An answer to Mr. Cressy's Epistle apologetical to a person of honour touching his vindication of Dr. Stillingfleet / by Edw. Stillingfleet. Stillingfleet, Edward, 1635-1699. 1675 Approx. 781 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 282 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61521 Wing S5556 ESTC R12159 11825031 ocm 11825031 49659 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61521) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49659) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 826:10) An answer to Mr. Cressy's Epistle apologetical to a person of honour touching his vindication of Dr. Stillingfleet / by Edw. Stillingfleet. Stillingfleet, Edward, 1635-1699. Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of, 1609-1674. [20], 508 p. Printed by R. White for Hen. Mortlock ..., London : 1675. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. A "person of honour" is Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon. cf. BM. Beginning to p. 11 photographed from Bodleian Library copy and inserted at end. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Cressy, Serenus, 1605-1674. -- Epistle apologetical to a person of honour. 2002-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-08 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Aptara Rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Imprimatur , Guliel . Wigan R mo in Christo Patri ac D no , D no Humphredo , Episc. Lond. à sac . dom . Nov 14. 1674. AN ANSWER TO M r. CRESSY'S Epistle Apologetical TO A Person of Honour Touching his VINDICATION OF D r. Stillingfleet . By Edw. Stillingfleet D. D. Chaplain in Ordinary to His Majesty . LONDON , Printed by R. White , for Hen. Mortlock at the Phoenix in S. Paul's Church-yard , and the White Hart in Westminster Hall. 1675. TO THE SUPERIOURS OF THE BENEDICTINS IN ENGLAND . Gentlemen , I Find it disputed among your Casuists , whether a Book written by a Member of Your Order , doth belong to the Author or to the Society ; the Arguments I confess are very weighty on both sides ; For in behalf of the Society it is pleaded with great reason , that by the Rules of your Order , no particular Member is to have property in any thing ; and in behalf of the Author , that a Book being the proper issue of his own Brain , cannot belong to any one else : Caramuel , finding the difficulties so great , undertakes to resolve the Case by a very subtle distinction of the Paper and Ink of which the Book is composed , and the Conceptions of the mind contained therein ; the former he gives to the Society , and the latter to the Author , which he proves ver● substantially ; for , saith he , the conceptions of the Book being the outward images of what was only in the mind of the Author can belong to no other than to him that formed them ; but against this ariseth a shrewd objection , that by this means every man hath right to the Picture that is made of him , and the Painter only to the Canvas and Colours . To which he answers very gravely , that the Picture is not properly th● immediate representation of the Person , but of that Idea of him which was in the fancy of the Painter . But upon this another Controversie arises ( as we find every day that one doth beget another ) whether that propriety which the Author hath in the Conceptions of his Book , can be disposed of by way of Legacy , or no ; and all the resolution I can meet with is , that it is probable he may ; but on the other side , the Superiours of the Order may make use of the contrary probability , and challenge the Book for their own . It is very well known to You , that Mr. Cressy was lately a Member of Your Order , who was the Author of the Book , to which this following Answer is made ; What Right You have challenged in it I know not , but I think it not likely he should dispose of it to any but to Your selves ; since he saith , his first writing against me was by his Superiours command , and in this Book he declares , that what he writes was not his own opinion alone ; and therefore it is probable you may have 〈◊〉 right to the conceptions , 〈◊〉 as to the Paper and In● 〈◊〉 Since his death ( which I knew not of till I had undertaken this Service and Duty in behalf of a Person of Honour to whose Kindness I am so extreamly obliged ) I know not to whom so properly to address my self , as to You , who were his Superiours ; especially since there are so many things in it wherein the Honour of Your Order is concerned ; to which I assure you I bear no malice , no more than I do to Your Persons , or to Mr. Cressy's memory . If I am guilty of mistakes , I beseech you to correct them with the same civility that I writ them . I have of late been somewhat used to writing , but I am yet to learn the Art and terms of Railing , and I hope I shall not find that any such Legacies are bequeath'd to you by any of your Order . I am Gentlemen , Your humble Servant , Edw. Stillingfleet . London , Nov. 14. 1674. THE CONTENTS . CHAP. I. OF Mr. Cressy's Apologie for the sharpness of his Style . pag. 1. CHAP. II. Of the Charge of Fanaticism and Mystical Divinity . p. 19. CHAP. III Of the Monastick Orders , in the Roman Church , and particularly of the Benedictin . 136. CHAP. IV. Of the Conversion of England , and the difference between the Brittish and Saxon Christians . p. 257. CHAP. V. Of the Poenal Laws against Papists . p. 327. To my L D. C. My Lord , SInce Your Lordships going from London , Mr. Cressy's Epistle Apologetical to a Person of Honour touching his Vindication of D r. Stillingfleet came to my hands ; and bears date , from his Cell , March 21. A. D. 1674. being the Anniversary day of S. Benedict . And he is not only thus punctual in the date of his Epistle , but he begins it with a very particular account , in what manner the Person of Honour's Book was sent to him ; viz. by the Letter-Post , but partly to abate charges and likewise to disguise the shape of a Book , it was folded up in loose sheets with all the Margins close pared to the very quick . After I had observed so much niceness in these , not very material circumstances , I could hardly expect that the least line of the Book should escape without numbering the words , syllables , and letters in it , and giving every one a distinct and punctual confutation . But I soon found several considerable parts gently passed over , and indeed by the very bulk of his Book , I presently perceived , that he was more curious to give the World an account , how the other came to him , than careful to answer it . For if he had treated every thing that was of like moment with equal exactness , it might very well have passed for the Second Tome of his Ecclesiastical History . And in truth , the matter of some part of it , is not much unlike , for he tells so long a story in the middle of it of the Kindness of some and the unkindness of others in England to him , and of the Books he had written , that it looked very like a Legend of himself ; only I do not find any Miracles he had done in any of them . Before he comes to his Apologie for himself , he takes great care to make me understand the mighty obligation laid upon me , by that Person of Honour , who was pleased with so much Kindness to undertake my Vindication from the impetuous assaults of an enraged Adversary . Which I was so justly sensible of before , that Mr. Cressy might have spared his pains ; for surely it was no small Favour to be delivered from the paws of so fierce a Creature , as he appeared to be in his former Book ; but to have it done in so obliging a manner , by a Person of so great Honour and Abilities , was as much beyond my presumption to hope for , as it is now above my Power to requite . I with I were a Person of that Credit and Interest to be able to express my Gratitude in that very way Mr. Cressy directs me to ; for of all things I desire to avoid the odious character and brand of Ingratitude . But since I make so small a Figure in publick affairs , the utmost I can do , is to save that Honourable Person the farther trouble of making Animadversions on this Epistle Apologetical . Which is written with that shew of humility and respect , that those who look only on the appearance , would imagine him strangely come off from the rage and fury he was in , when he writ his former Book ; but if we observe more carefully his sly reflections and crafty insinuations , we shall find that he hath only learnt to dissemble his passion , and to do the same mischief with a fawning Countenance . The first part of his Epistle is wholly spent in Vindication of himself as to the sharpness of Style and bitter Invectives he had used against me , which I shall briefly consider before I come to the more material parts of his Book . CHAP. I. Of Mr. Cressy's Apologie for the sharpness of his Style . § . 1. MR . Cressy in his Preface to Sancta Sophia finding it necessary to put some shew of difference between the pretences to extraordinary illuminations in F. Bakers way , and those of the Fanatick Sectaries among us , hath unhappily pitched upon this for one of them ; That the lights here desired and prayed for , are such as do expell all Images of Creatures , and do calm all manner of passions , to the end that the soul being in a vacuity , may be more capable of receiving and entertaining God in the pure fund of the Spirit . Could any one after these words , have expected to have found this recommender of Mystical Divinity , foaming and raging with the violence of passion , and so tormented with the creatures of his own imagination ; that he could not forbear expressing it to that degree in his Book , as deserved rather the pitty , than the answer of his Adversary ? This the Person of Honour took just notice of , in the beginning of his excellent Discourse , and wondered what insupportable provocation was given to him , that he could not restrain so free a vent of his unmanly passions : but upon an impartial view of the places in my Book at which Mr. Cressy was so highly offended , he did at first rather think he was not the Author of the Book he answers , than that he should be guilty of so much bitterness and unreasonable passion : but when the reasons were so many to convince him , that he was the Author , he had rather still lay the fault of his manner of writing upon the commands of his Superiours , than his own temper and inclination . Upon this Mr. Cressy makes many Apologies for the sharpness of his style against me ; and spins out a great part of his Epistle on this subject ; which he needed not to have done , with any regard to me , as though I were concerned at it ; for I assure him , if I would wish an Adversary to write so , as to do the least prejudice to me , and the greatest to himself and his Cause , I would wish him to write just after that Copy ; and I cannot easily think of a provocation great enough to make me follow his example . But he pleads for himself , that Charity it self sometimes requires sharpness of style and even bitter ( that is , uncharitable ) Invectives . I suppose he means such a sort of Catholick Charity , as first damns us , and then brings railing accusations against us : and I do not question , but he that pleads for bitter Invectives out of meer Charity , could make as fine an harangue to shew not only the admirable Charity , but even the Mercy of Fire and ●aggot : and he knows the charitable method of the Inquisition is , first to put on the Sanbenits , representing the Persons with Pictures of Devils upon them , and then to carry them to execution . I remember I have read that Machiavils Son being summoned to appear before the Court of Inquisition , to answer to some things laid to his Charge ; the grave Inquisitors asked him , Whether he believed as the Church believed ; he answered yes , and a great deal more ; at which they were not a little pleased , hoping to get from his own words enough to condemn him ; and asking him , What that was which he believed more than the Church believed , he gravely told them , it was , That their Worships Informers were a pack of Knaves . So indeed I should think that I believed more than their Church believed , should I believe that they damn us out of meer charity , and write bitter Invectives for a demonstration of their Kindness . Alas ! how hath the World been mistaken in them ! Their cruelty , is meer pitty ; their Invectives , Compassion ; and their Railing , Charity . § . 2. But Mr. Cressy wants not great examples for this ; for he brings in no meaner than of Moses and the Prophets , St. John Baptist , Christ and his Apostles , and several Fathers of the Church for it . It seems then , the practice of railing hath Antiquity , Universality , and Consent for it ; which is much more than they can shew for many other of their practices ; and which is the greatest wonder of all , they have Scripture too : and that , not one single passage , like Hoe est corpus meum ; but Moses and the Prophets , Christ and his Apostles , nay , S. Iohn Baptist too , do all bear witness to it . Any one would think , if Mr. Cressy say true , the Bible were the railingest Book in the World. What not Moses the meekest man upon earth forbear such bitter Invectives ? not our Blessed Saviour , who when he was reviled , reviled not again , when he suffered he threatned not , but committed himself to him that judgeth righteously ! not he , who hath threatned Hell-fire to him that uses contumelious expressions against his Brother ! such as Zani , or Scarron , or the like . Not he , who bids his Disciples learn meekness from him , and was the most incomparable pattern of it , that ever appeared in humane nature ! Not his holy Apostles ! who charge all Christians to put away all bitterness and wrath , and anger , and clamour , and evil speaking ! And would they indeed , do that themselves , which they so severely forbid in others ? Where is Mr. Cressy's Charity for them the mean while ? While he produces these examples to justifie his own bitterness , he makes the most bitter Invective not only against them , but even Christianity it self . But what will not men do , or say , to justifie their violent passions ? If he had stabbed me , he might as well have made Phinehas his precedent ; and if he had cursed me , have quoted some passages in the Fsalms for it . If Moses was so angry that he brake the Tables of the Law ; doth Mr. Cressy think , it was at any that spake against the Idolatry of the Golden Calf ? no ; it was at those who committed it : and it is probable he might have been so , at those who would have struck the second Commandment out of those Tables , or eluded the force of it by vain and idle distinctions . The great anger of the Prophets was against those who drew the people to Idolatry : and Mr. Cressy is so pertinent in his proofs as to bring this to justifie his rage against me , for writing against the Idolatry of the Roman Church : for so much he expresses in several places . Our Saviour and S. Iohn Baptist do express great zeal against the Scribes and Pharisees : but let Mr. Cressy consider , they were a sort of sowre , ill-natured hypocrites , that would allow none a good word , nor so much as hopes of salvation that were not of their way ; that were full of malice , and envy , and all evil passions , and at the same time pretended highly to mortification and more devotion than others . I find nothing like Invectives in all the writings of the holy Apostles ; unless it were against the opposers , or corrupters of Christianity ; and when Mr. Cressy proves me to be guilty of either of those , I will lay my self open to the darts of the most Venomous Tongue among them . But instead of that I know no other cause in any Books I have written , that should expose me to the rage of these men , beside the zeal I have therein discover'd for the honour and purity of the Christian Religion , against the fopperies and corruptions of the Roman Church . And for such a Cause as this , I am prepared to suffer , whatever their fury and malice can raise up against me . This , this is the Cause , which I hope I should not be ashamed nor afraid to own and defend , although Mr. Cressy's Power were as great as his Charity . The Church of England I do from my heart honour and esteem , ( notwithstanding all the base suggestions of Mr. Cressy to the contrary , even in this Epistle Apologetical ) but I do therefore so much esteem it , because in it the Christian Religion is preserved free from the frantick heats of Enthusiasm and the dotages of Superstition . If they will undertake to convince me , that the things I condemn in the Church of Rome , were any parts of the Christian Religion delivered by Christ or his Apostles , I shall diligently weigh and consider what ever they have to say ; but if they only give hard words , and betray impotent passions ; if they shuffle and shew tricks instead of reasoning ; if all their charity towards me lyes only in bitter invectives , they will do but little good upon me , and I think not much to their own Cause . § . 3. But I am mistaken all this while , Mr. Cressy doth not write this Apology to give me satisfaction , but the Person of Honour , and the genuine Learned Protestant Clergy of the English Church ; and if these , he saith , after impartial considering the motives and grounds of his invectives shall determine , that in his late , to him ( alas ! ) unusual manner of treating with me he hath offended against Christian Charity , or purposely intended to fix any dishonourable brand on the English Protestant Church or Discipline of it established by Law , he will be ready without any reply to suffer whatsoever censure or punishment they shall think fit to inflict upon him . What! no offence against Christian Charity to charge me with deriding and blaspheming the Saints in glory ; with having a hatred horribly poysonous against the Catholick Church militant ; and that will not spare the Church Triumphant : no offence at all , to call me Theological Scarron , and to say , that I act the Theological Zani ; that all my Book except twenty or thirty pages consists of Scurrilous Buffoonries , petulant revilings of Gods Saints ; and in effect by his Epigram out of Martial to charge me with downright Atheism ; and twice in the same passage with impiously and profanely employed wit : none at all , to say , That I had a heart brimful of the Gall of bitterness , that I writ with Ink full of Gall and poyson ; that I gave free scope to all unchristian and even inhumane passions ! That my Book wholly composed of malignant passions and new-invented Calumnies against Gods Church , was only the private design of a malicious brain on purpose to feed the exulcerated minds of a malevolent party among us : that , all the weapons I make use of , pierce into the very bowels of the persons , fortunes and condition of English Catholicks , whose destruction I seem to design . What! none at all , to charge me so often with prevaricating with the Church of England , and designing to destroy her , under a pretence of defending her ! These are some of the flowers of Mr. Cressy ' s Charity towards me , which I have picked out of some few pages of his Book ; and he hath taken abundant care to prevent any unlikeness in the parts of it . And doth Mr. Cressy in good earnest think , it is no breach of Christian Charity to charge me upon such pittiful grounds , with no less than carrying on blasphemous , Atheistical , treacherous and cruel designs ? But if this be his Christian charity , what would the effects of his malice be ? Let now any indifferent person judge , whether the Person of Honour had not reason to say , That he never observed so many personal reflections and invectives , fuller of causless passions , and of bitterness and virulence in so little room in any Book . But whatever the Person of Honour thinks , Mr. Cressy makes his appeal to the genuine Learned Protestant English Clergy . If he had been a Clergy-man who had done me that great kindness , then Mr. Cressy would have appealed to Persons of Honour ; and surely such are the most competent Judges in cases of affronts and injuries : but herein lyes Mr. Cressy's art which runs throughout his Epistle , that he would fain separate me from the Church of England , and make my cause distinct from hers : I do not wonder , that they would part me from my company , and deprive me of my shelter , when they have such a mind to run me down . But these arts are easily understood : and the design is too fine to hold , and too apparent not to be seen through . Mr. Cressy knows very well , the Use that was made at Athens of the Fable of the Dogs and the Sheep ; and what good words and fair promises the Wolf made to the Sheep ; if they would but consent , that the Dogs might be given up to be destroyed . And no doubt the crafty Wolf would have made a very fine speech to the Sheep , to have perswaded them , that he had no manner of ill will to them ; for he had known them long and loved them well , and alwayes looked upon them as a company of very innocent and harmless creatures ; but for those Dogs that were set to watch them , he knew how different their principles were , and how destructive to them , if occasion served ; and for all that he knew , these Dogs might have Covenanted together to worry them , upon a fair opportunity ; and therefore for his part , he could not but wonder at their patience , that some of the stoutest Rams among them , did not set upon those pestilent Currs ; or at least , he hoped , they would not be so regardless of their own safety , as not to suffer some well-wishers to the flock , to take them quietly and destroy them . For alas ! at the best , they do but make a noise , and disturb the repose of the Sheep ; and if they were gone , there would be nothing but unity and love left . I need make no application of this to Mr. Cressy ; and I am far from the vanity of supposing this capable of being applyed to my case , any farther than as I am one of those , who are at present engaged in the Defence of our Church against that of Rome . It is the happiness , and honour of our Church of England , that it hath in it at this day such store of persons both able and willing to defend her Cause ( as , it may be , no Church in the World hath ever had together more persons of excellent abilities , great Learning , and unaffected Piety ; ) and I look on my self as one of the meanest of them : but it hath been my lot to be engaged more early and more frequently in this Cause than others ; which hath drawn so great a hatred of my Adversaries upon me ; but I thank God , I have a good Cause and the testimony of a good Conscience in the management of it , and so long I neither fear the waspishness of some , nor the rage of others . § . 4. But this is their present design to represent me as one of different principles from the Church of England , and not only different , but such as if well understood , are destructive to it , and therefore they very gravely advise our Reverend Bishops to have a care of me , if they hope to preserve the Church of England . And can we think it is any thing else but meer kindness and good will to our Church , that makes them so solicitous for its welfare ? It is a sad thing , saith Mr. Cressy , that not one Protestant will open his eyes and give warning of the dangerous proceedings of their Champion ? Nay , it is no doubt , a very sad thing to them to see that we do not fall out among our selves ? I am sure it is no fault of theirs that we do not : for they make use of the most invidious and reproachful terms together concerning me , that if they cannot fasten on one passion they may upon another : but these poor designs have hitherto had but little success , and I hope will never meet with greater . And yet if nothing else will do , Mr. Cressy saith , that it is a ●hame , that hitherto not one true Prelatical Protestant has appeared as a Defender of the English Church and State against me ; but on the contrary even some English Prelates themselves have congratulated and boasted of my supposed successful endeavours against the Catholick Church , though ruinous only to themselves . Alas , good man ! his heart is even broke for grief , that our Bishops take no more care to preserve the Church of England . The Church he hath alwayes so entirely loved , and ventured as much for her as any body , while she was in prosperity , and there was no danger ; and only forsook her , when she was not able to reward his Love. The truth was , he gave her for gone at that time ; and then it was the late Church of England with him ; and no wonder when he thought her dead , that he made Court to a richer Mistress ; but it was but a swooning fit , she is come to her self again , and I hope like to hold out much longer than that which he hath chosen . And although Mr. Cressy's hands be now tyed , and he hath entred into new Vows ; yet he cannot , for his heart , forget the kindness he had to her in her flourishing condition , because she was then very kind to him ; he remembers the marks of her favour , and the rich presents she made him ; and therefore something of the old Love revives in him towards her , at least so far that he cannot endure to see her ill used ; when her Guardians neglect her , and her Sons prevaricate with her . If Mr. Cressy's faith had been as great as his Charity , to have made him believe that she would ever have come to her self again , I cannot think he would have forsaken her so unhandsomely ; and left her in a dying Condition : but who could ever have thought that things would have come about so strangely ? But what if all this present shew of kindness prove meer collusion and prevarication in him ? What if it be only to divide her Friends , and thereby the more easily to expose her to the malice of her enemies ? For as long as the Church of England stands , she upbraids him , in his own words , with malignant ingratitude : and it is the plausiblest way for him that was once a Servant and a Lover , to compass her ruine with a pretence of Kindness . § . 5. But wherein is it , that I have prevaricated with the Church of England , whilst I have pretended to defend her ? The first thing he instances in , is , my charging the Church of Rome with Idolatry . In very good time Mr. Cressy ! and , is this prevaricating with the Church of England ? when I have already , in two set Discourses , at large proved , that by all the means we can come to know the sense of a Church , this Charge hath been made good against her , from the beginning of the Reformation to 1641. and that even then the Convocation declared the same in the Canons then made . But what must I do with such kind of Adversaries , that will never answer what I say for my self ; but do run on still with the same Charge , as though they had nothing to do when they write , but to tell the same story over and over ; Let Mr. Cressy do with his Readers as he pleases ; for my part , I shall never follow him in that kind of impertinency : For there is not one word there used by him , which I had not particularly answered , before he writ it . The like I may say , of the second Charge , viz. that by the principles laid down by me , I destroy the Authority of the Church of England ; which I have already shewed at large to be a very impertinent Cavil , and that I do maintain as much Authority in the Church of England , as ever the Church of England challenged to her self . And to that Discourse I refer Mr. Cressy for satisfaction ; If he will not read it , I cannot help that ; but I can help the not writing the same things over again : and so this other part of his Epistle Apologetical is wholly impertinent ; unless he had taken off , what I had said for my self already in answer to the very same Objections . But all the reason in the World shall never satisfie Mr. Cressy , that I aim not at setting up a Church distinct from the Church of England ? If it be any , I assure him , it is a very invisible Church ; for it is a Church , without either Head or Members ; I declare my self to be not only a Member , but an affectionate hearty friend to the Church of England ; I perswade some to it ; I endeavour , what in me lyes , to keep others from revolting from it . But where lyes this Dr. Stillingfleet's Church , which Mr. Cressy makes such a noise with ? I know none but that of the many thousands in England that have not bowed their knees to Baal : and to prevent any farther suspicion of my meaning , I do declare I am for no other Church , than that Church of England which is established by Law among us . But it must be allowed to those who plead for seeing Visions , that sometimes they may dream Dreams . Having therefore cut off so much impertinency , I shall reduce the matter yet to a narrower compass , by casting by the large account he gives of the several Books written by himself , in all which tedious Discourse , the wisest thing he saith is , That Books relating to personal things are scarce ever so long-lived , as a yearly ●lmanack , and serve only to increase the uncharitableness and injustice of the present Age , in which men will be sure to censure all Books and Persons , and are indifferent whether they condemn the Plaintiff or Defendant or both . I shall not therefore feed so bad a humour by medling with any personal Disputes ; but come now , to the main things , which deserve any farther discussion , in the passages between the Person of Honour and Mr. Cressy . CHAP. II. Of the Charge of Fanaticism and Mystical Divinity . § . 1. ANd the first thing is about the Charge of Fanaticism ; which gave the Title to that Book of Mr. Cressy ' s , upon which the Person of Honour bestows his Animadversions . This Mr. Cressy said he would begin with , and particularly that part of my Book which concerns the life and prayer of Contemplation commended and practised only in the Catholick Church ; it being a State , he saith , which from the Infancy of the Church hath been esteemed the nearest approaching to that of Glorified Saints : and this is that , from whence I took an occasion to vilifie him ; but adds , that he is very well content to receive his proportion of scorn with such companions , as Thaulerus , Suso , Rusbrochius , Blosius , &c. But to the end I may not boast , he saith , of the Novelty of my invention and profanely employed wit , he doth assure me , that he heard the same way much better acted a long time since , but the Actor was obliged to make a Recantation Sermon for it . I thank Mr. Cressy for more of his Charity still , in that he parallels the representing the Fanaticism of their Church with the histrionical representing the life of our Saviour and his Att●ndants : it seems , there is no great difference to be made between the Reverence due to the Founders of their Monastick Orders , and to the Son of God himself . I do assure him if I had no better opinion of our Blessed Saviour as to his Wisdom and all manner of Excellencies , than as yet I see ground to have of the Founders of their Orders , I should be far from that esteem I now have of the Christian Religion : but however , the Person of Honour hath better informed Mr. Cressy ' s memory , viz. That the Recantation Sermon was made upon the account of State-matters ; and therefore Mr. Cressy very wisely passeth it over in his Epistle Apologetical . To this the Person of Honour adds , That Mr. Cressy had no such reason to be enraged at me for this Charge , since the provocation was given me by my Adversary , by whom the beginning of so many Sects & Fanaticisms was laid to the charge of the Church of England : which unseasonable and untrue reproach , made it necessary for me to answer and refell that calumny , and as reasonable to let them know that their own Church is much more lyable to that accusation than the other : and why this provocation should be so innocent an assault for the one , and the defence by the other should prove so heinous an offence , will require an impartial Judge to determine . To this Mr. Cressy thus answers ; That my Adversary chanced unhappily though innocently to let drop out of his pen one line or two which has undone us all . I know no design of undoing them that any of us have had ; unless it be as some men think they are undone , when they are kept from doing mischief : but I hope we may have leave to take care of our own preservation , and of that Religion we ought to value above our lives : but suppose it were so , whom may they thank for it ? him that gave the provocation , or him that did but his duty in Defence of his Church and Religion ? But come , come Mr. Cressy ; let us not flatter our selves , it is not the Fly upon the Wheel that raises the Dust ; we Writers of Controversies are no great Doers or Undoers of publick business . But Mr. Cressy denyes , that my Adversary did lay the imputation on the Church of England ; and craves leave with all due respect to tell the Person of Honour , that it was a great mistake in him to say so . Of that we may judge by the very words produced by Mr. Cressy , viz. Whether the judgement of King Henry , viz. in forbidding the Bible to be read in English , ought not to have been followed in after-times , let the dire effects of so many new Sects and Fanaticisms as have risen in England from the reading of the Scripture bear witness . In which words the rise of Sects and Fanaticisms is plainly imputed to the reading the Scripture , the reading of the Scripture in English is an effect of the Reformation of the Church of England ( for it is the Church of England as reformed , that is only the subject of the dispute ) And therefore I appeal to any indifferent person , whether the Reformed Church of England doth not in their Opinion bear the blame of all the Sects and Fanaticisms ? But this is too plain a thing to be insisted upon : No , saith Mr. Cressy , the very naming of Fanaticism and England in the same line , was provocation enough for me ; who seemed with an impatient longing to have watched for such an advantageous opportunity to empty my voluminous store of Collections . How strangely may some be deceived by an overweening imagination ! I was so far from having a Voluminous store of Collections , that I never thought of the Subject , till it came in my way to answer it ; and then I remembred some things I had read to that purpose , which put me upon a farther search into the history of those things . And since Mr. Cressy will have it out , this is the true account of the birth of that terrible Mormo that hath brought so many reproaches and execrations upon me . § . 2. There are two parts of this Charge of Fanaticism , which Mr. Cressy thinks himself particularly concerned in ; and which I shall therefore handle distinctly ; the one concerns Mystical Divinity ; and the other , the honour of S. Benedict , and his Rule and Order ; these two Mr. Cressy sets himself with all his force to defend , and I hope before I have done to make Mr. Cressy repent the heat , he hath shewed about them . I begin with that concerning Mystical Divinity ; of which Mr. Cressy still speaks with the greatest Veneration imaginable ; he had before called it , The practice of Christian Vertues and Piety in the greatest perfection this life is capable of ; the nearest approach to the state of glorified Saints ; the most divine exercise of contemplative Souls , more perfectly practised only in Heaven : and now he makes a prayer for me , that it would please God to give me and all my friends a holy ambition to aspire to the practice of contemplative prayer , though by me so much despised . But of the good effects he saith it would have upon me , I do the most wonder at that which he adds , viz. that it would exceedingly better my style . I have hitherto thought the choice of clear and proper expressions , such as most easily and naturally convey my thoughts to the mind of another , to be one of the greatest excellencies of Style ; but all before Mr. Cressy , that have been the greatest Friends to Mystical Divinity have endeavoured to excuse the hard words of it . Surely never any Masters of Style , before Mr. Cressy , thought obscure , strained , affected , unintelligible phrases , were any Graces and Ornaments of speaking : Would it not add much beauty to ones style , to bring in the state of Deiformity , the superessential life , the union with God in the pure fund of the Spirit , and abundance of such phrases ; which are so very many that Maximilian Sandaeus the Iesuit , hath written a large Book only in explication of them : and this is the account he gives of the Mystical Style ; that it is obscure , involved , lofty , abstracted , and flatulent , that it hath frequent hyperbole's , excesses , and improprieties . And he tells us , there were some , who ( not unhappily ) compared them to Paracelsian Chymists , who think to make amends for the meanness of their notions , by the obscurity of their terms . Carolus Hersentius hath nothing to answer to this , but only , that the matter cannot be plainer expressed in Mystical Divinity ; which is so far from being an argument to me that it can improve ones style , that it gives me very much ground to suspect the very thing it self . For God would never require from men the practice of that ( as certainly he doth the duty of Prayer and the greatest Love of himself ) which it is impossible for men to understand , when it is proposed to them . What obligation can there be to practise no man knows what ? The Christian Religion is a very plain and intelligible thing ; and if it had not been so , I do not know , how men could be obliged to believe it ? I do not say , that men could form a distinct conception in their minds of the manner of some of those things which are revealed in it ; as how an infinite being could be united to humane nature ; but this I say , that the terms are very intelligible , and the putting of those terms into a proposition , depends upon Divine Revelation , viz. that the Son of God was incarnate ; so that all the difficulty in this case lyes in the conception of the manner , which by reason of the shortness of our conceptions , as to what relates to an infinite being , ought to be no prejudice to the giving our assent to this Revelation ; since we acknowledge the union of a spiritual and material being in the frame of mankind , and are as well puzzled in the conception of the manner of it . But in Mystical Divinity , I say , the very terms are unintelligible ; for it is impossible for any man to make sense of that immediate Union with God in the pure fund of the Spirit , wherein the Mystical Writers do place the perfection of the Contemplative Life . § . 