lawfulness of Worshipping God by the Common-Prayer ; In Answer to a Book , intitused , [ A brief Discourse of the 〈◊〉 of Common-Prayer-Worship . ] By John Williams , D : D : 4to . 1694. A true Representation of the absurd and 〈◊〉 Principles of the Sect commonly known by the Name of the 〈◊〉 4to . 1694. Memoirs of the most 〈◊〉 Thomas 〈◊〉 , Archbishop of Canterbury : Wherein the History of the Church , and the Reformation of it , during the Primacy of the said Archbishop , are greatly illustrated , and many singular Matters relating thereunto , now first published . In Three Books . Collected 〈◊〉 from Records , Registers , Authentick Letters , and other Original Manuscripts , By John 〈◊〉 , M. A. Fol. 1694. A Commentary on the First Book of Moses , called Genesis . By Simon Lord Bishop of Ely. 4to : 1695. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A67908-e290 Hacket's Life of Arch-Bishop Williams , Par. 1. pag 64. Par. 2 pag. 115. Par. 2 : pag. 65 , 66. 〈◊〉 . 2. pag. 85. Pag. 86. 115. &c. Pag. 129. Pag. 131. Pag. 230. L. C. Baron Atkin's Speech to the Lord Mayor , Octob : 1693. pag : 4 , 5. Epist : Ded. Rushworth also promised to Publish such an exact History of the Trial of this Arch-Bishop , as he had done of that of the Earl of Strafford . Collect. Par. 3. vol. 2. pag. 833. but never did effect it . Notes for div A67908-e6180 〈◊〉 Clause is 〈◊〉 , omitted by Prynne . Hence may be corrected an Error of Dr : Heylin , and 〈◊〉 , who following him , relate , that Dr : Laud held the Presidentship of St : Johns , in Commendam with the Bishoprick of St : Davids . All these Passages concerning his Conference with Fisher , and setling the Marquess and Countess of Buckingham in Religion , are omitted by Prynne . * Livimus . * al. 〈◊〉 . * An Account of this Conference is in my hands but wrote very Partially , in favour of Dr : Preston and prejudice of Dr : White . H : W : These may be found in Heylin's Life of Laud. p : 162. * These Words are most maliciously omitted by Prynne . † Bargrave . Pestis . Fames . * It is a very noble and fair Volum in Fol. curiously Written and richly 〈◊〉 . It is still kept in the Library at Lambeth . H : W : † forsan 16. * Witnesses . † l. and * Hence may be corrected a great mistake committed by Heylin in the Life of the Arch-Bishop , p : 450 : The Relation also , which followeth in Heylin , 〈◊〉 p : 451. concerning the Accident which happened that Night at Christ's-Church Canterbury , is a 〈◊〉 less wide mistake , being unadvisedly taken , as well as the former , from Prynne ( Breviat of the Arch-Bishop's Life : p : 34 , 35. ) who not 〈◊〉 took the latter from a lying Pamphlet , Wrote and Published by that 〈◊〉 Villain Richard Culmer , Entituled , Cathedral News from Canterbury , H : * l. for professing . I was Consecrated Bishop of Saint Davids , November : 18 : 1621. The defects of this place are supplied from the following History . * l. 21. * l. 20. Notes for div A67908-e53590 See Rushworth's Collections , par : 3. vol : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 123. Prynne's Compt. Hist : p : 19. &c. * viz. should charge me . See the Order of the Lords for his Commitment apud Prynne p. 22. Psal : 93. & 94. In vulgara Editione , Ps. 92 , & 93. See this Confirmed by the King 's own Testimony , in his large Declaration , p : 420. W : S : A : C : † 〈◊〉 twenty four hours . * al. shall . * The Articles of Pacification were concluded 1639. 〈◊〉 17 : Signed by the King , June : 18 : * al. by the General Assembly , and Our Commissioner for the time being . Articulo 7 : * lege Question was made . * Quaere , who were these Canonists , and how had they Votes in Convocation ? Have we any such ; properly so called ? W : S : A : C : I suppose to be here meant some Civilians , Graduates Legum five utriusque Juris , viz : of the Canon and Civil ( or Imperial ) Laws , or others perhaps interessed in the Spiritual Courts , being in Holy Orders , and sitting in that Convocation , either in their own Right , as Deans or Arch-Deacons , or by Delegation from the Clergy of some Diocess ; or perhaps , Proxies for some absent Members of the Convxation . H : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 † Concil Ephes : Par : 1 : & 2 : * Concil Ephes : Par : 3 : Concil . Tol : 4 : cap : 3 : Bin : To : 2. par : 2 : p : 346. Concilium quoque 〈◊〉 solvere audeat , 〈◊〉 fuerint 〈◊〉 determinata ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deliberatione communi 〈◊〉 , Episcoporum 〈◊〉 manibus 〈◊〉 . * Concil : Arelat : 2 : 〈◊〉 : 9 : Bin : To : 1 : par : 1 : p : 589. † Concil : Aurelianense , 5 : 〈◊〉 . To : 2 : par : 2 : p : 39. * Concil : Hispalense : Ibid : p : 295. * I have seen the Records of some Proceedings against this Bishop Cheyney ; from which it appears , that he was suspected of being a secret Papist , as was afterwards his Successor Bishop Goodman . H : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Quatnordecim affirmâsse , septem negâsse , 〈◊〉 dubitâsse , Acta Synod : Lond : A : 1533. M : S : † Acta Synod : Lond : An : 1532. M : S : † Aug. 17 : † Nov. 11. Rushw. The 〈◊〉 Diary saith Nov 22. W : 〈◊〉 . A : C. * The Bishops were before this inveighed against in several Speeches Nov. 7 9. 21. 25. &c. Rushw. Vide Rushw. par . 3. vol. 〈◊〉 pag. 99. — 112. The Order for erecting this Committee may be found in 〈◊〉 Compl. Hist. p. 〈◊〉 See the Petition of the Londoners against the Bishops , presented Dec. 11. 1640. apud Rushw. p. 93. Decemb. 16. 1640. They are Printed intire in Rushw. pag. 113. Pryn p. 31. &c. Abbreviated in Heylin's Life of Laud. p. 466. Published by the Scots themselves London 1641. 〈◊〉 . and soon after by Pryn in his Antipathy of the English Prelacy . par . 1. p. 334. * Book , Rushw. | Rushw. & Pryn. † Which , Rushw , & Pryn. * To be , Rushw. a Process against the Ld. Balmerino : A Copy whereof I had by me when I writ this . W. C. See , 〈◊〉 CH. large Declaration , p. 13 , &c. * Changes , Rushw. & Pryn. † Rushw. & Pryn. * Rushw. & Pryn. * When St. Cyprian was brought to the place of his Execution , exuit se lacernum birrum , quem indutus erat , &c. dehinc tunicam tulit , & Diaconibus tradidit ; & stans in 〈◊〉 expectabat Spiculatorem . Now if you ask , what that linea was , sure it could not be his Shirt . For that could not stand with his Episcopal Gravity ; nor was it necessary for him , in regard of his kind of Death , which was Beheading . But Baronius tells us , Annal. Eccles. An. 261. n. 40. that it was 〈◊〉 illud Vestimentum , 〈◊〉 omnibus Commune , Italicè Rocheto dicunt . And by this passage concerning S. Cyprian , it is evident ; that this Habit there mentioned was the usual and known Habit of a Bishop in those times . † Mercy , 〈◊〉 . a Christus Crucisixus est propter 〈◊〉 humanum . Just. Mart. Dial. cum Tryph. p. 246. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athan. de Incarn . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. 〈◊〉 Orbe universo . Greg. Naz. Orat. 42. Aug. in Ps. 95. Pro Proditore 〈◊〉 . S. Ambros. L. de Paradiso , c. 8 Pro 〈◊〉 qui curari 〈◊〉 . S. Amb. Lib. 2. de Cain & Abel . c. 3. Pro Gentibus , sed 〈◊〉 non voluerunt . S. Chrysost. Hom. 7. in 1 Tim. 2. Pro 〈◊〉 , si omnes redimi vellent . S. Hieron in 1 Tim. 2. 1. Primasius , Ibid. 〈◊〉 ratio dubitandi est , Prosper . L. 2. de Vocat . Gent. c. 16. Non pro sidelibus 〈◊〉 , sed pro , &c. Theoph. in Heb. 11. 9. Oecumenius , Ibid. b S. 〈◊〉 . 3. 17. 2 Cor. 5. 15. Heb. 2. 9. 〈◊〉 Tim. 2. 6. 1 Tim. 4. 10. 1 S. Jo. 2. 1 , 2. c Nemo mortalium est , qui non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & seriò per ministros Evangelij vocari ad 〈◊〉 remissionis Peccatorum & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per mortem Christi : Act. 13. 38. & S. Jo. 3. 17 , 18. Evangelio autem nibil falsum aut simulatum subest ; sed quicquid in 〈◊〉 per 〈◊〉 effertur , aut 〈◊〉 hominibus , id 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab Authore 〈◊〉 offertur & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro omnibus mortuus est , ut omnes & singuli , mediante , 〈◊〉 possint virtute 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hujus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & vitam 〈◊〉 consequi . &c. Sententia Theologorum Magn. Britan. apud Acta Synod . Dord . Artic. 2. Thes. 3. * Dr. Lindsay , Proceedings in the Assembly at Perth . An. 1618. Par. 2. p. 26. See the Articles of Perth in Heylin's Life of Laud. p. 78. and in Spotswood's Hist. of the Church of Scotland , p. 538. † Were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Rushw. & Pryn. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Can. Apost . 65. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . St. Igna. Epist 8. c Die 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nefas esse ducimus . Tert. de 〈◊〉 . militis c. 3. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Si quis tanquam hoc 〈◊〉 convenire judicans , Die Dominico Jejunaverit , 〈◊〉 in ejusdem diei contemptum , Anathema sit . Con. Gangren . Can. 18. e Constitutum est , ne diebus deminicis jejunaretur . S. Hil. 〈◊〉 . in Psal. f Qui Die Dominico fludiose jejunat , non credatur Catholicus . Concil . Carthag . 4. Can. 64. Anno 398. g Quadragesima totis 〈◊〉 Sabbatum , & Dominicum Jejunatur diebus . Ambros. de Elia & Josu . c. 10. h Hoc est in Resurrectione Christi non credere , si Legem quis Jejunij Die Resurrectionis indicat . S. Ambros. Epist. 83. k 〈◊〉 hunc Diem Jejunio decernendum putaverit , non parvo Scandalo erit . S. Aug. Epist. 86. Christus enim gaudium manducantibus , Luctum 〈◊〉 deputavit . S. Mat. 9. 15. Ibid. l 1. Cor. 15. 