3. But because Mr. Cressy referrs the Person of Honour for the understanding those Mystical phrases , which I had quarrelled with , to the Author of the Roman Churches Devotions vindicated , which was purposely writ in answer to me upon this subject ; I shall therefore consider what light he gives us in this matter ; for I am very willing to be better informed . In the beginning he saith , that Prayer is the most Fundamental part of a Christians Duty ; if this relates to the matter in hand , viz. of contemplative prayer , it must be implyed , that this is a part at least of that fundamental Duty , and if it be so , I think my self obliged to understand it ; and it must be a very culpable ignorance , not to understand so fundamental a part of a Christians Duty . Therefore I shall pass by all his excursions , and hold him close to the matter in debate ; I confess he prepares his way with some artifice , which makes me a little jealous , for things plain and easie need none . He insinuates , 1. That those who have not these things , cannot well know what they mean ; and then adds , 2. That the means for obtaining them , are ( in his own words ) much frequent and continued vocal or mental prayer , much solitude and mortifications of our flesh , and abstraction of our thoughts and affections from any creature : much recollection , much meditation on selected subjects , and the endeavouring a quiescence as much as we can from former discourse , ( these actions of the brain and intellect now hindring the heart and will ) and the bringing our selves rather to a simple contemplation ( without any action of the brain or intellect , or at least as little as may be ) to exercise acts of love , adhere to , sigh after and entertain the object thereof : and after this , come passive unions , which are rather Gods acts in us than our own , and are particular Favours to some , and those not constant . By this explication , I am fallen into utter despair of understanding these things ; for if the acts of the brain and intellect prove such hindrances to the desired union , and the quiescence in order to it be that of Discourse , viz. of all ratiocination ; I am utterly at a loss , how this should ever be understood by the persons themselves , and much more how it should be explained to others : And I extreamly wonder at those , who go about to explain things which themselves confess are so far from being understood , that the acts of the understanding are hindrances to the enjoyment of them . But F. Baker speaks more plainly in this matter , when he describes this Mystick contemplation ; by which , saith he , a soul without discoursings and curious speculations , without any perceptible use of the internal senses , or sensible Images , by a pure , simple , and reposeful operation of the mind , in the obscurity of faith simply regards God as Infinite and Inco●prehensible Verity : and with the whole bent of the Will rests in him , as her Infinite , Universal and Incomprehensible Good. This is true Contemplation indeed . And afterwards he adds , that as for the proper exercise of active contemplation , it consists not at all in speculation , but in blind elevations of the will , and ingul●ing it more and more profoundly in God , with no other sight or knowledge of him , but of an obscure Faith only . And towards the conclusion of his Book he hath these words , We mortifie our passions to the end we may loose them : we exercise Discoursive prayer by sensible Images , to the end we may loose all use of Images and Discourse : and we actuate immediately by operations of the Will , to the end we may arrive to a state of stability in prayer above all direct exercises of any of the souls faculties : A state wherein the soul being oft brought to the utmost of her workings , is forced to cease all workings to the end that God may operate in her . So that till the soul be reduced to a perfect denudation of Spirit , a deprivation of all things , God doth not enjoy a secure and perfect possession of it . Nay , he saith elsewhere , that all use of meditation must be for a long space passed and relinquished , before the soul will be brought to this good state of having a continual flux of holy desires . I might produce much more to the same purpose out of him ; but this is enough to shew , that they leave no use of ratiocination or memory , in that which they call the perfect state of the Contemplative life ; and how is it then possible , that it should be either understood or explained ? Nay , F. Baker saith , that there is a cessation of all Workings of the soul , which is a little harder yet : But this is that otium mysticum , or divine state of quiescency which the Mystical Divines magnifie so much ; and which it is impossible to give any account of ; either how the soul being of so active a nature can subsist with a cessation of all her workings ; or supposing that possible , how it can ever give an account of that state wherein there was a cessation of all her workings . It is altogether as possible to give an account of the state of Not-being , as of such a state , wherein there were no operations of the soul ; or at least no use of ratiocination and memory . And of all things , methinks it is most improper to call that the State of Contemplation ; the State of Nothingness , is much more agreeable to it . But O. N. defends this to be a State of Contemplation ; for although , saith he , it be applyed to the will , yet its act is not single , but accompanied with a simple intelligence or sight of the object performed by the Intellect without any , or at least much Discourse thereof ; but this is not fair dealing , for F. Baker expresly excludes all Discourse , he saith not any , or at least not much ; but if there be any , Baker makes it not the state of pure contemplation ; however doth O. N. think that which he calls simple intelligence , or the understanding things without ratiocination , is a thing we are capable of , during the conjunction of Soul and Body ? But O. N. acknowledges , That these supernatural communications of the Divine Majesty to some of his choicest servants in prayer are so sublime and high , as that they are described by them not without great difficulty , and unusual expressions , which are not so well understood but by such as have experienced such favours which also happen to very few . Why then do they undertake to explain them ? Why do they write of them , and publish them to the World ? But commend me to Mr. Cressy himself , who gives me a very plain reason why I do not understand these things ; viz. in the words of S. Paul , that , The sensual man neither does nor can possibly understand them , because they are spiritually discerned , and therefore no wonder if they be esteemed foolishness by him who has never experienced them . What , yet more of your Charity Mr. Cressy ? I pretend to no Mystical Unions ; and should think it no perfection , much less a state of pure contemplation , to have all operations of my mind suspended ; but what then ? must I be a sensual man for this , and uncapable of understanding the things of the Spirit of God ? This answer , I should have expected from a Quaker ; and it is the common place they run to , when any tell them , that they talk Non-sense , or unintelligible Canting ; and I dare say , they speak nothing more unintelligible than this Mystical Divinity ; I might have expected this Answer from a follower of Iacob Behmen , who talks very sublime things too in his way ; and very much like Mystical Divinity . I might have expected it from a Rosycrucian ; for I find , that he who writ the Epistle Apologetical for the Brethren of that Order , produces the very same places of Scriptur● to justifie them , that O. N. and Mr. Cressy do for Mystical Divinity ; and saith , that theirs was a gift of perfection , which God did not communicate to all , but only to his elect ; and therefore no wonder if others did not understand it . But what it Mr. Cressy doth not after all this understand S. Paul ? and it is most evident he doth not . For S. Paul doth not there speak of any that had embraced the Christian Doctrine , and rejected any sublime pretence of devotion , as a thing not intelligible or consonant to the Christian Religion ( which are the reasons of my rejecting Mystical Divinity ) but he speaks of such , who rejected the Doctrine of Christianity it self , because it depended upon Divine Revelation . And so the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not the sensual man , as Mr. Cressy out of meer charity to me renders it ; but the man that supposes such a natural sufficiency in the humane soul in order to its own perfection and happiness , ( as the Philosophers did ) that there was no necessity either of divine revelation to discover any new doctrine , or of divine Grace to conduct us to our happiness . This I could easily make appear to be S. Pauls meaning , from the consideration of the design of his discourse , as well as the importance of the words , and the consent of the best Interpreters of S. Paul ; I mean S. Chrysostome , and his Disciples , viz. Isidore Pelusiot , and the Greek Scholiasts ; but I forbear , for fear Mr. Cressy should think , I take another opportunity to empty my voluminous store of Collections . But notwithstanding all the endeavours of Mr. Cressy and his Friend N. O. to make the State of Contemplation as described by F. Baker , more intelligible , it hath yet so much of darkness and shadow in it , that the more they pursue it , the farther it flyes from them . § . 4. But that is not all the quarrel I have to this Mystical Divinity , that it is unintelligible ; but that it leads persons into strange illusions of fancy , and when they think themselves freest from Images , they do then labour most under the power of a strong imagination , embracing only the Clouds of their own Fancies instead of such an immediate Union with the Divine Essence in the pure fund of the Spirit . And this I take to be a great injury , not only to those melancholy souls , that are led through this Valley of Shades and Darkness ; but to the Christian Religion it self , as though the way of perfection taught by it were a low , mean , contemptible thing in comparison of the Mystical flights of this Contemplative way . There are these two things therefore I shall endeavour to shew , 1. That this Mystical way hath no foundation at all in the Christian Doctrine , 2. The way and manner , how it came into the Christian Church , and hath obtained so much favour in it . 1. That it hath no Foundation at all in the Christian Doctrine . It is the great excellency of the Christian Religion , that it gives us such incomparable directions in order to the compleat Felicity of our immortal souls . That it hath not only discovered more plainly , and fully , the blessed state of another life ; but teaches men the most effectual way to prepare their minds for it ; viz. by sincere repentance , by inward purity , by subduing our passions , and due government of our actions according to the Rules of temperance and justice , by dependence on Divine Providence as to the affairs of this world , by patience under afflictions , by doing good to others , although our enemies and per●ecutors ; by deep humility and mean thoughts of our selves ; by a large charity , thinking as well of , as doing well to others ; by valuing the concernments of another life , above the advantages of this , ( which is called self-denyal ; ) and to that degree , that when our Religion calls for it , we should willingly part with our lives for the sake of it . This , as far as I can understand it , is the summary comprehension of a Christians Duty , in order to his happiness ; and by patient continuance in Well-doing he may with reason hope for the enjoyment of that Blessed State which is reserved to another life . The which being made known to the world by the Doctrine of Christ , therefore Faith in our Lord Iesus Christ is made so necessary a part of a Christians Duty ; and because we want divine supplyes , and assistance , to enable us to do our duty , therefore we are so much commanded to be frequent and ●ervent in prayer ; and many promises and encouragements are given to the due performance of it , from Gods readiness to hear the prayers of the Righteous , and to grant the requests they make to him . All this , is not only excellent in it self , and most reasonable to be done , but very easie to understand ; but not a word in all this tending to any immediate Union with God in the pure fund of the Spirit , or such a State of Contemplation wherein the operations of the soul are suspended ; nothing of passive unions and visions and raptures , as such things which every Christian who looks for perfection , may hope for . It is true , we are often commanded to love God with all our hearts ; but withal we are told , we must not fancy this love to be a meer languishing passion towards an infinite object ( which we therefore love , because we do not understand ; but see him only in profound darkness , and clasp about him with the closest embraces , being united to him in the most immediate manner : and being melted in the fruition of him . Which are luscious Metaphors brought into the Christian Doctrine from that antient Family of Love , I mean the School of Plato ; as I shall shew afterwards . ) But the love of Christians towards God is no fond amorous passion ; but a due apprehension and esteem of the divine excellencies ; a hearty sense of all his Kindness to us ; and a constant readiness of mind to do his Will ; for this is the Love of God to keep his Commandments . And if any man say I love God and hateth his Brother , he is a lyar ; for he that loveth not his Brother , whom he hath seen , how can he love God whom he hath not seen ? No man hath seen God at any time . If we love one another , God dwelleth in us , and his love is perfected in us . Thus the beloved Disciple who understood the greatest mysteries of Divine Love hath expressed them to us : and thus the beloved Son of God hath declared what he means by the Love he expects from his Disciples , If ye love me keep my commandments . And ye are my Friends , if ye do whatsoever I command you . Here is nothing of an abstracted life , or internal and external solitude , or self-annihilation in order to an immediate active union with God in the supream point of the Spirit ; nothing of blind elevations of the Will , without the use of Reason and Discourse , ingulfing it more and more profoundly in God ; all these Mystical Notions and expressions had another spring and more impure Fountain than the Christian Doctrine . § . 5. Not so ; say O. N. and Mr. Cressy , for if they may be believed there is ground in Scripture for all the most lofty mystical expressions . If so , I must retract what I have said ; but I never knew any men that needed more an infallible Interpreter of Scripture than they do ; they make such lamentable expositions of it ; if they can but hit upon a word or a phrase to their purpose , away they run with that , and never consider the design or importance of it . What work doth O. N. make with his Cor altum , and Regnum Dei intra vos ? whereas the first signifies nothing , but due consideration , nor the other any thing , but that the Kingdom of the Messias was then come among them . And what are these to Mystical Divinity ? And Mr. Cressy 's accedite ad Deum & illuminamini , is altogether to as much purpose ; for is there no instruction to be had from God , or his Law , short of passive unions ? no enlightning our minds , but by immediate inspirations ? But Mr. Cressy thinks he hath done the business and quite stopped my mouth with S. Paul 's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; who being in a wonderful Extasie , saw and heard God only knows what : which although he was willing to communicate , yet he had not the power to do it . But as the Person of Honour hath already very well told Mr. Cressy , What is this to those who go about to express what neither themselves nor any else can understand ? If they pretend to the same extasies , why do they not imitate his Modesty ? Why do they go about to help S. Paul to words to do it by , if himself declared it could not be done by words ? To which Mr. Cressy answers as much as was to be answered , which is , just nothing . But his Author O. N. brings the same place ; and not only that , but all those which mention the Revelations of the Prophets or Apostles . To what purpose ? Do I deny any Divine Revelations ? Do I give the least intimation that I questioned , whether there were any true inspirations in the Writers of Holy Scriptures ? God forbid ! But how doth it follow , if God did inspire men to declare his Will to mankind ; therefore all the pretences to Revelations and Inspirations in the Roman Church are true ? If S. Paul had once a true Rapture ; therefore all S. Teresa 's were such , and not the effects of a vehement Imagination . Let us observe the difference , not only in the value and excellency and judgement of the Persons ; but in the very manner of relating them . Her life written by her self ( to which O. N. appeals in this matter , as the great instance of the strictness and caution of the Roman Church in examining and approving Visions and Revelations ) consists almost wholly of a very plentiful narration of her Raptures and Visions . She began , she saith , to be awakened about six or seven years old , her Mother having made her to say her prayers and be devout to our blessed Lady and some other Saints ; wherein she very much out-went S. Paul , who never so much as once mentions her in all his writings . After this , she relates her very great sickness , so great that she saith , it alwayes deprived her almost of her senses , and sometimes altogether : and after she had read the third A , B , C ( a Book of Mystical Divinity ) she saith , she came to quiet prayer , and arrived to passive unions before she was twenty years old ; and herein again she far out-went S. Paul. She confesses , that she was in so great torment , that they were afraid who were about her , that she would have gone mad ; that she was put into such a heat that her sinews began to shrink with such intolerable pains that she could take no rest neither day nor night , but was continually oppressed with a most profound Melancholy . These are the very words written by her self as they are translated out of Spanish by an English Iesuit ; after this she saith , she fell into a trance ; so that she remained without sense almost four dayes , after which she remained under violent Torments , and her head exceedingly distempered ; and was not perfectly recovered in three years . Then she took S. Joseph for her Patron ; whom she called her Father and Protector ; and whereas other Saints help us in some one necessity , she had experience that this Saint helpeth us in all ; and that our Lord will give us to understand , that as he was subject to him on earth , so likewise in Heaven he obtaineth whatsoever he asketh . ( I am very much mistaken if this savour not of other kind of Divinity than ever S. Paul preached ) And she adds , that she had a great zeal to perswade others to be devout to this glorious Saint : because he helpeth those souls exceedingly which commend themselves to him ; especially those that desire a Master to teach them how to pray ; ( I suppo●e she means this contemplative way ) . After such an account given of her self , I do not at all wonder at the frequency of her Visions and Raptures ; in one , she saith , she saw Christ more plainly with the eyes of her soul , than she could have seen him with the eyes of her body ; and she looked upon it as a temptation of the Devil , that she was ready to think , this was nothing but Imagination . After this , she relates at large how she came to be swallowed up in the depths of Mystical Theologie ; and talks of Gods suspending the operations of the understanding ; in which , she saith , it understandeth more in the space of a Creed without discoursing , than we can understand with all our earthly diligences in many years : This she calls , being wholly ingulfed in God ; and distinguisheth this State , wherein the soul seems to be altogether out of her self , from Visions ; and she describes the third degree of Prayer to be a glorious frenzy , an heavenly folly ; in which , she saith , she had been as it were frantick and drunken in this love , and could never understand how it was ; and in this State , she saith , they speak many words in Gods praise without order , at least the understanding is nothing worth here ; for she adds , that then she speaketh a thousand follies , and she knew one who , being no Poet , chanced to compose very significant Verses extempore , declaring his pain very well , not made by his own wit. But there is a degree beyond this , which she calls , the State of not feeling , but enjoying without understanding what we enjoy ; but how this Union is , and what it is , she cannot give it to be understood , but leaves it to the Mystical Theology . Afterwards she distinguisheth between Union and Raptures : and saith , that these exceed Union , which he that writes the Glosses in the Margin saith , that she means that the soul enjoyeth God more in raptures ; but she tells us , that Union seemeth beginning , midst and end ; but our Lord must declare this , i. e. she knew not what she meant herself . In some of her raptures she speaks of Gods carrying away her soul , and almost ordinarily her head also after her , so that she could not detain it , and sometimes her whole body lifting it up : in these she saith , she undergoes great violence , and she was quite tyred with them : at other times she saith , her body was so light in raptures , that all the heaviness of it was taken away ; or rather , that the body remaineth as it were dead , without doing any thing , in which sometimes the senses are wholly lost ; but ordinarily they are troubled : and in the height of raptures , she saith , they neither hear , nor see , nor feel in her opinion ; no power hath the use of it self , nor knoweth what passeth in this occasion ; nor are we capable of understanding it . In this state , she saith , the soul is ingulfed ; or to say better , our Lord is ingulfed in her , and keeping her in himself for a little space , she remaineth with her will alone : and sets forth the body as bound for many hours in it , and yet sometime the understanding and memory distracted ; and after they return to themselves . When the rapture is over , it happeneth sometimes that our powers are so absorpt and as it were drowned for a day or two or three , that it seemeth they are not in themselves . There are these circumstances more to be observed concerning her : 1. That she was under great bodily weakness all this while . 2. That at this time when she had so many of these raptures , she confesses her self , that she was very backward and in the beginnings of vertues and mortifications . 3. That her great friends who had examined and considered her case , declared to her , that they looked upon all these things as delusions of the Devil ; upon which she applyed her self to the Jesuits , who encouraged her very much , and told her , it was the Spirit of God ; and henceforward they were the great men who gave her directions , not to resist those impulsions and elevations , as she had been advised before ; and put her upon greater perfection ; then she fell into her raptures , and understood in one of them , that hence forward she was not to converse with men , but Angels : and after this , she had such kind of voices very frequent within her , which she saith , are very formal words , but not heard with corporal ears , but understood much more plainly , than if they were heard ; and these speeches , she saith afterwards , were very continual with her ; and she had visions very frequently ; in one of which she saw only the hands of Christ , and in another his divine Countenance , which seemed wholly to abstract her , and afterwards she saw him altogether , but not with her corporal eyes , she confesses : and she satisfied her self , it could not be her imagination only , although her Confessor told her so , because the beauty was so great , as to exceed her imagination ; yet he still encouraged her , when as appears by her own confession , others about her whom she had a great opinion of , endeavoured to convince her it was only her imagination , to her great trouble ; insomuch , that she saith , the contradiction of the good were sufficient to have put her out of her wits . This Vision of the Beauty of Christ continued ordinarily with her for two years and an half , in which she had a great desire to see the colour of his eyes , and what bigness they were of , but never could obtain that favour . When the Iesuit-Confessor was out of the way , others told her plainly , it was the Devil that deluded her ; and they bid her cross her self when she saw a Vision ; she held a Cross in her hand to save her self the trouble , and Christ took it in his and gave it her again with four Precious Stones which had the five wounds artificially engraven upon them , which no body could see but her self . After this , she had a vision of Angels , and clearly discerned the coelestial Hierarchy ; but she supposed one of those she saw to be one of the Seraphins , who pierced her heart with a fiery dart , and when he pulled it out again , it left her wholly inflamed with great love to God ; but under excessive pain , which yet caused so great pleasure , that she could not desire to 〈◊〉 removed : in the dayes that this 〈◊〉 she saith , she was like a Fool , she desired neither to see nor speak , but to embrace her pain . Not long after she relates , how sometimes for three weeks together her imagination would be so tormented with trifles and toyes , that she could think of nothing else : then she fell into such a fit of dulness and heaviness without any kind of sense or remembrance of her former Visions and Raptures ; or else no otherwise than as of a dream to afflict , and then she was full of doubts and suspicions , that all was but imagination ; and if she conversed with any , the Devil put her in such a distasteful spirit of anger , that it seemed as if she would eat all , not being able to do otherwise . Then again , she had comfort in an instant , sometimes with a word , sometimes with Visions ; which continued for a time more frequent than before ; then she thought , that her bodily sickness was the cause of her former disturbance , and that her understanding was so unruly , that it seemed like a furious fool , whom no body could bind , neither was she able to keep it quiet for the space of a Creed : At other times again she compares her self to an Ass , being in a manner without any feeling ; and so it falleth out oft-times , she saith , that one while she laughed at her self , and other times she was much afflicted ; and the inward motion provoked her to put posies and flowers upon Images , and such kind of imployments . After this , the scene of her imagination was quite changed , for it represented nothing but Devils to her : in which state , she tryed one pleasant experiment , viz. how much more the Devils are afraid of Holy Water , than of the Sign of the Cross ; from the Cross they fly , but so as to return presently , but from the Holy Water , so as to return no more , ( Methinks then she should have used it but once ) and it was not more terrible to Devils , than she found it comfortable to her soul ; for she saith , that she found a particular and very evident comfort when she took it , and such a delight which strengthned her whole soul : which she found very often , and considered it with great reflection : then she relates , her being in Spirit in Hell , and what she endured there ; and towards the conclusion , her being placed in Heaven in a rapture , and seeing what was done there , where she saw her Father and Mother , &c. after which she adds , that our Lordshewed her greater secrets ( What! than what is done in Heaven ? ) for it is not possible , she saith , to see more than was represented unto her ; the least part of it was sufficient to make her soul remain astonished ; and found it impossible to declare some little part of it . And now we find her at S. Pauls height , and need go no farther in the account of her Visions , which continues to the end of her Book ; but let me ask O. N. who hath particularly recommended this life to the consideration of any sober Protestant , whether he doth in good earnest think that M. Teresa had the same kind of Raptures that S. Paul had ? I know he must not say otherwise , since the Roman Church hath Canonized her for a Saint ; but I think , they had done her a greater kindness , to have appointed her good Physicians in time , instead of her Iesuitical Confessors . I could hardly have thought , that among Christians I should have found S. Pauls Rapture parallel'd by such as these ; but we have lived to see strange things . If S. Paul had discovered in his Writings so many Symptoms of a disturbed fancy , such an oppression of Melancholy , such rovings of Imagination , such an uncertainty of temper ; could we ever think the world would have believed that Ecstasie , which he expresseth with so much Modesty , and makes so many Apologies for himself , that he was forced to mention it ; by the false Apostles boasting of their Revelations ? It is not expedient for me doubtless to glory ; I will come to Visions and Revelations of the Lord. I knew a man in Christ above fourteen years ago , &c. Of such a one will I glory , yet of my self I will not glory , but in mine infirmities ; — but now I forbear lest any man should think of me above that which he seeth me to be , or that he heareth of me . Although he had many Revelations , he mentions but one ; and that with the greatest modesty that may be under a third person , and that above fourteen years ago . He tells no long stories of a succession of Visions and Raptures , and sights of Angels and Devils ; mixed with many impertinencies and indications of a disordered Imagination . But saith O. N. that could not be in S. Teresa , considering the diligence that was used for several years in the tryal of her Spirit , and her Visions were confirmed to be from God , by a general attestation of them throughout the Christian World ; even those who suspected and questioned them at first afterwards magnifying them . But I desire no other evidence in this case , than what she gives her self ; supposing the matters of fact to be true according to her own relation ; not that I would condemn her , according to Mr. Cressy 's soft language , as a hypocritical Visionaire ; nor as many of her Friends did , as one deluded by the Devil ; but I see nothing in her case but what might be a natural effect of an over-heated Imagination , in a Person of a very melancholy devout temper , especially being before-hand possessed with the Notions of Mystical Divinity . And for the approbations given to her Visions I do not wonder at them , since there was a Design to Canonize her for a Saint , and she was the Foundress of a new Order ; and that there was something relating to this , in the penning of her Visions , seems to be not obscurely intimated in the last Page of her Book , where she desires him to whom she writ it , to make haste to serve his Majesty , that he might do her a Favour ; for it seems by her own relation , her Order met with great contradiction at Court. And for the approbation of her Books , I do no more wonder at that , than I do at others that proceed upon the same principles , viz. of Mystical Theologie . But I do exceedingly admire at those persons , who dare to bring the single instance of S. Pauls Rapture , to justifie all the pretences to Visions and Raptures , of the Melancholy and distempered Women of their Church . If we had not so great reason to put such a mighty difference between them , as to the Wisdom of the Persons , the reasonableness of their Doctrine , the Miracles wrought to confirm the testimony of the Apostles ; it would be , as Cardinal Bessarion said of the Canonizations of new Saints , that it made men Question the old ; so these new Raptures and Visions would expose the credit and Authority of undoubtedly Divine Revelations . Therefore let Mr. Cressy and O. N. have a care , while they are so ready to charge me with blaspheming Gods Saints , that by making the case so parallel between the Prophets and Apostles and their new Saints , they do not lay in the way of all considering men of their Church , one of the greatest temptations to Infidelity . § . 6. But O. N. hath not yet done : for he brings all those phrases of Scripture , that relate to the sanctification of mens souls by divine Grace , and the comfort of Gods Spirit , and the extraordinary Revelations which came by the pouring out of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles and their Disciples , to justifie the expressions of Mystical Divinity ; which are all extreamly impertinent , unless he can prove from any of them such an Union with the Divine Essence , as excludes the use of ratiocination in the soul ; wherein the perfection of Contemplative prayer is placed , and all the other phrases are to be understood with a respect to this . And what though there be two Spirits working within us , and there be degrees of spiritual persons , and the Spirit assists the souls of men with good motions which ought not to be resisted ; and what if some have a greater measure of this Assistance than others ; what if excellent minds may attain to an assurance that they are under the conduct of the Divine Spirit , and may have great comfort and satisfaction therein ; nay , what if I should grant , that a State of Perfection were attainable in this life ; yet all this were nothing to his purpose ; unless he can prove , that the supposing the perfection of a Christian to be consistent with laying aside the Use of all ratiocination , as it is in the Mystical Union , doth not expose men to the greatest Enthusiasm , and most Fanatick Delusions imaginable . I mean that state , which himself expresses , by those supernatural elevations wherein are communicated to the soul many times Celestial Secrets , and Divine Mysteries , and future events by internal words and Revelation ; all which things are received by it with a great tranquillity and attention , and cessation of the natural use of its Faculties Sensitive or Intellectual : nor seems it in its own disposal while it hath these touches . And this is that , he tells us , which the Mystick Divines express by the terms of a supernatural , or rather superessential life , a Deisormity , or Deification ; of a sense or fruition of Gods presence in the fund , depth , or center , or innermost part of the soul , or also in the Apex or supream point of it ; of Passive Unions , wherein is to be understood not an exclusion of all acts whatsoever , but an exclusion of any discursive and laborious acts , and any primary moving of it self to action . This explication I accept of ; and undertake to make it appear , that in it is contained the greatest height of Fanaticism . For what can be imagined greater , than to exempt all pretenders to Enthusiasm and Divine Inspiration from any tryal by humane reason ? For if no persons are competent Iudges of these supernatural elevations , but those which have experience of them ; as they assert ; if by virtue of these elevations men come to the knowledge of Divine Mysteries and Future Events by internal words and Revelation ; what is to be done with any Person who pretends to these elevations ? Must their Confessors judge of them ? But why ? for either they have not experienced these things , and then they are no competent Iudges ; or they have , and then they are pretenders to the same things , and ought as much to be judged by others : but how ? by the acts of reason , and the rules of it ? how is that possible , when they are supposed to be above all acts of Reason and Discourse ? and to do it without reason , will be as little honour to the Iudges , as it will be Vindication to the pretenders . But the Church is to be Iudge : Why so ? since the Spirit can no more deceive one than a thousand ; and they have satisfaction in themselves , that it is the Spirit of God in them , as much as it is possible for any to have that the Spirit of God directs the Church ; nay , much greater , for the other is only the certainty of reason and discourse ; but this is an inward Certainty of Experience , above all ratiocination . But how again shall the Church judge of this ? If the Church pretend to the same thing , she is lyable to the same accusation ; if she does not , she can have no pretence to judge of things that are to be known only by experience . So that if men speak consequently and agreeably to themselves , there is no way of tryal left for pretenders to these things . And what should hinder every Enthusiast from this pretence , or something very like it ; viz. Divine Inspiration ? Why should the pretence to the Spirit be more lyable to the tryal of other mens reason or Authority , than the pretence to Mystical Unions ? Cannot they make use of the very same places of Scripture to justifie all the Fanatick pretences to immediate impulses and motions of the Divine Spirit ? Cannot they tell men as easily , that they that are unexperienced are no Iudges in this case ; and that the sensual man cannot understand the things of the Spirit of God ? Nay , these have been the very pleas of all our Enthusiasts , and there is scarce one place of Scripture mentioned by O. N. which they have not been before-hand with him , in producing to the very same purpose . I cannot then find out the difference , between the highest of our Enthusiasts and theirs ; and the very same pleas which serve for the one , will justifie the other also . What have they ever pretended to , but to understand celestial secrets , divine mysteries , or future events by immediate Revelation ? Now all these things are owned , defended and justified by the Roman Church , and yet they not lyable to the charge of Fanaticism ? § . 7. No , saith O. N. Enthusiasm or Fanaticism doth not lye in speaking things hard to be understood , nor yet the pretending high and mysterious effects , Visions , Revelations , &c. for all these we believe may be and are often wrought in Gods Saints by the Holy Spirit , and his special presence in their souls , and that we say in a much higher and more admirable way , than any of Satans infatuations can imitate or ascend to ; but Fanaticism is a false pretence of these , or the like , when having no just ground to be credited , they pretend to them . So that the main point is yielded up to the Fanaticks , viz. Visions and immediate Revelations , and unaccountable Impulses from the Spirit of God ; all the dispute is , whether the Popish Enthusiasts or those among us are only pretenders ? If O. N. were to convince a Quaker who pretends to such an immediate impulse of the Spirit , this must be his method of proceeding with him . Friend , I perceive thou talkest much of the Spirit of God moving thee and revealing the hidden mysteries of his Kingdom to thee , but thy pretence is vain , and thou art deceived by thy own fancy , if not by an evil Spirit . No , saith the Quaker , I know , I am not , for I have the testimony of the Spirit within me that I am not deceived ; but thou art deceived and lyest against the Holy Ghost , and blasphemest the Spirit of God working in his Saints . Not I , saith O. N. I grant that the Holy Ghost doth work in his Saints such supernatural elevations , whereby they understand divine Mysteries , and have Visions and Raptures and Revelations more than any of you ; but all ours are true , and yours are false . Thou lying Prophet , replyes the Quaker , Gods speaks truth by thee , as he did once by Balaams Ass and Caiaphas ; but thou through the Wickedness of thy heart dost condemn the Generation of his Saints among us as hypocrites ; and wouldst have the Spirit of God dwell only among you , that are the Sons of Mystical Babylon and partake of all her defilements , that are the seed of the Beast and the false Prophet , that commit adultery with Images , and set up the Man of Sin in his Throne , that have covered the face of the earth with your abominations , and still go about to deceive the Nations . You have the Spirit of God among you ! You pretend to the seeing hidden Mysteries , and immediate Revelations and Mystical Unions with God! No , yours are the Mysteries of Iniquity , the Revelations of Antichrist , and unions only with Mystical Babylon . You have the Spirit of God among you ! No , yours is the Spirit of Enchantment and Divination , the Spirit of lying and deceit , the Spirit of Antichrist and not of God. I say again , saith O. N. that we have the Spirit , and you have not . And I say by the Spirit , that you have not , saith the Quaker . And is not this a fair conclusion of this Dispute ? Hath not O. N. extreamly got the better of the Quaker ? But O. N. pleads yet farther , that they make use of Notes and Rules of discerning of the pretences to Inspiration ; which I shall consider afterwards : but that which O. N. and Mr. Cressy do most insist upon , is this , that if such pretenders to Inspirations do speak or do any thing against the Catholick Church ( as they call it ) then their pretences are to be rejected as Satanical illusions . Very good ! This is a way to preserve themselves , but what is this to the preventing the delusions of such fanatick pretenders to Inspirations , who may be grosly deceived , and yet never speak or do any thing against their Church ; but it seems the least touch that way presently marrs all . If Mother Teresa had but chanced to let fall a word against the Power of Holy Water in driving away Devils , or chanced in one of her Visions to have seen Bread upon the Altar , after consecration ; away with her , a meer hypocrite and Impostor , one deluded by the Devil : and it had been well , if after all her Visions and Raptures , she had escaped the Inquisition . For can it possibly be so certain , that she had Divine Visions , as that Holy Water drives away Devils ; or that she had Mystical Unions , as that no bread remained upon the Altar after consecration ? No , no. If melancholy Women once offer to meddle in those matters , they must then be told of their weakness of Iudgement and strength of Imagination and delusions of the Devil ; but if they admire every superstitious foolery , and see strange effects of Holy Water , and in some Visions can discern the very flesh and blood of Christ in the E●charist , then O heavenly Visions ! O Divine Saint ! Then her Confessor must sooth and flatter her , and suffer her to be deceived by her own imagination at least , if not by something worse . So that this whole business of Visions and Revelations among them is managed by Politick Rules ; if they can serve to strengthen their interest , they are encouraged , if not , the persons are presently discountenanced , and if they persist in their pretences , in great hazard of the Inquisition . But may not weak and Melancholy Persons be deceived in judging the effects of a strong Imagination to be the Inspirations of the Spirit of God ? What then , say they ? these do no h●rt to the World. But is it no injury to their souls , to suffer them to be so deluded ? Is it no dishonour to Christian Religion to make the Perfection of the Devotion of it to consist in such strange unaccountable Unions and Raptures , which take away the use of all Reason and Discourse ? Is it nothing to have Persons Canonized for Saints , and admired and worshipped , chiefly for the sake of these things ? In which case , not only the particular persons , while they lived , were suffered to be abused ; but the whole Christian World as much as lyes in them , is imposed upon ; and the effects of a strong Imagination , and Mystical Unions , are recommended as the perfection of the Christian State. § . 8. But whatever Rules they go by ; I shall now shew , that such kind of Ecstasies and Revelations , as the Mystical Divinity pretends to , have been condemned by the Christian Church in former Ages ; which will yet farther discover , how far it is from being a part of the Cristian doctrine ; ●o far is it from being the perfection of a Christian State. And the Instance I shall produce , will be such a one , wherein the judgement of the whole Christian Church was seen , viz. in the ecstatical Visions and Raptures and Revelations which Montanus and his followers pretended to . Baronius proves from the testimonies of Philastrius , Epiphanius , Theodoret and others , that Montanus and his companions were good Catholicks , and great practisers of fasting and mortifications , and were in great esteem in the Church for a more than ordinary degree of sanctity ; when they wee in this reputation they pretended to have extraordinary Visions and Ecstasies , wherein they suffered such violences as Mother Teresa describes ; and were under such a force upon their minds , as they thought divine , which deprived them of the present use of ratiocination , in which state , they said , they had many Revelations from God. Now here we have the very case of Mystical Unions ; and we all know that this Spirit of Montanus was rejected in the Christian Church as a Fanatick Enthusiastical Spirit ; but , it will be worth our while , to shew that it was upon this very ground , because the Montanists pretended to such Ecstasies and Revelations from God , which deprived men of the use of their Reason . Claudius Apollinaris Bishop of Hierapolis apprehending the dangerous consequences of these Enthusiastical pretences to Ecstasies and Revelations goes to Ancyra in Galatia to give himself full satisfaction as to the nature of them ; and being returned , he writes this account to his friend Marcellus , that Montanus was wont to fall into sudden transports and ecstasies in which he became Enthusiastical , and uttered strange things , and prophesie ; which , saith he , is a thing contrary to the constant tradition and practice of the Christian Church ; the same he saith of the two female Enthusiasts , Prisca and Maximilla ; and all the account he gives of their separation from the communion of the Church was because the Christian Church all over the world refused to give any entertainment to their Enthusiastical Spirit , and that the Churches of Asia having met together and examined this Spirit , they condemned it as impious , whereupon they were cast out of the Church ; upon which Maximilla cryed out , I am driven away as a Wolf from the Sheep , but I am no Wolf , but the Word , and the Spirit , and the Power . Miltiades , as appears by Eusebius , writ a Book against the Montanists on this subject , that God did not communicate Revelations in Ecstasies ; wherein he shewed , that Montanus was wont to fall into his Ecstasies which ended in an involuntary Madness ; and then proves that none of the Prophets either of the Old or New Testament ever prophesied in Ecstasies , or when they had no use of their Reason . But no one speaks more punctually to this business , than Epiphanius , who layes down this as a general Rule , that whatever Prophets spake , they delivered with the clear use of their Reason and Understanding ; and afterwards saith , that the Montanists were very much deceived in pretending to such Visions and Revelations , because God had sealed up his Church , and put an end to those extraordinary Gifts . While there was any need of Prophets , holy men of God were sent by him with a true Spirit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with great steadiness of mind , and a clear understanding ; and afterwards makes this the characteristical difference of a true and false Prophet ; that a true Prophet speaks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with a great consistency of ratiocination and consequence . Thus Moses , thus Isaiah , saith he , thus all the Prophets ; Do not you see , saith he , that these are the words of men that understood themselves , and not of men that were ecstatical : but these pretenders to Visions and Revelations speak dark and perplexed and obscure things ( viz. much like to Mystical Divinity ) which neither they understood themselves nor those that hear them . As any one may see in him by the fragments he hath preserved both of Montanus and Maximilla . But they pleaded Scripture too for their Ecstasies and Raptures , viz. Gen● . 2. 21. Gods sending upon Adam a deep sleep , which was rendered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; to which Epiphanius answers , that that was only a binding of his senses by natural rest ; and not any force upon the mind ; but they had another place too as impertinent as this , ( but as impertinent as it is , it is the very same phrase that my Adversaries produce ) Ego dixi in ●xcessu meo ; which Epiphanius proves cannot be understood of any such Ecstasie as the Montanists pleaded for ; and in Truth he needed not take much pains to do it : But they could not follow the Montanists exactly , unless they abused Scripture too to justifie their Visions and Ecstasies : So one Ferdinandus de Diano a Venetian Divine , writing a Book purposely in Vindication of these things , on the occasion of the Ecstasies and Visions of a Certain Nun , which were sent to Paul the fifth , and which were taken by her Confessor for fourteen years together , makes use of the very same phrases of Scripture as the Montanists did ; but exceeds them in impertinency : for to prove Raptures he produces all the places where the word raptus is used ; raptus est , nè malitia mutaret intellectum ejus , Sap. 4. Mens illius ad diversa rapitur , Job 26. rapiemur cum illis in nubibus , 1 Thess. 4. but above all , commend me to Holofernes his Rapture to prove the Raptures of the Popish Saints ; Holophernis oculi à sandalibus Iudith rapti sunt , & ejus cor & sensus cum illis rapta sunt , Jud. 16. Can any man be so hard hearted to withstand such manifest proofs as these are ? But to return to Epiphanius ; we are not to understand , saith he , any Rapture or Ecstasie of the Prophets , so as to suppose them to be deprived of the use of their reason and them : So he shews that S. Peter in his Ecstasie had still the free exercise of his Reason ; which he absolutely affirms of every Prophet both of the Old and New Testament . What would Epiphanius have thought then of the glorious frenzies and heavenly follies of M. Teresa , in which she spake she knew not what ? What of the Mystical Unions wherein the operations of the understanding are suspended ? What of all the holy Violences she underwent wherein both understanding and memory were distracted ? No doubt , he would have declared them all to be downright Montanism ; and condemned by the whole Christian Church . Neither were these the only Persons who delivered the sense of the Church in this matter ; but S. Hierom saith the same thing ; The Prophet , saith he , speaks not in an Ecstasie ( as Montanus , and Prisca , and Maximilla fondly imagine ) but what he prophesies is the Book of the Vision of one who understands all he sayes . So of the Prophet Habakkuk , he understands what he sees ( contrary to the perverse doctrine of Montanus ) and speaks not as a fool , nor gives ( as distracted women do ) a sound without any signification . Whence it comes that the Apostle commands that if any thing be revealed to another that sitteth by , the first should hold his peace , for , saith he presently after , God is not the Author of confusion , but of peace ; whence it follows , that he who holds his peace to give way to another to speak , he can either speak or hold his peace at his pleasure ; but that he who speaks in an Ecstasie , i. e. against his will , is not at liberty to speak or to be silent . And to the same purpose he speaks in other places , in which , he saith , that all the Visions and Revelations which came ●rom God were full of Wisdom and Reason ; and not like the Extravagancies of Montanus . Nay S. Chrysostom goes higher , and imputes all Fanatick Ecstasies to the Devil , who breaks in upon the Soul , and blinds the Understanding , and darkens the Reasoning Faculty ; but the Spirit of God doth not so ; but suffers the heart to know what it sayes . The Devil as an enemy fights against the humane soul , but the holy Spirit as taking care of it , and ready to do it good , communicates his Counsel to those who receive it , and reveals unto them divine things with Understanding . And elsewhere , he makes this the great difference between Divination and divine Revelation ; that the one was done in Ecstasies and Rapture , with violence to the mind ; the other ●●dately and composedly , and understanding whatever they spake : for God did not press them by violence , nor darkned their understandings ; but did advise and teach them , leaving them still Masters of themselves , whence Jonas fled , and Ezekiel put off , and Jeremiah excused himself . S. Basil utterly denyes that the humane understanding was ever suspended by divine Revelation ; or that men were by the Spirit of God deprived of the use of Ratiocination . For how does it stana with Reason , that through the Wisdom of the Spirit , a man should become as one besides himself ? and that the Spirit of knowledge should deliver things incoherent ? for neither is light the cause of blindness , nor does the Spirit Cause obscurity in mens minds , but raises the understanding to the contemplation of things intelligible , cleansing it from the stains of sin ; nor is it improbable that through the design of the evil Spirit , ( who layes his Ambushes to ensnare humane Nature ) the mind is confounded ; but to say , the same is done by the Spirit of God , is impious . From all which testimonies , nothing can be more evident , than that the Visions and Revelations , the Ecstasies and Raptures , which S. C. and O. N. do plead for , were condemned by the whole Christian Church , and the most eminent Lights of it , as the very height of Fanaticism . But O. N. would have men believe , that the antient Church did very much favour such Ecstasies and Visions ; to that end he produces the Testimony of Tertullian , concerning the Sister that fell into an Ecstasie , and had the Vision of the Corporeity of the Soul : as though Tertullian were not known to have taken the part of Montanus in this matter ; and in that very place ( in the next words to those cited by O N. ) he pleads for the contin●ance of Visions and Ecstasies in the Christian Church , and in several other places of the same B●ok . And I desire O. N. and his Brethren to consi●er a little better what they say , when they charge me with making all Antiquity Fanatick , upon the same grounds that I charge Fanaticism on their Church ; for it is most evident by this Discourse , that I have the best and purest Antiquity , and the full consent of the Christian Church in the case of Montanus , clearly on my side . And I declare freely , that I value this consent above all the Writers of the Lives of Saints , from S. Antonies downwards ; and it is the only considerable thing which Diano saith on this subject , if we do not allow of Visions and Raptures and Revelations , what will become , saith he , of all the Lives of the Saints and the Legends which are full of them ? as may be seen in Lippoman , Surius , Baronius , and the Monastick Histories of the Dominicans and Franciscans . What will become of the Speculum exemplorum , of the Promptuaria , the Liber Apum , the Legends of the blessed Virgin , and a thousand such excellent Books ? Truly , it is the least part of my concernment what becomes of them ; and I think it had been much more for the honour of Christianity , if they had never been writ . And if as O. N. saith it be now too late to cry such things down , I am very heartily sorry for it : and it is a plain discovery that the Spirit of Montanus hath too much possessed that which they call the Catholick Church . But O. N. besides Tertullian produces several passages of S. Augustin to justifie these supernatural and extraordinary Graces and caresses received from God ; ( for those of S. Gregory and S. Bernard are not of so great weight in this matter , to deserve a particular consideration , where the consent of the Christian Church is so fully proved already ) S. Augustin is brought in by him , as acknowledging his Conversion from Manichaism to have been from a divine Revelation concerning Gods incorruptibility and immutability : but what were this to the purpose , if the free use and exercise of his Reason were continued therein ? yet no such thing doth appear by any thing said by S. Augustin . In the dispute with Fortunatus , he doth say , that he would answer that which God would have him to know , that God could suffer no necessity , nor have any violence put upon him , ( which Fortunatus saith , God had revealed to him ) and in the conclusion , making use of the force of that argument , he saith , by that he was divinely admonished to leave the Manichean doctrine . And what is all this to Mystical Divinity ? What immediate Revelation , or Vision , or Rapture was this , for a man to acknowledge there was something divine in the force of a particular argument to convince him ? Do I ever call it Fanaticism , for men to acknowledge the Grace of God in the illumination of their minds , when some particular arguments may perswade them at some times , which at another might not have done it ? And to let us see that S. Augustin meant no such thing as any particular Revelation in this case , in the seventh Book of Confessions he gives an account by what steps and degrees he was brought off from Manichaism , and as much by the exercise of Reason and understanding , as we shall easily meet with in any person . And as to this particular argument , as though he had a mind to prevent any such imagination , he saith , he had it from Nebridius at Carthage . But I cannot but wonder at the bringing in the Nesciens unde & quomodo — and hoc uno ictu in the foregoing Chapter , where he speaks expresly of the manner of his forming a Conception of God as a Spiritual Being ; upon which , he saith , that although he could not tell whence , or how , yet he was certain that a corruptible being was more imperfect than an incorruptible ; and therefore his heart did rise against his imaginations , and with this one stroke he endeavours to expell all the flock of phantasms from his conception of God. Was not this O. N. very hard put to it , to bring these passages to prove Mystical Divinity ? To as little purpose doth he produce that ejaculation , Age Domine & fac ; excita & revoca nos : accende ac rape , &c. for may not men pray for the exciting , assisting , and comforting Grace of God , without supposing Ecstasies and Raptures and immediate Revelations ? But he was yet farther of , when he brought that place to prove these extraordinary favours from God ; Lux es tu permanens quam de omnibus consulebam , &c. which if he had looked on the beginning of the Chapter he would have found to be an Address to Truth ; Ubi non mecum ambulasti veritas , docens quid caveam & quid appetam , &c. And doth O. N. think that there is such a Mystical Union between the Soul and Truth , as to deprive men of the use of their Reason and Understanding ? but I am tired with these impertinencies ; yet we must have more of them . For because S. Austin in describing the depth of his meditation concerning God and himself , doth mention , that by the eye of his mind he saw an immutable light very far above it ; and by this reflection he became as certain of what he only understood , as if he had heard it in his heart ; therefore this place serves to prove no less than the fund of the soul , and Gods internal speech to the soul , and what not ? I expect next , that De's Cartes his Method and Metaphysical Meditations should be brought to justifie Mystical Divinity ; ●or they altogether serve as well for it . And cannot S. Austin express the profound meditation which he and his Mother Monica had concerning the blessed state of souls in Heaven , and the ardent desire they had of being there , and the Ioy they found in the thoughts of it , without falling into the unintelligible Canting of the Mystical Divines ? God forbid , that I should ever call the Discourses , or Desires , or joyful thoughts of the happiness of Heaven , by the name of Canting : that were indeed to be impious and prophane ; but what is all this to a perfect and immediate union with God in the pure fund of the Spirit in this present state ? a Union which supposes a cessation of Reason and Discourse ? No such thing was in the least thought of by S. Austin , who was too great a Philosopher to suppose Contemplation in this life without any act of Reasoning or Discourse . In his Book de quantitate animae , he describes the several steps of the soul , and the highest of all he places in the contemplation of God as the Supream Truth , and declares that he could not express the Ioyes which did attend the fruition of the true and chief Good. But great and ●●●nparable minds have expressed these ●●ings as far as they thought them fit to be expressed , which we believe to have seen , and still to see those things . By which it is plain he speaks of the Ioys ●f another World , and not of any Mystical and passive Unions in this : and afterwards he speaks of the imperfection of this contemplation here , and that therefore death will be desirable , because those things will then be taken away , which now hinder the whole Soul from fixing upon whole Truth . In his Book de Moribus Ecclesiae Catholicae , he speaks of the Egyptian Hermites spending their life in contemplation , without mentioning any Raptures and Ecstasies they had ; and although he doth plead for their life supposing the usefulness of their prayers to others , yet he doth not dissemble that their manner of living was displeasing to some ; and afterwards saith himself , that the Vertue of those who conversed with mankind , deserved greater admiration and praise , such as the Bishops , Priests , and Deacons of the Christian Church . But although S. Austin doth not , yet O. N. saith , that Cassian doth mention the frequent raptures and ecstasies of these Egyptian Hermits ; but of all sorts of persons , those who lead an Eremitical life , are least fit to be produced ; because all those who have written on this subject in the Roman Church do say , that the illusions of the Devil may be so like divine Raptures , that there is a necessity of a great deal of Judgement and Skill , to be able to put a difference between them ; and that none ought to be allowed , but such as have been approved by discreet Persons ; but in the case of these Hermites we may have just reason upon their own Rules , to suspect them , having been never brought under a sufficient Rule of tryal . If Persons may be deceived themselves in judging natural distempers and Satanical illusions for divine raptures and visions , then we have no reason to rely on the single Testimonies of such Eremitical Persons , who have no witnesses of their actions . What know we what sort of Persons Abbot Iohn and Abbot Isaac were in the Deserts of Aegypt ? we have only their single Testimonies in Cassian , and his single word that they said such things to him . § . 9. But to take off the force of these and such like Instances , I shall consider the Rules laid down by their own Writers , concerning these things , and from thence shew , what grounds we have not to rely on the Instances produced by them , concerning Visions , and Raptures ; and Ecstasies , and Revelations . 1. They consess that the natural force and power of Imagination will in some tempers produce all the same symptoms and appearances both to themselves and others , which there are in supernatural elevations . So Cardinal Bona ( who very lately , and with the best Judgement hath collected the Rules of their Writers upon this subject ) freely acknowledgeth not only that Ecstasies may be caused by natural diseases ; ( of which Galen gives an instance in a Schoolfellow of his , and Fernelius and Sennertus many others ) but by the meer force of Imagination : by which the animal spirits flowing in greater quantities to the brain , do thereby hinder the external operations of the senses , so that the person under it continues without sense or motion , and in that condition fancies an extraordinary presence of that object which the imagination was fixed upon . And the more intense this imagination is , the greater flux of Spirits is made to the brain , and so the Ecstasie continues so much the longer , especially where the Spirits are more thick and melancholy , and consequently not so easily dissipated . So Paulus Zacchias saith , that we are not to conclude an ecstasie to be supernatural , because it ariseth from the contemplation of supernatural things ; for the Imagination being fixed upon divine things , will have the same effects , that it would have upon other things . Thence , saith he , such persons do really think ( as much as men do in dreams ) that they are present at that time with Angels , or Saints , and have conferences with them ; or that they see and enjoy God , or imagine themselves to be in Hell , or in Purgatory . And Persons seized upon with this ecstasie will continue for a long time in the very same posture it took them without any motion ; so Plato reports of Socrates , that he stood a whole day without any alteration in the same Posture , his mind being abstracted with pure contemplation , and at night some Ionian Souldiers having observed him , lay down by him , and they found that he continued without any motion till the next morning . Favorinus in A. Gellius saith , that Socrates did this often : which Cajetan imputes to the vehement intention of his mind ; but he saith Aristotle layes it upon the disposition of his body ; for he thought him besides himself , saith Cajetan ; possessed , saith Fortunatus Scacchus ; but neither the one nor the other appears by Aristotle , who only saith , that all extraordinary men in any way , had a deep tincture of Melancholy ; for which among the Philosophers he doth instance in Empedocles , Socrates , and Plato ; which temper , he saith , hath much in it of the nature of Wine , which is more apt to heighten and inflame mens spirits , than Hony , or Milk , or water , it first makes men talkative , then eloquent and bold ; then it stirs them to action , then it puts them into a rage , and at last by custom makes them meer Sots : all these several qualities some men have by their natural tempers : some , saith he , are much given to deep silence , as those whom Melancholy makes ecstatical ; which temper although naturally cold , is capable of a greater degree of heat ; as water being once heated , is hotter than the flame it self ; and Stones and Iron heated become hotter than the Coals : so , saith he , it is with Melancholy , if it be over-heated , it fills them with joy and singing , and makes them ecstatical ; and because thus heat comes very near the seat of the mind ; it is apt to make men distracted or enthusiastical ; thence the Sibylls and the Bacchae and such Enthusiasts became such not by a disease , but by a natural temper . And to that which is said in the Life of S. Teresa of one that made verses in an Ecstasie , Aristotle hath a very fit parallel of Maracus a Syracusian Poet , that never made so good Verses , as when he was really Ecstatical : and for the great inequality of the tempers of such Ecstatical persons , Aristotle saith , that Melancholy as it produces very odd and irregular distempers , so it is very unequal of it self , sometimes very hot , and at other times very cold ; which the Mystical Divines call the State of Desolation : but this temper being apt again to be inflamed of a sudden , it fills them with strange pleasures , especially the Imagination being fixed upon an Object of Love , which this temper , Aristotle observes , is more particularly disposed to : but because whatever makes persons Ecstatical , deprives them of the use of their Reason ; therefore these Mystical Unions which have so much Ioy and Pleasure , are said to be with a suspension of all the Discoursive Acts of the mind . Which things are not to be thought extraordinary , especially in Persons not only of a Melancholy temper ; but whose temper hath been heightned by the power of diseases , great severities , solemn silence and retirement : and whose Imagination hath been possessed with such Notions as do highly gratifie an Enthusiastical Disposition , viz. such as relate to a more immediate Union with an Infinite Object of Love. So that there seems to be nothing in this State of Pure Contemplation , of which a reasonable account cannot be given from a natural Temper heightned and improved by the force of Imagination . And that this may seem the less strange , I shall produce an instance of this kind , which I believe will not be denyed , to have been either effected meerly by Imagination , or at least , by something under a Divine Power : which is lately reported by a very credible and intelligent Person , and one who lives in the communion of the Roman Church . Monsieur Bernier , in his Letter to Monsieur Chapelain dated Octob. 4. 1667. concerning the Gentiles of Indostan , gives an account of certain Orders of Religious among them , who make vows of Chastity , Poverty and Obedience , living in Convents under Superiours , who are commonly called Iauguis , i. e. united to God , who used themselves to many hardships , and were looked on as so many Eremites by the People ; being accounted true Saints , illuminated and perfect Iauguis ; These are people that have entirely abandoned the world , and sequestered themselves into some very remote corner , or garden like Eremites without ever coming to the Town . If you carry them any meat , they receive it ; if they do not , 't is believed that they can live without it , and subsist by the sole Favour of God in perpetual fasting , prayer , and profound Meditations : for they sink themselves so deep into these raptures , that they spend many hours together in being insensible , and beholding in that time , as they give out , God himself , like a very bright and ineffable light , with an unexpressible joy and satisfaction , attended with an entire contempt and forsaking of the world . For thus much one of them that pretended he could enter into this Rapture when he pleased , and had been often in it , told me ; and others that are about them affirm the thing with so much seriousness , that they seem to believe in earnest , that there is no imposture in it . Which therefore Bernier imputes to an illusion of Imagination caused by Solitude and Fasting ; and this he calls the great Mysterie of the Cabala of the Jauguis ; and adds , that their extremity of Poverty , and Fastings , and Austerities contribute much to it ; wherein he saith , the European Fryers or Eremites are but Novices in comparison with them . I leave Mr. Cressy now to consider , whether the●e Mystical Unions and Raptures , be such priviledges of Saints ? Whether Solitude , Abstraction from Worldly cares , rigorous Abstinences , and such like things , which he admires the contemplative life for , be so peculiar to their Church ? When we find the very same things among the Gentiles of Indostan . And the Author of the Book De Sapientiâ divinâ secundum Aegyptios , who seems to have been an Arabian Philosopher , sets down these as the words of Plato ( and not as his own experience , as Cardinal Bona relates them ) Being often in the depth of contemplation , my body being left behind , I seemed to enjoy the chief Good with incredible Pleasure . Wherefore I stood as it were astonished , finding my self to be a part of the upper world , and to have obtained immortality , with the clearest light ; which cannot be expressed with words , nor heard by ears , nor understood by the thoughts of men : and then he describes the sadness he felt at the decay of that glorious light ; and the pleasure which returned with his former Ecstasies . This Cardinal Bona thinks might either come by the natural force of contemplation , or the illusion of evil Spirits ; but herein are all the same appearances that are pretended to in Mystical Unions . And to shew the Power of Imagination in causing Ecstasies ; besides that of Socrates , Bona mentions the like of Carneades related by Valerius Maximus , of Plotinus by Porphyrius , of Iamblichus by Eunapius , and the common instance of Restitutus in S. Austin , who fell into an ecstasie when he pleased . Thomas Aquinas reckons up three causes of Raptures , Bodily distempers , Diabolical , and Divine Power : but Cajetan saith , there is a fourth cause acknowledged elsewhere by him , viz. a vehement intention of the mind , which he therefore omitted , because he spake of causes extrinsecal to the mind it self . § . 10. 2. There can be no certainty by the Rules laid down by themselves , that the Ecstasies and Raptures or Visions and Revelations of Persons , do come only from divine and supernatural Causes . For they grant that in all these cases there is reason to suspect Ecstasies and Raptures . 1. If the Persons natural temper be very melancholy . This is the first Rule in Cardinal Bona ; for , saith he , those who are troubled with this , may easily fix their minds so upon one object , as to suffer an alienation of their senses from any other . Ioh. à Iesu Maria , a great Mystical Divine , makes this his fourth Rule , to consider , whether the Person have a good understanding , or be troubled with any distemper in the head , or with Melancholy , or be subject to any vehement passions ; which Cardinal Bona likewise adds ; and therefore Cardinal Cajetan well notes , that the various motion of the heart , arising from some apprehension or desire , moves the body , and alters it according to different qualities ; which alteration of the body doth again affect the imagination and appetite ; from whence we may observe , that those accidents which often happen to persons under Ecstasies are Originally caused from their own apprehension , although afterwards , custome being turned into nature , makes them fall under them whether they will or no. which is seen by this , that if they turn their imaginations with all their force quite another way , those accidents forsake them , as , saith he , I have found by certain experience : which is a plain discovery that these things are produced by natural causes . F. Baker himself puts that down among his Rules , whether the persons be not addicted to Melancholy ? from which Rule , there is great reason to suspect those who have complained of being oppressed with a most profound Melancholy , as M. Teresa did : and we have reason to believe it of all those lovers of Solitude , that forsake all conversation of mankind , as the Aegyptian Eremites did . 2. If their proficiency in vertue be not very great . This is the first Rule laid down by Fortunatus Scacchus , Prefect of the Popes Chappell , in his Book of the Qualifications necessary to Canonization ; viz. that we examine the life and actions of the Persons who pretend to Ecstasies and Raptures ; if they have been such as have come up to an Heroical degree of Perfection , it may be believed that they come from God ; but if not , they come either from a natural or Diabolical cause ; especially , saith he , if they happen in women , who may seem to aim either at the fame of Sanctity , or some advantage by it . Great Caution , saith Cardinal Bona , is to be used in judging the Raptures of Young Beginners ; for the very Novelty and Sweetness of Divine Contemplation is apt to put such into Ecstasies : it is like strong Wine , which they cannot bear without intoxication . Besides , saith he , it ought to be inquired into , whether their Souls be capable of such favours , what purity and humility they have attained to , whether their lives be as much above the world , as they pretend their souls are : if not , they are no true raptures , but illusions of the Devil : to the same purpose the rest speak . What must we then think of those Raptures which M. Teresa had , when she said , she was very backwards , and but in the beginnings of vertues and mortifications ? 3. If they are not able to give any good account of what they speak in their ecstasies : this Cardinal Bona layes down , That if when they come to themselves , they know not what they said in their Ecstasies , but refer the hearers to what they spake then ; or if they speak whether they will or no , there is great reason to suspect them . For this , saith Cardinal Cajetan , is a condition of true Inspiration , that the Spirits of the Prophets are subject to the Prophets in this , that they do not speak with any disturbance of mind , as though they were acted by another , but from their own sense with a quiet mind , understanding what they speak ; therefore , saith he , they that speak in alienation of mind , or after it , do not remember what they spake in it , have no true inspirations . From whence it appears , saith he , that those who in their Ecstasies speak in the Person of Christ , or of some Saint , as though they were acted by them , are either seduced , or do seduce . And yet the foolish world is astonished , and admires , and adores these words and actions . But this rule , although as much grounded on Scripture and Reason , as any ; is , as far as I can find , very carefully omitted by the Mystical writers , for a very good Reason , which they well know . 4. If they have weakned themselves by very long fastings : for so Cardinal Bona saith , that very great weakness may bring them to fainting sits and Ecstasies ; and he tells us from S. Teresa , that she cured a Nun of her Ecstasies by making her leave her Fasting , and bringing her to a good habit of Body . It is great pity , the same experiment had not been tryed upon her self . Some , saith Bona , have made that an argument that their Ecstasies were supernatural , because they continued many dayes in them without eating or drinking ; whereas many have undergone long fasts without a Miracle ; and some of the Indian Priests have ●asted twenty dayes together ; but because in those parts the heat may take away their appetite , therefore Paulus Zacchias produces many instances of very long Fasts in these European parts without any miracle ; besides what Licetus , Horstius , Kornmannus and Sennertus and others have related to the same purpose ; and such Instances have been lately known among us in England . 5. If they be very frequent and ordinary and happen upon any slight occasion . For saith Paulus Zacchias , since Divine Raptures have the nature of something miraculous in them , we are not to suppose them to be very common , and as often as any one pleases ; therefore , saith he , when we see a person fall frequently into Ecstasies , we may justly presume that it is something natural , since God doth not commonly work miracles . Cardinal Bona saith , that Sales thought , the meer frequency of having Divine Revelations was enough to make them suspected . And for persons to fall as often as they please into Ecstasies , is , saith Scacchus , an evident sign of a Diabolical illusion : so the Maid of Saragoza and Magdalena Crucia were discovered . And what shall we then think of the almost continual raptures of S. Teresa ? What of the Abbot Sisoi mentioned by Bona , that fell into a rapture , unless he let fall his hands at prayers ? What of Br. Gyles , mentioned both by Bona and Scacchus , that thought it so easie to fall into raptures , that if any one spake the word Paradise , he fell into an Ecstasie ; insomuch that the Boyes of Perusium , as Scacchus relates it , would come behind him and cry Paradise , on purpose to make him immediately fall down in a Trance : must we acknowledge this to be from God ? But what shall we say to Br. Roger , mentioned by F. Baker out of Harphius , that had a hundred Raptures in a Mattins ? 6. If they appear desirous of them , and are apt to report them to others , and to have them made publick . So Ioh. à Iesu Maria would have it observed , whether they are apt to speak of them , without being asked , or upon an easie request ; whether they pray for them , or come to prayers in hopes of them . Cardinal Bona would have it observed likewise , where they happen , if in publick places where they may be taken notice of ? This Rule may hold as to Satanical illusions ; but where they arise from meerly natural causes , persons may not at all be desirous of them , nay , may strive against them , and endeavour to keep them secret , and yet they may not be divine . These are some of the most generally approved Rules among the Persons of judgement and understanding in the Roman Church ; and if we could proceed according to these , in the examination of the Instances produced of Raptures and Ecstasies , not one of a thousand would pass by their own Rules . But when all is done , these Rules are very little observed , but they are approved or condemned , according to the Rules of Policy , and not of Divinity . But besides these , the Mystical Divines have some particular notes of their own , which neither themselves nor any else can understand ; as Father Bakers first Rule ; viz. the Wills being moved without the ordinary precedent action of the understanding or Imagination : the fifth rule , about the efficacy of internal words , and the Souls conceiving more by them , than in themselves they signifie ; and others as unintelligible as thee , viz. those delivered by M. Teresa , and set down in order by Ioh. à Iesu Maria to distinguish divine Visions from the effects of Imagination ; as , the not missing a syllable of internal words , the great secrecy of them , being spoken in so close a place in the soul , that the Devil cannot come at them , ( to eves-drop them ) and several other such senseless things . And I do suppose no man will believe any thing to be from God , meerly because it cannot be understood by men ; for then the greatest non-sense and contradictions might pass for Divine Revelations . § . 11. And as there can be no certainty by their own Rules as to Raptures and Ecstasies , so neither can there be as to Visions and Revelations . For , 1. They grant , that those that are of no use , are not to be allowed ; as , If the matter of Revelations be vain and curious , saith Iesu Maria , or that which may ●e known without Revelation ; now , say I , if there be no Revelation at all to be expected as to matter of doctrine , all the other things are vain and curious , there being no other end suitable to divine Revelation besides this . And Cardinal Bona makes a very ingenuous confession , that there is a great deal of danger and no profit at all in Visions ; and that by them a way is opened for many deceits and illusions of the Devil . Can any man of common sense then believe that God should cause such extraordinary Visions , which bring no profit but abundance of danger along with them ? We walk much more safely , saith he , by faith , whose light far exceeds all Visions and Revelations of Mysteries . And no argument of sanctity , saith Scacchus , can be drawn from them ; because Christian perfecion doth not consist in them : and Revelations do not make us either more pleasing to God , or more useful to our Neighbour , and he quotes Gerson with approbation , for saying , that the antient Fathers did fly from the curiosity of Visions and Miracles , as the most deceitful and dangerous ; and that S. Austin gave God thanks that he was delivered from it , and that Bonaventure saith , it is to be abhorred and striven against with all our power . And Scacchus himself concludes , that there is usually a secret pride and hypocrisie to be thought Saints , which makes Persons desire Visions and Revelations , which are inconsistent with true Sanctity ; and if it be not pride , it is a vain curiosity , wherefore God often suffers them to be deceived . 2. That it is a very hard matter in this case to distinguish the illusions of the Devil , from Divine Visions and Revelations . For they do not pretend to the only certain way which the Prophets and Apostles made use of , viz. the working miracles to confirm the Truth of their Testimony : for among all the numbers of Miracles they boast of , they pretend to none for the proper end of Miracles , viz. to confirm Divine Revelation . And therefore , it is no wonder Scacchus yields up this , as a very doubtful thing , considering how easie and common a thing it is for the Devil to deceive men in this matter . And Cardinal Bona confesses , that the Devil doth often assume the Person of Christ and of the Blessed Virgin , with so much art and cunning as to deceive very good men , as is evident from most certain experience , as well as the Testimony of the Fathers . Nay , he denyes , that ever the Person of Christ did appear to any since S. Pauls Vision ; and he saith , that to assert otherwise , is against the unanimous consent of the Fathers , and not agreeable to that article of our Faith , wherein we believe that he sits at the right hand of the Father , and shall come again to judge the Quick and the D●ad . Yet what abundance of Visions of Christs Person do we meet with in the Legends of Saints , and of his appearance with flesh and blood in the Eucharist ? but if the Person of Christ do never appear , it cannot be proved from any of those Visions , that the very body of Christ is there . 3. That it were far better if a stop were put to all private Revelations among them that are not confirmed by Miracles or Testimony of Scripture . This Cardinal Bona wishes , that the Confessors among them would at last take care of ; which no man certainly would do , if he believed them to be from God. Cardinal Cajetan saith , that we can have no certainty of private Revelations , although the Persons who pretend to them , should not only protest but swear to it , that they have them from God : and in general concludes , that we are not bound to believe them . From which it necessarily follows , that there are no certain Rules to know when they are from God ; for if there were , an obligation to believe them would lye upon those who had tryed them by those Rules . 4. If Revelations made to two several Persons do contradict each other , that there is great Reason to suspect both . For although , saith Cardinal Bona , it be possible that one may be true and the other false , and the Devil may endeavour to take away the Authority of the True by the false , yet for the most part they are both suspected and doubtful . And before he saith , that it is reasonable to believe those Women Saints were deceived , in supposing their own Fancies to be divine Revelations , who have published Revelations contradicting each other . Which it is plain he intended for the famous case of the Revelations of S. Brigitt and S. Katharin , which contradicted each other expresly about the immaculate conception ; and which I had produced as a plain instance of a false pretence to Inspiration in the Roman Church , it being impossible God should contradict himself . Mr. Cressy in answer to this , first confesses that the publick Office of their Church testifies that each of them were favoured with Divine Revelations , and then produces the Testimony of S. Antonin , that those things may be supposed by the Persons themselves to be divine Revelations , which are but humane dreams . Thirdly , He cites Cardinal Baronius , who seems to reject the Revelations on both sides . And yet he by no means will allow the honour of their Church to be concerned herein , which hath approved them both as Persons truly Inspired ; when Mr. Cressy confesses , they did not testifie their Revelations by Miracles , and that without it Divine Revelation cannot be known . I would not desire a greater advantage from an Adversary , than Mr. Cressy here gives me against himself . For by his own confession then , their Church approves those to have had divine Revelations which never gave the proper evidence of it , viz. Miracles , and such whose Revelations are questioned by the Wisest men among them . And what is all this but to give Countenance , ( for all that the Church can know ) to a meer pretence to Inspiration ? which is the highest Fanaticism in the World. And if as he saith , notwithstanding the Councils approbation , there is scarce a Catholick alive that thinks he hath an obligation to believe either of them ; this makes as much to my purpose as I desire ; for if they have no obligation to believe them , they may without sin believe them not to be divine Revelations ; and since they are given out to be such and approved by their Church , all such Persons may without sin charge them with the highest Fanaticism in a false pretence to Divine Revelation . And why then should I be so much blamed for doing that , which Persons in their own Church may do without sin ? But I see Mr. Cressy is not acquainted with the common Doctrine of their own Divines about the obligation that lyes upon Persons to believe Private Revelations ; For they agree , 1. That those Persons to whom those Revelations are made are bound to believe them before any approbation of the Church ? For say they , the primary Reason of assenting to a Divine Revelation is from the Divine Veracity ; to which it is wholly accidental whether it be publick or private , and the Churches proposition is only the common external condition of applying the object of Faith to us ; but there may be as great an obligation to believe a private Revelation , supposing only sufficient motives to the mind of the Person that this Revelation comes from God. This is the opinion of Vega , Catharinus , Suarez , Lugo , Ysambertus , and as they tell us , of most of their modern Divines . Indeed they mention Cajetan , Sotus , Canus and some others as of another opinion ; but Suarez saith , they seem to differ only in words , because they will not have that assent called Catholick Faith ; which the other are willing to yield to them , and call it Theological Faith , but do make it as certain and infallible as the other . Which they prove , not only from the obligation to faith in the private Revelations mentioned in Scripture , but from invincible Reason , because the ground of the assent of faith is not the publickness of the Revelation , but the Divine Authority and Veracity ; which being supposed , must equally oblige , whether the Revelation be private or publick . And if there be sufficient motives to believe a private Revelation ; to deny an obligation to believe it , is a contempt of Divine Authority ; and to suppose there cannot be sufficient motives , is to say , that God cannot do as much by himself , as he can by the Church . The force of which Reason I do not see how it is possible for those to avoid who assert , that God doth still communicate private Revelations to mens Minds . 