14. m Quis non Deum offendet , si velit cum scandalo totius , 〈◊〉 ubique dilatata est , Ecclesiae Die Dominico Jejunare ? Ibid. Versùs Med. n Illum ut legitimum diem suis Auditoribus ad Jejunandum constituerunt . S. Aug. Epist. 86. o S. Ambrose Epist. 83. Manichaeos ob istius diei Jejunia jure damnamus . p Epiphan . Haeres . 85. n. 3. q Manichaeorum simillimos . S. Aug. Epist. 86. r S. Leo. Epist. 93. c. 4. s Conc. Caesar. August . can . 2. apud Bin. To. I. par . 1. p. 553. t Conc. Gangrens . c. 18. & Baron . Annal. An. 361. 〈◊〉 . 53. The Word coming is added from Rushw. & Pryn. To be deliver'd . * Be charged . * Ad Anglicani Tribunalis Exemplar 〈◊〉 est . An. 1610. Aliud in Scotiâ , cujus Authoritate , & Potestate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 efformandum erat . Quidam Ministri Episcopalem Jurisdictionem & 〈◊〉 in Ecclesia affectantes , armati sunt Potestate utriusq , gladii , quo facilius Episcopalem Dominationem invaderent ; idque sub diplomate Regio , absque 〈◊〉 Statuto vel Specie minimi consensus Procerum & Ordinum Regni , ut in Anglia . Delegata Commissariorum Jurisdictione freti , Ecclesiam 〈◊〉 in hunc usque Diem vi subigunt , & miserum in modum opprimunt . Spottiswodius Andr politanus ; Lawes Glascuensis , &c. Altare Damascenum p. 28. Typis excusus est hic Liber An. 1623 * 〈◊〉 Grant a Request , or 〈◊〉 desired . * Proceedings at Perth . p. 50. Proceedings of Perth . p. 40. † Some other , Rushw. & Pryn. * of Rushw , & Pryn. * The Copies , Rushw. the Copy , Pryn. * Absolute Necessity , Pryn. & Rushw. † It Rushw , & Pryn. Can. 69. 〈◊〉 . 69. † Sermon . Rushw. & Pryn. a Deut. 10. 12 b Mat. 7. 19. & 22. 37. & 6. 16. c Esai . 1. 19 , 20. d Ephes. 2. 10. & 1 Tim. 6. 18. & Titus 2. 7. 14. & 3. 1 , 8 , 14. S. James 2. 17. & 1 S. Pet. 2. 12. S. Je. 〈◊〉 . 3. 〈◊〉 . & 21. 27. & 22. 12. * In the Service-Book both of England , and Scotland . Can. 113. * B. 〈◊〉 , Argumento in Lib. Tertul . de 〈◊〉 . p. 471. † The like , Rushw. & Pryn. * What Seeds of Popery he did sow in our Kirk ; Pryn , & Rush. a Pauco tempore 〈◊〉 , ut 〈◊〉 esse videatur , Conc. Elib . Can. 21. b In quantum Ratio 〈◊〉 . Conc. Valentin . Can. 2. c Ut 〈◊〉 secundum peccatorum 〈◊〉 Episcopi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tempora 〈◊〉 . Conc. Carthag . 3. Can 3. d Author of the Observations 〈◊〉 some of 〈◊〉 Majesty's late Answers , p. 34. e Conc. Ancyran . Can. 1. & 2. † Worship , Rushw. Service , Pryn. * How far this was my Work , you may see afterwards . † Memoirs . Rushw. Memories , Pryn. * Had. Rushw. & Pryn. * In , Rushw & Pryn. † In , Rushw. & Pryn. [ To Ross ] are added from 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 * Rushw. & Pryn. Here Rushworth's Copy addeth , * To express and discover all , would require a whole Book . We shall only touch some few in the matter of the Communion . So also Pryn. † Praise , Rushw. & Pryn. S. Lu. 22. 19. * Must , Rushw. † Forth , Rushw. & Pryn. * Viz. Their Argument Taken from the Reason of the Posture of the Priest , given in the Rubrick , H. W. † Above Rushw. & 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . Can. 18. An. 1549. Citantur 〈◊〉 Bucero in Script . Anglican . p. 455. a Memor 〈◊〉 quid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 Anglicanis cum primis debeam , 〈◊〉 datum est mibi bac in re 〈◊〉 , id 〈◊〉 subscribere ; 〈◊〉 Paternitas 〈◊〉 , aliique 〈◊〉 de his Judicabunt . 〈◊〉 Epist. ad 〈◊〉 . quae extat 〈◊〉 Opera ejus Angl. p. 456. In 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . p. 465. In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Viri . p. 867. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . * † Corporeal 〈◊〉 . | * In the Prayer of Consecration in the 〈◊〉 for Scotland . * The words in the Canon of the Mass are . Ut nobis Corpus & Singuis fiant dilectissimi 〈◊〉 tui Domini nostri Jesu Christi . * In the Collect of Thanksgiving after the Receiving . † In the Prayer of Consecration . a Cor. 11. 24. 1 Cor. 10. 16. * Secretaries , 〈◊〉 . Conference with Fisher , §. 34. puncto 4. p. 292. &c. * any , 〈◊〉 . & Pryn. | well , 〈◊〉 . & Pryn. * Respons . ad Harding , Art. 17. divis . 14. † Differentia 〈◊〉 in modo ; illic enim Christus 〈◊〉 occisus est : Hic 〈◊〉 sit 〈◊〉 . Hugo Grot. in Consult . Cassandri . ad Art. 10. p. 25. * In the Prayer of Consecration in the Liturgy for Scotland . † when , 〈◊〉 . & Pryn ; * terrible Rush. & Pryn. * kindled , Rushw. & Pryn. * Rushw. What is meant by 〈◊〉 the King into the Covenant , and his Commissioner Subscribing it , see the King 's Large Declaration . p. 134. &c. W. S. A C. 2 Cor 12. 11. * could , 〈◊〉 . & Pryn. † in their 〈◊〉 . † p. 40. The place is corrected from Pryn. & Rush. * and Proceeding . a Can. 1. sub Carolo. b Plures nimirum , &c. vestra omnia 〈◊〉 , urbes , insulas , castella , &c. 〈◊〉 bello non idonei , &c. qui 〈◊〉 libenter 〈◊〉 , si non apud istam disciplinam occidi magis liceret , quam 〈◊〉 ? Tert. Apologet. c. 37. And in another place , speaking of the Rebellions raised by Cassius , Niger , and Albinus , he Notes , that none of their 〈◊〉 were Christians . Nunquam Albiniani , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vel Cassiani , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christiani : And then adds ; 〈◊〉 nullius est 〈◊〉 , nedum Imperatoris , &c. 〈◊〉 . ad Scapulam , c 2 § 2. Constantius the 〈◊〉 Emperor 〈◊〉 heavy upon the 〈◊〉 Christians : And when it was suggested unto him , that 〈◊〉 and other 〈◊〉 , had secretly stirred up 〈◊〉 to invade the Empire ; the Holy Father having fully confuted the Calumny , concludes thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . S. Athanas. 〈◊〉 . ad Constantium . Edit . Gr. Lat. p 681. The like faithful Subjects the Christians shewed themselves to Julian the 〈◊〉 , when he used them very sowrly . And though they would not obey him , when he commanded them to 〈◊〉 Idols ; yet in other things they did , and Rebelled not , S. 〈◊〉 . in Psal. 124. Nor did they forbear , either for want of strength or opportunity : For when Julian dyed , the whole Army cryed our , We are all Christians . Soc. Lib. 3. Hist. 〈◊〉 . c. 22. And so St. Amb. to 〈◊〉 the Younger : Against your Forces , my Weapons are Prayers and Tears ; 〈◊〉 nec debeo nec possum resistere , &c. Non ego me vallabo circumfusione Populorum , &c. ( which as the case stood then with him , he was able to do ; ) 〈◊〉 , Auguste , non pugnamus . S. Amb. in Orat. 〈◊〉 . inter Epistolas 32 , & 33. The like for Defensive Arms : Inde est enim , quod nemo nostrum , quando apprehenditur , reluctatur , nec adversus injustam violentiam vestram , quamvis nimius & copiosus noster sit Populus , ulciseitur . Cyprian . Epistola ad Demetrianum . Quum tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ne verbe quidem reluctamur ; sed Deo 〈◊〉 ultionem . Lactant. L. 5. Divin . Instit. c. 22. Neque tunc Civitas Christi quanquam haberet , 〈◊〉 magnorum agmina Populorum , adversùs impios persecutores pro temporali salute pugnavit . Sed 〈◊〉 ut obtineret 〈◊〉 , non repugnavit . S. Aug. Lib. 22. de Civitat . Dei. c. 6. a Nec singulis civibus , nec universis fas est summi , Principls vitam , famam aut fortunas in discrimen 〈◊〉 , & si omnium scelerum , &c. Poenis acerbissimis statuendum est in eos , qui 〈◊〉 scriptis subditos in Principes armare consueverunt . Bodin . L. 2. de Repub. c. 5. p. 210 , & 212. b Temporibus & Locis nimium servientes , &c. Nec hoc locum habet in privatis tantum , sed nec Magistratibus inferioribus hoc licet , &c. Grotius . L. 1. de Jure belli & pacis , c. 4. n. 6. c Ibid. n. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. d Rebellem propriè & strictè dici , qui contra Imperatorem , vel ejus officiales resistit , in pertinentibus ad statum Imperij . Asserit Lancelot Conradus . L. 1. de praestantia & potestate , Imperat. n. 12. * Greg. Turonens . L. 5. Hist. n. 18. e Aristoteles citat . apud Grotium . L. 1. de Jure 〈◊〉 , c. 4. n. 2. f Seneca . Epist. 73. g Tacitus . L. 4. Histor. h Nec 〈◊〉 nec licitum Regis 〈◊〉 manus 〈◊〉 . Plutarch . In vit . Agidis & Cleomen . Boni expetendi , qualescunque tolerandi . k 〈◊〉 . L. 1. Epist Fam. Epist. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nec patriae vim offerri oportere . Jerem. 38. 5. * Procured , Rushw. & Pryn. * p. 9. † Worse , Rushw. & Pryn. * Conjunction . † 〈◊〉 , Rushw. & Pryn. * By 〈◊〉 , Rushw. & Pryn. † It , 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 . * Superstitions 〈◊〉 . & 〈◊〉 . Desunt 〈◊〉 , in Rushw. † put to , Rush , & Pryn. Who was Register , or Secretary , to the Scotch Commissioners . Decemb. 14. 1640. Decemb. 18. 1640. Ecclus. 51. 〈◊〉 . † Conjunction . Psal : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Decemb 15. 1640. * Profess , Rushw. & Pryn. † The Scottish 〈◊〉 . The Survey of the Discipline . * Thereafter , Pryn & Rushw. † Skill . † Ceased . Rush. * Brought . Rushw. * 〈◊〉 , in Platinae Hyginum . Vide autem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dissert 1. 4. 2. W S. A. C. Rom. 1. 8. a Jewell's Reply to Dr. Harding . * United . Rushw & Pryn. † The same is added from Pryn and Rush. * Jan. 22. 1641. * 〈◊〉 habens Lutherus rem sine Ecclesiae pernicie abrogari non posse , quod unum potuit nomen sustulit , 〈◊〉 ; puriore vocabulo Graeco parum Latinum supposuit ; pro Episcopis Superintendentes , pro Archiepiscopis Generales Superintendentes appellans . Tilenus 〈◊〉 ad Scotos , c. 6. And he well knew the state of his Neighbour Churches . Saravia similiter , Praefat. L. de diversis Ministrorum Evangelii gradibus . Zanchius de Relig. Observat. c. 25. n. 10 , 11. Jacob. Haerbrand Lutheranus . In 〈◊〉 Commun . p. 699. Saving that he dislikes not the Alteration of the Name . a S. Aug. L. 19. de Civ . Des , c. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Latinè superintendere possumus dicere , quod ille , qui 〈◊〉 , eis , quibus 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sc. 〈◊〉 . * Recombustion after this , Rushw. & Pryn. See Rushw. par . 3. vol. 2. pag. 135. 152 , 153 , 154. 174. 183 , 184 , 187. 193 , 194 , &c. 207. 235. &c. 282 , &c. See the Petitions of these three Men presented to the House of Commons against the Arch-Bishop , apud Rushworth . par . 3. vol. 1. p. 74 , &c. * It was 〈◊〉 Libel indeed in strictness of Law , having the Author's Name set to it ; but it is called a Libel for the scurrilous and soul Language of it . H. W. † Jan. 26. 1641. Dec. 21. 1640. * There were present , and concurring in the Sentence , Sir The. Coventry , Lord Keeper of the Great Seal , 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 of Manchester , Lord President of the Council , W. Earl of Pembroke , Lord Steward , Philip 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , Lord Chamberlain , Edw. Earl of 〈◊〉 , Oliver Lord Viscount Grandison , George Lord Bishop of London , Rich. Lord Bishop of Duresme , Sam. Lord Bishop of 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . Lord Bishop of Rochester , William Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells , Sir 〈◊〉 . Coke Secretary , Sir Hen. Martin , Jo. 〈◊〉 , Dean of St. Pauls , Walt. 〈◊〉 , Dean of Rochester , Tho. 〈◊〉 , Doctor of Divinity , Edm. Pope , and Hugh Barker , Doctors of Law , and Sir Charles 〈◊〉 , who only desired to be spared , and so gave no Sentence . * Close Prisoner from the High-Commission-Court was not to shut him up in his Chamber , but only not 〈◊〉 suffer him to go out of the Prison . W. C. † Jan. 28. 1641. † Jan. 21. 1640. Feb. 26. 1640. Rushworth saith , they were carried up by Mr. Pym , Mr. Hampden , and Mr. Maynard , and inserteth Pym's Speech , made at the 〈◊〉 of them to the Lords , Par. 3. Vol. p. 195. 199. &c. So also Pryn , pag. 24 , 25 , 28. who also Exhibits , p. 23 , 24. the Preliminary Votes and Orders of the 〈◊〉 , made Febr. 22 , 23 , 24 , 26. for the framing and carrying up the Articles to the Lords . H. W. * 'T is Article 10. There are Printed also in Rushworth , par . 3 vol 1. p. 196. &c. 〈◊〉 Compl. Hist. p. 25 , &c. † Rushw. * This Kingdom of England . Rush. & Pryn. Ad 〈◊〉 . * Arist. L 3. Polit. c. 11. Ad Secundum . † 〈◊〉 . King. Ad Tertium . Rushw. & Pryn. Desunt in Rushw. & Pryn. Ad Quartum . All this about Stone , is afterward more perfectly related , and so this to be omitted here , according to the Arch-Bishop's Direction , p. 159. Only compare them first together . W. S. A. C. The Account being short , I thought it better to let it stand here , than 〈◊〉 the History , for the sake of one single Repetition . H. W. Desunt in 〈◊〉 . & Pryu . Ad Quintum . * Rush. & 〈◊〉 Ad Sextum . * Rushw. & 〈◊〉 . Ad Septim . * Other , Rushw. & Pryn. † Commendation , Rushw. & Pryn. Ad Octavum . * Pryn , & Rushworth . Ad 〈◊〉 . Ad 〈◊〉 . † Arift . l 2. Rhetor. c. 5. Arift . Rhet. l. 2. c. 7. §. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 | Non omnis 〈◊〉 perficit 〈◊〉 boni , sed solùm illa , à quâ dependet esse perfectum 〈◊〉 . Tho. 1. 2. q. 36. Art. 3. ad quint : I would not adventure to 〈◊〉 and disjoint the History ; The Reader ( if he so pleaseth ) may 〈◊〉 by such Repetitions . H. W. * I find that some things in my general Answer to the Articles are repeated again in the beginning of my particular Answers , when my Tryal came on . I desire ( for I had no time to do it my self ) that , to avoid tediousness , all those may be left out of the first Answer , that are perfected in the 2d . W. 〈◊〉 2. 3. 4. 2 Cor. 13. 8. 5. 6. 7. 〈◊〉 . * In a Book 〈◊〉 , The Remonstrance of the Nobility , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , Ministers and Commons , within the Kingdom of Scotland . Feb. 27. 1639. p. 12. Edinburgh . 9. These Papers were taken 〈◊〉 the Arch-Bishop by Pryn , 1643. May. 31. and shortly after Published 〈◊〉 a Pamphlet Entituled Rome's Master-piece . H. W. Ps. 31. 〈◊〉 , 16. Remonst . die Mercurij . 15. Decemb. 1641. p. 20. * Ministers , Rushw. & 〈◊〉 . † Design , Rush. & Pryn. 〈◊〉 * Remonstr . Die Mercurij 15. 〈◊〉 1641. p. 14. † Distinction , Rushw. Disunion , Pryn. Ad 〈◊〉 . Exod. 12. 49. * Which . † Remonst . Die Mercurii , 15. Decemb. 1641. p. 20. * 26. Septemb. 1635. † 11. Octob. 1635. * Dat. Sept. 14. 1635. These Words are added from Pryn , & Rushw. Ad 13. * Maule . † Feb. 8. 1641. * Proceedings of the Assembly at Perth . p. 40. & 68. † P. 41. † 〈◊〉 . * Assured . Ad 14. * A forementioned Crimes , Rushworth . Crimes aforementioned were done and committed , Pryn. † One of , Rush. & Pryn. | These words are added from Pryn & Rushworth . * Feb. 10. 1641. Feb. 26. 1640. Vide 〈◊〉 . p. 202. Mar. 〈◊〉 . 1640. † And more . Mar. 1. 1640. Mar. 12. 1640. Mar. 13. 1640. Mar. 22. 1641. Maij 1. 1641. See the King's Speech apud Rush. p. 239. Maij 9. 1641. Maij 12. 1641. It is 〈◊〉 apud Rushw. p. 267. Maij 1. 1641 ; Psal. 69. 12. Junij 23. 1641. * f. Hatred . Junij 25. 1641. Julij 1. 1641. Aug. 10. 1641. † From 〈◊〉 9 : till Octob : 20 : So Rushworth p : 387 , 388. Octob. 23. 1641 * Objected . Nov. 1. 1641. Nov 25. 1641. Vide Rushw. p. 429. &c. Dec 30. 1641. See Rushw. p. 468. The Address of the 12 Bishops here subjoyned , is not right . It should be to the King. Quaere . W. S. A. C It was directed , To the King 's most Excellent Majesty , and the Lords and Peers Assembled in Parliament : And was intended to have been presented in the House of Lords , the King being present , although it was presented in the absence of the King. See Life of Arch-Bishop Williams , par . 2. pag. 178. H W. It is also extant in Rushworth , p. 466. In Heylin's Life of Laud , p. 490. In Hacket's 〈◊〉 of Williams , p. 178. * up , Rushw. † debatable , Rushw. | Rushw. * Lords and Peers , Rushw. † their duties , Rushw. * and the maintenance thereof , Rush. † move them to adhere . Rushw. * can find , Rushw. † these particulars , Rushw. * humbly , Rushw. † that , Rushw. * or , Rushw. † until , Rushw. * good , Rushw. † that , Rushw. * Laws , Orders , Votes , Rushw. Rushw. * House , Rush. † the , Rushw. * this their , Rushw. † violent , Rushw. * Honourable , Rushw. † or this their , Rushw. † Amongst his , Rushw. Jan. 4. 1641. Jan. 20. 1641. Feb. 6. 1641. Vide Rushw. par . 3. vol. 1. p. 276. 〈◊〉 . 280 , 281 , 282. 396 , 397. 553. He saith it was Passed by the King 〈◊〉 Munday Febr. 14. Feb. 10. 1641. Feb. 11. 1641. Feb. 14. 1641. It may be found intire in 〈◊〉 . p. 554. Feb. 16. 1641. See 〈◊〉 . p. p. 555. Febr. 17. Febr. 19. Feb. 19. 1641. Feb. 20. 1641. Mar. 4. 1641. Mar. 6. 1641. Feb. 5. 1627. Mar. 3. 1641. * Prudence . Mar. 19. 1641. Mar. 21. 1641. Mar. 23. 1641. Mar. 24. 1641. Mar. 31. 1642. April 1. 1642. Apr. 13. 1642. Apr. 20. 1642. Apr. 25. 1642. 〈◊〉 3. 1642. 〈◊〉 16. 1642. Maij 15. 1642. * 〈◊〉 . Aug. 19. 1642. Sept. 1. 1642. Sept. 9. 1642. Sept. 10. 1642. Octob. 15. * It was so then , though now 〈◊〉 . Octob. 24. Octob. 27. † f. Person . Octob. 28. Novemb. 2. Novemb. 9. Novemb. 16. Novemb. 22. Novemb. 24. Decem. 7. 1642. Decemb. 8. Decemb. 19. Decemb. 23. Jan. 5. 1642. Jan. 26. Feb. 3. 1642. Feb. 14. Mar. 2. 1642. Mar. 24. 1642. * for Culmer . Mar. 28. 〈◊〉 April 11. April 13. April 14. April 21. April 24. May 1. May 2. May 9. 1643. May 16. May 17. The Ordinance may be found at large in Rushw. par . 3. vol. 2. p. 〈◊〉 May 20. May 26. May 23. May 31. The Warrant may be found in Pryn's Breviat of the Life of the Arch-Bishop . p. 28. Junij 10. 1643. It may be found also in Rushw. par . 3. vol. 〈◊〉 . p. 330. * of Canterbury , Rushw. † be Susp . Rush. * his Rushw. † his Rushw. * Et Sequestrationis , Rush. 〈◊〉 11. 1643. Junij 12. Julij 1. Cicero . L. 1. Tuscul. Qu. Julij 12. Aug. 3. Aug. 5. 1643. Aug. 6. Aug. 7. Aug. 8. Aug. 9. Aug. 10. Aug. 11. Aug. 15. Aug. 19. Aug. 20. * Low-Laighton . Aug. 27. September 11. September 25. Octob. 3. Octob. 24. See the Articles and Order of the Lords made thereupon , apud Rushworth , par . 3. vol. 2. p. 817 , 820. apud Pr. p. 38 , — 41. The A. B's 〈◊〉 may be found in Rushpag . 820. Pryn p. 41. Hern and Chute were assigned by Order of the Lords , Octob. 24. Hales added by their Order , Octob. 28. See both Orders apud Rushworth , p. 821. Pryn , p. 41 , 42. Gerrard added by their Order , Jan. 16. See this Order also ibid. p. 825 , & 46. The first Order apud Heylin's Life of Laud , p. 513. Octob. 27. Octob , 28. 1643. See the Order of the Lords , apud Rushw. p. 821. Pryn , p. 42. Octob , 31. The Petition may be found , apud Rushw. p. 821. Pryn , p. 42. See the Order of the Lords , Ibid. p. 822. 42. Novemb. 6. Novemb. 7. Novemb. 8. Novemb. 13. See the Order apud Rushw. p. 822. Vide Rushworth , p. 822 : Pryn , p. 43. This Answer is otherwise worded in Pryn's Compl. Hist. p. 43. who took it ( I suppose ) from the Parliament Records , W. S. A. C. It is thus worded , All advantages of Exception to the said Articles of Impeachment to this Defendant saved and reserved , this Defendant humbly saith , that he is Not Guilty of all or any the Matters by the said Impeachment Charged , in such manner and form 〈◊〉 the same are by the said Articles of Impeachment Charged . See the Order 〈◊〉 Rushw. p. 822. Pryn , p. 43. * were . Dec. 8. 1643. Decemb. 13. Decemb. 18. Decemb. 〈◊〉 . Jan. 3. 1643. See the Order apud Rushw. p. 823. Pryn , p. 43. Januar. 6. The Petition may be found apud Rushw. p. 823. And the Order of the Lords , p. 824. Both apud Pryn , p. 44. Januar. 7. * For so those Puritans stiled and accounted the Sunday , H. W. Januar. 8. Januar. 