2. That supposing these Revelations to be proposed by the Church , all others are bound to believe them to be divine Revelations . For then they have the same reason , which they have to believe any Revelation . All the difficulty now is , to understand what a sufficient proposal by the Church in this case is ; Suarez saith , that although private Revelations be chiefly intended for the persons to whom they are made , yet a sufficient proposal of them being made to others , there doth arise from thence an obligation to believe them . For which saith he , The general Rule is the approbation of the Church ; as appears by the Lateran Council under Leo 10. which forbad the Preaching private Revelations without the examination and approbation of the Church ; and then saith Suarez , the believing them becomes a part of Catholick Faith. Now I desire to know , how it is possible for their Church to shew greater care in the examination and approbation of any private Revevelations , than it did in those of S. Brigitt ? they being frequently examined by the publick Authority of their Church , and after such examination declared by the Pope to have come from the spirit of God ; and at last approved , say their own writers , at the General Council of Basil. How could they possibly express greater approbation of any controverted Book in the Bible ? But if after all this , these Revelations may pass among them for Dreams and Fancies , and no men are obliged to believe them , let them clear their Church from Fanaticism , if they can . For either those Revelations were from God or not ? if not , then they were Fanatical illusions approved by their Church ; if they were , then since they were approved by those whom they are bound to believe , with what face can Mr. Cressy say , that there is scarce a Catholick alive that thinks he has an obligation to believe them ? which I do the more wonder at , since they believe things as absurd already , and with as little reason as any thing in S. Brigitts Revelations . And therefore the Person of Honour had great Reason to say , that Mr. Cressy hath in truth not answered the Weight of my Instance from the Revelations of S. Brigitt and S. Catharine . 5. They confess that some persons are very lyable to be deceived in believing themselves to have divine Revelations . Such , saith Card. Bona , are those that have a bad habit of body , that have a restless and vehement imagination , that have a great deal of Melancholy , which is apt to corrupt the Imagination , so as they are apt to fancy that they see and hear things which they neither see , nor hear . And likewise , saith he , from long fasting and immoderate watchings , vain phantasms may arise in the brain , by which the mind being deceived , adheres to them as to divine Revelations . And what are these else but the Fanatick heats of Enthusiasm ? Besides , he saith , that regard ought to be had to the humour , disposition , condition , conversation , and Age of the Persons ; for old men are apt to doat , and young men to be hot and credulous ; but especially great caution must be used towards Women , whose sex is the more to be suspected because of its weakness ; for by reason of the vehemency of their thoughts and affections they think they see that which they desire , and that which arises from their own violent passions , they believe to be true ; and it is an easie matter for the Devil , ( and no great conquest he thinks ) through their want of Reason and Iudgement to deceive them . Therefore he saith peremptorily , that the Bishops and Guides of Souls should oppose and despise their Revelations and severely rebuke th●m , for pretending to things too high for them : and he at large discovers , the great mischiefs which have come to the Church by W●●nens pretending to Revelations . I confess after all these severe things , he doth at last approve the Revelations of S. Teresa , which I very much question whether he would have done or no , if he had been her Confessour ; but now she was Canonized for a Saint , and it would not have been so agreeable for a Roman Cardinal to have exposed to the world the self-delusions of a Roman Saint . But I desire no more in her Instance , or any other among them than to compare the circumstances of them with these Rules laid down by their own most approved Authors . From which it appears that although Mr. Cressy declares that , they are very well content with their Fanaticks and Fanaticism , yet there are some wise men among them , which are not . § . 12. Having thus far shewn , that this way of Mystical Divinity with all its raptures and Ecstasies and passive Unions , had no Foundation in the Christian Doctrine , nor in the consent of the Christian Church of the purest Ages , I now come to shew whence it came into any Vogue and Reputation among Christians . It is an easie matter to discover that the Foundation of it was laid by the counterfeit Dionysius Areopagita , to whom Mr. Cressy and O. N. do referr me . Who , saith Mr. Cressy , whatever his true name was , was questionless an Author of the second or at least the third Age of the Church , and who describes the most sublime and most purely divine prayer exercised by Hierotheus a Disciple of the Apostles . But if he lived in the second or third Age , he must be a Counterfeit , ( for Dionysius dyed within the compass of the first Century , as Sirmondus hath fully proved ) and if he were a Counterfeit , how came he to know the divine prayer of Hierotheus ? However I do acknowledge that this Author , whoever he was , was justly pitched upon by Mr. Cr. For it is from him , they not only borrow the Mystical Notions , but most of the Phrases too : And assoon as those Books , written by him , came to be known and admired in the Eastern and Western Churches , there were some so fond of this Mystical Divinity , as to cry it up as the most perfect way of devotion , being especially accommodated to Persons of an Enthusiastical temper ; who were withall confined to Solitude and Retirement from the World. It will not be amiss therefore to give a taste of his Mystical Divinity , as far as it is possible to bring his affected Bombast within the compass of our language . Thus he begins , O thou superessential Trinity , above all notion of Deity and Goodness ; O thou Governour of the Divine Wisdom of Christians , direct us to the most unknown , most clear , and most supream height of Mystical Oracles ; in which the simple , absolute , and unchangeable Mysteries of Divinity are hidden , by the over-shining darkness of a Teaching Silence , discovering the most glorious light in the most profound obscurity , and over-filling the blindest minds with the most beautiful beams , in that which can neither be felt nor seen . Let this Prayer be for my self : But Thou O friend Timothy by thy diligent exercise in these Mystical Speculations , leave thy senses and the operations of thy mind , and all things sensible and intelligible , and all things which are not and which are ; and after an unknown manner elevate thy self to that Union which is above all essence and knowledge : and when by a pure and perfect Abstraction of thy self , thou shalt be free and loose from all things , thou shalt be raised to the superessential Ray of Divine Darkness . Then after he hath given caution to Timothy , that these divine Mysteries be not communicated to those that would make use of their knowledge in these things , any more , than to those , who followed their Imaginations ; because the superessential being dwelleth in darkness ; and as to him , affirmations and negations are not opposite , being above all ; he shews , that the Cause of all things is above all Reason and understanding , and is only truly and plainly made known to those who ascend above all sensible and intellectual things , and above all divine Lights , and heavenly Sounds and Words , and are swallowed up of Darkness : which he expresseth , by the Allegory of Moses going into the Cloud upon the top of the Mount : then , saith he , this Mystical Moses is carryed up above all visible and intellectual heights , being taken into the truly Mystical Cloud of unknowing , in which he puts a stop to all knowing perceptions , and is in that which can neither be seen nor felt , being altogether his who is above all , and not of any one else , neither of himself nor any other ; and being under a cessation of all knowledge is in a firmer union to that which cannot be known ; and because he understands nothing , he understands more than his mind can reach to . This is certainly the very height of Mystical Union and the Perfection of the Contemplative State : in the description of which , I have kept as near as I could to his words , and as to the sense have followed Carolus Hersentius , a late Mystical Divine , who hath taken the greatest care and pains to explain the meaning of this obscure Author upon this argument . To the same purpose he speaks elsewhere , where he saith , that the most Divine way of knowing God is by not knowing him , by an Union above understanding ; when the Mind being abstracted from all things and going out of it self is united to those overbright beams , by which he is enlightned in the unsearchable depth of Wisdom . Any one that ●asts an eye upon this kind of Discourse , will easily find it to proceed upon very different g●ounds , in order to the per●ection of mens minds , from what are delivered in the Christian Religion . For there it is said to be eternal life , to know God and his Son Iesus Christ ; here we are told that we cannot come at perfection in the way of knowledge , but of Ignorance and not knowing : There it is said , that God is Light and in him is no darkness at all ; here that he is the most profound darkness and obscurity . Here we meet with no difference at all as to the clearness of our apprehensions concerning the Divine Nature , from what men had before the Christian Doctrine ; whereas it is one of the excellencies of Christianity that by it we come to know the true God much better than mankind had done before , and are able to form a very true and distinct conception of him in our minds , as of a Being of infinite Wisdom and Goodness and Power . Although we cannot attain to a full comprehension of the utmost extent of the Perfections of the Divine Nature ; yet that doth not hinder our conceptions from being clear and True , though not adequate and perfect . And if we could have no clearer knowledge and more steady conceptions of the Divine Nature by the doctrine of Christ , to what end are we told by it , that no man hath seen God at any time , the only begotten Son which is in the bosome of the Father he hath revealed him ; that now the vail of darkness is taken away , and we all with open face beholding as in a glass the glory of the Lord , are changed into the same image ; not that our transformation is to come by darkness and the cessation of intellectual operations , as this Mystical Union implyes . But besides , this Mystical way pretends to carry men above all external Rev●●ation as well as intellectual knowledge , for so much is implyed in the raising the mind above all Divine Lights , and heavenly Sounds and Words , i. e. saith Hersentius , above all the manifestations of God what soever which are made to the Mind . Which Mystical way of Perfection , being supposed possible , I see no necessity at all of Christs coming into the World , nor of any influence his Death or Sufferings or Doctrine could have upon the bringing men to a State of Happiness . For the whole Hypothesis proceeds only upon these principles . 1. The obscurity of the Divine Nature , and the impossibility of our attaining so clear a perception of God in our minds , as for us ever to hope for a state of Perfection with the exercise of our Reason and Understanding . 2. That the only possible way of attaining it , is by the abstraction of our selves from all sensible and intellectual operations , and thereby bringing our souls to an immediate Union with the Divine Essence . § . 13. Having thus endeavoured to bring these things out of the Clouds of the sublime Nonsense and seeming contradictions which they were wrapt up in , we may more easily discern from whence all these notions were taken and slyly conveyed into the Christian doctrine as the highest way of Perfection . For which we are to consider , that the Christian Religion growing very considerable , notwithstanding all the endeavours used by the Roman Emperours and Governours of Provinces to suppress it , and very Learned men having taken upon them the profession of it in several parts of the Empire , but especially at Alexandria ; the Heathen Philosophers saw there was an absolute necessity of making the best they could of the Pagan Theology . To this end they bestirred themselves to gather together the most considerable parts of the Chaldaick , Aegyptian , and Platonick Theology , and putting them together to form such a method for the Perfection of mens souls , as would appear more sublime , than the Christian Institution . For this end Plotinus , Porphyrie , Iamblichus , Proclus and the rest of them , did imploy the utmost of their study and care : for they saw now it was to no purpose for them to spend their time in idle curiosities , and the vain disputes of the several Sects of Philosophers ; therefore they endeavour to lay aside these , ( Ammonius of Alexandria having shewed them the way ) and to bend their studies chiefly about shewing men such a way of Purifying their Souls as might bring them to a State of Perfection , without embracing Christianity . For they saw , that the common people were become Philosophers by the help of the Christian Religion , and out-went them in the bearing Torments and all sorts of Miseries , only in expectation of that Blessed State which the Christian Religion did give men so great assurance of , and gave such excellent directions , by the practice of all divine vertues , for mens attaining to it . We know there was no greater enemy in the world to the Christian Religion than Porphyrius was , against whom Eus●bius , Methodius and many others writ in defence of Christianity . Yet it appears by what we have remaining of his writings , that he had a very mean esteem of the common customes of sacrificing , and of those Daemons which were pleased with the smoke of flesh ; and he looked upon the Theurgick way , as lyable to deceit and not capable of advancing the soul to highest perfection . Which Th●urgick way , lay in the initiating of men in some sacred mysteries , by partaking of certain rites and symbols , by which they were admitted to the presence of some of their Deities ; the end whereof , as they pretended , was , reducing the souls of men to that state they were in before they came into the Body : So S. Augustin tel●s us from Porphyrie , that they who were purified after this manner did converse with glorious appearances of Angels which they were fitted to see ; but Porphyrie himself , as he did not utterly reject this lower and symbolical way ; so he said , that the highest perfection of the soul was not attainable by it ; but it was useful for purifying the lower part of the soul but not the intellectual . By the lower part he understood the irrational , which by the Theurgical Rites might be fitted for conversation with Angels ; but the intellectual part could not be elevated by it to the Contemplation of God , and the Vision of the Things that are True : and herein he placed the utmost perfection of the soul in its return to and union with God in this upper part or fund of the soul ; for the utmost the other attained to , was only to live among the Aetherial spirits , but the Contemplative Souls returned to the Father , as he speaks ; which as many other of his Notions , he borrowed from the Chaldaick Theology . To shew , what this Intellectual or Contemplative Life was , that should bring mens souls to this state of Perfection , Porphyrie writ a Book on purpose , Of the Return of the Soul , as S. Austin tells us , who quotes many passages out of it : and this particular precept above all the rest , that the soul must fly from all body if it would live happy with God ; which is all one with Abstraction of mind and pure contemplative life . In that Book he complains that there was no perfect way yet known to the World for this end , not the Indian , Chaldaick or any other . But what that was , which he meant , appears , by what he saith near the end of the Life of Plotinus , where he hath these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The scope and end of his Life was union and conjunction with God over all : and four times , saith he , when I was with him he attained to thus union , by an unexpressible act of the Mind : which he before sets forth , by a Divine illumination without any Image or Idea , being above the understanding and all intelligible things . And he saith of himself , that he was once in this state of Union , when he was 68. years of Age : which Holstenius understands of an Ecstasie he then fell into ; and imputes it to the depth of his Melancholy joyned with his abstracted and severe life , his frequent watchings and almost continual exercise of contemplation . For all these things were remarkable in him ; and Eunapius saith of him , that he was so little a lover of the body , that he hated his being a man , and being in Sicily , he was almost famished by abstinence , and shunned all conversation with mankind : as he begins the life of Plotinus , that he was like one ashamed that his soul was in a Body . So that we find the Foundation here laid not only for the Mystical Union , but the abstraction of mind necessary in order to it : and that it doth not lye in any intellectual operations , but rather in a cessation of these acts , is likewise expresly affirmed by Porphyrie . Many things , saith he , are said of understanding things that are above the mind ; but the contemplation of those things is better performed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 otio & vacatione intellect●s ▪ as Holstenius renders it , rather by the Rest and cessation of operation in the understanding than by the exercise of it ; as many things , while a man wakes , are said of him that he does when he sleeps , but the knowledge and perception of them is by sleep ; for things are best understood by Assimilation . And elsewhere he saith , that our manner of understanding all things is different according to their essence ; those things that are above the mind are to be known 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the way of unknowing , and after a superessential manner , where we see the very Phrases of Dionysius used by him ; and in many places he speaks of the minds abstracting and loosing it self from the Body , and drawing it self nearer to the First Being ; of the Souls Being in God ; of the pure and clear light which follows the abstraction of the mind ; of the State and Life of Contemplation , and the vertues necessary thereto , such as abstinence from the actions of the body and from affections to it , which , saith he , raise the mind to the superessential Being ; and he very much disparages the active and political life in comparison with this , the end of one being only mens living according to nature ; but of the other Assimilation to God ; he that lives according to practical vertues , is only a good Man ; but he that lives the life of Contemplation is a God ; from whence we understand the Deiformity of the Mystical Divines being attainable by the life of Contemplation . The way laid down by him for purifying the Soul is this . 1. The Foundation of it , is , for the soul to know it self , i. e. to consider , that it is in a strange place and bound to a thing of another substance . 2. Recollection , or gathering it self up from the body to be free from the affections of it ; in order to which he adviseth to deny the body in its appetites and pleasures ; and to shew as little care of it and concernment for it as may be ; by degrees to lessen all sense both of pleasure , and pain ; and so to come at last to a freedom from the passions of the Body . Then he describes the superessential being , and saith , that it is neither great nor little , but above both ; and is neither greatest nor least but above all ; and that his presence is not Topical , but Assimilative ; and that the only way for our souls to recover themselves is to bring them into themselves , by which means the True Being ●s present with them , and we become united to God. Which union of the Soul with God , Holstenius thinks it very probable , that Porphyrie understood by the Book which he mentions in the life of Plotinus , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Sacred Nuptials , because both Plotinus and he supposed this union to be wrought by the power of Divine ; Love , as well as the Mystical Divines ; and Porphyrie saith , upon the reading of it , some thought him mad , because there were several things spoken in it after a Mystical and Enthusiastical manner ; for which he was highly applauded by Plotinus . And Porphyrie was so much in his Favour , that he committed the ordering and publishing of his Books entirely to his care ; which no doubt he was the more willing to do , because by delivering these Mystical notions in such a Philosophical manner , he might hope to put a stop to the spreading of Christianity , especially among men of Contemplative minds . For it appears by S. Augustin that Porphyrie despised Christianity chiefly on the account of the Incarnation of the Son of God : which they thought to be bringing God down to the body , whereas their design was to elevate the Soul from the body to God. § . 14. The short account of Plotinus his hypothesis is this , That the soul of man being immersed in the body suffers very much by reason of its union with it , by which means it is drawn down to the affections of the body , and to a conversation with sensible things , and so becomes evil and miserable : that its good and happy condition lyes in being like to God , not in regard of understanding , but a state of quiescency ; that the practice of the vertues of the active life is insufficient for assimilation to God ; but in order to it , those which are properly intellectual are most necessary , whereby the soul draws it self off from the body . Thus for the soul to act by it self , is wisdom ; introversion is temperance ; abstraction from matter , is fortitude ; to follow reason , is justice : that , by the practice of these , the soul purifies it self , i. e. casts off the things without it self , and so recovers its purity , by bringing those things into light again , which lay ●id under the rubbish of sensible things before , so that the soul did not know them to be there ; but for the discovery of them , it was necessary for the soul to come near a greater Light than it self : and to bring the Images which are in it to the true Originals . The way of purifying the Soul he calls by the names of Abstraction and Recollection : which he elsewhere expresses , by awakening the soul out of sleep , wherein it was disturbed by sensible Images ; not as though the Soul had need of any other way of purifying but only restoring it to it self by taking away that load of matter which oppressed it , and then it naturally endeavours after the nearest union with the First Being : which he calls the True Being , and the Superessential Being . And , he saith , when the soul endeavours after this Union , it must lay aside all sensible and intellectual Images of things , and make use only of the purest and supream part of the mind ( or the fund of the Spirit ) that God then is not to be considered under the Notion of Being , but as something above Being ; and that we are not either to affirm or deny any thing of him ; that , our contemplation of him is not by knowledge or any intellectual operation , but by a divine presence , which far exceeds any knowledge : for knowledge he saith , hinders union : therefore we must go beyond knowledge , and be abstracted from all other objects ; and be united to him only by the power of Divine Love , from whence follows a clearer light in the Soul ; and in this state , saith he , there is not only a cessation of passion , but of reason and understanding too ; neither is the person , himself , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , like one in a rapture or an Ecstasie he enjoys God in that state of Quiescency as in a silent Wilderness : which he calls , being in God ; and in other places , seeing God in themselves , being the same with God , being one with God , and which is the highest of all , being God : which is the perfect State of Deiformity . By this we see there is not one of the sublimest notions of Mystical Divinity , which hath not been borrowed from these Philosophers , who were the most dangerous enemies to Christianity . For although Plotinus doth not speak so openly against it , as Porphyrie did , who was his beloved Disciple and Confident ; yet he lets fall many insinuations against it , and particularly against the doctrine of the resurrection of the Body upon the account of this Mystical Doctrine ; for , saith he , the true awakening of the Soul , is an awakening from the body , and not a Resurrection with the body ; for that change which is together with the body , is but passing from sleep to sleep , as it were from one bed to another ; but the true awakening is from all bodies , which are contrary to the soul ; because the nature of one is opposite to the other . § . 15. After these succeeded Iamblichus , who was Porphyries Disciple , and a great Friend of Iulian the Apostate , and pursued the same Mystical Notions ; For in his Book of the Aegyptian Mysteries ( which he writ in answer to an Epistle of Porphyries to an Aegyptian Priest , and wherein Proclus saith , that he writ like a man inspired ) he discourses at large concerning Divine Ecstasies , and Visions and Inspirations , in which he describes the Persons just after the Mystical way , as no longer leading a humane life , or having any operations of their senses or understanding , but their mind and soul is only in the Divine power and not their own ; being acted and possessed wholly by it : afterwards , he sets down several degrees and kinds of these , in some they have only participation , in others near communion , and in the highest of all , Union ; in some of these , he saith , the body wholly rests , and sometimes breaks out into singing and all expressions of Ioy : sometimes the body is raised up from the Ground , ( as M. Teresa thought hers ) sometimes it swells into a greater bulk and sometimes the contrary : then he layes down Rules to know divine Inspirations by , viz. by enquiring in what manner God appears , whether an appearance of fire come before him , whether ●e fills up and acts the whole soul , so that there is a cessation of all its own acts ? For this he makes the main character of a Divine Inspiration , that the persons are wholly taken up and possessed by the Deity , from whence follows an ecstasie and alienation of the senses ; but if either the soul acts , or the body moves , then , he saith , it may be a false inspiration . No man can express himself more emphatically concerning the excellency of C●ntemplative Prayer than Iamblichus doth : this quickens the mind , enlargeth its capacity , opens the secrets of the Divinity , and fits it for conjunction and Union with God ; and never leaves men till it hath carryed them to a state of Perfection ; and by degrees doth so alter and change men , that it makes them put off humane nature , and bring them into such a state of Deiformity that they become Gods. The first degree of prayer , he saith , brings to a state of recollection and hath some divine contact which helps our knowledge ; the second carries the soul to a nearer communion with God , and excites the divine bounty to freer communications to it : but the third is the Seal of the ineffable Union which makes our mind and soul to rest in God as a Divine Port or Haven . And he concludes his book with saying , that this Union with God , is mans greatest perfection and the end of all Religion among the Aegyptians , whose Mysteries his Design was to explain and vindicate . Many other pasiages might be produced out of him , concerning the knowing God by divine conta ● , and the insufficiency of any act of the mind for this ineffable union ; but the●e are enough to shew how well acquainted Iamblichus , and ( if we believe him ) the Egyptian Idolaters , were , with the profoundest secrets of Mystical Divinity . Suidas tells us , that after Porphyrie there was no one appear'd a more bitter enemy to Christianity than Proclus , yet no one a greater Friend to Mystical Divinity than he . Of whom Marinus gives this character , towards the conclusion of his life , that his Soul was so recollected and drawn into it self , that it seemed to be separated from the body while it remained in it . In the beginning of his Th●●logy , he distinguishes between that intellectual faculty in us whereby we are capable of understanding the nature and difference of intelligible Ideas , and that which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the summity , as the Mysticks speak , and pure fund of the spirit , which he saith , is alone capable of the Divine and Mystical Union , so he calls it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For , saith he , though there be many intellectual powers in us , yet it is by this only that we can be united to the Divinity , and be made pa●t●kers of it . For we cannot reach the 〈◊〉 Being either by our senses , or by opinion , or by apprehension ; no nor yet by ratiocination , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it remains therefore that if the Divine Nature can any ways be known by us , it must be by the essence of the Soul. For the soul being drawn into its own unity , and removing from it self the multiplicity of its powers , it ascends to the greatest height of true Contemplation . While the soul looks about on things below it , it sees nothing but shadows and images of things , when it comes to a state of Introversion , then it sees its own essence and operations of the understanding ; but when it searches deeper , then it finds the Mind within it self and the several Orders of real Beings ; when it goes yet farther into the most secret closet of the Soul , there it contemplates , as it were blindfold , the Divine Beings , and the first Ideas or Unities of Beings . And this , saith he , is the most excellent operation of the soul , in the rest or quie scency of its powers , to stretch it self towards the Divine nature , and dance as it were round it , and to raise up the whole Soul towards this Union with it ; and abstracting it self from all inferiour beings , to rest upon and be conjoyned with that ineffable and superessential Being . And by this means the soul comes to have the truest understanding of all things . § . 16. Many other passages might be produced out of him to the same purpose ; but this comprehends in it so much of the very Marrow of Mystical Divinity , that Carolus Hersentius confesseth , either that Proclus borrowed from Dionysius , or Dionysius from Proclus ; but he is willing to believe that Proclus and the rest of the Modern Platonists did borrow those notions out of Dionysius . Marsilius Ficinus indeed is of the same opinion ; for being a skilful Platonist , he saw such an agreement of notions and expressions in Dionysius and the writings of Plotinus , Iamblichus and Proclus , that either they must have taken from him , or he from them ; but for the honour of the Platonick notions , he believed the former . And S●ides , an Author of no great judgement saith , that some of the Philosophers and especially Proclus made use of his very expressions without any alteration , from whence it might be suspected that the elder Philosophers at Athens , had hidden his works that they might seem to be the Authors of those sublime notions contained in them . A very likely story ! why should Proclus take those things out of Dionysius , which he might have found as well in the Books of Plotinus , Porphyrie , or Iamblichus , whom he had a far greater esteem of , than of Dionysius ; and quotes every one of them very frequently and with great Veneration , and mentions them together as a sort of inspired Persons , in the very beginning of his Theology ? And Proclus hath nothing peculiar in him upon this subject ; the very same notions were delivered by Plotinus an Egyptian Philosopher ; and Proclus quotes him for the chief of them : viz. the two fold operations of the mind , the one of it as the mind , viz. ratiocination ; the other of it as drunk with the Divine Nectar ( thence comes the Mysticks Ebrietas Spiritualis , of which Rusbrochius hath several Chapters , and which saith Harphius makes some sing and others cry , and others utter strange noises , as Fr. Masseus that cryed V. V. V. and others tremble and quake , and others run over Mountains and Valleys like Fr. Bernard , and others dance , and lastly others ready to burst , like a Vessel filled with new Wine ) and that the Mind becomes Deified by its Union with God , which being the Fundamental principles of Mystical Divinity , Proclus doth acknowledge that he had them from Plotinus ; and if we believe Iamblichus , they came from the ancient Mystical Theology of the Egyptians and Chaldeans . I expect that those who have not considered these things should be still ready to believe , that all these notions among these Philosophers were taken from some of the Christians at least , if not from this Dionysius . Which Plotinus his education under Ammonius at Alexandria , seems to make probable , where he continued 11. years ; but whatever doctrine he heard from Ammonius , it is certain Plotinus his opinion as to these matters , together with his followers , was derived from other Oracles than those of the Sacred Scriptures : For Psellus in his Commentary on the Chaldaick Oracles , doth say , that Plotinus , Iamblichus , Porphyrius and Proclus did wholly approve of the Chaldaick Theology ; and by what remainders there are still extant of it , we may discover the Footsteps of these Mystical notions in it . If the Chaldaick Oracles were still extant , which were frequently quoted by these Philosophers , ( and from them in a great measure the Fragments were preserved ) we might more fully manifest these things ; yet as they are , they give us sufficient ground to draw the Fundamentals of this Mystical Divinity from thence . For they speak of Gods being united to the Soul , by the Souls clasping God to her self ; and that not by any act of the understanding , but by the slower of the mind , ( the very phrase used by Proclus , and the same which the Mysticks call the fund of the Spirit , ) of the Souls being inebriated from God , ( which Plotinus calls , being drunk with the divine Nectar , ) and Psellus explains of divine illuminations and Ecstasies : of abstraction from the body , and extending the mind upwards , and hastening to the Divine Light and the Beams of the Father ; with several other passages to the same purpose . But lest any should say , that these Chaldaick Oracles were framed by some Christians at first in Greek , ( as it is supposed the Sibylline were ) Ioh. Picus Mirandula saith , he had an entire copy of them in the Chaldee Language , with a Chaldee Paraphrase upon them , which he valued as a great Treasure . But in truth all these notions both among the Chaldeans and the Platonick Philosophers are built upon a very ancient hypothesis , but very different from that of Christianity ; which hypothesis being granted , this Mystical Divinity appears with some face of Reason , and colour of probability ; which I suppose will not be consented to by Mr. Cr. or any of the Friends to Mystical Divinity : Which was this , that the Souls of men did exist in another world long before they came into the body ; that in their descent to the body they had an Aethereal vehicle joyned to them ; which upon the conjunction of the soul and body became the means of communication between them , and takes up its chief seat in the brain , which is the same which we call the Imagination ; that the soul being in this state is apt to be much inveigled with kindness to the body , and so forget its return home ; that the body is capable of doing the soul mischief no other way , being it self under the power of Fate , than as it draws it downwards ; that the mind being the upper part of the soul is alwayes acting , but we know not its operations but only by the impressions they make upon the Phansie ; that the mind hath the true Ideas of things within it self ; but we are deceived by the representations conveyed by our imagination ; and therefore our ratiocination is very short and uncertain ; that our only way of recovering our souls , is by drawing them off from the body , and retiring into themselves ; and that upon this , the mind hath the divine Being so nearly conjoyned to it , that it passeth into a divine nature , and recovers its former state , when it parts from the body . But because it is not to return alone without the Aethereal vehicle i● brought with it , therefore the Chaldeans & Egyptians had several sacred and symbolical Rites for the purifying of the vchicle , as they called it ; which they made necessary for this end : and with them Iamblichus joyns , but Porphyrie thought them not necessary , but that Philosophy and meer contemplation would purifie enough without it . This is the true account of their Hypothesis , as may be fully seen in Hierocles and Synesius , without going farther ; and was the first Foundation of Mystical Divinity ; which I will not deny to be well enough accommodated to it ; but it is as remote from Christianity , as the hypothesis it self is . But the counterfeit Dionysius finding the notions sublime , and having found out expressions , as he thought lofty enough to express them ; and either being not wholly brought off from the Philosophy then in request , or hoping by this means to ensnare the Philosophers , when they found their sentiments entertained among the Christians , makes it his business to patch together the sublimest notions of the modern Platonists , and to make them pass for good Christian Doctrine . And I think it may be made appear that there is not one notion thought peculiar to this counterfeit Dionysius which we cannot trace the footsteps of in these Writers ; which few of the Christians ever looked into , because of their known opposition to Christianity , and therefore he had no more to do than only to fit them to the Christian doctrine , and they might easily pass for new and sublime discoveries of his own . Not only the Principles of Mystical Theology , but the very nine Orders of his Celestial Hierarchy are to be seen in Iamblichus , and are reckoned up by Scutellius in the margin of his Translation : and Archangels are not only mentioned frequently by him , but Porclus upon the Timaeus saith that Prophyrie reckons them among the Celestial Orders ; which being denyed by Iamblichus to have been ever mentioned by Plato , and yet reckoned up by himself , may be supposed to be drawn either from the Chaldean or Egyptian Theology ; but that is not my business to search into . His book of the Divine names , seems to have had its foundation as well as Title in a Book written by Porphyrie with the same Title , as Suidas himself confesses , who reckons that as the first of his books : but that being lost , we have only that reason for our conjecture , because we find him so apparently guilty in his Mystical Theology ; To which he hath added nothing but a more affected style , and profound Non-sense : For it is not enough for him , to joyn Light and darkness together ; but that darkness must be overshining , and the Rays of it must be superessential ; he is not content , to express nothing almost without Metaphors , but stretches them to Hyperbole's , and when he hath by this means set two things as far from each other as may be , then he claps them together , as if one should say , the most glorious Sunshine of Egyptian darkness . § . 