16. Vide the Order apud Rushw. p. 824. Pryn , p. 45. Mr. Maynard was then chief Manager for the Commons . See his Speech made then to the Lords , apud Rushw. p 824 & Pryn , p. 45. See the Order apud Rushw. p. 825. Pryn , p. 46 , 47. Jan. 22. 1643 See the Arch-Bishop's Petition made herein , Jan. 19. apud Rushw. p. 825. Pryn. p. 46. This Answer was put in Jan. 22. being short , and in general Pleading Not Guilty , and making only a short particular Plea to the 13 th Article . The said Answer may be found in Rush. p. 826. & Pryn , p. 47. I have Transcribed it from Pryn , and caused it to be here inserted . H. W. Jan. 29. Mar. 4. See the Order 〈◊〉 Rushw. p. 827. Pryn , p. 48. Mar. 9. Scilicet ( plus quam ) 〈◊〉 triennio 〈◊〉 tempus 〈◊〉 judicium 〈◊〉 seni . Tacit. L. 6. 〈◊〉 . * have 〈◊〉 . Tacit. L. 3. 〈◊〉 . Note , that where entire set Speeches were made by the Arch-Bishop , although spoken by him at the Bar , the same marks are put to it . But wheresoever those marks are found in the History , from the second to the last day of the Trial inclusive , the words to which they are affixed were not spoken at the Bar at that time , but either added afterwards by the Arch-Bishop at the Recapitulation of his Answer , or inserted in writing the History . H. W. Die Primo . Mar. 12. 1643. See a Relation of what then passed , before Wild began his Speech , apud Rushw. p. 827. and Wild's Speech entire , Ibid. p. 828 , &c. and in Pryn's Compl. Hist. p. 51 , &c. * The Death and dispersion of our Witnesses , the 〈◊〉 of some of our Members , who have been employed and taken pains in 〈◊〉 business . So Wild's Speech apud Pryn , p. 51. * The multitude of diversions , which we have had and have daily . So Wild's Speech , Ibid. * Treason in the highest pitch and altitude . So Wild's Speech , p. 52. * Transubstantiation is not mentioned in Wild's Speech apud Pryn , p. 52. † The particular Ceremonies , charged with Popery and Superstition , are not named in Wild's Speech , Ibid. * None of the Particulars , which follow to the end ( save the conclusive Sentence ) are to be found in Wild's Speech apud Pryn ; but only some General 〈◊〉 and Accusations to this purpose . H. W. Optat. L. 6. Cont. 〈◊〉 . This Speech is extant also in Rushw. p. 830 , &c. Heylin , p. 516 , &c. Pryn , p. 53 , &c. * Capitally or Criminally , Rushworth & Pryn. Sen L. 6. de Benef. c. 28. † Much more , Rushw. & Pryn. Act. 25. 11. Job 27. 〈◊〉 . * An 〈◊〉 to subvert , Rush. & Pryn. † Testimony , Rush. & Pryn. | here 〈◊〉 , Heylin , & Rush. & Pryn. Arist. 2. 〈◊〉 , c. 7 , 8. Tho. 2. 2a . 〈◊〉 . 60. 〈◊〉 . 5. Confer with Fisher , §. 26. Num. 14 p. 211. * now , Rush. & Pryn. † 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 . &c. 〈◊〉 dangerous , Rushw. | so Rush. & Pryn. * 〈◊〉 you with , Rush. & Pryn. † my Place hath or ever had since the 〈◊〉 , Rush. & Pryn. | since which , Rush. & Pryn. * 〈◊〉 , Rush. & Pryn. † Libelling , Rush. & Pryn. * served , Rush. & Pryn. * more , Rush. & Pryn. † more , Rush. & Pryn. | Men of great abilities , and some , Rush. & Pryn. * promised Rush. & Pryn. W. Pryn in his Popish Royal Favour . p. 71. Pryn in Printing the Arch-Bishop's Speech , 〈◊〉 this whole Passage concerning himself . H. W. * See Rushworth , p. 832. who relateth , that when some of the Lords , hearing the Name of Birkenhead , and imagining him to be the Author of the Oxford Aulicus , smiled at it ; the Arch-Bishop taking notice of it , stopped and assured the Lords , that he meant not him , but another Person of like Name . Yet after all , Pryn in publishing this Speech , hath the Impudence to affirm in the Margin of his Book , that this Convert of the Arch - 〈◊〉 , was the Author of all the Libellous Popish Oxford Aulicus's , although he knew full well , that his Name was John Birkenhead ; and adds , that at the naming of this 〈◊〉 , most of the Lords and 〈◊〉 smil'd ; but saith not one word of the Arch-Bishop's correction of their mistake . H. W. † in St. Johns , Rush. & Pryn. 9. | Chesford , Rush. & Pryn. * and Sister , Rush. & Pryn. † Right Honourable the Countess of Buckingham , Rush. & Pryn. 13. * A desperate Apostate-Papist , Mr. Cheynes's Sermon at his Funeral , informs us how good a 〈◊〉 be Lived and Died. Thus Godly Will. Pryn in his Marginal Note on this place , p. 56. † 〈◊〉 Gentleman , Rushw. & Pryn. 20. | Winchcomb , Rushw. & Pryn. 21. * Wollescot , Rushw. & Pryn. † It being only in God's Power , not mine , to preserve them from relapse . Rushw. & Pryn. Note , that the 〈◊〉 Copies of this Speech , Printed in Rush. &c. are very different from this , being taken from the Arch-Bishop's Mouth as he spoke ; this from the Original , as be wrote it . H. W. * Hundreds of real Converts to Christ , for every one of his pretended ones , and that himself had Converted above 120 Papists , Pryn , p. 56. Die Secundo . Mar. 13. 1643. I. Sir Ed. Cook Inst. p. 3. c. 1. Speed in Hen. 4. §. 42. Ibid. II. 1 Eliz. c. 6. §. 〈◊〉 . * Part. 4. 〈◊〉 . c. 74. 1 Eliz. c. 1. & 1 Ed. 6. c , 12. 1 Ed. 6. c. 12. §. ult . & 1 Eliz . c. 6. §. ult . The dreadful Licence of Inferences among our English Pleaders in Cases of Death . Speed. in H. 7. S. 61. Aug. l. 7. de Civ . Dei. c. 3. III. IV. V. VI , VII . 〈◊〉 . Mat. 21. 44. * two of the. Prov. 16. 14. VIII . IX . * No such word there sure , it should be Prerogative Regis . W. S. A. C. X. Can. 77. Can. 79. XI . * f. Walker . XII . 25 Hen. 8. c. 20. §. ult . XIII . Heylin Cont. Burton , p. 40 ; Aug. 2. Retract . c. 21. XIV . XV. My Sermon in Psal. 75. 2 , 3 , p. 14. Die Tertio . * 〈◊〉 , Rushw. Saturday , Mar. 16. 1643. * Here the Relation is imperfect . It seems he mov'd , that his Solicitor might come to him , and in the mean time the Hearing put off . W. S. A. C. Die Quarto . I. * Sixteen . vide . * See this Record twice referred to afterwards . In the latter Place the useful Words of it are recited . So that , perhaps , it will not be necessary to print the whole Patent ; but if it be , I have a Copy of it . W. S. A. C. This came not to my Hands . H. W. II. III. IV. V. VI. Tacit. L. 3. Annal. VII . * did . VIII . IX . 〈◊〉 . 5. 7. X. W. Pryn's Breviate of the Arch-Bishop's Life . p. 19. Paulò post medium . Si 〈◊〉 erant , quare 〈◊〉 damnati 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 si scelerati , quare sic 〈◊〉 ? Aug. Epist. 172. XI . XII . I. Mar. 22. 1643. Friday . Die Quinto . Frigidius dictum . W : S : 〈◊〉 C. * from . II. Injunct . of Q. Eliz. 〈◊〉 . III. IV. Cyril Hierosol . Cateche . 15. 1 Eliz. c. 2. V. VI. * by . St : Mat : 21. 13. 1 Reg. 12. 16. * In the second 〈◊〉 of this 〈◊〉 . VII . VIII . XI . I. Thursday , Mar. 28. 1644. Die Sexto . * Exclude from the Benefit . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 21. II. 2. * f. 〈◊〉 . 4. 5. 6. 8. 1. 2. Sir Timothy Baldwin hath these Papers . W. S. A. C. 3. Ma. Parkeri Antiqu. Britan. in vita Joh. Stafford . p. 326 , 327. III. Job 〈◊〉 . 34. 〈◊〉 . Chro. 〈◊〉 251. * 101. Can. 62. Ec. 〈◊〉 . Die Septimo . April . 4. 1644. * 1640. 〈◊〉 . April . 4. 1644. April 8. April 11. April 16. Die Septimo . I. * l. for the making of which he said it was against Law for the 〈◊〉 . Vide supra , post 〈◊〉 . Art. 21. 〈◊〉 . 3. a Can. 40. b Can. 118. c Can. 103. d Can. 127. * Made December 14. 1640. and extant in Rushworth , par . 3. vol. 1. p. 105. Et Art. 2. 〈◊〉 . † Apud Aug : Epist. 88. 98. b Aug. Ep. 102. c Aug. Ep. 103. d Greg. Eulogio Episcopo Alexandrino . Apud H. Spelman . in Concil . p. 80. Et Episc . Arelatensi . Ibid. p. 95. The Managers against the Arch-Bishop in another place pretend , that this Title was never given to any English Bishop at least . But herein they are much mistaken . For 〈◊〉 was often given to them . To produce but one Instance : Pope Leo III. gave this Title to Ethelard Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , and that in a Letter wrote to Kenulphus King of Mercia . Angl. Sacr. par . 1. pag. 460. H. W. 1 Tim. 6. 16. S. Aug. 16. Civ . Dei , c. 21. Cont. Fisher. §. 25. p. 171. S. Hieron . 〈◊〉 Aug. Epist. 11. 13. 14. 17. 18. &c. * These six Lines are inserted out of place , and belong clearly to his Defence of making new 〈◊〉 for the Vniversity , which followeth afterwards . W. S. A. C. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII . VIII . IX . April 22. April 25. April 30. Maij 4. 1644. Saturday . Die Octavo . Paterc . L. 2. 〈◊〉 . I. II. Can. 88. 〈◊〉 . Aug. 25 Hen. 8. 〈◊〉 19. §. ult . III. IV. V. VI. VII . 1. Diary , in fine . 〈◊〉 . 21. VIII . Diary , fine . 〈◊〉 8. IX . 25 Hen. 8. cap. 19. 〈◊〉 ult . X. 1 Eliz. c. 2. 1 Eliz. c. 1 : §. 8. * The Words of the Statute are By Vertue of this Act. XI . Maii 6. Maii 9. Maii 13. Maii 16. 1644. Die Nono . I. II. III. IV. V. 1 Eliz , c. 〈◊〉 13 Ed. 1. 1 Eliz. c. 1. 〈◊〉 . 8. 1 Eliz. c. 2. VI. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Perjuri 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 69. 1. 〈◊〉 3. 4. 5. 6. 〈◊〉 . 15. §. 12. 7. 8. 9. 〈◊〉 . 9. §. 2. VII . 1. 13 Eliz. c. 10. §. Penult . VIII . IX . 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. The Arch-Bishop had collected many Papers , Decrees , and Precedents , to assert his Priviledge of Visiting the Vniversities , in Right of 〈◊〉 See , about the Year 1635. Which being 〈◊〉 on by Pryn , among his other Papers at Lambeth , were by him , after the Arch-Bishop's Death , published in his own Name , with this title , The Plea of the University of Oxford 〈◊〉 , &c. London 1647. eight sheets in 410. 〈◊〉 . W. X. 1. 2. 3. 4. XI . 1. 2. 3. Psal. 45. 17. 4. Conf. at Hamps . Court. p. 84. 5. 6. 37 H. 8. c. 17. Can. 1. Maij 16. Maij 17. Maij 20. 1644. Munday . Die Decimo . I. Injunct . of Q. Eliz. fine . In his reply . Calv. 1. Inflit. c. 11. §. 12. Hom. of Idol . par . 2. To. 2. p. 27. Fine . † 3 & 4 Ed. 6. c. 10. * l. was Commended , or Commanded . Art. 35. 1 〈◊〉 3. 1 , 2. 2 Chron. 29. 28 B. Rhenani 〈◊〉 . in 〈◊〉 . de Coron . Mil. p. 40. Bp. 〈◊〉 de Missa . L. 6. c. 5. Can. Eccles. Aug. 24. * Tho. p. 3. 9. 63. A. 6. 〈◊〉 1 Cor. 9. 13. 〈◊〉 Mat. 23. 19. Injunct . of Q. Eliz. in 〈◊〉 . Rom. 2. 22. II. 1. 2. 3. 〈◊〉 . Psal. 119. 2. 3. III. 〈◊〉 . 2. Cont. Fisher. §. 33. p. 279. L. 1. 〈◊〉 . c. 11. §. 12. S. Job . 1. 32 , 33. S. 〈◊〉 . 19. 〈◊〉 . 3. S. Joh. 10. 1 , 2. All these Pictures were placed in the Gallery by Cardinal Pole , when he built it , and continue there still , having not been defaced by the Godly Party in the time of the Rebellion , at were the Windows of the Chappel , and the Chappel it self converted to a Dancing-Room by them , having first beat down Arch-Bishop Parker's Tomb in the middle of it , and cast his Bones upon the Dunghil . H. W. IV. 〈◊〉 . S. 〈◊〉 . Adversus Vigilantium . Tom. 2. Hom. 1. Princip . 2 In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 65. 'T is commonly called the Black Book . 3. * 〈◊〉 observabatur ab 〈◊〉 . Vedelius . ( and he no way Superstitious ) in Igna. Epistola ad Philip. Exercit . 16. c. 3. 1. 2. 3. 4. Maij 22. Maij 27. Maij 25. I. Maij 27. 1644. Munday . Die Undecimo . 1. 2. 3. II. 1. Can. Eccles. 〈◊〉 . 24. III. 1. 2. 3. Heylin affirmeth , that the old Crucifix , being found among the Regalia , 〈◊〉 then placed upon the Altar . Life of Laud , p. 144. 4. 5. * p. 706. p. 706. p. 706. p. 706. IV. 〈◊〉 . 11. † 〈◊〉 . Cheynell . * And the third Witness agrees in this . Can. 〈◊〉 . V. VI. Can. 24. VII . Q. Eliz. Injunct . Fine . VIII . Junii 1. Junii 6. Thursday , 〈◊〉 6. 1644. Die Duodecimo . I. II. III. IV. 1. 〈◊〉 . against the Peril of Idola . p. 3. p. 92. V. 1. Calv. 1. 〈◊〉 . c. 11. §. 12. Deut. 4. 15 , 16. 〈◊〉 . 20. 21. St. Aug. Deut. 7. 5. & 12. 2. * Euseb. 3. de vita Constan. c. 54. VP . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 1. p. 11. VII . Dr. Featly's Sermons . * p. 477. † p. 791. | p. 808. * p. 810. This was done long before the Reformation ; when the Patents of Chancellors and Commissaries were revocable at the pleasure of the Bishop . H. W. I. 〈◊〉 11. 1644. Whitson-Tuesday . Die Decimotertio . * The Arch-Bishop calls the English Papists Roman-Catholicks ; not as allowing them to be such ; but referring to that Name , which some of them were before said to have affixed to him . H : W : II. Psal. 24. 7. * 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 , Jo. Prideaux . Concie , in S. Luc. 19. 46 1 〈◊〉 . 9. 13. Psal. 95. 6. S. Lue. 22. 31. In Antiq. 〈◊〉 , p. 85. III. Here in England , both before and since the Reformation , Chappels 〈◊〉 erected , were always solemnly Consecrated , as well as Churches . I could produce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Time preceding , many of the 〈◊〉 succeeding the 〈◊〉 . H. W. 〈◊〉 L. 10. Hist. c. 3. 2. 3. 〈◊〉 . The. 2. 2ae . q. 85. A. 2. ad 3. 〈◊〉 . 3. IV. Tertio Servis , & ijs qui sub aliorum degerent Imperio , quietis Diem indulgendum censuit , 〈◊〉 aliquam haberent à labore remissionem . Gal. L. 2. Inst. c. 8. 〈◊〉 . 28. S. John 10. 22. V. This Mr : Culmer not only Pissed in the Church of Canterbury , but also demolished the Noble Glass-Windows of it with his own Hands . The like he did in the Parish-Church of Minster in Thanet ; which Benefice he usurped during the Rebellion . I have had more particular Opportunities to be informed concerning him from many yet alive , who knew him well ; and upon the whole , think him to have been one of the greatest Villains in the Three Kingdoms . H : Antidatum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 11. Ibid : p : 35. que Sabbatismi 〈◊〉 ter 〈◊〉 superant . Cal. 2. Inst. c. 8. 〈◊〉 : 34. VI. VII . VIII . My Speech in the Star-Chamber , Praefat. versus 〈◊〉 . Divine and Politick Observations upon my Speech , p. 78. Speed in Hen. 7. 5. 16. 〈◊〉 14. 1644. 〈◊〉 17. 1644. 〈◊〉 . I. Die 〈◊〉 . II. III. Confer . at Ham. 〈◊〉 , p. 47. 〈◊〉 dictum . W. S. A. C. * His Name was Gellibrand . W. S. A. C. * I believe 〈◊〉 Name here 〈◊〉 is Mr. Fox the 〈◊〉 . W. S. A. C. 1. 2. 〈◊〉 . at Ham. Court. p. 29 , 30. 1. 2. 3. 〈◊〉 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Junij 〈◊〉 . 1644. Thursday . Die 〈◊〉 . I. II. III. IV. V. I suppose these Considerations are those Published in Pryn's Compl. Hist. p. 287. W. S. A. C. VI. 1 Sam. 8. 12. Perkins Opera , fol. p. 34. VII . VIII . * p. 32. † p. 36. IX . X. 1. 2. 3. 〈◊〉 27. 1644. Thursday . I. Die Decimo-sexto . II. III. * p. 47. Contr. Fisher. p. 292. Perkin's Opera in fol. p. 590. 1 Cor. 11. 92. Thorndike of Assemblies . c. 8. p. 260. St. 〈◊〉 . 26. 〈◊〉 . Idem est effectus Passionis 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 . Thorn. p. 3. q. 79. A. 1. c. * p. 49. In bono opere 〈◊〉 acceptabili , Fides & Charitas 〈◊〉 , non separantur . Qui loquitur , simul facit vocem & verbum . St. Aug. L. 1. de Gen. ad Lit. c. 15. IV. Julij 4. Julij 5. 1644. Friday . I. Die Diceimoseptimo . Sir Leolin Jenkins hath a Copy of it out of the Records of the Exchequer . W. S. A. C. Julij 15. Junij 17.1644 . Wednesday . Die Decimooctavo . I. Cont. Fisher. §. 25. p. 176. Mounta . Origi . Eccles. p. 464. II. Tam certo scio Papam esse magnum illum Antichristum , quam Deum ipsum esse in 〈◊〉 Creatorem , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verum Messiam . Gab. Pow. de Antichristo . E. pist . ad Lectorem . Dr. Featly's Sermon . p. 808. * p. 810. III. Bishop Bilson's Perpetual Government . Book of Ordination , Preface . 8 Eliz. c. 1. S. John 20. 21. Calvin Ibid. Ephes. 4. 11. IV. V. See the Letter above , in the Answer to the Scotch Articles . I. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . p. 1. L. 8. c. 27. * 〈◊〉 , King , Montague , Neale . II. III. IV. V. VI. VII . VIII . IX . X. S. Aug. Epist. 167. This Book was Published by Pryn in the Year 1643. in 5. Sheets in Quarto . A Copy whereof being by his Endeavours conveyed to the Arch-Bishop , then a Prisoner in the Tower , the Arch-Bishop wrote Notes in the Margin of it , so far , and so much , as to vindicate himself from the Aspersions laid upon him therein . This Copy with the said Notes is now in the Hands of that knowing and learned Antiquary Mr. Anthony Wood ; which having been by him Communicated to me , I have , with his Leave , Transcribed the Arch-Bishops Notes , and caused them to be adjoined to these Papers concerning the Plot discovered by Andrew ab Habernfeld , reprinted in the following Collection . H : XI . 1. 〈◊〉 7th Additional . The Archbishop related this Case more at large , and therewith defended himself in a written Paper ; which being seized by Pryn in the Tower , was now produced and read before the Lords . It may be found in Pryn's Compl. Hist. p. 428. H. W. * Confer . at Hamp . Court. p. 51. 27 Eliz. c. 2. §. 3. Art. 7. Addit , L. 3. 〈◊〉 . c. 37. After all , Pryn would insinuate , that 〈◊〉 : Giles 〈◊〉 the same Man with Sancta Clara , and wrote the Book Entituled , Deus , Naturs , & Gratia , 〈◊〉 be fully knew the contrary , Compl : Hist : p : 427. 429. Nay he 〈◊〉 the Considence at last ( p : 430. ) to add , that it is most apparent . H. XII . * Sir Ed. Coke . 〈◊〉 . 3. Instit. c. 3. 〈◊〉 24. 1644. Munday . I. Die Decimonono : II. Heylin 〈◊〉 . Burton p. 229. Art. 35. Eccl. Ang. * Cap. 11. 7. ‖ Annot. in Apoc . 17. 8. 2 Thess. 2. III. My Book cont . Fisher , p. 376. * Pag. 36. IV. * Quemadmodum sape 〈◊〉 aedificia , ut fundamenta & ruinae maneant ; ita non passus est Ecclesiam suam ab Antichristo vel à fundamento subverti , vel solo aequari , &c. sed 〈◊〉 quaque vastatione semirutum adificium superesse voluit . Cal. L. 4. Inst. c. 2. § 11. * Cont. Fisher , § 3. p. 11. † Cont. Fisher , p. 377. ‖ Cont. Fisher , § 37. 〈◊〉 . 6. p. 320. 1 S. Joh. 4. 3. 2 Tim. 2. 18. Aliqua Circumstantia dat speciem Actui morali . Tho. 1. secundae , q. 73. A. 7. ad primum 〈◊〉 20. p. 128. 〈◊〉 . Par. 2. p. 213. V. * Petro successit Linus , Lino 〈◊〉 , &c. Et sic usque ad Anastasium , qui 〈◊〉 sedet . Et in hoc ordine successionis 〈◊〉 Donatista Episcopus invenitur . S. Aug. Epist. 165. VI. VII . Qui se 〈◊〉 , cum 〈◊〉 . VIII . The Pop. Roy. Favourit . p. 31. * assured . Frigidc dictum . W. S. A. C. 1 Tim. 5 : 19 : IX . X. XI . a Non 〈◊〉 docemus , nec Adversarios 〈◊〉 incessimus , 〈◊〉 plerique faciunt , &c. Greg. Naz. Orat. 32. b Abstineamus nos à conviciis , ne tempus 〈◊〉 impendamus , &c. Aug. Epist. 177. * In the Antiquaeries to Mr. Pryn. p. 12. † Sid. Simpson's Anatomist , p. 2. & 6. XII . Julii 29. 1644. Munday . Die Vicesimo . I. See Heylin's Life of Arch-Bishop Laud , p. 152. * 1 Eliz. c. 1 : Id possumus quod Jure possumus . * By the Advice of her Honourable Council . Prefat . to the Injunctions . * Discourse , Sect. 1. c 9. p. 51. † Religionis Judices Pontifices sunt Legis Senatut . Cic. L. 4. Epist. ad Att. Ep. 2. II. See the Diary , at March 26 , 29. May 11. Anno 1626. H. W. III. Artic. 1. Additional . 1 Maria , c 1. § 3. IV. V. VI. VII . VIII . IX . X. 1 : 2. 3. 4 : 1. 2. 3. XI . XII . XIII . * It was viewed . * Potentia sequi debet Justitiam , non praeire , Aug. L. 13. de Trin , c. 13. XIV . Here is a void space left in the Margin , with design ( I suppose ) to insert therein some Passages out of Law-Books concerning the obscure Birth of Margna Charta : Which space was not filled up . H : XV. Num. 11. St. John 16.33 . St. Luke 23. 34. 1 Cor. 4. 3. Aug. 23.1644 . Aug. 24. September 2. 1644. * 1 Pars Pat. de An 45. Ed. 3. m. 34. † Cod. L. 1. Tit. 5. L. 12 , & 21. Conser . at Hamp . Court , p. 26. * Judices 〈◊〉 , &c. ne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad vexandos Homires superflua multitudo 〈◊〉 protrabatur . H. L. 21. Tit. 5. Adde & 〈◊〉 rationem , quod qui praedicta licentia abutuntur , veniunt in suspitionem , quod non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gloss. Ibid. * Pryn in his Independency Examined p 4. † 1 Chron. 