17. But if this Dionysius were the Person he pretends to be , viz. the Areopagite , then we might have some reason to think that the Platonick Philosophers had taken their notions out of him ; and yet it would be very improbable that such a Writer should have been so well known among the Platonists , that was utterly unknown among the Christians . Did Dionysius leave his Works to the Philosophers at Athens , or to the Christians ? If they were only among the Philosophers , how came they out of their hands at last ? if they had borrowed so much out of them , they would have done as they report Aristotle did with his Creditors ( I mean the ancient Philosophers ) viz. suppressed them , when they had gotten as much from them as they could ? And it were an easie matter to have done it , since they were writings never mentioned in those first Ages by Christians . So Bellarmin himself grants , ( after the consisideration of all the Testimonies produced by Baronius and many others ) that these books were not known in the five first Centuries . Which argument together with other circumstances have made some of the most learned Persons of the Roman Church that have been of late , to reject this Author as supposititious ; for notwithstanding all the pleas that have been made for him by Baronius , Del-Rio , Halloix , Lessius , De Chaumont , Lansselius and others ; his Authority is very much suspected by Petavius , Sirmondus , and Labbe , all Iesuits ; but rejected by Launoy , Godeau , Habertus , and Morinus , who proves at large that these Books . were never produced till the conference with Hypatius A. D. 532. and then they were brought forth by the Severian hereticks , and rejected by Hypatius , because no Testimony was brought out of them , by former Eccle● siastical Writers , when there was sufficient occasion if they had been then extant . And in truth , it seems most probable , that they came out of the School of Apollinaris , and so might well be produced first by the Severians ; for it is not only observed by Petavius , that the heresie of Apollinaris came out of the Platonick School ; but ( if I be not much mistaken ) from that very notion of Plotinus of the difference of the mind and Soul ( for as appears by Epiphanius , Apollinaris granted , that Christ had the Soul but not the mind of man , and Nemesius expresly charges Apollinaris with following the doctrine of Plotinus ) by which it is plain that Apollinaris was sufficiently conversant in these writings to borrow his notions from thence , and he was more than ordinarily remarkable for his conversation with Philosophers ; but besides this we find his School particularly charged with this way of Forging Ecclesiastical Writers , as some pieces of Athanasius and Greg. Thaumaturgus , and an Epistle of Pope Iulius and others . To which , another circumstance may be added , which shews the greater probability of it , viz. that among the Disciples of Apollinaris , there were both a Dionysius and Timotheus ; a Dionysius to whom the counterfeit epistle of Iulius was directed ; and a Timotheus mentioned together with Apollinaris as his Disciple by Damasus , by Gennadius , and by S. Augustin , and others , so that if Apollinaris himself were not the Author of them , yet his disciple Dionysius might write them to his fellow-disciple Timotheus ; and the names hitting so luckily , they might the easier pass under the more venerable names of the Ancient Dionysius and Timothy . But this I only propose as a conjecture , it being sufficient to my purpose to have given such plain evidence , that the Fundamentals of mystical Theology , were first taken out of those Philosophers who were the greatest enemies to Christianity , and who seemed to set up this , in opposition to it , as a more sublime way to perfection . It were an easie matter after this , to shew how this Mystical Divinity by the Authority of these c●unterfeit writings came into reputation , in the Western Church , after the translation of them by Iohannes Erigena and Anastasius ; what Authority it gained among some of the Schoolmen by its agreeableness with the doctrine of some Arabian Philosophers about the Intellectus Agens ; and other principles of Enthusiasm among them ; how it came into Germany among the Monks there , and what pretences to Visions and Revelations came in upon it ; what favour it hath received from the Ies●itical Order , ( Maximilian Sandaeus having published a Discourse on purpose to prove that from the very Foundation of their Order , the Iesuits have been the greatest admirers of and pretenders to Mystical Divinity , ) but I must stop ; lest Mr. Cressy should tell me , that I take another opportunity to empty my voluminous store of Collections ; whereas all the pains I have taken in this matter hath been to give him full satisfaction that I have read and considered what the Author of the Roman Churches Devotions vindicated , hath said upon this argument , which he so humbly beseeches the Person of Honour to peruse , hoping by that means he would come to a better opinion of Sancta Sophia , and Mystical Divinity , and Mr. Cressy : and I dare leave any Person of Honour and Understanding , to judge , whether notwithstanding what he hath said for it Mr. Cr. had reason to account , this Mystical Divinity , the perfection of Christian Prayer and Devotion . CHAP. III. Of the Monastick Orders , in the Roman Church , and particularly of the Benedictin . § . 1. THe second thing to which the charge of Fanaticis●n relates , is the Foundation of their Religious Orders in the Roman Church , which I said were first instituted among them by Enthusiastick Persons , upon the credit of their Visions and Revelations . For which I instanced , in all their most celebrated Orders , viz. the Benedictins , Carthusians , Dominicans , Franciscans and Iesuits ; and gave a particular account of this , from the authentick Histories among themselves of the several Founders of them : and besides , I produced the Testimony of Bellarmin , that their Religious Orders were instituted by the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost . In answer to this , Mr. Cressy ( declining the dispute , about the personal qualities of the Founders of Religious Orders ; ) saith , the most commodious way to make a true judgement of them will be to examin their Fruits . For by their Fruits , saith our Saviour , they will be known . Therefore to determine , whether it was by Gods inspiration , that they instituted their Respective Orders , he proposes these two wayes , 1. To examin their several Rules , according to which their Disciples oblige themselves to conform their lives and actions . 2. Whether God hath acknowledged them for his servants by making use of them to the great benefit of his Church and dilation of his honour . By these wayes he desires it may be judged whether there were not sufficient ground for Bellarmin to say , that such Orders were instituted by the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost , and so do I. Which cannot be done without a particular enquiry into the Rules and history of their several Religious Orders , that by them we may see what evidence appears of any Divine Inspiration . And according to Mr. Cressy's particular zeal and concernment for the Benedictin Order , I begin with that : The Person of Honour having given that Character of S. Benedict that he believed him to have been a devout man in a dark time , according to his talent of understanding ; but that he might have been deluded by the effects of a distempered Fancy , as many well meaning men have been ; and that he could di●cern nothing like Divine Inspiration in his Rule ; but presently met with an impertinent allegation of Scripture ch . 2. applying that place , Rom. 8. crying Abba Father , to the person of the Abbot as representing Christ ; he proceeds farther , to say , that neither the reading of his Rule , nor any of the rest , will oblige any man to be of Bellarmins opinion , that those Orders were instituted by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost ; and because of Mr. Cressy's great rage against me upon this subject of Visions and Revelations , he desires to know his opinion particularly concerning the Revelation of S. Francis on the Mount Palombo concerning the literal observation of his Rule without any Gloss ; which is Printed with his Rule , and with the Popes Bulls , and the Testimony of S. Bonaventure . Mr. Cressy in answer to this , takes no manner of notice of S. Francis his Rule , or Revelation ; but leaves that to shift for it self ; but something he must say for the honour of S. Benedict , and it all amounts to as little as could be wished . For he doth not produce any one thing , to make it appear more probable that S. Benedict writ his Rule by divine Inspiration , which had been indeed to his purpose ; but only answers to the place of Scripture mentioned Ch. 2. of his Rule ; and then brings several testimon●es of the great reputation the Benedictin Rule hath been in among Popes , and Saints and Councils & Kings & Princes in after ages . And what of all this ? Must this Rule therefore be written by divine Inspiration ? Is it not possible for men to think them good Rules , without believing them to have been inspired ? Suppose this were approved , as the best Monastick Rule in these Western parts , by Popes , and Princes and Councils , doth it hence follow that it was immediately endited by the Spirit of God ? If it were , it must be of equal authority with the Bible ; if it were not , the charge remains good , that it was only an Enthusiastical pretence to Inspiration . § . 2. But to take off the force of all that Mr. Cressy saith in behalf of the Benedictin Rule , and to make good the first charge ; ( although Mr. Cr. hath evidently declined the proof of the Affirmative which lay upon him ) I shall give these● Reasons to prove that this Rule was never written by divine Inspiration . 1. Because the main parts of it were borrowed out of former Rules . 2. Because what is of S. Benedicts own , hath manifest signs of humane weakness ; particularly misapplication of Scripture , mentioned by the Person of Honour . 3. Because it was never received in the Roman Church as written by divine Inspiration . 1. Because the main parts of it were borrowed out of former Rules . Where we can with so much ease and certainty , trace the footsteps of humane industry in any writing , it is very unreasonable to attribute it to divine inspiration : And there is not one considerable part in the Benedictin Rule , which we cannot even at this distance of time shew from whence it was taken . Hugo Menardus a French Benedictin hath published the Concordia Regularum written by Benedict Abbot of Aniane , ( not by the English Benedict , as Reynerus would have it ) who was appointed by Ludovicus Pius to bring all the Monasteries within his Empire to one uniform Rule , ( which it seems they had not before ) he therefore in pursuit of this design made it his business to search all the former Rules , which having done , he published them together ; with this Preface to them ; that sometimes he met with the very same words , at other times with the same sense which was in the Benedictin Rule ; and a little after he saith expresly , that S. Benedict took his Rule from those who were before , and gathered it as one handful out of many : and Menardus there confesseth , that it was taken out of the Rules of Pachomius , S. Basil , Cassian and others , who lived before him ; which will very easily appear to any one who will take the pains to compare them . The Benedictin Rule begins with an account of the several sorts of Monks , viz. the Coenobitae who lived together under a Rule or Abbot ; the Eremitae who lived by themselves in the Desert ; the Sarabaitae , who lived two or three together without any certain Rule or Governour ; and the Wandring Monks , who never remained in any certain place . To the very same purpose Piammon the Egyptian Anchoret in Cassian speaks , and reckons up the several kinds of Monks with the very same descriptions of the three first , and Alardus Gazaeus saith , the fourth sort in Cassian , is the same with the fourth in S. Benedict . The 12. degrees of humility mentioned in the Benedictin Rule are , ( except the two last , and the pleasant passage of Iacobs ladder , the two sides whereof he makes to be the Soul and Body , ) to be found in Cassian , and some of them as Gaz●us confesseth , in the very same words , but there more properly called signes . But there are two things especially Mr. Cr. seems to admire the Benedictin Rule for , viz. the ordering the Ecclesiastical office , and the decent assignation of duties proper to all offices both of superiours and inferiours ; by these two therefore , let us judge whether S. Benedict deserved any other admiration than that of a bare Collector . The first thing remarkable in his Ecclesiastical Office , is , that after the nocturnal office the Monks should not go to sleep again , but spend that time between that and Mattins in reading and getting by heart the Psalter and Lessons ; which passage the Commentators upon the Benedictin Rule are extreamly puzzled with , as may be seen in Caramuel ; but if they would have looked into the old Egyptian Rules in Cassian ; they might have easily understood both the meaning and the design of it . Abbot Isaac in Cassian highly commends the use of that Versicle upon every occasion , Deus in adjutorium me●m intende ; Domine ad a●juvandum me festina ; from hence S. Benedict took it to begin the divine office ; Menardus thinks , that the application of it to the office , was the invention of S. Benedict ; ( surely not such a one which could not proceed , but from divine inspiration ) and yet Walafridus Strabo saith , the Egyptians did begin their Canonical hours with it . The Egyptian Monks , as Cassian relates , had a great dispute among them , what number of Psalms was to be used in the daily Office , some were for 50. some for 60. and some for more , till an Angel appeared in the midst of them , and repeated twelve Psalms , upon which the whole Senate of the Fathers , understanding this number to be by divine inspiration , made a Canon , that this number should be constantly observed , both at Vespers and in the nocturnal office ; from hence S. Benedict , as both Menardus and Gazaeus confess , took the number of 12. Psalms for the nocturnal Office ; but he allowed a much less number , viz. four or five for Vespers . Which I cannot but wonder at , since the Angel did appoint both alike : and Palladius saith expresly , that the Angel revealed it to Pachomius that 12. Psalms should be used at Vespers . Had S. Benedict a Revelation against this ? If not , surely he was bound to follow the former ; if he had , we have great reason to question both . It is a poor excuse the Benedictins use to bring their Founder off , viz. that he added the Completorium after Vespers , and therefore shortned the service ; for , what Authority had he to make new alterations , when the order was settled by a general consent of the Egyptian Fathers , and that upon the appearance of an Angel ? But it seems the Council at Tours , rather adhered to the Egyptian Revelation than S. Benedicts ; for they appoint 12. Psalms at Vespers , which they say was first learnt by the appearance of an Angel. It seems very strange to me that S. Benedict who so punctually followed the Egyptian customes in other things , should presume to alter them in that which they pretended to have more immediately from divine Revelation ; as it happened not only in this , but in the number of Canonical hours , for Palladius saith , that the Tabennesian Monks had it from an Angel , that they were to observe but three Canonical hours , viz. the nocturnal , Vespers , and Nones , all the rest of the time to be spent in work and secret Prayers . But Cassian saith , that the Egyptian Monks had but two Canonical hours wherein they met to celebrate the divine office , viz. their nocturnal Vigils and Vespers ; unless it were on the Saturday , or Sunday ; on both which dayes they met for the holy communion at the third hour of the day ; ( for not only the Egyptian Monks , but most of the Eastern Christians kept both those dayes holy for the solemn performance of divine offices , which was the reason of their difference with the Western Church about the Saturday Fast ) ; but the Monks of Palestin and Mesopotamia and of the whole Orient , added more hours for the Diurnal Office , and Cassian adds that in his time , in the Monastery of Bethlehem they added another hour after Mattins , since called the Prime , to keep the Monks from laziness ; and withall by this means they might say with David , Seven times a day will I praise thee ; which he saith may be accommodated to this , although it might have a mystical , i. e. saith Gazaeus , a figurative meaning , for , often ; but the other , Cassian saith , was the true reason of appointing it ; and he grants , that the most antient Eastern Monasteries would not admit of that alteration . But S. Benedict makes no doubt , that was the Psalmists meaning , and therefore appoints the seven Canonical hours agreeable to the Monks of Bethlehem , and because it is said Septies in die , he will have them all to be parts of the diurnal office ; for he had another place for the nocturnal , media nocte surgebam : But was it by Revelation that he knew the former place was not understood of a natural day ? By these two instances we see , that S. Benedict did most unhappily differ from the Egyptian Monks in those things , which they pre●●●● the most to have from divine Revelation : but in other things he followed their example : as Menardus saith he did in the short ejaculatory prayers at the end of every Psalm instead of the Gloria Patri ; but he adds , that place in the Rule is thought more difficult , because the practice of them is di●used , either through laziness , or the multiplicity and length of their offices ; but he saith , S. Benedict observed this custome in the making of his Rule , that those things which were more short in the former writers , especially in Cassian , ●e inlarged , as about the Abbot , the Praepositus , the Decani , &c. but what were more diffuse in them he contracted , as about these short prayers at the end of the Psalms . For Cassian expresly saith that the Gloria Patri was used in the East at the end of the Antiphona , and not at the end of every Psalm ; but then both there , and in Egypt they had very short prayers ; of which Menardus understands that clause of the Benedictin Rule about short prayers ; but I rather think it is to be understood of the concluding prayer . For Cassian mentions only two sorts of common prayers used by the Egyptian Monks in their divine offices ; viz. the short mental prayers made at the end of every Psalm ; and at every solemn stop in the reading of them , of which it was usual to make two or three on purpose in a long Psalm ; and the Collect at the end ( so called because then they did orationem colligere as Cassian speaks ) which being pronounced either by Priest , or Abbot , or Prior , he giving the sign , they all did immediately arise from prayers together ; and so the Benedictin Rule expresses it , & facto signo ● Priore , omnes pariter surgant ; by which it seems most probable that the Rule is to be understood of the short concluding Collect. And it is observable , that the Benedictin Office consists almost wholly of Psalms , Antiphona's , Hymns , and a few Lessons ; very little care being taken about Prayers , for the Litania mentioned c. 13. 17. was only the Kyrie el●eson ; only S. Benedict appoints the Prior to say at Mattins and Vespers the Lords prayer aloud , for which he gives this very good reason , because the Monks were so apt to quarrel ( propter scandalorum spinas qu●e oriri s●lent in Monasterio ) that it was fit they should all say together , dimitte nobis sicut & nos dimittimus ; but ● other hours it was sufficient to say it to themselves , only the Prior was to lift up his voice , & ne nos inducas , &c , and all the rest to answer , sed libera nos à malo . And what is there now in the Benedictin Office which looks like divine inspiration ? What is there , that a man who had never pretended to Visions and Revelations could not have done , by the help of Cassian , and a very little Mother-wit ? Nay , what is there that was his own ? Was it the adding the Completorium ? so some say , but others shew plainly he had that from the Rule of S. Basil : was it , the first adding To Deum to the Mattins ? or the placing the Antiphona's between the Psalms , whereas the Egyptians had them before them ? These are things insisted on , and gloried in , as the proper inventions of S. Benedict ; great things I confess ; but such as I hope meer human wit may reach to without divine inspiration . But beyond all these the Benedictins say , the order of Reading the Psalter was his own : very well : and was this it which came to him by inspiration ? when himself saith , that if his disposition of the Psalms doth not please , they may make use of another , so they hold to the main point , viz. going through the Psalter once a week ; which I perceive he laid great weight upon , but yet he never pretends to have had it by divine Inspiration . For he seems by his Rule to have been more humble and modest , and I am thereby enclined to believe those stories of his Visions and Revelations to have been made by some idle Monks after his death , who hoped by this means to recommend their Order more effectually to the World ; especially , after they had imposed upon the credulity of a well-meaning Pope , and made him their instrument to publish them to the World. § . 3. But if the pretence of Divine Inspiration must be submitted to in these Directors of Religious Orders ; why might not one serve for them all ? why not that , which was more ancient than any of these pretences in the Roman Church , viz. that of S. Pachomius ? For , not only Palladius , and Sozomen , and Nicephorus and others among the Greeks do affirm that he received the Monastick Rules in a Table of Brass from an Angel , but Gennadi●s , Vincentius , and others among the Latins , and which is far more , the Roman Martyrologie confesses it , and Rosweyd from thence calls him a second Moses . Who could imagine otherwise , after such acknowledgements as these , than to have seen Pachomius his Table in as much veneration among the Monks , as those of Moses were among the People of Israel ? But no such matter ; although the latter Monks love to practise by some of his Rules , yet it would not cover their hypocrisie enough , to pretend to live by them . For the first of them is , to give the Monks free liberty to eat or drink , or work or fast as they pleased ; only they that eat most were to do ●●ost work , and they that fast , to have less imposed upon them . It is to no purpose to mention the rest of his Rules , since no sort of Monks except the Tabenn●sians , who increased to several thousands , thought themselves obliged to observe them ; and yet all Authors that I have met with of the Roman Church , that mention this Rule of Pach●●●us , do allow it to have been received from an Angel. What do they mean by these things ? can they have better rules than what an Angel from Heaven hath given ? or do they think the Angel only intended them for the Monks of Tabennesus ? The Angel , as Sozomen saith , appeared on purpose to Pachomius in his cave to draw him out from his retirement , and commanded him to gather Monks and to take that brass Table for their Rule ? Could anything be mo●e solemn than this ? But , if after such confessions , they think it lawful not to believe the truth of this story ; I hope we have much more reason to question the pretence to Inspiration either in S. Benedict , S. Francis , or Ignatius Loyola . For this is averred by much more credible Authors , and received by the consent of both Eastern and Western historians , and the Roman Church allows it in her Martyrology : And yet , after all this , if there be no reason to believe it , what becomes of the credit of all the Visions and Revelations of the Egyptian Monks , which are not near so well attested as this is ? And if there be any reason to believe it , how comes that rule not to be universally embraced ? do they think S. Benedict , or S. Francis , or Ignatius wi●er than an Angel from Heaven ? Nay , how came so many other Rules to be received in Egypt after this rule of Pachomius was known ? as the Rule translated by S. Hierome composed by Pachomius , Theodorus , and Orsiesius ; which is said likewise to be received from an Angel ; which Gazaeus would have to be only an enlargement of the former ; but they were bold men that durst mend the defects of an Angel ; another Rule of Orsiesius , out of which Benedictus of Anian hath taken several passages ; the Rules of the two Macarii both famous Egyptian Monks , and of Serapion and Paphnutius ; the fragments of which are extant in the Concordia Regularum . What do all these things mean ? But it seems the pretence of Inspiration among these Founders of Religious Orders , is just contrary to what the Apostle saith of Miracles , for this is not for those that believe not , but for those that believe . § . 4. But to return to the Rule of S. Benedict ; the other thing Mr. Cressy magnifies it for , is , the Rules of Government and Discipline ; which , he saith , are so excellent that Cosmo de Medicis collected instructions from thence for the Government of his People . Great men love to be singular ; and take a pride in seeming to find that which no body else can . I dare say , if it be true , he was the only Prince in the World ever learnt to govern his People by Monastick Rules . This is so great a discovery , that it is pitty we have no more of it ; for who can tell what maximes of policy might be drawn from thence by a subtle head ? What use the chapter of the choice of the Abbot might be of in choosing Ministers of State , or it may be , the Officers of an Army ? And what influence it might have upon a Prince to do nothing without the advice of his wise Council , because the Abbot was to call the Monks together in all matters of Importance ? The Monks lying in their cloaths all night , girt up , and the measure of their wine , and the pound of bread a day , and the two Messes for all the Monks , are seasonable Items for Souldiers : The burning of the Candle all night in the Dortor , a good Memento for Centinels : The Monks laying aside their Knives when they sleep , a Caveat against Self-murder : Every Monk's being obliged to be Cook in his turn , affords that useful instruction , that no man is born only for himself ; but that every man ought to serve his Countrey : The Abbots care in looking to the Utensils and Habits , to take an account of them and to trust them in safe hands , will easily put a Prince in mind of looking after his Revenues . But I am afraid so subtle a Prince as Cosmo de Medicis , would like no chapter so well , as that which saith , the Monks are to have no propriety in any thing ; no , not so much as in their own Wills. And I confess that would be the very height of Policy , for a Prince to get away the very Wills of his Subjects from them . I am a little to seek what instructions he could gather from the Monks Cowles , and Scapular , and Boots , and Breeches when they travel , which are to be safely delivered back at their return ; with several other useful Rules for the choice of the Cellerar , Porter , and such Officers of State ; but although these things are above my reach ; yet who knows what use so wise a Prince as Cosmo de Medicis might make of them ? nay , who can tell whether Machiavil himself did not take his Politicks out of the Benedictin Rules ? I see Mr. Cressy himself is grown a Politician by being a Benedictin ; for if he could perswade men to believe the Benedictin Rule to be so useful for governing of people , it were the only way to make Persons of Honour to love their Rules , and to bring Monks to the Council Table . But to leave this pleasant passage , and to return to what is more grave and serious : there is not any thing of moment in the Benedictin Rule about the Government or Discipline of the Monastery , which is not likewise taken out of former Rules : as will appear about the Praepositus or Prior , if we compare it with what the Oriental Rule , and the Rules of Pachomius , and Orsiesus do say upon the same subject : the choice of the Decani out of Cassian , and the Regula Orientalis ; about excommunication of the refractory , from the Rules of Pachomius , S. Basil , and the Oriental and Cassian and Macarius : about the Cellerar from S. Basil , and the Oriental rule : about the Utensils , out of the Regula Patrum , Pachomius , and S. Basil ; about having all things in common , out of Orsiesus , Pachomius , S. Basil , and others ; about serving their turns for a week in the Kitchin , out of Cassian ; about the Infirmary , out of Pachomius and S. Basil ; about the Weekly Reader while they sit at Table out of Cassian ; and the silence to be used at meals , out of him and the Oriental Rule , and Pachomius . It would be too tedious to insist upon the rest , about their work , hospitality , gifts , artificers , travellers , novices , garments , nay the very Porters ; but whosoever will take the pains to compare the Benedictin Rule with the former , as to all these , will easily be convinced , that there needed no di●ine Inspiration for the Writing of his Rule : unless the Apostles wanted as much the assistance of the Holy Ghost to gather up the fragments and put them into a basket , as when they were to preach on the day of Pentec●st . § . 5. But although this takes off from the Divinity of their Rule , doth it not add as much to it another way , by shewing the greater antiquity of it ; in that it was taken out of the Eastern and Egyptian Rules ? I do not deny , that the Monastick state came into the Western parts out of the East , and began much later , and was entertained much colder a long time here , than it was there . For after that Antony the Eremite had gained a mighty reputation by the severity and solitariness of his life , not only with the Emperour Constantine , but with the Governours of Provinces , it is hardly conceivable what numbers , from all parts , the Novelty and Fame of this way , drew to be his disciples ; and how many were encouraged by his example to set up this new way of Christian Philosophy , as the Greeks call it ; which although it were advanced with a contempt of humane learning , yet the p●etence of greater severity of life and a more easie way of subduing the passions of humane nature by withdrawing the occasions of them , made many understan●ing men , at first , to cry it up as a most divine and perfect state of life . From h●nce in Egypt , Ammon began the same way in the desert of Scetis and upon mount Nitria ; which in a little time were filled with the mu●●●tudes of his disciples , among whom the most famous were Didymus , Arsenius , ●●●r , Isidorus , Pambos and others . Then Pac●●mius went a way by himself in Tabennesus , and had in a little time 7000. Disciples , which spread themselves over The bais and Egypt : besides these there were Apollonius , Pitherus , Anuphi ; and after them , many others mentioned by Cassian , Palladius , Ru●finus , Sozomen and others . The fame of these persons was spread so far in the Roman Empire , that multitudes flocked to them , to see their way of living , and to hear their discourses ; thence we read of Melania and Ru●finus going on purpose into Egypt , S. Gregory Nazianzen , and Evagrius , Cassian and Germanus ; and the same curiosity in others made the Desarts become no great places of retirement to them . From hence Hilarion one of Antonies disciples , impatient of so much company as flocked continually to him , withdraws into Palestine , carrying some Monks with him , and settles himself in a Desart , not far from Gaza , where he in time gathered great numbers of Disciples : and S. Hierom expresly saith , that before the time of Hilarion there was neither Monk , nor Monastery known in Syria ; by which it is plain he doth not speak of the Eremitical life only , but of the Coenobitical too : whatever some pretend of the constant succession of the Coenobitical state from the Apostles times , which it seems S. Hierome was utterly anacquainted with ; and he was not so little a Friend to the Monastick state , to have concealed it , if he had thought otherwise . In the further parts of Syria , Aones brought the same way of living into request , which was unknown there before ; and Iulianus at Edessa ; and Eutychianus upon Mount Olympus ; and Eustathius Sebastenus in Armenia , Pontus , and Paphlagonia . So far was this Monastick life spread in the East , while the same Ecclesiastical Historians tell us it was not known in Thracia , Illyricum , or the parts of Europe ; although they were not wholly destitute of men that did affect that way , for which Sozomen only instances in Martin and Hilary . It seems by S. Hierome that when the first notice of this way of living was brought to Rome , it met with no kind acception there , because of the novelty of it ; but when the Bishops of Alexandria , Athanasius and Peter , fled thither upon their banishment , they recommended it so effectually to some of the devout women ; that first Marcella , then Paula , then Sophronia , then Eustochium , were all for embra●ing this kind of life ; and by degrees brought it into reputation at Rome ; after this , Ruffinus 〈◊〉 S. Basils Rule for the direction of the Western Christians , who had a mind to embrace the Monastick state , with such additions and alterations as he thought fit ; and the Egyptian Rules were brought ( if not by Eusebius of Vercelles as some think ) yet it was certainly by Cassian , and Monasteries settled both in Italy , and Gaul , and Brittain , before S. Benedict went into his Cave . § . 6. But , the Monastick state had lost very much of its first reputation in the Eastern parts , before it began to spread considerably in these Western . That which first brought it into so great an esteem , was the mighty opinion of the extraordinary sanctity of the beginners of it , the severity of their lives , the strictness of their discipline , the frequency of their devotions , the diligence of their labours , and a retirement in good earnest from the world . But this hear was too great to continue long ; S. Hi●rom in his time complains very much of the declension of the Monks ; of those who made it only an art of living and a holy cheat ; of their fasting for wagers , and victory ; and their living without order and discipline ; these were those who were called Sarabaitae , and by S. Hierom Remoboth ; and although they are commonly thought to be only a few degenerate Monks , yet the Abbot Piammon in Cassian hath this severe passage , that scarce any others were to be found out of Egypt , as , he saith , he found by experience , when he was banished with his Brethren in the time of the Emperour Valens . S. Basil did his endeavour to bring them into better order by the making of his Rule ; for his design was , not to found any new Order of Monks , but to bring those who were scattered up and down without rule and Government , under some kind of Discipline , which was well designed by him , but was far from being effectual for the end he aimed at . For by bringing them nearer to Cities , they soon grew so troublesome in them , that the Emperour Theodosius was forced to publish an Edict , commanding all that had taken upon them the profession of Monks to retire from the Cities into Desart places , and to inhabit there ( which Baronius , without any reason in the world , would have to be understood only of the Manichees , and Iovinian , and Apostate Monks ) but by the Favour they obtained in the Emperours Court , this Edict was repealed within two years after ; but his son Arcadius found them so busie , that he published another Edict against their rescuing Persons from the Tribunals of Iustice ; which it seems was a common practice with them : and S. Chrysostom mentions their coming down in Troops to Antioch to rescue those who were seized upon for palling down the Empresses statue : for which although he highly applauds them , yet he found the ill effect of their busie and factious humour in his own case at Constantinople : for by reproving them for gadding up and down the streets , as unsuitable to their profession , he made most of the Monks his implacable enemies , who thereupon endeavoured to bring him into disgrace among the people : and when Chrysostom fell into disgrace with the Emperour , they kept possession of the Church , and would not suffer the people to come in to prayers , upon which they were so enraged that they killed all the Monks they could meet with . For now the first heat of their zeal was over , they began to interest themselves in Ecclesiastical affairs , and to make parties , and Factions in the Church . And he that had a mind to set up for a new opinion , and to make a party , went a great way in his business , if he could get the Monks of his side : upon this occasion they were first brought to Constantinople , by the interest of Macedonius , who with the help of Marathonius a great friend of his , erected Monasteries for them there , and by the assistance of the Monks he very much strengthned his party . The Eutychian heresie as well as the Pelagian and Macedonian had its beginning and support from the faction of the Monks ; for Eutyches himself was the Abbot at Constantinople , and with him joyned Barsumas a famous Syrian Abbot , who was the occasion of the death of Flavianus , as Diogenes Cyzicenus charges him in the Council of Chalcedon ; and upon his return home he and his Monks of Syria persecuted the Bishops of the other party , having a thousand Monks with him , and almost ruined the Syrian Churches . Leo 1. charges the Monks of Palestin ( upon their great zeal , some for Nestorius , and others for Eutyches ) that they caused many seditions in Cities , and great disturbances in Churches , and had been the murderers of many Bishops and Priests ; and through their rage and cruelty had quite forgot their Profession . These were the men that had renounced the world , and had mortified their passions , by the rigours and severities of a Monastick life . But here the Reader must take notice that in the late Edition of Leo by Theophilus Raynaudus the Iesuit , the Title of this Epistle is , ad Palaestinos Episcopos , instead of Monachos : So much more are the Iesuits concerned for the honour of Monks than of the Bishops ; and care not what reproaches are cast upon them , so the other escape : but it ●alls out happily that Baronius hath fully proved , that all those disturbances were made by the Monks ; and that this Epistle was written to them : by which we see what trust is to be given to their correct Editions of Fathers . And notwithstanding the great strictness and discipline of the Egyptian Monks we do not find them , after the first fervour was spent , much freer from faction and disturbance of the Churches peace ; for they very early joyned with Meletius against the Bishop of Alexandria , as Epiphanius confesseth ; they complotted the business of Arsenius against Athanasius , and gave out he was killed by Athanasius when they had concealed him ; and one Iohn a Monk was employed to accuse Athanasius for killing Arsenius who lay hid with Prines a Monk of Thebais . In the time of Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria , the illiterate Monks of Egypt were such zealous Anthropomorphites , that upon Theophilus his opposing their opinion in his Paschal Epistle , they forsook their Monasteries , and came in Troops to Alexandria with a resolution to destroy him ; but Theophilus knowing their simplicity , avoided their fury by a subtle answer , telling them he beheld their face as the face of God : with which they were very well satisfied , only desiring him to condemn Origens Books : which he told them he was ready to do . Upon this occasion a mighty quarrel happened among the Monks themselves , the more learned among them opposed the Anthropomorphites , but the more ignorant and zealous were furious defenders of their doctrine , and charged all that opposed them with being Origenists ; Theophilus finding out this , and having a particular pique at four learned Monks , Dioscorus , Ammonius , Eusebius and Euthymius , who were called the Long Brothers , he sends letters to the Monks , to bid them have a care of them , for they believed God to be incorporeal , and therein were Origenists ; for they did not believe that God had either eyes , or ears , or hands or feet : notwithstanding this , a very few , who had more learning , discerning the malice and craft of this suggestion adhered still to them ; but the far greater number who were very simple and furious , most vehemently opposed them , by which means an irreconcileable war brake forth among them ; and things , by Theophilus his means , were inflamed to that height , that Dioscorus and his Brethren had much ado to escape with their lives , and fled to Constantinople , where being receceived by S. Chrysostom , this widened the breach between Theophilus and him , and proved one occasion of his following troubles . The Monks of Egypt having been thus heated , it was a hard matter to keep them quiet afterwards , for in the time of Cyril of Alexandria , who was Theophilus his Sisters Son , and immediate Successor , the Monks of Nitria , hearing of the difference between Cyril and Orestes the Governour , came to Alexandria , 500. in a body , with a resolution to kill the Governour , and one of them called Ammonius , wounded him in the head with a stone , so that he hardly escaped with his life . After this , Timotheus Aelurus , who had been one of the Egyptian Monks , was the occasion of the death of Proterius Bishop of Alexandria , and caused himself to be chosen in his place . Theodorus Lector saith , that he disguised himself in the night and went about the several Cells of the Monks , and called every one by his name , and when they asked who called them , he told them he was an Angel sent to them to tell them they ought not to communicate with Proterius , but they should choose Timotheus for their Bishop . By which story we have a true account some of the Monkish Revelations : and some Historians report another as good as this at Rome , viz. of Boniface suborning one to speak under the appearance of an Angel to that Monkish Pope Celestin 5. that he ought to leave the Papacy , and retire again to the Wilderness ; which succeeded so well with the credulous Pope , that he soon made way for Boniface to succeed him ; who afterwards secured him from giving any further disturbance to his Popedom . § . 