13. 4 , 5 Acts. 15. 22. Sir Wal. Rawley Hist. of the World. L : 2 : c : 5 : 〈◊〉 : 〈◊〉 : Numb . 3 , & 4. * Quid Molesliae & Tristitiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fratribus , temerarii Assertores 〈◊〉 dici non potest . Aug. 1. de Gen. ad Lit. C. 19. Cont. Fish. p. 376. * Non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 doctrine 〈◊〉 , Greg. Naz. Orat. 32. Mr. Pryn's Rome's Master-piece . * 〈◊〉 . 1. 2 〈◊〉 . q. 50. A. 5. * S. Aug. l. 1. Cont. Academ . c. 1. S. Mat. 10 29. Rom. 8. 28. Septemb 3. 1644. Septemb. 4. Septemb. 6. Septemb. 11. Septemb. 〈◊〉 . I. II. Septemb. 27. Octob. 4. Octob. 11. The Lord Chancellor Finch told me , that this Argument was not Mr. Herns , ( though he pronounced it ) for he could not Argue ; but it was Mr. Hales , afterward Lord Chief Justice . And he said farther , that being then a Young Lawyer , he stood behind Mr. Hern , when he spoke at the Bar of the Lords House , and took Notes of it ; and that it will be 〈◊〉 among his Reports . W. S. A. C. A short Introduction . The Charge , upon what it consists . The Titles of the several parcels of the Articles upon which the Charge against the Arch-Bishop was made up . The 〈◊〉 upon his Councel , by Reason of the mixt Charge , without distinguishing what was intended to 〈◊〉 a Treason , what a 〈◊〉 . The two Points presented by Councel in writing , to be 〈◊〉 upon for his Defence in point of Law. The first only admitted . The Method proposed . The three General Charges . Two General Questions to be insisted upon . In maintenance of our first 〈◊〉 upon the first Question . The uncertainty of what was , or was not Treason , produced the Law of 25 Ed. 3. The Parliament of 25 Ed. 3. by Reason of that Law called Parliamentum Benedictum , and that no Law had deservedly more Honour than Magna Charta . The Act of 25 Ed. 3. the Rule in Parliament to judge Treasons by . Parliament Roll 1 H. 4. num . 144. the Prayer of the Commons . Parliament Roll , 5 H. 4. num . 12. Case Earl of Northumberland . ☜ Treasons particularly Enacted after 25 Ed. 3. still reduced to that Law. Treasons made in the divided time of R. 2. reduced per Stat. 1 H. 4 cap. 10. Made in the time of H. 8. reduced 1 Ed. 6. cap. 12. Made in the time of Ed. 6. reduced by the Act of 1 Mariae , cap. 10. ☜ From 1 H. 4. to this day , no Judgment in Parliament given of any Treason not contained in that Law. This Law in all times the Standard to Judge Treasons by . Treasons declared per Stat. 25 Ed. 3. cap. 2. ☞ Stat. 25 Ed. 3. may admit no construction by Equity or Inference to make other Treason than thereby declared . Reasons why not . Viz. Instances where it would not . Stat. 3 H. 5. cap. 6. 1 M cap. 6. Cok. Collections 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 . ☜ 2. Question . Mildmay's case 6. Report Coke fol. 42. ☜ Objection . Answer . ☞ Parliament Roll , 28 H. 6. num . 28. to 47. In the Case of the Duke of Suffolk . Articles Cardinal Woolsey in Parliament , 21 H. 8. Indictment K. Bench Ligham , 23 H. 8. Empson , 1 H. 8. ☞ Answer to the second General Charge , of endeavouring to subvert Religion . Stat. 5. R. 2. C. 5. 2 H. 5. C. 7. ☜ Stat. 1 Ed. 6. C. 12. 1 Mar. C. 12. Answer to the third general Charge , labouring to subvert and incense the King against Parliaments . Articles against the Duke of Ireland , and others , 11 R. 2. ☜ 14 Article . Answer to the particular Articles insisted upon 〈◊〉 in the Charge . The first Particular . Differences between the Matters charged , & the Fact made Treason by the Statute 3 Jac. C. 4. The second Particular . Number of Crimes below Treason or Felony , cannot make a Treason . Power 〈◊〉 declare 〈◊〉 , per Stat. 25. 〈◊〉 3. c. 2. Wherein we conceive there is no power to declare an Offence below a Felony to be a Treason . ☜ ☜ Earl Strafford . ☜ Whatsoever hath been hitherto placed in the Margin of this Argument , was transcribed from Mr. Hern's own Copy : But this which followeth , I transcribed from a loose Note , wrote by an unknown hand , and affixed to this place . H. W. Concerning the Proviso in 25 Ed. 3. ( last mentioned ) it is observable , That Mr. Lane , in the Lord Strafford's Tryal , saith , That that Clause of Provision 25 Ed. 3. is quite taken away by 6 Hen. 8. Cap. 4. & 20. So that no Treason is now to be reckoned , but what is literally contained in 25 Ed. 3. See for this , Whitlock's Memoirs , pag. 43. See also Burnet's Hist. Reform . Part II. pag. 253. about the Repeal of Treasons . Octob. 22. 1644. Octob. 28. 〈◊〉 . 1. Novemb. 2. Novemb. 6. Novemb. 11. My Defence in the House of Commons . 1. 2. 3. 4. * Quomodo potest malus litigator landare 〈◊〉 Aug. Epist. 166. I. II. * Cont. Fisher , p. 211. * An. 45. Ed. 3. * Tacit. L. 6. Annal. * Annum jam agens septuagesimum secundum . Novemb. 13. 1644. Novemb. 16. Novemb. 22. Novemb. 23 : Novemb. 29. Novemb. 28. Decemb. 〈◊〉 . Decemb. 16. 1644. Decemb. 17. Decemb. 24. Decemb. 25. Jan. 2. 〈◊〉 . Jan : 3. 1 Pet. 2. 23. Judg. 16. 30. Exod. 12. 〈◊〉 John 19. 11. Dan. 3. * This Sea , 〈◊〉 Copy . Luk. 6. 39. † In this way , Hind's Copy . Job . 11. 48. Act. 6. 12. Act. 12. 3. Esa. 1. 15. Psal. 9. 12. Heb. 10. 31. Sir John Clotworthy . * So Lord , Hind's Copy . * hath . The shorter Lines both here and afterwards , are Abbreviations of so many several parts of the Will , made by W. S. A. C. * f. each . * f Rich. Cobb . 〈◊〉 cunctis liberalium Artium Disciplinis eruditum pro Magistro teneamus , & quasi Comparem , velut alterius Orbis Apostolicum & 〈◊〉 Capgr . in vit . S. Anselmi , & Gu. 〈◊〉 de Gestis Pontific . Anglor . p. 223. 〈◊〉 prima Sedes Archiepiscopi habetur , qui est totius Angliae Primas & 〈◊〉 . Id. Ibid. p. 195. * Hieron . Lamas , in Summa , p. 3. c. 3. in 1 Cor. 10. 3. & in 1 Cor. 〈◊〉 24. Integritatis Custodes , & Recta sectantes . De vera Relig. c. 5. 〈◊〉 . 2. 12. Anno 1445. Anno. 1446. Anno , 16. Rich. 2. cap. 5. Lib. XIX . An. 1374. Statutum de An. 27 Eliz. Notes for div A67908-e227530 St. Hilary l. 10. de Trin. p. 165. Cor. 13. 8. The Definition or Description of a Sectary is wanting in the Original . H. W. * Prov. 1. 8. & c. 6. 20. Nec aliae Preces omnino dicantur in Ecclesiâ , nisi quae à prudentioribus traditae vel 〈◊〉 in Synodo 〈◊〉 ; ne fortè aliquid 〈◊〉 Fidem , vel per Ignorantiam , vel per minus Studium sit compositum . Concil , Milevita . 2 can . 12. 23. Rom. 6. 17. Phil. 3. 16. 1 Tim. 5. 22. 2 Tim. 1. 13. St. Luke 11. 1. v. 2. St. Chrysost. in Rom. 8. 26. 1 Eliz. c. 1. Acts 15. 24 , 29. v. 28. St. Luc. 11. 2. In his Speech against the Bishops Votes in Parliament , p. 3. Psal. 110. 3. In decoribus Sanctitatis , Ar. Mant. Ibid. 1. 2. 3. Psal. 95. 6. 4. Levit. 5. 7. * Apud Ainsworth in Levit. 20. 3. Levit. 7. 25. & Levit. 17. 4. 9. 10. * 'T is Fallacia Accidentis : For it is not in , or of the nature of Prayer , that it should be in a negligent Form set down , or negligently performed ; but a meer accident , and a bad one . 1 Cor. 1. 21. * In the Church of Africa , when the Arian Heresie began , the Church had suffered so much by the Preaching of Arius the Presbyter , that they made a Law not to suffer any Presbyter 〈◊〉 Preach at all , at least not in the Mother Church , and in the Bishop's Presence . As may be seen in Socrates , l. 5. Hist. c. 22. And though this may seem a 〈◊〉 Cure , yet when the Disease grew Masterful and 〈◊〉 , the Church did not refuse to use it . 'T is Vniversal for Time. For it is testified by Dionysius the Areopagite ( if those Works be his ) De Ecclesia Hierar : P : 77 : Edit : Gr : Lat. and he was one of the Contemporaries of the Apostles , that there were then set Forms of Prayer , to which all the People said Amen . And if Dionysius were not the Author , yet the Work is exceeding Ancient . And so some set Forms continued , till after St. Augustin's Time , as appears by Justin Martyr , Apol. 2. p. 97. Edit . Gr. Lat. An. Christi . 150. By Tertull. Apologet. c. 39. An. Christi . 200. By St. Cyprian de Orat. Domin . By Origen Hom. 5. in Num. An. Christi . 230. By the Council of Laodicea , Can. 18. 19. An Christi . 316. By St. Basil Epist. ad Clericos Naeocaesariensis Ecclesiae . By St. Chrysostom ..... both about the same Year . As also by St. Cyril of Jerusalem ..... By the third Council of Carthage , can . 23. An. Christi . 397. By St. Aug. Ep. 59. & 156. & de bono 〈◊〉 . c. 13. An. Christi . 400. By the second Melevitan Council , can . 12. And by Prosper Aquitan . L. q. de Vocat . Gent. c. 4. since which time no question can be made , but the Publick Prayers were always in a known and set Form. And that it was Vniversal for place , appears by the concurrent Testimonies of the Fathers before recited , and the Councils and the Practice , both of the Asian , African and European Churches . As Justin Martyr , Basil and Chrysostom , for the Greek ; and Tertullian , Cyprian , St. Augustin and Prosper , testifie for the West . Insomuch , that St. 〈◊〉 says expressly in that place , that for the Order of Singing the Psalms in their Publick Service , it was agreeable ..... to all the Churches of God : Which place is also cited by Whitaker ad Ration . 6. Campiani . And divers Particulars in their set Form of Prayer , remain to this day in the Liturgy of the Church of England . As that there should be recited a General Confession of the Faith. 〈◊〉 Areopag . de Ecclesia Hierar . p. 88. Edit . Gr. Lat. That Prayers were made for Emperours and Men in Authority ; and for the Peace and Quiet of the World. So Tertullian . That the Presbyter should 〈◊〉 them to lift up their Hearts ; and the People Answer , we lift them up unto the Lord. So St. Cyprian and St. Augustin . The Interrogations and Answers in 〈◊〉 . So Origen . That Prayers should be made , not only for the Faithful , but for Insidels and Enemies to the Cross of Christ. So Prosper . And 't is preserved in our Collect for Good Friday . And the Peoples Praying with , and Answering the Pastor , saying Lord have Mercy upon us , with Christ have Mercy upon us , was before St. Gregory's time , and continued down to ours , yet with difference from the Mass-Book too . As Dr. Rainolds proves , Conf. with Hart. c. D. Divi. 4. p. 511. But howsoever set Forms they were , and such as in some Particulars , ferè omnis Ecclesia Dominica , almost all the Church of Christ used . So St. Augustin . And there is nulla pars Mundi , scarce any part of the World , in which there is not a Concordant , an Agreement in these Prayers : So Prosper . Which is 〈◊〉 to be but by a set Form. And so the Magdeburgians conclude upon due Examination : Formulas denique precationum absque dubio habuerunt : Out of all doubt the Ancients had set Forms of Prayer , Cent. 3. c. 6. 1. 2. 1. 2. 3. Rom. 14. 4. * T. C. L. S. p. 59 , 60. apud 〈◊〉 . L. 2. S. 1. p. 54. 1 Cor. 11. 34. * The Lord Brook. Barrow's Reply to Gifford , p. 255. p. 48. * The 50. 〈◊〉 taken from his own 〈◊〉 . * proposit . 19. Pryn in his perpetuity . p. 432. † Ezech. 18. 26. Prov. 28. 13. S. Luc. 13. 3. S. Luc. 21. 24. Acts 3. 19. 2 Cor. 6. 9. Gal. 5. 10. and many other places . ‖ Rog. in Symb. Art. 7. Prop. 5. * Concil . Const. 1. Hooker's Pref. to Eccl. pol. S. 3. Ephes. 5. 27. Jer. 2. 24. 1. 2. . 3. 4. 5. a Athan. in Epist. ad solit . 〈◊〉 agentes Edit Gr. Lat. p. 862. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist. ad Solit. Vitam 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; cap. 9. 27. Athanasin Epist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vitam agentes . Edit . Gr. 〈◊〉 pag. 862. d In 〈◊〉 ad Constantium quae extat apud Athana . Ibid. p. 829. e St. Hilary cont . Constantium . Edit . 〈◊〉 . p. 272. & passim alibi . f Quando audiisti 〈◊〉 Imperator in 〈◊〉 Fidei Laicos de 〈◊〉 judicasse ? quis est qui 〈◊〉 in causâ Fidei , in causâ 〈◊〉 Fidei . 〈◊〉 solere de Imperatortbus Christianis , non Imperatores de Episcopis 〈◊〉 ? Pater tuus baptizatus in 〈◊〉 , inhabilem se ponderi tanti putabat esse judicii , &c. St. Amb. L. 5. Epist. 32. g Novum & inauditum nefas esse dicens , ut causam Ecclesiae Judex Saeculi judicaret . Sulp. Sever. L. 2. Hist. 〈◊〉 . h Pater tuus , Deo favente , vir maturioris 〈◊〉 , dicebat , non est meum Judicate inter Episcopos . St. Amb. L. 5. Epist. 32. k Vt cum quaestionibus & controversiis quae circa fidei dogmata incidunt , nibil quicquam commune habeat . Nefas est enim , qui Sanctissimorum Episcoporum 〈◊〉 ascriptus non est , illum Ecclesiasticis negotiis & consultationibus sese immiscere . Bin. Tom. 1. Conc. Par. 2. p. 166. Ed. Colon. * l. 869. l Quod 〈◊〉 modo iis liceat de Ecclesiasticis causis sermonem movere . Hoc enim 〈◊〉 & investigare , Patriarcharum , Pontificum & Sacerdotum est , qui regiminis officium 〈◊〉 sunt . Nos 〈◊〉 oportet cum timore & fide sincerâ 〈◊〉 adire , &c. Bin. Tom. 3. Concil . Par. 2. 682. Hist. Trip. L 5. 35. in the case of Hereticks . Notes for div A67908-e245620 * hold any . Instruct . adLaud . † our . Id. ‖ strictly . Id. * their . Id. * February . exemplar aliud . Notes for div A67908-e246380 Canterbury . London . Bath and Wells . Rochester : C : R : This must be remedied one way or other ; concerning which I expect a particular account of you . Peterburgh . Coventry and Lichfield . C : R : If there be Dark Corners in this Dioces ; it were fitt a true Light should Illuminat it ; and not this that is falce and uncertaine . St. Davids . St. Asaph . Landaff . Lincoln . C. R. Certainlie I cannot hould fitt , that anie Lay-Person or Corporation whatsoever , should have the Power thease Men would take to themselves . For I will have no Preest have anie Necessitie of a Lay Dependancie . Wherefore I command you to show me the way to overthrou this , and to hinder the Performance in tyme , to all suche Intentions . Hereford and Bangor . C. R. As soon as may bee , get these Bishoppes Certificats . Ely. Januar. 2. 1634. Cant. C : R : Put mee in mynd of this at some convenient tyme , when I am at Council , and I shall redress it . Rochester . Sarum . C. R. I doe , and will express my Pleasure ( if need be ) what way you will. Bristol . Bath and Wells . Exon. Lincoln . C. R. The South-West Windis commonly the best , therefore I will not hinder the blowing that way . Winton . London . Norwich . Ely. St. Davids . St. Asaph . Landaff . C. R. This is not much unlike that which was not longe since uttered elsewhere , viz. That the Jewes Crucified Christ like a Damned Rogue between two Theeves , &c. Glocester . C. R. I must bee satisfyed , that the Occasions were very necessary , otherwaies he shall Answer itt . Hereford . Oxford . Chichester . Peterborough Canterbury . London . Lincoln . Bath and Wells . Norwich . Oxon. Sarum . Ely. Chichester . St. Asaph . Bristol . Landaff . Hereford . Winton . Peterburgh Rochester . Exeter . St : Davids . Glocester . The Account of my Province of Canterbury for the Year , 1636 , presented to his Majesty , Jan. An. Praed . Canterbury . C. R. Informe mee of the Particulars , and I shall command the Judges to make them Abjure . London . C. R. What the High Commission cannot doe in this , I shall supply , as I shall finde Cause in a more powerfull way . Winchester . Bath and Wells . Norwich . C. R. Let him goe : Wee are well ridd of him . C. R. I approve your Judgment in this . I only add , that care must be taken , that even those Qualified by Law , keepe none but Conformable Men. C. R. Bishops Certificates in this Case , must be most unquestionable Evidence . C. R. His Sute is granted , and assuredly his negative Consequence shall followe . Oxford . C. R. If this be not , upon Composition , I understand itt not . Ely. 〈◊〉 . C. R. This may prove a bold Part in the Bishop , and the poore Preist in noe Fault ; as the other Day his information proved concerning the Ship Business at the Council-Board : therefore examine this farther . C. R. Try your way for some tyme. Sarum . 〈◊〉 Exon. Chichester . Peterborough . Hereford . C. R. Which ye shall not want if you need . St. Davids . C. R. Since he hath beene at the Charge and hath so good Testimonie , lett him have his desire , with those restrictions mentioned . Landaff . St. Asaph . C. R. Itt is done . Bangor . C. R. I doubt not , but by the Grace of God to agree these Differences by my hearinge of them . Rochester , Glocester , Bristol . Coventry and Lichfield . C : R. For the Bishops of Gloster and Coven : and Lich : I must know why they have not made other Account . Whythall : the 21 : of Feb : 1637 : Cant. C. R. Keepe those particular Persons fast , untill ye thincke what to doe with the rest . London . C. R. Itt is most fitt . Winton . C. R. I desire to know the certaintie of this . Ely. Rochester . Sarum . Peterburgh . Bath and Wells . Lincoln . Norwich . C. R. Let him proceed to Deprivation . C. R. Let him doe his Duty , and I shall take care , that no Prohibition shall trouble him in this case . C. R. Herein I shall not faile to doe my Part. Exon. Oxford : C. R. Lett mee see those exemptions and then I shall declare my further Pleasure . Bristol . C. R Doe soe . C. R. I shall . Chichester . Hereford . St. Asaph . Landaff . Bangor . Worcester . St. Davids . C. R. Cale for them . Canterbury . C. R. Demand theire helpe and if they refuse , I shall make them assist you . London . Winton . Lincoln . Oxon. Worcester . Exon. Hereford . Ely. Bristol . C. R. In this ye have very great reason , for it is not fit that the Sentence of Excommunication should stand longer then it needs must . Landaff . St. Davids . C. R. It is no wonder that this Relation is imperfect , since the Bishop's Sicknes gives him an excuse for absence . Bangor . Glocester . C. R. This is well enough if he have left his desire of further absenting himselfe . Norwich . C. R. I doe soe . Lichfield . C. R. I shall . Chichester . Peterborough Sarum . Bath and Wells . Rochester . S. Asaph . Canterbury . C. R. It were not amisse to speake with the Keeper about this . London . Winton . Oxford . C. R. Command him in my name to doe soe . Conventry and Lichfield . C. R. I am content . Norwich . Ely. C. R. It must not bee . You are in the Right , for if faire meanes will not , power must redresse it . C. R. Cotting ! on would bee spoken withall concerning this . Hereford . Bristol . Peterburgh . C. R. Soe that Catechizng be first duely performed let them 〈◊〉 a Sermon after that if theye desire it . C. R. It is most necessary that the Bishop observe this that you mention , strictly . Lincoln . Exeter . Asaph . Bath and Wells . Sarum . Worcester . Gloucester . Rochester . St. Davids . Landaff . Bangor . Chichester . C. R. I hope it is to be understood , that what is not certified here to be amisse , is right , touching the observation of my Instructions , which granted , this is no ill Certificat . 