7. By this we may see what mighty advantage the Christian Church received in the Infancy of the Monastick state , in those very places where it began , by the greatest pretence of piety and retirement from the world in those that embraced it . I do not wonder so many great men of the Church should magnifie it so highly , before they had seen the tryal and experience of it ; for extraordinary things in the way of piety and abstraction of the world , are very apt to move men of devout minds at the first appearance ; but the best judgement of things is to be made by their continuance . And therefore it is observable that although the Apostles began at first with a community of goods , while the Christians were few ; yet this did not last among them ; nor was it required in the Churches planted by them ; because it could not be convenient for all ; and for some to do it and others not , would be apt to beget breaches and mutual suspicions among them . And I do not find but that the Church of Corinth , where every one was to lay aside of his own for relief of the Church of Hierusalem , was in that respect as pleasing to Christ , as that state of the Church of Hierusalem , wherein they had all things in common . And in matters of this nature , where the first appearance is very fair and plausible , ( as it was in the pretended devotion and retirement from the world in the Egyptian Monks ) we are not so much to regard the judgement of those persons concerning it , who lived in the first heat and beginnings of it , which was the case of S. Athanasius , S. Hierome , S. Basil , and others ; as of those who lived to see the effects of it , after it came into a settlement . For they found after the first running so much of the lees still remaining , as put them into frequent and vehement fermentations , which plainly discovered notwithstanding all the pretences they made , they were ●ar from being clearly drawn off from the World. Synesius was a man of excellent learning , and great judgement , an● Bishop of Ptolemais in Egypt ( who lived between the Monks of Scetis and Nitria , and those of Thebais and Tabennesus , and in a time when they flourished most as to number and zeal ) in his Dion he gives an account of their way of living , of their hymns and prayers , and separate Cells , and abstinence , and force they offer to nature , and the very kinds of their works , which cannot be understood of any other than the Egyptian Monks ; and so Petavius and Holstenius confess . And after he hath thus described them , he gives this character of their way , that it was barbarous and contrary to human nature ; for , saith he , we are not pure and unmixed minds , but joyned together with bodies , so that we cannot be wholly imployed in contemplation of divine things , but our minds must divert themselves to other matters ; and this , saith he , they confess themselves , by the great necessity of working which they lay upon all : I could wish that we were so framed that we could live wholly in contemplation ; but since that is impossible , I wish then , saith he , sometimes to be taken up with the best things , and at other times to partake something of the delight and pleasure of life . For I know my self to be a man ; and not a God to be wholly above these pleasures , nor a beast to be under the power of them ; and therefore that state of life which is between these , 〈◊〉 most agreeable to human nature . And then falls upon them , for preferring manual labour , before the exercise and improvement of the mind in knowledge and useful Learning : which is both an imployment and pleasure to the mind . But in their adamantin way , as he calls it , there is no order , no gradual improvement , but all depends upon motions and impulses , and strange heats and transports , whereby they hope for the end without the means , and aim at things above reason without the exercise of it . How do these things agree , to be now above the Heavens , and presently to be twisting Reeds and making Baskets ? But mans excellency lyes in his Reason , which they take the least care about : and those will attain mans end the soonest that act most agreeably to his nature . He doth not deny that there have been some extraordinary minds , which without arts or improvements can do as much as others with them ; but these are as rare as the Phoenix in Egypt ; but the common sort of mankind are uncapable of this ; and all their labour and pains is to no purpose that think to attain to the perfection of the mind by any other way than by improvement of the mind it self . And it is not safe or lawful for us to think , that God should dwell in any other part of us , than in our mind , which is his proper Seat. They mightily cry up temperance and continence , and admire themselves for those things which in themselves are the least ; any further than they serve to higher ends . And afterwards he takes notice of their confident pretences to the knowledge of divine things ; they , saith he , are Divines , like Cadmus his souldiers , sprung out of the earth ; and in good earnest , condemns them at last not only for their barbarous way of living , but for a strange mixture of Pride and Ignorance ; having very absurd opinions , and yet very arrogantly assuming to themselves a greater measure of divine knowledge than others had ; for they had a particular way of improving their minds by ignorance ; which was a sort of Mystical Divinity among them too . By this , and his Epistle to Hyp●tia ( wherein he describes them again by those peculiar vertues of their ignorance and confidence ) we may see , what opinion this great man had of the Monastick way , when it was in its greatest height , and it was not a meer matter of hypocrisie , as it hath been for the greatest part in the Western Church ; but men did truly and honestly live in poverty , and real abstinence , and continual labour , with Psalms and prayers , hoping by those means to come to the greatest perfection of our Souls ; but he saw through all this , and found that when they labour'd only , or chiefly , to keep down the inclinations of the body , spiritual pride and self-opinion were like to get the better of their Souls . And S. Hierome who had some experience of this way , describes the temptation of spiritual Pride , as the most common and dangerous snare , which the most severe and mortified men were apt to fall into ; nay , he saith , that Antony himself fell into this , by reflecting on the perfection of his life , and that he was cured by an Angel , which revealed to him the greater perfection of Paul the Eremite . One would wonder to meet with so many combats with Devils as we find in the History of the old Monks ; either it was as S. Hierome intimates concerning some , that they feigned them for greater reputation among the people , or that state could not be so much per●●cter than others , wherein the Devils were allowed to converse so much more freely with men than in other places . And if any one will read but S. Ieroms description of his own temptations in the Desarts , or his life of Hilarion , he will easily find , it is not running away from the world will make men more perfect , unless they could leave their passions behind them ; and that a constant care of our mind , and actions in the midst of our imployments , is not only more pleasing to God , but a more likely way to subdue all disorderly passions , than the severest life of a Monk or an Eremite . We have no reason then to believe , that either the Monastick state at first , or the Benedictin Rule did come from any divine inspiration ; but as this was borrowed from the former Rules , so the former was taken up out of an unreasonable opinion that God is better pleased by our running from the World than by serving him in it . § . 8. 2. That the Benedictin Rule hath manifest signs of human Weakness in it , and therefore cannot be supposed to come from divine inspiration . Of which the first is , misapplication of Scripture . To this purpose the Person of Honour mentions the bringing of that place , We have not received the spirit of Bondage again to fear ; but the spirit of Adoption whereby we cry Abba Father , to prove that the Abbot doth supply the Room of Christ in the Monastery , Christ himself being the supream Abbot . To which Mr. Cr. answers , by expressing his wonder how he could find the least defect , incongruity , or want of prudence in that passage : and he spends very needless pains to prove , that Abbots being lawful Superiours for the direction of Souls , the most proper title that can be given them is that of Father , and that Abba signifies Father . Very well ! but what is this to the producing that place for it ? methinks Our Father which art in Heaven had been altogether as proper ; for that would have shewed the title of the Abbot as well ; and withall that the Abbot was Gods Vicar upon earth ; God himself being their Abbot in Heaven . And if S. Benedict had thought upon this place , all that Mr. Cr. saith , would have held as well to prove there was not the least incongruity in producing it ; and it would have afforded altogether as useful an admonition to the Abbots to govern as Fathers , and not to Tyrannize as Lords . But there is yet farther incongruity in it , for as the Person of Honour observes , S. Benedict brings this in , to prove that the Abbot supplies the Room of Christ in the Monastery ( Christienim agere vices in Monasterio creditur , quando ipsius vocatur praenomine ) whereas there is no such thing in the Text , Christ is not called there by the name Abba , but God the Father , for after they are said , by the spirit of Adoption to cry Abba Father ; it is said , And if Children , then heirs ; heirs of God , and joynt-heirs with Christ. So that Christ here is not represented under the notion of Abba , but rather as a Son and heir to him that is called Abba : therefore he that sustains the Person of Christ , can only be the eldest Son , i. e. the Prior and not the Abbot ; so that it is impossible to clear S. Bennet from an impertinent allegation of this place of Scripture . But this is far from being the only place so impertinently produced by him ; for in the preface of his Rule we have a whole Cluster of them , wherein he puts together many places of Scripture expressing the earnestness and sincerity of Gods calling men to repentance and sincere obedience , to the Monastick life and observing the Rules of it . As though it were impossible for men to repent and to do Gods will , unless they did presently renounce their estates ▪ and submit to the Monastick Rules . This , if he speaks to the purpose , he must account , awakening out of sleep : not hardening our hearts at Gods call ; hearing what the spirit saith unto the Churches ; running while we have light ; entering into Gods Tabernacle ; and what not ? As though all Religion were confined within the walls of Monasteries ; and the strait gate were no other , than that which gives men admission into them . This indeed was the great and fundamental cheat of the Monastick Orders in the Roman Church ; they would be called the Religious Orders , and would have men believe , that all piety and devotion was kept warm only under a Monks Cowle ; and that , if there were any such thing in the world ( as they called all out of their own precincts ) it grew very cold , by taking too much aire abroad . But although they durst not openly defend this , for fear of giving too great offence both to Clergy and Laity ; yet their insinuations tended this way ; for they only were the Religious , and the rest were but the World. Which was a horrible abuse of mankind , as well as of the Christian Religion ; which doth never suppose men to be a jot nearer to Heaven for their nastiness , and lying in their cloaths , for abstaining certain days from flesh , for eating and drinking upon a common stock , for having their garments of such a shape and colour , or whatever other observances were peculiar to the Monastick state . The Christian Religion requires sincere humility , and not a Monkish affectation of it ; inward purity , and a chastity within the bounds which God hath set us , and not binding our selves by perpetual vows to abstain from what he hath allowed us ; heavenly mindedness , and a mighty regard to the rewards of another life , and not a needless renouncing what the bounty of Heaven , and the care of our Ancestors have provided for us , as to the conveniences of this life : The Obedience necessary to salvation is that to the commands of Christ , and not of an Abbot . But this they would fain make people believe , that doing only what their Superiours command them , is the self-denyal and renouncing their own wills , which the Gospel makes so necessary to salvation ; which is a notorious misapplication of our Saviours commands ; but these things are common to other Monastick Rules ; S. Benedict hath other faults of this kind peculiar to his own Rule : as when he brings these places for the Monks confessing their sins to the Abbot , Revela Domino viam tuam , & spera in illo : It is great pitty the word Abba was not there for Dominus ; for then it had been a plain case : but as it stands , it is somewhat hard to conceive how the Abbot comes to be concerned in our making known ( if that were the meaning ) of our ways to the Lord ; and to as little purpose are the other places that follow , confitemini Domino , and several others that speak of confessing our sins to God , but not one word of the Abbot , no nor of Priest in them : yet this is not all , for in the same chapter he brings something for Scripture , which was never there , as when he makes the Publican to say Domine , non sum dignus ego peccator levare oculos meos ad coelum ; which makes Menardus cry out miror sanè , quia nunquam in toto Evangelio repereris haec verba dicta à publicano : he justly wond ▪ ed at this quotation , there being no such words to be found in the whole Gospel as spoken by the Publican ; but the fairest excuse he hath to bring him off , is by saying that he qu●ted the words without Book , by the help of his memory ; which if it be allowed will be certainly an argument to them , that he was not infallibly assisted by the H●ly Ghost . But besides these , we have other arguments sufficient of humane weakness in this Rule , if I should undertake to rifle and examine the several constitutions of this Rule , particularly that , when the Abbot requires impossibilities , not meerly moral as they would now soften it , but things utterly impossible , or unlawful to be done ; as when the Senior in Cassian required Iohn the Egyptian Monk to remove a stone , which multitudes of men could not stir , and another commanded Mucius to take his Son and throw him into the river ; which they thought themselves obliged by vertue of Monastick obedience to perform ; and in the case of such impossibilities S. Bennet bids them , if the Abbot persist in them , to trust to Gods help and obey . But the reason given for this , is , that they must look on the commands of their Superiours , as if they were the commands of God himself : which is a most senseless and unreasonable thing : but it seems by this , they give the Abbot the Title belonging to God , not meerly for name sake : but in case a man were required as Mucius was , to destroy his own Child , they must say , they are bound as much to obey as Abraham was , upon Gods command to sacrifice his Son. Nay we read in Cassian , that God revealed to the Abbot that Mucius had perform●d the obedience of Abraham ; and so they say of another , who threw his Child into a fiery furnace upon the Abbots command in imitation of Abraham . But to justifie this blind obedience , to the commands of Superiours S. Benedict brings other very impertinent places of Scripture ; such as obauditu auris , obedivit mihi ; ●on veni facere voluntatem meam , sed ejus qui misit me , &c. But I am sick of such idle and impertinent stuff , which yet must be cryed up , as the effects of divine inspiration . And although Mr. Cressy and his Brethren , may admire and cry up the perfection of their Rule , it is plain by the conclusion , their Founder himself had no such opinion of it , for he calls it minimam inchoationis Regulam ; a Rule for meer beginners ; and Menardus confesseth , there are much more perfect rules to be found in Palladius , Cassian , Serverus Sulpicius , S. Pachomius and others : but S. Benedict thought these high enough for the lazy Monks of his time , as he expresses it : so that it is plain , he followed no inspiration in the dictating of his Rule , but the old Rule of humane prudence , when he gave them , not the best Rules he could give them , but the best which they could bear . Which , I suppose , was S. Gregories meaning when he commended it , not for the perf●ction , or Divinity , but the discretion of it . Yet as gentle , and easie , and discreet as this Rule was , it was hardly ever observed in the Benedictin Order , according to the Letter of it ; but they have found so many evasions , and distinctions , and dispensations , that we are not to judge of this , or any other Order among them , by their Rules , but by their practices . For they have so many distinctions of the essentials and accidentals of their Rules ; of being sworn to observe their Rules , and to obey the Abbot according to the Rule ; about Rules that have custom going along with them , and those which have not ; about simple Rules of obedience , and purely penal and mixt ; about the wayes of interpreting Rules and their obligation , f●om the intrinsick natures of the things , from the extrinsick probability of opinions , and the Power of the Pope to dispense , and their Superiours to interpret ; that it is a very hard case if by vertue of one , or other of these , they cannot find some excuse for the neglect or violation of any of their common Rules . And notwithstanding the great discretion of this Rule , so little hath it been observed by the Monks of this Order , that Caramuel cites this remarkable expression of Cardinal Turrecremata , that if S. Benedict intended to oblige the consciences of the Monks by all his Rules , as so many moral precepts ; he would not have given them directions to Heaven , but have laid so many sn●res for them to send them to Hell. § . 9. 3. If this Rule had been received in the Roman Church , as of divine inspiration ; how comes it to pass , that so many other Rules did come up after this , and receive approbation and allowance in the same Church , and upo● as great and as high pretences , as ever this was received ? If this were believed to have come from God , surely it would have been universally received as such , and embraced , assoon as it was made known to them ? How came this v●ry Rule to be altered and improved so many times ? How came very different Rules from this to receive as publick approbation ? And it may be easily made out , 1. That this Rule was not generally received , where it was known In the confirmation of the ●●bot of Cassino we read , that the Pope 〈◊〉 S. Benedicts's Rule to him , use these words , Accipe Regulam Spiritu Sancto inspirante dictatam . Receive the Rule which was dictated by the Holy Ghost ; what could have been said more if he had delivered the Bible to him ? Who could imagine any thing less by this , than that the Roman Church did universally believe , that God had raised up S. Benedict as a Prophet in his Age , and had sent him on purpose to settle a new sort of life under certain Rules to be delivered by him ? So that as Moses gave Laws by divine app●intment to the People of Israel , and Christ to all persons that live in the World , so S. Benedict was to give Laws to such as did retire from the World , for whom Christ had left no Rules at all ; and taken no manner of notice of any such persons , although there were such among the Iews then . But if this were S. Benedicts Commission , where did he open it , what way did he take to satisfie the world about it ? how came all the Persons of that time and age who were for the Monastick way , not immediately to yield themselves up to his Government ? But we find nothing like this , in the history of that Age wherein he lived ; no great notice was taken of him or his Rule then ; there was one Benedict of Nursi● , an obscure person ( for even the wiser sort of the Roman Church laugh at Arnoldus Wion . who hath taken great pains to prove the Austrian Family and S. Benedict to be descended from the same stock of the Anician Family ) who after some retirement from the conversation of the World gathered some Disciples to him , who lived together after a Monastick way . And what was there extraordinary in all this ? Had not many others done the same before him ? and even in that Age more considerable persons than himse●f : among the rest , was Cassiodore , who had been Consul and Minister of State to Theodoric ; in his declining Age he founded a Monastery wherein he lived himself , and gave directions to those under his care , and lived twenty years after S. Benedict , but he takes not the least notice either of him or his Rule : which surely he would have done , if they had been either of them thought of any consideration in his time . In the same time S. Equitius in S. Gregory , is called the Father of many Monasteries in the Province Valeria , without any notice of S. Benedicts Commission or Rule ? and S. Honoratus had two hundred Monks under him , and was so far from being S. Benedicts Disciple , that Gregory affirms he had no Master at all but God. Adeodatus had Monks under his Government , when Benedict went into his Cave , for his good friend S. Romanus was one of them ▪ Many othe●s we find mention'd in Gregories Dialogues ; it being a common thing in those distracted times for persons weary of the world to withdraw into some solitary place with some ●ew companions , and there to live hardly , rather than be continually exposed to the merciless fury of their enemies ; which first brought the Monastick life into any great reputation among the more conside●able persons of these Western parts . Baronius confesseth , that at that time the Monastick profession had lost its reputation in the East , through the heresie and licentiousness of the Monks , when it began to spread it self in Italy and the adjacent parts : but there was no certain Rule among them ; every one who was the chief governed the rest according to his own discretion , and in general made use of S. Basils Rule translated by Ruffinus , or the Egyptian Rules translated by S. Hierom , or the Conferences of the Fathers by Cassian as they thought fit themselves . And after the same way Benedict himself governed those that were under him , disposing them into twelve Cells , and placing in every one of them twelve Monks with a Superiour over them ; which Gregory mentions long before he takes notice of any Rule made by him , and Ang●lus de N●ce the present , or late Abb●t of Cassino , consesies , that he did not make his Rule , till a little before his death ; and that at the beginning he had not the least thought of making any Rules for the Order of Monks : but being grown old , by l●ng experience , and observation , and comparing of former Rules , he drew up those which go under his name ; which received no Authority from him that made them , but depended upon the free consent of those who submitted themselves unto them : and therefore he compares them to the La●s of Solon or the Decemviri ; than which nothing can be said more d●structive to the pictence of divine inspiration ; for supposing these Rules were dictated by the Holy Ghost , their obligatory power would not depend upon the consent of persons , but the Divine Authority of him that delivered them . Holsienius thinks that S. Benedict made his Rule only for his own Monastery at Cass●●o , never intending it for any universal Rule ; but whether he did or no , it was very little known for some time , after his death : for in an antient Copy of it in the Vatican Library , there is a short preface before it , wherein we find that it is called latens ●pus , a work that lay hid , and that it was first brought to light by Simplicius ; which is said likewise by Sigebert : Simplicius discipulus ejus latens Magistri opus publicavit ; If this Rule came by divine inspiration as the Pope and Mr. Cr●ssy say ( what they believe I know not ) how came it to be concealed by Ben●dict himself ? was that a thing befitting an inspi●ed person to wrap up such a divine Talent in a napkin , and to hide it under ground ? Angelus de Nuce , a man much concerned to find out the truth in these things , saith , that S. Benedict delivered his Rul● but a few Months before his death to S. Maurus then going into France , and that before this , there is not a word said of it ; and that there were no copies then extant at all of it , that being the Original given to S. Maurus written with his own hand . This Simplicius accompanied Maurus into France , and there stayed till his death , and two years after , ( which was in all forty three years ) and then he together with Faustus returned to their Brethren in Italy : ●nd then he made known the Benedictin Rule , which had been hitherto concealed . So that in the space of forty three years after Benedicts death , there was nothing like an acknowledgement made even in the parts of Italy , of any such Rule at all as the B●nedictin , much less , that it came by divine inspiration . § . 10. But to shew the universal reception of this Rule Mr. Cressy produces the confirmation of it extant in the Monastery of Sublac by Gregory , wherein he mentions not only his reading , but confirming it in a holy Synod , and commands the observation of it through several parts of Italy , and wheresoever the Latin Tongue is spoken ; and that whosoever shall come to the Grace of co●version should most diligently observe it even to the end of the World. This I confess is to the purpose , and so much that I think all that are not of the Benedictin Order in the Roman Church are concerned to answer it . But we need not take much pains to discover the fraud of this , for Gallonius in his Vindication of Baronius against the Bendictins , hath given several proofs of the forgery of it ; not only by the falseness of the date by comparing it with Gregories Epistles , but because therein Iohannes Albanensis Episcopus subscribes , whereas in the true Copies of the Roman Synod at that time , it is Homobonus Albanensis ; and because the custom of publishing decrees by the Bishop who was the Bibliothecarius was much later than that time ; for Gregory made Use only of his Notary for for that purpose . And this is so much more probable to be a meer forgery of the Monks , since that hath been alwayes their particular knack in what concerns the honour of their Order , as the same A●thor hath shewed in many examples relating to our present purpose . For he hath fully proved several of the pretended priviledges of the Ben●dictins to be gross forgeries , as likewise the ample Donations of Gordianus and Tertullus , and the confirmation of the Letter by Iustinian ; the Bull of Pope Zacharie , and his Epistle to Petronax ; the Epistle of Gregory to Bonitus ; and that they had rased several words out of a Bull of B●niface the fourth on purpose that Gregory the Great might appear to have been of the Benedictin Order , as he makes it evident by comparing several Copies of the said Bull. Have we not then great reason to trust these men in what concerns the honour of their Order , who make no conscience of forging donations , or priviledges , or decrees that make for them , or of rasing out what makes against them ? and this con●e●ed by men of their own Church ; and the ●acts so notorious , that Gallonius saith . Cardinal Baronius was ashamed of them● they were such gross impostures ; and he ad●s himself , that had it not been for their vehement provocations , he would not have e●posed such things to the World. The like impostures to these have been discovered by others of the Roman Church , who were men of more integrity , than either to de●end or des●emble the shameless forgeries of the Monks ; as any one may easily satisfie himself by the very many Discourses published by Ioh. Launoy to that purpose . But I need not go from my present business ; the same Gall●nius hath proved the Epistle of the Abb●t of S. H●noratus to Simplicius A●bot of Cassinum to be of the same stamp : where●n it is said , that all the Monasteries of I●●ly had then embraced the Benedictin Rule ; of which whosoever was the Author , Gall●nius saith he , deserved to be punished as one Ci●●arellus at Rome was , who was hanged and his body burned for forging old Writings ; it is pitty that all who have been equally guilty there , have not suffered in the same kind . We do not find then any evidence great enough to shew that the Benedictin Rule was either delivered at first as from divine Inspiration , or believed to be so , in those parts of Italy where it was first known , or that those of the Monastick Order did think themselves obliged to embrace it . S. Benedict a little before his death sent Maurus and his companions into France to propagate his Rule there : and because Mr. Cressy quotes a Synod about A. D. 874. acknowledging S. Benedict to be inspired by the Holy Ghost , I ●hall briefly give an account of the entertainment the Benedictin Rule met with in those parts . Before the coming of Maurus into France , there were several Monastick Rules ●ell known there ; the Rule of S. Basil and the Egyptian Rules are mentioned by their eldest Historians . The Monks under Honoratus at Lerins , as appears by Cassian , followed the Egyptian Rule ; and Eucherius Brother to Honoratus , saith , that those Monks brought the Egyptian Fathers among them . Those about Marseilles followed Cassian ; the Monastery of Reomaus was under the Rule of Macarius , as appears by Clodoveus his Precept . Besides the●e , there was the Regula Tarnatensis mentioned in the Concordia Regularum , which was observed at Agaunum or S. Maurice , built A. D. 515. and of S. Caesarius , which was observed in several parts of France ; and all these before the Benedictins were heard of there : and A. D. 570. the Bishops of France in a Council at Tours commended the Rule of S. Caesarius to Radegund●s ; which they would hardly have done if the Benedictin had been in such esteem there , as Mr. Cressy suggests . Nay , a good while after the Benedictins coming into France , other Rules were embraced and followed much more than that , as the Rule of S. Columbanus , which was not received there till A. D. 590. yet though the other had so much the start , this gained ground very much of it , in the esteem of the people and numbers of Proselytes . For as the late French Annalist observes , most of the Monasterics in Fra●ce followed the Rule of Columbanus and very few the Benedictin ; which the Benedictins finding to take much off from the Antiquity and reputation of their Order in France , when they could not fairly expunge the name of Columbanus , they have added the Rule of Benedict to it ; and so would incorporate both these Rules into one , without any pretence from Reason or Antiquity . For the French Benedictins themselves cannot but confess , that the Rule of Columbanus was at first very different from that of S. Benedict , ( although before they say , that those of their Order had alwayes believed them to be the same ) for in the Rule of Columbanus they cannot find any footsteps almost of the Benedictin , and withal they grant , that Columbanus came from the Monastery of Banchor into France , before the Benedictin Rule was brought into Britain ; but they say that afterwards these two Rules were united together : ( although in the Preface to the first Tome they had said , they were united from the Beginning ; ) but they had as little reason for the latter assertion , as they had for the ●ormer . For not only the Iesuits Henschenius and Papebrochius have plainly asserted and proved the continuance of the difference between these two Rules ; but the French Annalist Le Cointe hath fully answered all the Benedictins pretences , and charges those of their Order with frequent interpolations of antient Records on purpose to advance the credit of their Order , and that no ill will to their Order , but meer love to Truth made him discover this to the World , and at large shews that other Rules continued to be observed to the eighth Century ; in a●l which time the Benedictin Rule was in small reputation , till Boniface's going into Germany : after which it began to be setled by some Synods there ; and so by degrees it was brought into those Monasteries which before had been under other Rules , and those such as had not only been embraced before the coming of Maurus ; but several that were made after it , as those of Aurelianus , Ferreolus , and Donatus ; which are all mentioned in the Concordia Regularum . I now leave the Reader to judge , whether there be the least probability , that either in Italy or France , the Benedictin Rule was looked upon as a Rule coming from Divine Inspiration ; which met with so little acceptance in those Ages , when they might the best judge concerning it , and in those places where the Monastick State was in great esteem . § . 11. 2. After it did come to be generally received if it were really thought to from God , how came so many alterations and improvements of it to be made , and new Rules to be set forth by the consent and approbation of the Roman Church ? They could not certainly think that the Holy Ghost would raise up a Person on purpose , and yet deliver by him an imperfect Rule ; if it were perfect , with what face or conscience coul● they think to amend it , or set up others besides it ? Yet both these are manifestly done , by the multitude of additional or different Rules which came up afterwards . The only pretence for it , is the degeneracy of the Order by length of time and bad customs ; but what then ? must the Rule be amended , or the lives of men ? must we have a new Bible , because this is not observed ? Or can we hope that men will be reformed by another , if not by this ? But this was so frequently practised in the Roman Church as to the Monastick Rules , that the most charitable opinion we can have of them , is that they looked on all of them only as humane constitutions which might be altered , or amended at pleasure . The first amendment and alteration of the Benedictin Rule was in the Monastery of Clugny in Burgundy ; the beginning of which is imputed to Odo the second Abbot , who dyed A. D. 943. saith Arnoldus Wion ; 944. saith the Chronicon Cluniacense ; Flodoardus and Ademarus call him the restorer of the Rule , and so do most other Historians , who all agree in the universal decay of the Monastick Discipline in that age ; saying , that all the fervor was quite spent , and nothing but the meer dregs of idleness and luxury were to be found among the Monks ; that Odo was singular in his endeavours to restore Discipline among them , and therefore was cryed up as a man of extraordinary sanctity . Petrus Cluniacensis who succeeded him in the Government of Clugny A. D. 1157. saith , that in almost all the parts of Europe there was nothing of a Monk left , besides the tonsure and the habit ; which was little enough of all conscience : that Odo undertook the Reformation of it almost alone , and he calls him not only the Reformer of the Order , but of the Rule too : but I find no great alterations that he made in it , but only adding some Hymns of S. Martin , to whom he had a particular devotion : but the greatest Reformer of the Rule was this Petrus Clu●iacensis , who first composed the Statutes of the Congregation of Clugny , published out of MS. by Marrier and Du Chesne , in seventy six Chapters : and it seems by a Bull of Innocent the second , bearing date A. D. 1136. ( extant among their Records ) that the Pope gave him power to correct and alter things for the good of the Order : and in his Preface he gives this reason of the alterations he made ; because it is one thing what God hath appointed by an eternal Law , and another what is appointed by men for the benefit of others ; the first can never be changed , but the latter may : and among these things which may be changed , he reckons fastings , Vigils , bodily exercise and labour , about which so many Chapters of the Benedictin Rule are spent : and in the Ecclesiastical Office which Mr. Cressy admires the Benedictin Rule for , he makes several considerable amendments and alterations ; and the Reason he gives , why he would have the abstinence from flesh observed , is , because there was no reasonable Cause of changing it , as there was in other parts of the Rule ; which is a manifest proof , that he did not at all look on the Rule as coming from God , but such as might be altered or amended , as they thought fit . After him Henry the 29. Abbot of Clugny made a large collection of all the alterations that had been made either by the Popes , or their own Superiours in the statutes of their Order ; which are so many as are certainly enough to convince any man , they looked not on the Benedictin Rule , as coming at first from any divine Inspiration . And among the considerable alterations made by this Henry himself , the Chronicon Cluniacense takes notice of one very remarkable , viz. that he first appointed that Monks should be shaved by Secular Barbers ; for which this very good Reason is given , that when they shaved each other , it was not rasure but excoriation ; for which kindness , among many other good things which he did , the Author of the Chronicon saith of him , Anima ejus requiescat in pace . Amen . These Reformations of the Benedictin Rule by the Monks of Clugny , were by no means pleasing to those who began the Cistertian Order ; for as appears by an Epistle of Petrus Cluniacensis to S. Bernard the Cistertians objected to them , that they had made new Rules of their own , and rejected the antient Rules for their own customs , notwithstanding in their vow they had promised to observe the Benedictin Rule ; and they had made so great alterations and corruptions in the Monastick state , that they had little besides the name of Monks left : To this the Cluniacenses replyed , by calling the Cistertians a new race of Pharisees , that cry Touch me not , I am holier than thou : and how could they call themselves such strict observers of the Rule ( for the Cistertian Order was begun upon this pretence of restoring the genuin Benedictin Rule by keeping to the letter of it ) when the Rule commanded them to think better of others than of themselves ; and You , say they , are the Saints ; You are the rare men ; You are the only Monks in the world ; You must have a new colour of your own ; You must be the white Boys , when all the rest must Pass for black sheep . And no colour , say they , could have been worse chosen for such whining companions , since white is the colour of Ioy and Feasting , and Black of Mourning and Sadness . Thus the jolly Monks of Clugny replyed to the new and severe Order of Cistertians . And for the alterations of the Rule , Petrus Cluniacensis answers they had done nothing amiss in it ; for he appeals to a higher Rule , viz. that of Scripture ; and do you think , saith he , that when we promised to observe the Benedictin Rule , we renounced the Rule of Scripture ? And from the practice of it in former Ages , he pleads for the change of former Rules . The Cistertians charged the Cluniacks with breaking their Rule in wearing of Furrs ; the Cluniacks brought not only the example of Adam for it , but which was more to their purpose of S. Benedict too ; For , say they , very subtilly ; if he did not wear the Skins of Beasts , how came the Shepherds to take him for a Beast when they found him in the Cave ? And do you think , say they , that your number of Coats , is not as bad as our Furrs ? But the Cistertians were as angry with the Cluniacks , for their wearing Breeches ; but they pleaded a jus Divinum of Breeches from Aarons Vestments , for although , they say , ceremonials do not oblige , yet the Apostle saith , those things happened to them in a figure ; but they are somewhat troubled that Aarons were linnen drawers and represented the chastity of the Priests ; yet at last they best resolve the point into the ●postles prec●p● about decency and modesty . For the matter of their bedstraw and matts , which the Cistertians objected , Petrus 〈◊〉 tells S. Bernard , they had plainly the Rule of their side , which left those things to the care of the Abbot . But they were somewhat more troubled about the pound of bread a day , which the Benedict●n Rule is to exact in , that a third part of it is prescribed to be reserved for supper ; but suppose say they , it should be a little over or under the third part of a pound which was left at noon ; must we presently go to hell for it ? must men weigh their bread when they travel ; and carry the Cellerar with them ? for the Rule saith , it must be delivered into his hands . You indeed , say they , are the men that strain at gnats and swallow Camels ; and make our Rule to lay traps and snares for us : and withall they call them the weighers of syllables , the hunters of butterflies , that prefer the letter of the Rule before discretion ; and set up the Authority of that against the conveniency of alterations , which Petrus Cluniacensis at large pleads for towards th● end of that Epistle . Notwithstanding all this , S. Bernard laments the going of his Nephew Robert from the C●stertian Order to the Cluniack , as if he had turned out of the way to Heaven into that which leads directly to hell ; and that , not barely , for the not performing his vow ; but he calls the Cluniacks , Wolves in Sheeps cloathing ; such as laughed at voluntary poverty , and fastting , and vigils , and silence , and labour , and accounted them madness ; and called idl●ness contemplation ; and eating , and talking , and all manner of jollity , discretion . How , say they , can God ●e delighted by our tormenting our selves ? where doth the Scripture command men to kill themselves ? what Religion is it for men to dig the earth , to cut wood , to carry dung ? Wherefore hath God made such provision if we may not taste it ? wherefore hath be given us bodies if we may not preserve them ? what wise man ever hated his own flesh ? By these arguments , saith he , was the poor silly sheep drawn to Clugny , and there he was washed and shorn ; and had rich vestments put on him instead of his former Raggs . By this we see , that these several Orders charge hypocrisie upon each other as freely , and as truly , as we can do upon them all . § 12. In Italy there was nothing of poverty left , to which they so much pretended who began the Monastick way , save only the bare name of the vow of Poverty . And what is this but great hypocrisie , to pretend their ●erfection to lye in poverty , while they abound in Wealth ? As though it were only possible for men to be rich by themselves ; but in case they lived upon a common stock without any particular property , they must be poor and could not be otherwise : although they had above the third part of the Lands in the Kingdom in their hands , as it was the case here in England . Call you this poverty ? Is this the keeping a vow of poverty , solemnly made to God ? or rather is it not a plain mocking of God , and a horrible abuse of the Christian World ? If such men did mean honestly , they would speak as others do ; and declare that the Monastick state after the accession of so great riches , was quite another thing from what it was first designed ; that it now became a more easie and pleasant way of living ( only some kind of severities must be undergone to keep the world from seeing through their pretences ) because that in it men were freed from all manner of cares of Families or estates , and they lived together , without any fear of the want of suitable company ; and every one in hopes of having their condition bettered by the remove or death of their Superiours , and no one in fear of having it worse , as long as the riches of their community continue . If some Philosophers had been to set down the way of life with the greatest conveniency and freedom from trouble , they would have pitched upon a rich Monastery ; where they were all rich in common , and yet no man had particular property ; but I think they would have had more honesty than to call this a state of Poverty . But if ever any persons practi●ed Plato's Common-wealth , they were the wealthy Monks , who had plenty of all things in common ; but surely never any Philosopher thought Plato meant to bring all men to Poverty by it ; or that men could swear to be alwayes poor and yet enjoy an equal share with others of all conveniences of life . Epicurus himself , would have been for a temperate diet , and some healthful severities , and would have born a confinement within pleasant walks , and Gardens , with good company . I know nothing would have troubled him so much as to have been chosen Abbot ; for the necessity of giving entertainments , and treating strangers , and looking after great revenues , might have robbed him something of his beloved tran●quillity . But to call these things the keeping a vow of poverty , Epicurus himself would have abhorred : Yet this was the way or none , which they had to observe it , assoon as the kindness of Princes and others to the Monastick Life had brought such mighty possessions to Monasteries . If we believe Arnoldus Wion , who was himself of the Monastery of Cassino , that had under it 2 Principalities , 2 D●chies , 20 Earldoms , 36 Cities , 250 Castles , 440 Towns , 3●6 Mannors , 33 Sea-Ports , 33 Islands , 200 Mills , 300 Territories , 1●62 Churches ; and were not the Monks here in a good condition to keep the Vow of Poverty ? Volaterran might well say , that S. Benedict left rather Kingdoms than Monasteries to his disciples ; and instead of receptacles for men really poor , places of idleness and luxury ; the same Arnoldus wion useth Volaterran's expression concerning the ancient Benedictin Monasteries in France , that they were rather Kingdoms than Monasteries ; and that Charles 9. said , that S. Maurus had gotten more riches by his Breviary , than his predecessors had done by their Swords . So that it is no wonder , to hear men complain so early of the general decay of the Monastick state ; as Iacobus de V●triaco , and Petrus Damiani and others do , and say plainly that there was a necessity of a Reformation . And since the Monastick state is accounted one of the most perfect in their Church , why may not the rest need a Reformation too ? Petrus Damiani confesseth that there was nothing of a Monastick state left , besides the meer habit ; that their Rules were forgotten , and their discipline lost , and under the shew of Religion they lived like other men . From hence men that were in good earnest , forsook the Monasteries , and betook themselves to the Deserts ; and began to institute Orders upon new Foundations . So S. Romualdus , having been 3. years in the Monastery of Classe near Ravenna , was forced to withdraw from thence ; for , taking upon him to correct his Brethren for breaking their Rule , they endeavoured to break his neck , when he was risen earlier than the rest to his prayers ; but having discovered their design , away he goes into the Desart , where he led a very severe life , and endeavoured to bring up others under him , in the old Egyptian Discipline , keeping them to fasting and hard lodging , and work , some making spoons , others spinning , others making nets and sackcloth ; so that the Mountain Sytria , was , saith Damianus , become another Nitria . The same Author describing the Eremitical life which he and his Companions ( about 20 in all ) led in the place called Fons Avellani , laments● the degeneracy of the Monastick Order , and sets down the Rules they were resolved to live by ; which prescribed a far stricter course than the Benedictin Rule doth , both as to the Psalter , and Fasting , and Penance , and Silence . They who have a mind to read the perfection of their Discipline , may see it in the Life of Dominicus Loricatus , one of his Disciples ; who did for many years wear armour next his skin ; ( from ●●ence he had his name of Loricatus ) he lathed himself with both hands every day , while he said over the psalter twice , and thrice a day in Lent ; in six dayes he performed the penance of a hundred years ; which was thus reckoned , 3000 lashes went for a years penance ; after which proportion every Psalter made up 5 years penance , 1000 lashes being accounted for every ten Psalms ; and so 20 Psalters disciplin'd and set home with both hands would make up the penance of 100 years ; one Lent , he saith , he went through a thousand years penance in this way . We must not expect to meet with many such examples ; one such man by his works of supererogation might be enough to expiate for all the Monks in Italy . And I do not question they were glad to hear of such a stock coming in to the Churches Treasury , out of which they hoped for a plentiful share . But there was one of Romualdus his Disciples , who endeavoured to restore the Coenobitical Life , viz. Iob. Gualbertus of Florence , to whom the Image bowed with so much kindness after the sparing the life of his Brothers Murderer , that upon it he embraced the profession of a Monk near the Church where it was done : after which he went into the Desart of Camaldoli to Romualdus ; but not liking the Eremitical way so well , he betakes himself to the Shady Valley , thence his Order is called , Ordo Vallis Umbrosae , and there adding some constitutions of his own to the Benedictin Rule , he begins a new Order which was approved by Alexander ● . A. D. 1070. and he was Canonized saith Wion , by Greg. 7. by Celestine 3. saith Miraeus . He seemed to have a great zeal to restore their primitive poverty , which he shewed in destroying two Monasteries by a Miracle ; the one by an inundation of water because it was too magnificently built , and the other by fire , because it had received the whole Patrimony of a Person who came into their Order ; and out of his great zeal for holy Poverty , saith Antonine , he not only tore the writings asunder ; but prayed God to be revenged on that Monastery , which he was no sooner almost gone from , but the greatest part of it was burnt to the Ground . Long after these Ludovicus de Barbo , A. D. 1409. attempted the Reformation of the Benedictin Order in Italy , by restoring poverty , chastity and obedience ; and this was called the Congregation of S. Iustina de Padua , and since the Congregation of Cassino ; wherein many new Constitutions were added to the Benedictin Rule ; several other attempts of Reformations are mentioned by Antonine and others . But to how little purpose all the former Reformations of the Monastick state were , we need no other Testimony , than of S. Antonin , who reckoning up the original Benedictins , the Camaldul●nses , Vallis Umbrosae , the Cluniacenses , Cistertians and Carthusians , he concludes with a passionate lamentation of their monstrous degeneracy , in the words of S. Bernard ; and afterwards adds , that it was scarce possible at first to believe , that an Order begun with so much severity as that of Monks should fall into so great loosness ; when the old Monks met together in S. Antony 's time , their minds were so taken up with divine things that they forgot their bodily refreshments ; but now , saith he , it is quite otherwise , nothing of the Scriptures , nothing that concerns mens souls , nothing but idle talk and laughing when the Monks do meet together ; and S. Bernard complains of them , as though there were nothing but idleness , and luxury , and intemperance to be found among them . The Cistertians whom S. Bernard magnified so much in his time , were declined , saith S. Antonin , so far from the steps of their Fathers , that they were become unprofitable . The Cluniacenses he saith , were as black within as without : the Camaldule●ses were degenerated from the steps of Romualdus , and were all gone backward , a very few excepted . Among those of the Vallis Umbrosa there was scarce one to be found who did good : in a word , he saith , all the Monkish and Regular Orders , which began with so much fervour and zeal , had so far by degrees fallen off from the Rules of their Fathers , that they had nothing left among them but their meer vows ; and how well those were kept in such a degeneracy is easie to imagine . The only order which he allows to have preserved to his time its first vigour , was the Carthusian . Which began about the same time with the Cistertian : but Bruno the first institutor of it was far from thinking the Benedictin Rule to be perfect ; and therefore he endeavoured as Romualdus had done in Italy , to revive the old Egyptian discipline and severity ; and with his companions he began a kind of Eremitical life , living twelve together in distinct Cells , though within the same walls , under the inspection of a Prior , with 18 Lay Brethren and a few Mercenaries ; their diet was the coursest bread , wine very much diluted with water ; eating no flesh sick or well , buying no fish but eating them when given ; Sundays and Thursdays they might eat cheese or eggs ; Tuesdays and Saturdays pulse or boil'd herbs ; the other days only bread and water ; and they eat only once a day except the great holy-days , and then they eat together , and say Mass , and keep their Canonical hours in publick , which at other times , ( excepting only Mattins and Vespers ) they observe in their Cells ; where they are obliged to perpetual silence and labour and reading and prayer . Their habit is a short and strait garment , rough and sordid even to frightfulness ; and they wear sackcloth next their skin : This is the account given of their Order by Guibert , Iacobus de Vitriaco , and by Petrus Cluniacensis , who commends it for the sanctity and strictness of it ; a very ●ood Rule saith P●lydore V●rgil , if the passions of the mind could be confined within Cells , and the flesh be tamed by solitude and idleness ; which S. Hierome sound it so hard to do with the greatest pains . A most certain way to Heaven ! if only ea●ing fl●sh , and cleanly apparel , and conversing with our Friends , were the things that sent men to hell . Humbertus complains that in his time A. D. 1264. a great deal of the severity of their first discipline was abated by dispensations and relaxations ; but whatever agreeableness they may pretend in other things to the old Egyptian L●●urae , they are as far beyond them in the point of riches as may be ; for although they began at first with the pretence of great poverty and restraining their Goods and Cattel and Lands within certain bounds , yet for their number they have attained to as great riches as any Order whatsoever , whereas Cassian saith , The old Egyptian Monks had nothing at all to live up●n but the fruit of their own labour , and refu●●● to receive any thing to the advantage 〈…〉 Monastery , from any who came 〈…〉 Although the Carthusians had no Rule given them at first , yet they have been governed by certain customes of their own ; among which one is , that it is not lawful for them , to observe the Discipline , or Vigils , or Religious exercises , or Fasts of any other Religious Order ; which had been a very profane custome among them , if they had believed that their Rules were from Divine Inspiration . § . 13. When all the former Monastick Orders had lost their reputation in the world as to their pretence of Poverty , which they began with ; then appeared another sort who would not be called Monks but Friers ; and to satisfie the World as to their Poverty , they declared ▪ they would have nothing appropriated to them as a community , but would live upon the charity and benevolence of others , and therefore would go under the name of Mendicant Friers ; which grew so numerous at first that the Council of Lyons reduced them to four , viz. the Dominicans , Augustinian Eremites , Carmelites , and Franciscans . But among these the highest pretenders to poverty , were the last mentioned ; who would be contented with nothing short of the perfection of poverty : For this above all things was S. Francis his Mistress , which he pretends almost to adore ; and in one of his Collations he calls Poverty the Queen of Vertues , a special way to felicity , the root of perfection : the hidden treasure mentioned in the Gospel , for which a man parts with all that he hath ; to attain the height of which , he saith , a man must not only renounce worldly prudence , but in some sort humane Learning too : for , saith he , that man doth not perfectly renounce the world that retains the bag of his own sense within his heart . Poverty , he calls , the Foundation of his Order upon which it would stand or fall ; nay , such a true lover of poverty he was , that they say of him , he could never be reconciled to the Ants , because they provided for themselves so long before hand . But for those of his Order , he charges them ( as Solomon did about Wisdom , ) above all things , to follow Poverty ; and especially in their buildings ; and therefore bids them build poor and mean lodgings for themselves ; which they ought not to dwell in as their own , but to lodge in them as Travellers . And he makes it one of the inviolable Rules of his Order , that they should have nothing appropriated to them , neither house , nor place , nor any thing . And as the Carthusians zeal was against flesh , so S. Francis his was against Money ; which he strictly enjoyns those of his Order never to touch ; as though the soul were infected at the Fingers ends . As for working , he leaves it to those to whom God hath given the Grace of working ; which he perceived to be not near so common a Grace with them , as that of Idleness ; if they did chance to work hard , they might receive necessaries for it for themselves and their Brethren , but by no means money ; and the height of poverty , he tells his Disciples , would certainly bring them to Heaven . This was to be their portion in this world , to which they must stick close . Which was a portion easily left , and which they were very willing to part with ; although S. Francis took as much care to secure it to them as man could do : For the Rule concludes with a heavy imprecation of the indignation of God and his Saints against those who should presume to violate it . And in his Testament he earnestly recommends to them , the strict observation of his Rule ; and forbids all Glosses upon it ; and saith , that as he had written it simply and plainly , so he would have it understood by them without any Gloss. And to make this hard lesson to go down the easier , it is evident by the whole management of it , that S. Francis had a mind to have his Rule received as from divine Inspiration ; which we do not find S. Benedict himself ever pretended to , for he concealed his own Rule , and ingenuously con●esseth at the end of it , whom he had profited by ; but S. Francis very formally in imitation of Moses , goes up to a Mountain , and there in the cleft of a Rock abides for forty dayes together fasting , only with bread and water ; there he pretends , to have his Rule dictated to him by the Holy Ghost ; after the forty dayes , down he comes to Assisium and brings his Rule with him , and gives it to Br. Elias , to whom he delivered it to be kept . Elias did not like the severity of it , and pretended to have lost it ; up goes S. Francis again to the Mountain , and brings it down new made . Elias and his Brethren were hugely troubled , but knew not how to help themselves , at last they agreed to go to him together , and tell him they could not keep it ( for Elias knowing his Spirit and Self-will , told them plainly he durst not go to him alone ) S. Francis suspecting the matter , and seeing them coming towards him , assoon as they had got to the top of the Mountain leaps out of the Cleft of the Rock , and with a fierce countenance , asked Elias what the matter was ? he very submissively tells him , he came to him in the name of them all to intreat some abatement of the severity of the Rule . S. Francis immediately expresses a mighty passion against them , and calls them in a ●olemn appeal to God , an unbelieving and disobedient Generation . Forthwith , saith their Annalist , a bright Cloud appeared , and upon it , Christ himself ( O horrible blasphemy ! ) saying , why art thou troubled Man , as though this were thy work ? Art thou the Law-giver ? Art thou the beginner of this Way ? Are not all the Precepts prescribed by my self ? were not the Tables formed by me ? thou wert only the instrument and pen of the Writer . I know what I dictated , and what I would have observed ; the strength of men is known to me , I know what they can do , and what assistance I can give them : I will have this Rule observed to a Tittle , to a tittle , to a tittle ; without any Gloss , any Gloss , any Gloss. All this while S. Francis was kneeling and they trembling ; then he tells them , Brethren , you see how you have resisted the will of God ; if your ears do not tingle yet , I will make the same Voice to be heard again ; at which they were confounded and affrigh●ed and fell upon their faces ; and upon their promise of obedience be descended , saith Wadding , like another Moses carrying the Tables of the Law , with his face fiery and shining ; but according to the Vulgar Latin it should have been horned too . Notwithstanding all this , they were at it again , and and desired that at least they might have something in common , for their numbers increased so fast , it would be impossible to keep strict poverty . S. Franc●s goes up the Mountain once more , and returns with a promise only that God would provide for them if they would keep to their Rule , then they all submitted to it . Wadding and De La Hay take great pains to prove , that this Rule was immediately given by Christ himself , not only from the Testimony of S. Brigitt , but of several popes , viz. Gregory the ninth , Nicholas the third and fourth , Clement the fifth , Iulius the second . Upon this , away goes S. Francis begging to Rome , when he comes there , the pope told him his Rule was too strict ; but upon his solemn affirmation , there was not a word in it of his own , but it was all dictated by Christ himself ; it was confirmed by Pope Honorius , and he denounces a Curse on the breakers of it . Surely , if the pretence of Divine Inspiration for the Monastick Rules be received in the Roman Church , S. Francis bids much fairer for it than S. Ben●dict ; for it is plain , he had a mind to have it believed not only by his B●eth●en , b●t by the Pope and Cardinals , who joyned in the confirmation ; and by the●r whole Church . § . 14. Let us now see what this per●ection of Poverty soon came to , and whether any such respect hath been shewn to this Rule , as if they did believe it to have been from God : Not long after S. Francis his death , Elias being made their General , ●btains priviledges from the Pope for receiving of money by a third Person ; directly against the letter of the Rule ; and soon after he lived splendidly and fared well , kept Horses and a retinue , and told them , all this was necessary for the support of his Government . But this was too gross , and would presently have spoiled the Reputation of their Order , and therefore upon the complaint made of it at Rome , he was discharged , and another chosen . Who was no sooner in , but disputes arose among them about the sense of their Rule ; and they appeal to the Pope ( although S. Francis had declared there should be no Glosses made upon it ; and that they should not obtain Letters from the Pope ) upon which Pop● Gregery the ninth published a Bull , declaring , that they were not bound to admit of no Glosses ( What! although Christ himself in person declared that none should be made ! From whence it is plain , that either the Pope in terms contrad●cts Christ , or he must look on all that pretence of Christs appearance , as an idle story only made to amuse the Friers ) and withal adds several Glosses for explication of the said Rule . And the kind Pope adds , That , although he believed S. Francis to have had a pious intention in his former command ; yet , without the least regard to any divine Inspiration , he declares that they were not at all bound by it ; and gives these substantial reasons for it , because his Testament could not oblige , without the consent of the Superiours and Brethren of the Order ; neither had he power to oblige his Successor . What becomes of the Divine Revelation all this while ? But the main thing which troubled the Franciscans was , that they found their Order could not subsist without having some things belonging to them , as Utensils , Books and other moveables , and some among them said , the property of these things belonged to the Order in common ; the subtle Pope found out an excellent Gloss for this , viz. that they should keep to their Rule , to have no property either in special or incommon ; but they should have the use of them ; only the dominion and property should be reserved to those to whom it did belong ; and that nothing should be sold , exchanged , or alienated without the Authority and Consent of the Cardinal Protector of the Order . By which , the Pope ( supposing the Donors not to reserve the property to themselves ) entitles himself and all his Successors to the Dominion and property of all Houses and Goods belonging to the whole Order ; which was not only a Salvo for their consciences , but a su●e way to keep them alwayes in subjection to the Papal See. And from hence the Popes have taken upon them the management of their affairs , by Syndics and Procurators impowred by them , as appears by several Bulls of Martin the fourth , and fifth , Eugenius the fourth , Sixtus the fourth , and others . And this same Pope Gregory the ninth takes to the Apostolical See the Right and property of the Church of Assisium , which was magnificently built by the contributions procured by Elias while he was General of the Order ; and by vertue of his Apostolical Power declares the Church to be wholly Free and subject immediately to the Roman See. This Favour of the Popes , and sudden multiplication of this Order , and the manner of their living , gave a very great Jealousie to the Secular Clergy in all parts ; for notwithstanding this high pretence to Poverty , they knew that so many men must be maintained out of the Church , one way or other , and although it were under the pretence of an Eleemosynarie maintenance , yet they undertaking the Office of preaching , and hearing Confessions , and having no Titles , could not subsist without manifest encroaching on the rights of the Clergy . And so it was found and complained of in all parts , but to little purpose ; the Popes for good ends of their own , resolving to carry them through in spight of the Bishops and Clergy . For this pu●pose they were forced to be still writing Bulls in their behalf ; ninety seven Bulls are printed together of this one Pope by their Annalist with a respect to their Order , ( besides many extant in the Annals themselves ) of which several of them are to the Bishops of Italy , Spain , France , and other parts , not to molest this new Order . For as their Annalist saith , about this time their Fame spreading abroad , the People gave liberally to them , and built them houses and stately Churches with rich ●rnaments ( Only to shew the perfection of their poverty ) and finished them with all manner of conveniences for their subsistence ; which drew the envy and hatred of the Bishops and Parochial Clergy upon them : and the whole controversie between them was , whether these independent Friers should gather congregations to themselves or no , and therein perform all divine offices , and receive the oblations of the people without any subjection to the Bishops ? And in this dispute , the Pope took part with the Friers , and published two Bulls in their behalf to all Bishops , extant in the Decretals , enjoyning them to forbear giving any disturbance to the Friers in those matters . And now the sublimity of their Poverty began to shew it self in the height and stateliness of their Fabricks ; if any one would see the habitation of Poverty , he may read the description their Annalist gives of their Convent at Paris and the Church belonging to it ; and he will imagine ( so much is the World altered ) that Poverty did vye with Solomon himself , as to the glory both of his Temple and Palace . There were some in those days who were not subtle enough to reconcile these things with perfect poverty , and thought a lower degree of it might have served the Francisca●s as it did other Friers ; but notwithstanding these glorious Fabricks did not look very like the poor Cottages S. Francis enjoyned them , nothing would content these men but the very sublimity of Poverty . Richardus Armachanus in his Sermons at Pauls Cross against the Friers , saith , they were so far from the Poverty they pretended to , that he thought them bound in Con●cience to give in charity to others out of their superfluiti●s . For , saith he , these men who call themselves Beggers , have houses like Kings Palaces , Fishponds larger than Earles have , Churches more costly than Cathedrals , more rich and noble Ornaments than all the Bishops of the World ; his Holiness only excepted . But it cost him dear ●or not being able to reconcile these things with perfect poverty : for after many years trouble occasioned by the Friers he died at Avignon . The plain Country-man in Chaucer asks the Frier a great many untoward Questions concerning their Order , which I doubt the wisest of their Order will not easily answer ; as Freer , how many Orders be on earth , and which is the perfectest Order ? Is there any perfecter Rule than Christ himself made ? If Christs Rule be most perfect , why rulest thou thée not thereafter ? Why shall a Fréer be more punished for breaking the Rule that his Patron made , than if he break the hests that God himself made ? If your Order be perfect why get you your Dispensations to make it easie ? Certes , either it séemeth , that ye be unperfect , or he that made it so hard that he may not hold it . And siker if ye hold not the Rule of your Patrons , ye be not then their Fréers , and so ye lye upon your selves . Why make you as dede men when ye be professed , and yet be not dead but more quick beggers than you were before ? and it séemeth evil a Dede man to go about and beg . Why make yée you so costly houses to dwell in ? sith Christ did not so , and dede men should have but Graves , as falleth it to dede men , and yet ye have more Courts than many Lords of England : for ye now wenden through the Realm , and ech night will lig in your own Courts , and so mow but few right Lords do . Why be not under your Bishops visitation , and léege men to our King ? Why make yée men believe that your golden Trental sung of you to take therefore ten shillings , or at least five shillings , woll bring souls out of Hell or out of Purgatory ? if this be sooth , certes yée might bring all the souls out of paine , and that woll ye nought , and then yée be out of charity . Why make ye men believe , that he that is buried in your habit , shall never come in Hell , and ye wéet not of your self whether ye shall to Hell or no ? if this were sooth ye should sell your high houses to make many habits for to save many mens souls . Why covet ye shrift and burying of other mens Parishens , and none other Sacrament that falleth to Christian folk ? Why busie ye not to hear to shrift of poor folk as well as of Lords and Ladies , sith they may have more plenty of shrift fathers than poor folk mow ? Why covet you not to bury poor folk among you ? sith they béen most holy , ( as ye sayn that ye béen for your poverty . ) Fréer , when thou receivest a penie for to say a Mass , whether sellest thou Gods body for that penie , or thy prayer , or else thy travel ? If thou saiest thou wilt not travel for to say the Mass , but for the penie , that certes if this be sooth , then thou lovest too little méed for thy soul : and if thou sellest Gods body , other thy prayer , then it is very simonie , and art become a chapman worse than Judas , that sold it for thirty pence . Why bearest thou God in hand and slanderst him that he begged for his meat ? sith he was Lord over all , for then had he béen unwise to have begged , and have no néed thereto . Fréer , after what Law rulest thou thée ? where findest thou in Gods Law , that thou shouldst thus beg ? what manner men néedeth for to beg ? for whom oweth such men to beg ? Why beggest thou so for thy Brethren ? If thou saiest , for they have néed , then thou dost it for the more perfection , or else for the least , or else for the meane . If it be the most perfection of all , then should all thy Brethren do so , and then no man néeded to beg but for himself , for so should no man beg but him néeded And if it be the least perfection , why lovest thou then other men more than thy self ? For so thou art not well in charity , sith thou shouldst séek the more perfection after thy power living thy self most after God. And thus leaving that imperfection thou shouldst not so beg for them . And if it is a good mean thus to ●eg as thou dost , then should no man do so , but they béen this good mean , and yet such a mean granted by you can never be grounded on Gods Law , for then both lerid and leard that ben in mean degrée of this world should go about and beg as you do . And if all should do , certes well nigh all the world should go about and heg as ye done , and so should there be ten beggers against one Yever . Why wilt thou not beg for poor bedred men , that ben poorer than any of your Sect , that liggen and mow not go about to help himselfes , sith we be all Brethren in God , and that Bretherhed passeth any other that ye or any man could make , and where most néed were , there were most perfection , either else ye hold them not your pure Brethren , but worse , but then ye he unperfect in your begging ? Whos 's ben all your rich Courts that ye han , and all your rich Iewels ? sith ye séen that ye han nought ne in proper , ne in common . If ye sain they ben the Popes , why gather ye then of poor men and Lords and so much out of the Kings hand to make your Pope rich ? And sith ye sain that it is great perfection to have nought in proper ne in common , why be ye so fast about to make the Pope that is your Father rich , and put on him imperfection ? sithen ye saine that your goods ben all his , and ye should by reason be the most perfect man , it séemeth openlich that ye ben cursid Children so to slander your Father and make him imperfect . And if ye sain that the goods be yours then do ye ayenst your rule ; and if it be not ayenst your Rule , then might ye have both plow and cart and labour as other good men done , and not so beg by Cosengery and idle as ye done . If ye say that it is more perfection to beg , than to travel or to work with your hand , why preach ye not openly and teach all men to do so ? sith it is the best and most perfect life to the help of their fouls , as ye make Children to beg that might have béen rich heirs . Why hold ye not S. Francis his Rule and his Testament ? sith Francis saith , that God shewed him this living & this Rule ; & certes if it were Gods Will , the Pope might not fore do it ; or else Francis was a lier that said in this wise . Why will ye not touch no coined money with the Cross , ne with the Kings head , as ye done other Iewels both of Gold and Silver ? certes , if ye despise the Cross of the Kings head , then ye be worthy to be despised of God and the King : and sith ye will receive money in your hearts and not with your hands , it séemeth that ye hold more holiness in your hands than in your hearts , and then be false to God. Why have yée exempt you from our King's Laws , and visiting of our Bishops , more than other Christian men that liven in this Realm , if ye be not guilty of traitorie to our Realm , or trespas●es to your Bishops ? Fréer , what charity is this , to the people to lie , and say that ye follow Christ in poverty more than other men done ? and yet in curious and costly housing , and fine and precious clothing , and delicious and liking féeding , and in treasure and jewels , and rich ornaments , Fréers passen Lords , and other rich worldly men , and soonest they should bring their cause about ( be it never so costly ) though Gods Law be put a back . Fréer , what charity is this to prease upon a rich man , and to entice him to be buried among you from his parish Church , and to such rich men give letters of Fraternity confirmed by your general Seal , and thereby to bear him in hand that he shall have part of all your Masses , Mattens , Preachings , Fastings , Wakings , and all other good déeds done by your Brethren of your Order ( both whilest he liveth and after that he is dead ) and yet ye witten never whether your déeds be acceptable to God , ne whether that man that hath that letter , be able by good living to receive any part of your déeds ; and yet a poor man ( that ye wite well or supposen in certain to have no good of ) ye ne given to such letters , though he be a better man to God than such a rich man ; nevertheless this poor man doth not retch thereof . For as men supposen , such letters and many others that Fréers behoten to men , be full false deceits of Freers out of all reason , and Gods Law and Christian mens faith . Freer , what charity is this , to be Confessors of Lords and Ladies , and to other mighty men and not amend hem in their living ? but rather as it seemeth to be bolder to pill their poor tenants and to live in lechery ; and there to dwell in your office of Confessor for winning of worldly goods , and to be bold great by colour of such ghostly offices ? this seemeth rather pride of Freers , than charitie of God. Fréer , what charity is this , to sain that who so liveth after your Order liveth most perfectly , and next followeth the state of Apostles in povertie and penance , and yet the wisest and greatest Clerks of you wend or send , or procure to the Court of Rome to be made Cardinals , or Bishops , or the Popes Chapleins , and to be assoiled of the vow of poverty , and obedience to your Ministers , in which ( as ye sain ) standeth most perfection and merit of your Orders , and thus ye faren as Pharisées , that sain one and do another to the contrary . Fréer , was S. Francis in making that Rule he set thine Order in , a fool and a liar or else wise and true ? If ye sain that he was not a Fool but wise , ne a liar but true : why shew ye contrary to your doing , when by your suggestion to the Pope ye said , that Your Rule that Francis made was so hard , that ye mow not live to hold it without declaracion and dispensation of the Pope , and so by your déed ? Ne let your Patron a Fool that made a rule so hard that no man may well kéep , and eke your déed proveth him a lier , where be saith in his rule that he took and learned it of the Holy Ghost . For how might ye for shame pray the Pope undo that the Holy Ghost bit , as when ye prayed him to dispense with the hardness of your Order ? Fréer , is there any perfecter Rule of Religion than Christ Gods Son gave in his Gospel to his Brethren ? Or than that Religion that S. James in his Epistle maketh mention , of ? If you say yes , then puttest thou on Christ ( that is the Wisdom of God the Father ) unkunning , unpower , or evil will. For then he could not make his Rule so good as another did his , and so he had be unkunning ; or that he might not make his Rule so good as another man might , and so were he unmighty ; or he would not make his Rule so perfect , as another did his , and so he had béen evil willed . For if he might and could and would have made a Rule perfect without default and did not , he was not Gods Son almighty . For if any other Rule be perfecter than Christs , then must Christs Rule lack of that perfection , and so were default and Christ had failed in making of his Rule , but to put any default or failing in God is blasphemie . If thou say that Christs Rule and that Religion S. James maketh mention of , is perfectest ; why holdest thou not thilk Rule without more ? And why clepest thou the rather of S. Francis , or S. Dominicks Rule or Religion or Order , than of Christs Rule , or Christs Order ? Fréer , canst thou any default assigne in Christs Rule of the Gospell , with the which he taught all men sickerly to be saded , if they kept it to their ending ? If thou say it was too hard , then saiest thou Christ lied , for he said of his Rule , My yoke is soft and my burden light . If thou say Christs Rule was too light , that may be assigned for no default , for the better it may be kept . If thou saiest , there is no default in Christs Rule of the Gospel , sith Christ himself saith it is light and easie : what néed was it for Patrons of Friers to adde more thereto ? and so make an harder Religion to save Fréers , than was the Religion of Christs Apostles and his Disciples helden and were saved by ? But if they woulden that their Fréers saten above the Apostles in Heaven for the harder Religion that they kéepen here , so would they sitten in Heaven above Ch●ist himself for their more and strict observations , then so should they be better than Christ himself . In these Questions , ( besides several others extant in Chauctr ) we have the hypocrisie and fraud of these Mendicant Friers fully set forth by a Person who lived among them in the time of their greatest flourishing here in England : which Hypocrisie of theirs in the pretence of Poverty is attested by our Historians . Walsingham saith , that they offered the Pope at one time , for a dispensation to break their Rule , as to the liberty of enjoying rents and Lands , 40000 florens of Gold and much more money . The Pope asked them , where their money was ? they told him , in the Merchants hands ; the cunning Pope pretended to take three dayes time to consider of it , In the mean time he sends for the Merchants , absolves them from their obligation to the Friers , and charges them under pain of an Anathema , to pay the money into his Treasury ; and then tells the Friers , he would not have them to break their Rule ; by which they were bound to touch no money . And so , saith he , what they had unjustly gotten , was justly taken away . I know no reason they could have to complain of any injustice in the Pope , since they declare the property and Dominion of what they enjoyed was in the Apostolical See. And it were pitty the Pope should have nothing but a meer name and title . Matthew Westminster , from whom Walsingham took not only the story but most of the very words of it , saith it was quadringenta millia and not quadraginta as it is in Walsingham , 400000 Florens of gold and much more , to have the liberty to receive lands and revenews ; expresly against their Rule and Solemn Vow of perfect poverty . Matthew Paris describes their Frauds as to the Parochial Priests and other Convents , their flatteries and insinuations into Great men ; and adds , that they were so excellently skilled in the arts of getting money , that the Pope made choice of them above others to be his Collectors , both here and in other Countries ; in so much , he saith , that the Pope made them instead of Fishers of men , Fishers of money . So much had they kept to their Rule in S. Francis his sense , i e. to the meer letter of it ; for no men were more skilful in the getting of money , than they were ; if they did but keep themselves from fingering of it , they thought , they observed that part of his Rule at least , whatever became of their perfect poverty . Which he sets forth , when he saith , that within 24 years after their first coming into England , their Mansion houses were like Royal Palaces , wherein they had unvaluable Treasures , most impudently transgressing the Rules of Poverty , which was the Foundation of their Profession . And then describes their hanging about great and rich mens beds when they lay a dying , in hopes of a prey ; their drawing people to confess to them , their obtaining private Testaments , their commending their own Order , and discommending all others to that degree , that the people commonly believed they could not be saved unless they were ruled by the Mendicant Friers . Nay they were so busie not only to get priviledges , but to insinuate themselves into Courts and great Families , that no businesses almost were managed without them , either relating to money or marriages : with much more to the same purpose in him ; and if we believe the concurrent testimony of these Historians , there were never greater Hypocrites known , since the Pharisees , and before the Jesuits , than these pretenders to perfect Poverty : who hated that in their hearts to which they made the greatest shew of Love. We may perceive by chaucer what wayes they had of wheadling great persons into an opinion how much better it was to be buried among them , than any where else ; the Bishops saw well enough what all this was designed for , viz. to have the profits of burials ; and therefore in behalf of the Parochial Clergy they opposed it as long as they durst ; but Pope Innocent 4. declared , their Churches to be Conventual , and then to have liberty of burying in them ; which they made good use of , both here and in other places , to their great advantage . So that , what by the Favour of great Persons , whom they flattered to become their Confessors ; what by their Masses , and extraordinary Offices ; what by Burials , and the charitable benevolence of well disposed persons to them ; they made a good shift to keep themselves a good way out of the reach of the Perfection of Poverty ; while in the mean time they pretended to nothing more than that . But they found more comfort in their own purse-opening way , than the Parochial Clergy did in their setled maintenance ; they having found out the knack of pleasing those humours in persons that had the greatest command of their purses : but besides these wayes , when the charity of particular persons began to coole towards them , they had a certain rate upon houses which they lived upon , which Sancta Clara confesses , and saith , it was easie for the people , and abundantly sufficient for them . So that laying all these wayes together , although they had sworn so much affection to perfect Poverty ; and professed to love and admire it above all things ; yet they endeavoured with all their care and diligence to keep it from coming within their Doors . § . 