10 : Feb. 1617 / 40. C. R. Notes for div A67908-e257790 * Who I believe , is the Author of this Tract . Notes for div A67908-e258130 * And would be then disclose it to me , if I were in any degree a Promoter of it , or a Favourer of the Religion : * This is not so . For I gave not any Vote at all for his Censure . * If a stranger were thus affected at the hearing of this Plot , how should we our selves be sensible thereof ? * I have not looked upon these 〈◊〉 these two Years and 〈◊〉 half . Yet ( if my memory fail not ) here are some 〈◊〉 left 〈◊〉 . * The Jesuits Plots are never ended till they obtain their 〈◊〉 ends in all things . * The Pope and Cardinal Barbarino . His Majesty and the Realm may be soon be trayed by such false Attendants . I beseech Your Majesty read these Letters as they are endorsed by figures , 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. Ye had reason so to doe . It is an unanswerable Dilemma . I concur totally with you in opinion , assuring you that no body doth , or shall know of this businesse , and to shew my care to conceale it , I received this but this afternoon , and now I make this dispatch before I sleepe . Herewith I send his warrant , as you advise , which indeed I judge to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 way . I like your answer extreame well , and doe promise not to deceive your confidence , nor make you break your word . I have sent all back . I thinke these Apostyles will bee warrant enough for you to proceed , especially when I expresly command you to doe so . In this I am as far from condemning your judgment , as suspecting your fidelitie . C. R. * The King's hand and date . * The Arch-Bishop's Postcript . * A very good Argument of truth and reality . * Therefore a man of note and imployment . * The quality of the discoverer and means inducing him to reveal this Plot. * The Popes Nuncio then in England . Four sorts of Jesuits . * A good Caveat to Nobles and Gentlemen , to beware they entertain not a Jesuit or Romish Spie in their Houses instead of a Servant . * We had need 〈◊〉 about , when so many active 〈◊〉 are harboured among us , even perchance at this present . Therefore 〈◊〉 Kingdoms need 〈◊〉 to themselves . Strange , that such a Society should be 〈◊〉 under the Desender of the Faith. A strangeWorld when a Popes Legat shall be openly 〈◊〉 boured so 〈◊〉 the King and Court , and have free access to 〈◊〉 without controul . If the King truly hate the Pope , it will make his Instruments less effectual if they come in his Name : Popes Instruments are ever very active . Strange it was that the chief Men should not set themselves gainst him , and his , to send them packing hence ; especially that the King himself did it not when hethus tempted and assaulted him . That a Popes Legat should be so familiar with the King , and the King make much of him instead of banishing him , is a Riddle . * The Archbishop therefore , and he , had some familiarity and acquaintance at first . * This offer appears under the Arch - Bishop's own hand in the 〈◊〉 of his Life . The Papacy of Cant. and this otherWorld is of greater value , than an Italian Cardinalship . But he kept not him from the Court. Jesuits are both diligent and able to remove their 〈◊〉 at Court from out of Place and Favour too . It is admirable this Faction should be so powerfully predominant as to displace the greatest and faithfulest Officers . Jesuit I will be sure to move Hell when they cannot prevail with Heaven . Jesuits cannot indure neuters . If a man may be saved in any Religion be may safely imbrace any and cleave close to none . * The Bishop's Tyranny against Puritans the best advantage , and greatest advancement of Popes designs . * He means the Scottish Prayer-book ; the alterations whereof from the English were found in the Original Copy , under the Arch-Bishop's own hand , when his Chamber was 〈◊〉 . The Jesuits love to Fish when the Bishops trouble the Streams with their Innovations and Popish Ceremonies . The Jesuits the plotters and chief directors of the Scottish War. * The King tied to Conditions by Papists before they aided him . † Now practised in Oxford , Wales , and the Northern parts , by open toleration . * The more shame and pity , and a good Caveat for the Parliament henceforth to look to it . † The King then must needs be in great danger among Papists now . * Jesuits make but a vaunt of poysoning Kings . † The Jesuits it seems know very well King James was poysoned , belike by some of their Instruments . * It seems some Noblemens Chaplains are but the Popes and Jesuits Intelligencers , if not their Confederates . All foreign Popish States contribute their best assistance to reduce England to Rome . * A meet Guerdon for such a Service . Jesuits will not give over acting , till they 〈◊〉 their Designs . Bishops Sons oft-times the Pope's greatest Agents . 〈◊〉 industrious Activity should shame our Slothfulness . The Protestants want of such mutual correspondency and intelligence is a great weakning to their cause . Let them learn Wisdom by their Enemies . * A 〈◊〉 place for their intelligence and correspondency with Ireland , lying in the midst between both . The Jesuits 〈◊〉 make 〈◊〉 use of all Nations and 〈◊〉 . * O that such Romish Seducers should obtain such Power and Rewards , for being seducing Instiuments . The Jesuits it seems are very powerful at 〈◊〉 . The Pope's weekly intelligence at Rome , from hence , can 〈◊〉 no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 England . Jesuits 〈◊〉 how to 〈◊〉 their Names and 〈◊〉 . There are more Popish Chapel in and about London , than are 〈◊〉 known . Jesuits can 〈◊〉 any 〈◊〉 or Part to delude the 〈◊〉 . Papists large Contributions to undermine our Religion , should make us liberal to defend it . Jesuits are as wise as Serpents , though not so innocent as Doves . The Jesuits 〈◊〉 of the Serpent to seduce men by female 〈◊〉 to their ruin . Her Voyage to Rome to visit the Pope , made her frequently to visit his Legat . The Countess belike was his forerunner 〈◊〉 . No wonder theEarls Debts be so great . A School of Nunns . Is not the King in gre it danger who hath such a Person in his Bed-chamber , now keeper of the great Seal ? Both King and Prince have Jesuitical 〈◊〉 in their Bed-chambers . All businesses and imployments must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aside to 〈◊〉 this Plot. A Jesuitical Secretary ; his 〈◊〉 and Articles in Parliament confirm 〈◊〉 this and more . Papists spare no cost . The other Conspirators Names . A sit Cover for such a Dish . It seems their Purses were strong , and their hopes great . A good Caveat for England now . † Jesuits know well how to equivocate thus . * Ij Popes must not favour Protestant Princes , it s a Miracle that they should favour them , or harbour any of their Agents now neer them . a I did all I could ; and the whole Business was examined at a Committee of Lords , his Majesty being present . And Sir William Roswell's last Answer to these Lords Committees came after I was committed , when it lay not in my Power to follow it any farther . * This must needs be the 〈◊〉 , or one employed from him . b Yet , by 〈◊〉 . c Most false . d This is added . * Page 171. e 'T is no Challenge neither . f Most false . g I could not prosecute him : Nor the Author of this Tract , had he been in my place . h The slanderous Tongues of your Faction made him presume , if any thing . i These Words are not mine . Besides , take the whole Sentence ; and then , &c. * See the General Hist. of France in the Life of H. 3. & 4. ‖ See the English Pope . k I had 〈◊〉 with either of them . And have received Blame from some Great Men , that I would not make use of them , as my Predecessor 〈◊〉 have done . k I had 〈◊〉 with either of them . And have received Blame from some Great Men , that I would not make use of them , as my Predecessor 〈◊〉 have done . l I had good reason to write them in my own Hand . Yet shall they never be proved to be all 〈◊〉 . And if they were , yet , &c. m This is according to the First Book of Edw 6. * With which his Speech in Star-chamber agrees ; There it is Hoc est corpus meum , &c. n This is no greater Proof of Corporal Presence , than the retaining of it is only to make a bare remembrance , &c. * To elevate the Hostia as Papists do . o It was never meant of Dr. 〈◊〉 . p I hope I shall not answer for other Men , if they prove not as they should . * See the Articles against him in Parliament . q He was 〈◊〉 inward with another Bishop , and who laboured his Preferment more 〈◊〉 I. r Go Potlids . s My Chaplains have answered their Faults ; or may , when 〈◊〉 . t Who told you so ? u Vtterly False . x I helped on that Parliament . And Sir Henry Vane was the Man that brake it , for ought I know . y When 't is prepared , it shall be welcome to me , to have any end . * 〈◊〉 . Eccles. 〈◊〉 . p. 322. Ead. lib. 1. and 〈◊〉 Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. Edit . ult . p. 926. * 23 Eliz. c. 1. 35 Eliz. c. 2. 3 〈◊〉 c. 3 , 4 , 5. * See 1 & 2 Phil. & Mary . c. 8. * Joh. 10. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. † 2 Joh. 10 , 11. * Gratian. caus . 23. a Sir Henry Vane wrought him out . * Gen. 3. † 1 King. 11. ‖ Qui amat 〈◊〉 , peribit in co . * Chamberlain , Cardinal Richelieu his Agent . * Now a Prisoner in the Tower , and taken in the Field in actual Rebellion in Ireland . * Grimston in his Life , Fox , Speed. † General History of France . * 〈◊〉 , Grimston . † See Dr. 〈◊〉 Book , and the Commons Charge against the Duke of 〈◊〉 . Notes for div A67908-e268200 * It should seem , that this Popish 〈◊〉 had assumed a wrong Name , and made use of that of a much 〈◊〉 Person , then a Member of the Vniversity ; who , perhaps , being absent at that time , might have unadvisedly left a Commission with this Emissary , to receive the Letters directed to him at Oxford . For from Dr : Bayly's Answer to the Arch-Bishop it appears , that after all the enquiry he could make into the matter , he could not find any reason to fasten any Suspicion upon Mr. Pully ; or that he was in the least inclined to Popery . * His Name is Weale . Ethic. l. 1.