15. But all this would not satisfie them , for the Conventual Friers were never quiet , till , for the greater height of their poverty , they procured leave from the Pope that they might enjoy Lands and possessions as well as others : so much is confessed by their Martyrologist , and the defender of their Order against Bzovius : upon this a new Reformation began among them , first by Paulutius ▪ Fulginas , but very little regard was had to it , till Bernardinus Senensis appeared in the head of it , and then it spread very much ; these were called Fratres de observantiâ from their strict observance of S. Francis his Rule ; and many and great differences happened between them , which it hath cost the Papal See some trouble to compose : which were so high that Leo 10. in the Preface to the Bull of Union , declares that almost all the Princes in Christendom had interceded with him to end the controversie between these two sorts of Beggers , viz. those who had good Lands and revenues ; and others , that had rich houses and furniture and other conveniences , but had no endowments . For this same Pope declared , that these strict Observantines might enjoy the most magnificent Houses and costly furniture without any diminution to the perfection of their poverty , because the right and property of them was not in themselves , but in the Papal See : but I cannot understand why the same reason should not hold for Lands too , supposing the same Right and property to be in the Popes ; for it cannot enter into my head , that a man is a jot the poorer because his estate lyes in goods and Iewels , and not in Lands ; or why this may not be in Trustees hands as well as the other . Indeed that was the solemn Cheat in all this affair , that how rich soever really this Order of Mendicants was ; yet , forsooth they had nothing at all to live upon but the Alms of the people , for they had vowed the very height of poverty . Why , saith a plain Countrey man ▪ that is not well skilled in Metaphysicks ; the beggars in our Countrey do not live in such stately houses , and have no such rich Ornaments nor feed so well , nor are so well provided for as you are : we that have Land of our own , would be glad to have all things found us at so cheap a rate . Do you think that riches lyes only in trouble and care and hard labour ? if that be it I confess you are poor enough : but in no other sense that I see . Alas poor man , saith the good Frier , we are as poor as Iob for all this . Now that cannot I understand for my heart , saith the other ; surely you call things only by other names than we do : and make that poverty that we plain men call riches . Well , saith the Frier , I will shew my charity to your understanding in helping of that , if you will shew yours to us poor Friers ; therefore you must know that although we have the full use and possession for our benefit in the things you see , yet Pope Nicholas 3. in the Bull Exiit , and Pope Clement 5. in the Bull Exivi de Paradiso , hath declared that we have no propriety and Dominion in them , but that is reserved to the Papal See : So that we enjoy all things but have right to nothing . Say you so , saith the Countrey man , Then I believe you come within the compass of the Statutes against Vagabonds and sturdy Beggars , for you live upon that which is none of your own , and refuse to Work. Tush , saith the Frier , that is an heretical Statute , and we defie Q. Elizabeth and all her works ; as long as the Pope hath declared us to be poor , we are so and will be so , although we had ten times as much as we have : For our holy Father the Pope can change not only the names but the natures of things ; nay I will tell you farther , if we had as much wealth as the King of Spain in the Indies , if we had only the possession , and the supreme right or Dominion were declared to be in the Pope , we were in perfect poverty for all this . I cry you mercy Sir , replyes the Countrey man ; I beseech you intercede with his Holiness to make me one of his Beads-men ; for I perceive poverty , as he makes it , is better than all my Lands that I have the Fee-simple of : but I pray think of a better way to keep me out of the reach of the Statute ; for if I have no manner of right to what I enjoy , I may be endited next Sessions for all that I know ; if I have any right to it , then I have a property ; and if I have a property , how can I swear that I have none , and will have none , neither in my self , nor in common with others ? Come , come , saith the Frier , these are things too high for you ; it is enough for us , that have had Scotus of our Order , to be able to explain these things . And yet Pope Iohn 22. could understand these subtilties no more than a plain Countrey man ; for he declares the distinction of property and use , as it was applyed by the Franciscans from the Bull of Nicolas 3. to be meer fraud and hypocrisie . For which we are to consider , that among the articles objected against one of the Beguini by the Dominican Inquisitor at Narbon , A. D. 1321. this was one , that Christ and his Apostles following the way of perfection , had no right of property and dominion in any thing either in special or in common : which Berengarius a Franciscan being present , utterly denyed to contain any erroneous doctrine ; but said , it was a very good Catholick opinion , and expresly grounded on Pope Nich. 3. his Bull Exiit : upon which an Appeal was made to the Pope and Cardinals ; the Pope to proceed with the greater satisfaction in this weighty affair , sends abroad to Universities and Learned men to know their opinion herein ; and because Nich. 3. had pronounced an Anathema against those that should take upon them to interpret or debate the Bull Exiit , he takes off this Anathema , and gives all men free leave to deliver their judgements . In the mean time , the Franciscans finding the Perfection of their Order called in Question ▪ and suspecting the Popes ill-will towards them ; they met together at Perusium ; and published their sentence to all Christian People , that the foresaid article was sound and Catholick , because it had been approved be the Apostolical See. The Pope being throughly netled at this and other carriages of theirs in the controversie between him and the Emperour , and at the insolent behaviour of Frier Bonagratias , who was sent from the General Chapter to the Pope , declared their Letter to be heretical , and their Order to be founded in Heresie ; as Raynaldus shews from a Letter of Michael Caesenas then General of the Order , extant in the Vatican Library : and finding , saith Raynaldus , that the Franciscans under the pretence of Apostolical Poverty did heap up riches to themselves , which they would have the world to believe did not contradict their Vow and Rule , because the Dominion and property was reserved to the Papal See , he published the Bull , Ad Conditorem ; in which he fully sets forth the hypocrisie of the Franciscans in pretending to the perfection of Poverty upon this reservation of the right of property and Dominion to the Apostolical See : For , saith he , the perfection of a Christian life , lyes principally in charity , which the Apostle calls the bond of Perfection ; which the contempt of worldly things did only prepare men for , by taking off that solicitude which the care of Worldly affairs did carry along with it : but where the same solicitude continues , there expropriation , as he calls it , can add nothing to Perfection . But , saith he , it is notorious that the Franciscans , after the said Reservation of Property to the Popes , were rather more than less solicitous about the procuring and keeping of worldly things , both by suits at Law , and otherwise . And under the pretence of this reservation , they have unreasonably boasted of the perfection of their Poverty ; because they have the bare Use of things without property or Dominion . But if they would attend to things rather than bare words , and submit to Truth ; they would find , that they had much more than the bare Use , having the liberty to sell , exchange or give away . And in things consumed by Use , to separate the property from the use , is repugnant both to Law and Reason : and such a reserved Dominion is not real but verbal , and a meer fiction : but supposing there could be a bare use , yet it could not be given the property reserved ; because there can be no difference , between such a bare Use , and the full dominion . This and much more is contained in the Popes Bull , which fully manifests that all this pretence of Poverty was a meer Iuggle ; and fit only to deceive the simple . For in things necessary to life it is impossible to part with the property and Dominion of them ; and in other things , it is great hypocrisie to pretend poverty under the greatest plenty , meerly because a titular Dominion is reserved to another Person . For as Augerius the Provincial of the Carmelites said truly upon this occasion , the perfection of Poverty doth not lye so much in the Title , as in the Use of things ; viz. such as tends to abate the motions of the flesh and swellings of the mind ; which he did not understand how it could be attained , by a plentiful Use , supposing it could be without property or Dominion . But notwithstanding this Bull of Iohn 22. and the great Truth and Reason contained in it , the Franciscans still went on with the same hypocrisie ; and they obtained that Favour of following ●opes to recall the Bull , Ad Conditorem , ( which surely needed not to have been done in case Nichol. 3. and he had not differed , as Bellarmin and others would fain make the world believe ) which was expresly done by Martin 5. in the Bull Amabilis Fructus , which was confirmed by Eugenius 4. Calixtus 3. Nicol. 5. Pius 2. Paul 2. Sixtus 4. Alexander 6. and Leo 10. Who all proceed upon the same solemn Foppery , that the Franciscans had the perfection of Poverty , because the Dominion and Property of their Houses , Goods and Estates was not in themselves but in the Papal See. I might farther have shewn the hypocrisie of this pretence of Poverty , from the resolutions of their Casuists in this matter , and the frivolous subtilty of their distinctions to salve mens consciences ; but this is sufficient to my present purpose , to shew how vain and foolish the pretence to perfection was in this Mendicant way , which is fully confuted ( supposing it to have been what it preten●ed ) by that one saying of our Saviour , It is a more blessed thing to give , than to receive . § . 16. Hitherto the Perfection of a Christian Life , was sup●osed to lye in abstraction from the World , and Poverty , and diligence in the publick performance of the Ecclesiastical office ; but these latter Ages of the World have produced an Order of a very different nature from all before it , but yet pretending to Divine Inspiration in the settlement of it : and that is the Order of Iesuites . 〈◊〉 the Monks having lost their reputation by laziness , and the Friers by their hypocrisie ; and their Churches affairs requiring an Order busie and active : it was necessary that a new one should be advanced upon other pretences than the foregoing . And the Iesuits very well understanding , how much all the former pretences were seen through ; and yet how necessary it was in some things to seem to comply with them , they pitched upon such a Model of their own , which took in what seemed most for their advantage ; and yet proposed such an end of their Society as seemed to advance it above all before it . For as Ribadineira well argues in their behalf , the perfection of any Society is to be taken from the end of it ; now the end of their Society they pretended to be Charity and Edification , which was in it self more excellent than any of the former Religious Orders . And that which other Orders accounted their perfection , they expressed very little regard to : which was either , 1. The constant performance of the Ecclesiastical Office. 2. Corporal Austerities . 3. A Contemplative Life . 4. The solemn Vows . As to every one of these the Iesuits have done our Work for us , and have shewed that the Perfection of a Christian state doth not ●ye in any of them . 1. Not , in attendance on the performance of the Ecclesiastical Office ; for by the Popes Bulls and Constitutions of their Society they are excused from having any Choire , or from saying their Canonical Office in publick , although they be Priests ; and this is declared by the Popes at the same time , when they declare that this Order was begun by the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost ; as appears by the Bulls of Paul 3. and Iulius 3. And after the Council of Trent Gregory 13. confirmed the same priviledge to them , that they might the better attend to their studying , reading and preaching ; which Ribadineira and Pallavacini shew to have more excellency and perfection in it , than attendance on the Choire : which they not only prove from a Council under Gregory the Great , but from the practice of other Religious Orders , which excuse their Professors and Preachers , as being imployed about a nobler work . And Thomas Hurtado quotes an expression of a Iesuite , wherein he commends their Order above any other , because they have more regard to preaching and other duties , than the Office of the Choire , which saith he ▪ is a publick affront to all Orders both of Monks and Friers : and another expression of Valentia , worse than the former , viz. Chorus ad ineptos ; viz. that such a constant attendance on the Offices of the Choire so often day and night , wherein the Monastick Orders placed so much of the perfection of their lives , was for those that were good for nothing else : and Oliver Bonarte doth imply , that the Canonical Offices were intended to keep the Monks from idleness . How very much different is this from the opinion of those who place the perfection of the Monastick Life in this constancy of their publick devotion ? 2. Not , in corporal Austerities . For they have no rule at all by the Bulls and Constitutions of their Order , requiring any of these , as to Diet , or habit , or chastising themselves ; but they are left to the private discretion of particular persons ; yet Ribadineira saith , they do not despise those that use them ; which I cannot easily believe , if any credit may be given to the Letter of the Jesuit Barisonius which hath been several times printed ; bearing date from Bononia April 21. 1608. wherein among other things , which he highly commends their society for above any other Religious Order , this is one , that they do not require those severities in Diet , habit , or lodging , which not only afflict the body , but weaken mens spirits , and dull their understandings . And Card. Pallavacini in his Defence of the Society , chiefly against the objections of other Orders , doth not only confess , that they do not require those rigours and severities either in Diet , or other wayes , which others pretend to , but that the moderate way they proceed in is much more convenient and agreeable to the design of a Religious Society . And because the chief employments of the Society require sharpness of wit , which according to Aristotle is joyned with a more delicate temper of body , which is easily put out of order with hard usage , therefore he looks upon the use of such hardships , as very contrary to their main intention , because they weaken both the body and mind together . All the office of vertue as to these things , he saith , is to retrench all extravagancies , and such things which rather provoke than satisfie the appetite ; and an ability to endure hardships is rather an effect of Nature than Grace : and the Perfection of a Porter , and not of a Christian . 3. Not , in a contemplative Life . For they undertake to prove , that the Works of Charity , which their Society is chiefly designed for , viz. Preaching , administring Sacraments , Teaching Youth , &c. are more excellent than a life of contemplation . On this account Iulius Nigronus at large proves the greater excellency of their Order than of any other : which the Franciscan Martyrologist will by no means allow to the Iesuits . And that , which the Iesuits boast the most of , viz. their fourth vo● of Obedience to the Pope , about Missions ; he contends that their Order was under that Vow in a more eminent manner long before them , as he proves from Bonaventure , and others . Which is a thing I am willing to leave them to contend about . 4. Not , in the solemn Vows . For the Iesuits have found out a notable device of a simple Vow : by which they understand such a Vow as binds men no longer than the Society thinks fit . Gregory 13. in his Bull of Confirmation , declares , that after the two years Novitiate are over , those who will remain in the society must take the three substantial vows , but only simple , and not solemn , after which they are incorporated into the Society ; notwithstanding which the General of the Order upon a cause which he shall judge reasonable may dismiss them ; and absolve them from all obligation of their Vows . Whereas before the perfection of the Monastick state was supposed to lye in the perpetual Obligation of the three vows ; and none were accounted of a Religious Order , that had not taken upon them solemn vows , ( notwithstanding which Gregory 13. immediately before this , mentions the divine instinct by which Ignatius did make these Constitutions of his Order ) and after adds , that those who are only under these simple vows , are as much partakers of all the merits ( which no doubt are very great ) and priviledges of the Order , as those who are professed ; and as truly Religious as they , and liable to the punishment of Apostates , if they depart without leave ; Which the same Pope confirms by another Constitution ( this simple vow not being so easily digested by other Orders , and being thought repugnant to the very constitution of a Religious Order ) But there was a Mysterie in this simple vow , not so easily apprehended by such whose brains were too much mortified by Penances ; For notwithstanding they had obtained so much favour from Pope Pius 5. to pass among the Mendicant Orders , ( because their Domus professae have no endowments , though their Colleges have , ) that they might enjoy the great priviledges belonging to them : yet they took as much care as could be taken to prevent any such scandal as that of Poverty falling upon their Society . But this was not to be done after the dull way of the hypocrisie of the Mendicant Friers ; but they found out finer and subtiler devices of their own : To this end , they made the distinction of the Colleges and Domus Professae ; the former were capable of the richest endowments , wherein they took care for the education of Youth ; in the other were only Professed Iesuites who had taken the solemn vows ; and were imployed in Preaching , Writing , Sacraments , &c. now these were to be without endowments to excite the freer Benevolence of the People ; but yet supposing their Charity should cool , the endowments of the Colleges were to be in the hands of the Praepositus and the Society ; who would be sure not to suffer their chief men to want . And they have so very few of these , that Card. Pallavacini saith , that there are but about thirty of them belonging to the whole Society : whereas he confesses , that there were about 18000 persons of their Society . But besides many other artifices made use of by them to draw the kindness of the Great ones to them ( for they little regard any other ; and Barisonius saith , some of the Mendicants had so exposed themselves by selling Masses at so low a rate , that there was a necessity of reforming if not of utterly destroying the whole Order ) the Iesuits reserved this way of improving the stock of the Society , by the Mysterie of the simple Vows : viz. that those who are under them may possess estates , which they cannot under the solemn vows ; ( notwithstanding that one of these Vows is that of Poverty , and that in the first year of Novitiate , they are to renounce all temporal goods not only which they have at present , but may have hereafter ) by this means , they can not only discharge themselves of unprofitable members without any burden to the Society ; but in case any inheritance chance to fall to any under the simple vow , they put in a fair claim to it ; for he is declared capable to inherit , and yet he hath parted with his right to the Society when he became a Member of it : and if it cannot be done any other way , they release him of his simple Vow , and leave the rest to his ingenuity . This is a fetch somewhat above the fat hearts of the Monks , or the more gross hypocrisie of the Friers ; but I think is far enough from perswading any man that the constitutions of this Order came from the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost . § . 17. The only Society remaining in the Roman Church , of any name , which puts in claim to Divine Inspiration in the Founders of it , is that of the Oratorians : so the Preface to the Constitutions of the Congregation of the Oratory , saith , that Philip Nerius was wont to say , that not he , but God himself was the Author of it . The beginning of this Congregation was laid by Nerius in Private Meetings in his Chamber A. D. 1551. which afterwards proving too little for his Company , he removed to a Room over the Church of S. Hierom ; where Caesar Baronius , Franciscus Taurusius , and others of his Disciples , though not in Orders , did hold forth to the people : by which means , so great a number flocked to them , that Nerius was accused for keeping Conventicles before the Ecclesiastical Iudge ; but notwithstanding the severe rebukes he received from him , they did not give over the Exercises of the Oratory ; and at last obtained leave to continue them . He was so used to Ecstasies and Raptures , that Gallonius saith , it was easier for him to fall into one of them , than for another person to think of worldly matters ; and that to avoid them , he was forced to divert his mind from divine thoughts . A. D. ●564 . he laid the Foundation of his Congregation , and made some Orders for the Government of it ; and besides the daily exercises at the Oratory , Baronius and Bordinus preached on Sundayes in the Florentines Church ; every day of the Week , Saturday only excepted , four of the Fathers in their course made plain Discourses to the people for half an hour a piece , the first two were Moral , and the latter relating to Ecclesiastical History and the Lives of the Saints ; which part Nerius afterwards allotted to Baronius , from whence he took the occasion of writing his Annals ; but Barnabeus saith withal , that Nerius had much ado to keep Baronius from embracing one of the severest Religious Orders , till Constantius Tassonus pretending divine inspiration , told him , God had not called him to it . A. D. 1575. Gregory the thirteenth gave them his Bull for settling the Congregation of the Oratory in the Church of S. Maria in Vall●cell● ; with the Parochial Charge belonging to it ; and in imitation of this , others were set up at Naples and several other places of Italy . Philip Nerius being made President of the Congregation sets himself to the framing the Constitutions of it ; in the first place , he declared it to be his mind , that none who were , or should be of that Order should enter into any Vows at all ; and that if any had a mind to make solemn Vows , they should leave the Congregation , and betake themselves to some Religious Orders ; for be designed those of his Society should be thought Religious only by the good example of their lives , and their diligence in preaching : and that the manner of living among them should be in a mean between the licentiousness of the World , and the Austerities of the Religious Orders . Among the Constitutions of the Oratory , this is one , that in case the Major part should consent to the bringing Vows , Oaths , or Solemn Promises among them , they may have the liberty to go to what Religious Order they please , but the lesser part is to enjoy all the endowments of the Congregation , as long as they continue in that liberty wherein the Congregation was first setled : which Constitution was approved by Paul the fifth . And in his time in imitation of this at Rome a new Congregation of the Oratory was set up at Paris without any Vows , and with a full liberty of the Members of it as to the disposal of their estates ; so as they obtain no right ▪ they lose none by being of the Congregation , and pretend to no priviledges or exemptions from the jurisdiction of the Bishops ; but profess to live , as much as any other Clergy-men , in subjection to them ; which Congregation by the encouragement of the Bishops hath spread very much in France in a little time , being brought in by Peter de Berulle A. D. 1611. and before his death A. D. 1628. the Sammarthani say , that the Congregation of the Oratory was diffused almost over all France : and I do not question it found the greater favour from the Bishops , because its constitution is so repugnant to that of the Religious Orders ; which place their greatest perfection in those Solemn Vows , which the Oratorians make nothing of . And thus we have brought the pretence of Divine Inspiration so far , that we have seen those things despised and rejected by it in the Roman Church , wherein the perfection of the Monastick State was placed by the first Founders of it ; which is certainly sufficient to discover that this pretence must be counterfeit in some or other of these ; and according to Cardinal Bona's Rule in such cases , we have reason enough from hence to suspect them all . CHAP. IV. Of the Conversion of England , and the difference between the Brittish and Saxon Christians . § . 1. MR. Cressy in the heat of his Zeal for the honour of S. Benedict , would make the Vindication of him to be not barely the duty of those of his own Order , but the common concernment of the whole Nation : and I cannot blame him , considering the weakness of his Cause , that he calls in so many to his assistance . He had a mind to engage the whole Western Patriarchate against me , but being somewhat fearful lest that should not obey his Command , and rise like one man for the honor of the Founder of his Order , he summons the Arrierban of the English Nation , as most especially concerned in the quarrel . If Mr. Cressy's Rhetorick had been equal to his passion , and if his own rage could have enflamed a Nation , what cause should I have had to repent the attempt of Eclipsing the glory of his Order , by charging Fanaticism on the Founder of it ? But he comforts himself with the hopes that scarce any one hereafter will be willing to imitate my malignant ingratitude : Malignant ingratitude ! Me●hinks it sounds very well ; especially in the same Chapter , wherein he calls me Theological Scarron , a man of poysonous hatred not only against the Church-Catholick Militant , but Tri●●phant too ; than whom he does not know any Adversasary , that could with all his study , have shewed himself more imp●tent in his passions and less successful in Reasoning . And after such obliging Kindnesses as these , had he not just reason to charge me with malignant Ingratitude ? Which being the utmost and most comprehensive terms of reproach , put me in some ●opes , that he hath brought up all that which lay so uneasie at the very bottom of his stomach : And now I shall reason the case with him ; and in truth I do not find the charge of Ingratitude laid upon me , any further than as I am a Native of England , in which he saith Christianity was established by the Disciples of S. Benedict : which being expressed in such large and general terms , gave just occasion to the Person of Honour to tell him , that Christianity was planted with us many hundred years before the birth of S. Benedict ; and that we may reasonably believe that it was sooner planted in Britain , than it was at Rome it self , since the last year of Tiberius was before S. Peters coming to Rome . Therefore Mr. Cressy craves leave to explain himself by saying , that he did not speak it of the planting Christianity in our Island ; but he saith , that which he said was ( not by his favour that which he said , for he said no such thing ; but that which he now tells us he meant by what he said , was ) that England , or the Countrey and Nation of the English Saxons who drove the Christian Britains out of our part of the Island , was indeed converted by the ●isciples of S. Benedict : and this , he saith , truly he must stand to . Some would be glad to meet with any thing , which a man of so uncertain a humour as he hath been , will at last stand to ; but the only reason is , because he must ; i. e. because he is a Benedictin ; and therefore must believe and defend any thing that makes for the credit of his 〈◊〉 . It is very unhappy to Mr. Cressy that when he had Truth and Reason on his side he could not stand to it then ; but there are some troublesome Insects , which fly up and down and make a great noise buzzing in the air , and never stand to it till they at last fall into the most filthy places . But since Mr. Cressy thinks this a great aggravation of my crime , and is so resolved to stand to it , I shall try whether he be not capable of being shocked even in this fundamental point of the honour belonging to the English Benedictin Order . If then , it cannot be proved , either that Christianity was first brought among the English Saxons by the Benedictins ; or if it were , that it was established in England by their means , then all the reason Mr. Cressy will have left to stand to this assertion will be only , because he must . § . 2. I begin with the first bringing of Christianity among the English Saxons ; and notwithstanding that the Ecclesiastical History of those times , is for the most part delivered by Saxon Monks , who had alwayes a kindness for the Roman Missionaries , and very little for the Brittish Bishops ( as may be easily discerned even in Bede himself ) yet by laying several circumstances together , we may make it appear that Augustin and his Companions were not the first who brought the knowledge of Christianity among the English Saxons . The first settlement we find the Saxons made in this Nation , ( for no account of their Religion is to be expected before ) was after the famous Victory of Aurelius Ambrosius , wherein Hengist was defeated ; and afterwards his Son Occa , Eosa and the rest of the Saxons in those parts submitted themselves to mercy ; upon which Ambrosius gave them a Countrey near Scotland , and entred into a League with them : which saith Matthew Westminster happened A. D. 490. wherein he followed the Brittish Historians ; for the Saxon generally omit any Victories of the Brittish forces , and this particularly : yet William of Malmsbury , who relates it somewhat differently , saith , that Hengist sent Occa and Ebusa into the Northern parts , who having conquered those which opposed them , they brought the rest to a voluntary submission . So that here we find the Brittains and Saxons united together so early under the Saxon Government , which according to the computation of Henry of Huntingdon , was but forty years from the Saxons first coming in England ; and that these Britains continued a long time in these Northern parts , appears not only by the name of Cumberland ( for Camden shews , that the Cumbri and Cambri were the same ) but from the rising of Caedwalla the Prince of the Britains in those parts against Edwin the King of the Northumbers , who is said by Beda to have reigned both over the English and Britains : and was killed A. D. 633. and the Britains in those parts are said to have enjoyed their liberty for forty six years , viz. to the time of Beda's writing his History ; which was A. D. 731. and after the coming in of the Saxons 285. Now in this Kingdom of the Cambri Iohn of Tinmouth , or Capgrave out of him , saith , that S. Kentigern came to preach Christianity , and particularly , he shewed that Woden the chief God of the Saxons was a mortal man and a King of the Saxons , from whom several Nations were derived . Now I desire to know , whether this were not preaching Christianity among the Saxons , and that long before she coming of Augustin , ●or Alford places it in A. D. 566. and the landing of Augustin A. D. 597. No ; saith Mr. Cressy , he pre●ched only to the Picts who were revolted to the Saxon Idolatry ; : and to prove that , makes use of an excellent way by corrupting his Author ; for the words in Ca●grave are these , Woden verò quem principalem Deum crediderunt & Angli , de quo originem duxerant , cui & quartam feriam consecraverant , hominem fuisse mortalem asseruit , & Regem Saxonum à quo plures nationes genus duxerant : which he thus renders ; And as for Woden whom ( by the seduction of the Saxons ) they esteemed their principal God , and to whose h●nour they consecrated the fourth day of the week , &c. What pretence is there to understand these words of the Picts and not of the Saxons themselves ? I know Alford brings that clause in by way of Parenthesis , and reads it thus ( & praecipuè Angli de quo originem duxerant , &c. ) but I have set the words down exactly as they are published by Bollandus the Iesuit , who mentions his own care in the publishing of it : but saith Mr. Cressy , it is plain he meant the Picts , because it is said that by his doctrine he freed the Nation of the Picts from Idolatry and heresie : Here again Mr. Cressy discovers his admirable ingenuity ; for the words in Capgrave are , ( several things being interposed ) Pictorum patriam quae modo Galwedia dicitur ab Idololatriâ & haereticâ pravitate , doctrin● suâ purgavit : which he mentions as a distinct thing from his former preaching in the Regnum Cambrense ; of which the former words are expresly spoken . And although Alford , Mr. Cressy's Author , will by no means allow any Saxons to be converted by Kentigern , ( for fear forsooth the Saxons should not owe their entire Christianity to S. Gregories Missionaries ) yet Bollandus ingenuously confesseth , that bo●h Kentigern and Gildas did employ their zeal and charity towards the conversion of the English Saxons . For in the life of Gildas published by Ioh. à Bosco , it is said , that the Northern p●rts of Britain flocked to his preaching , and for saking the errours of Gentilism they destroyed their Idols , and were ●aptized in the faith of the Holy Trinity . Mr. Cressy , although he allows the next passages to be understood of Gildas Sapiens , who lived after the Saxons had over-run the Island ; yet , he applyes the for●er passage to an elder Gildas called Gildas Albanius , that it might with less probability be understood of the conversion of the Saxons ; but Bollandus hath sufficiently proved that there was but one Gildas called by those several titles , and so much is acknowledged by the French Benedictins , so that no relief can be had from thence . Thus we see what ground we have to believe that the Northern Saxons were acquained with Christianity , before the Order of Benedictines was ever heard of . The next settlement we find , was of the Western Saxons by Cerdic who landing with a great force after the death of Hengist , A. D. 495. did so weary out the Britains , that Malmsbury saith , that they willingly yielded themselves to him , and lived quietly together under his Government ; and is it then reasonable to conceive that so many Saints as lived in that Age by the Confession of our Adversaries , should not in all that time acquaint their Neighbours with the Christian Doctrine , ( especially if it be true , which Mr. Cressy reports of them , that they wrought so many miracles ) such as S. David , S. Iustinian , S. Dubricius , S. Paternus , S. Theliau , S. Paulens , &c. Certainly these men were in all respects better qualified than Augustin the Monk , if one half of the Legends concerning them be true : and why should they neglect so necessary a duty where they had such advantages of doing it , and such an easie way of working miracles to convince the Saxons ? Shall we say , as Bede ▪ doth , that the Britains wholly neglected it ? but that must certainly be understood of such wretched Britains as Gildas describes , not of such Saints as these were : and Bollandus thinks those words of Bede do need a limitation , viz. that such Apostolical men were but few in comparison of those afterwards . Or shall we say , that , these Saints had a great mind to do it , but because of the continual wars and persecutions they were forced to retire to a Monastick life ? No , Mr. Cressy himself tells us , that Cerdic did permit the Inhabitants of Cornwal , paying an annual tribute , to enjoy the exercise of the Christian Religion ; which , saith he , appears by the great number of Saints , which in these and the following times flourished there . If there were such a number of Saints then , how came they never to employ themselves in the Conversion of their Neighbour Inf●●els ? I had thought those who glory so much and beyond all reason in the Conversion of Remote Infidels , would have allowed their Saints to have converted those that were so near at hand ; especially considering how successful they wer● , where they undertook it . For , S. Kentigern , they tell us , for his share purged Galloway , converted Albania , and sent disciples to the Orcades , Norway , and as far as Iseland . Methinks , a little charity would have d●ne well nearer home ; when the Saxons needed it so much , and they bred up such numbers of Disciples under them , as is reported of Gildas , Iltutus , S. David , and the rest of them . But if notwithstanding all this , Christianity was unknown to the Saxons , what will become of the Saintship of these persons who were so highly qualified , by the gift of Tongues , and all sorts of miracles , ( if their Writers say true ) and yet utterly neglected to preach Christianity to the Saxons ? But for all that I can see , the reputation of these British Saints must vaile , when it stands in competition with the Apostolicalness of Augustin the Monk. § . 3. But although in these rem●ter parts the Britains being mixed with the Saxons might acquaint some of them with the Christian Religion ; yet surely in Kent and those parts to which Augustin came , he was the first who brought the knowledge of Christianity among them . This is as far from being true as the other : for to omit what Alford conf●sseth to be very probable , viz. that Irmiric Father to Ethelbert did permit the Christian Religion to be professed in his Kingdom ; I shall insist upon what is more certain ; viz. the confe●sion of Bede himself ; that the same of the Christian Religion was brought to Ethelbert before the coming of Augustin , by the means of a Christian Wife which he had of the Royal Family of the Franks named Bertha : whom he received from her Parents on that condition , that he would suffer her to enjoy her Religion , and to have a Bishop to attend her whose name was Luidhardus . What can be more plain from hence , than that the first entertainment which Christianity met with in the Saxon Court was by the means of Queen Bertha and her Bishop Luidhardus ? This Queen Bertha was the only daughter of Ch●ripertus King of Paris ( one of the four sons of Clotharius , among whom his Kingdom was divided ) by Ingoberga ; and her marriage is mentioned by Gregorius Turonensis , to the Son of the King of Kent ; which marriage was in all probability solemnized before the death of Charipertus ; now Charipertus dyed A. D. 567. so that Christianity had been known about thirty years in King Ethelberts Court before ever Augustin set footing upon English ground . And is it conceivable that when a Bishop had performed the exercises of the Christian Religion for thirty years in a Church for that purpose , viz. S. Martins near Canterbury , the English Saxons should know nothing of Christianity till Augustins arrival ? But this is not all ; for we have great reason to believe that the Conversion of the Saxons to Christianity is in a great measure owing to this Queen , and her Bishop Luidhard , or Letardus ; who had been Bishop of Senlis in France , as Thorn tells us . I know herein how much I shall provoke the whole Generation of Romish Missionaries ; but I value not the displeasure of those whom Truth and Reason will enrage . William of Malmsbury ( himself a Benedictin Monk , and one of the most judicious of our Monkish historians , ) saith , that by Ethelberts match to Queen Bertha , the Saxons began by degrees to lay aside their barbarous customs , and by conversation with the Fr●nch became more civilized : to which was added the holy and single life of Letardus the Bishop , who came over with the Queen , by which without speaking he did invite the King to the knowledge of Christ our Lord : by which means it came to pass that the mind of the King being already softened , did so readily yield to the preaching of Augustin . By which it appears that the main of the business as to the Kings Conversion was effected before Augustins coming ; only for the greater solemnity of it , a Mission from Rome was obtained ; and I am much deceived , if Gregory himself doth not imply that it was at the request of the English Saxons themselves . I know very well what an idle story the Monks tell of the occasion of the conversion of the English Nation , viz. S. Gregories seeing some pretty English boys to be sold for slaves at Rome , and having luckily hit upon two or three pious quibbles in allusion to the names of their Nation and Countrey and King , he was at last in good earnest moved to seek the Conversion of the whole Nation . A very likely story for so grave a Saint ! I do not quarrel with it on the account of the custom of selling English slaves , but for the Monkishness , i. e. the silliness of it . I know Bede reports it , but he brings it in after such a fashion , as though he were afraid of the anger of his Brethren the Monks if he had left it out ; for he mentions it as a reverend tale with which the Monks used to entertain themselves , that had come down to them , by that infallible method of conveyance , viz. Oral Tradition , and quotes nothing else for it . Whereas in the Preface to his History he tells his Readers , that in the matters relating to Gregory he relyed on Nothelmus who had been at Rome and had searched the Register of the Roman Church ; but we see as to this story he saith , he had nothing but an old Tradition for it . But since Mr. Cressy is so zealous in Vindication of this story , I desire the other part of it may not be left out which is told by Bro●pton Abbot of Iorval ; viz. that S. Gregory and his companions were come three dayes journey towards England ; and then sitting down reading in a Meadow , a Grashopper leapt upon his Book and made him leave off reading ; then S. Gregory thinking seriously upon this little creatures name ( for his wit lay much that way ) he presently found this mysterie in it , Locusta , saith he , quasi loco sta : which saith Brompton he spake by a Prophetick Spirit , for messengers immediately came upon them from Rome and stopped their journey . And surely he had been much to blame to undertake such a journey upon the instigation of one quibble , if he had not been as ready to turn back upon the admonition of another . But to set aside these Monkish fopperies ; the best Authority we can have in this case is of S. Gregory himself : several of whose Letters are still ext●nt in the Register of his Epistles ▪ relating to this affair . In one sent to the Kings of France Theodoric , and Theodebert , he expresseth himself thus ; Atque ideo pervenit ad nos , Anglorum gentem ad fidem Christianam , Deo miserante , desi●eranter velle converti , sed sacerdotes vestros è vicino neglige●e● & desideria eorum cessare suâ aah●rtatione succendere . Ob hoc igitur Augustinum serv●●m Dei praesentium portitorem , cujus zelus & studium bene nobis est cogn●tum , cum aliis servis Dei praevid●mus illuc dirigendum . Quibus etiam injunximus ut aliquos secum è vicino debeant presbyteros ▪ 〈◊〉 , cum quibus eorum possint mentes agnoscere , & voluntatem admonitione sua , quantam Deus donaverit adjuvare : and to the same purpose he writes to Brunichildis their Mother . Indicamus ad nos pervenisse Anglorum gentem Deo ann●ente velle fieri Christianam , &c. Which are the most remarkable testimonies we could desire to our purpose : for these Letters were sent by Augustin the Monk , before ever he had been in England ; and therein the Pope expresseth the desire of the English Nation to embrace Christianity ( not barely of Ethelbert and his Court ) that this desire was made known at Rome ; that upon this the Pope sends Augustin and his Companions ; that the French who were their Neighbours had been too negligent in this Work , and began to be more slack than formerly in it ; that however now , since he had taken so much care to send these on purpose for that work , he intreats them to send over so many Priests as might serve for their interpreters : which is a plain discovery , that there had been entercourse about the Christian Religion between the French and the Saxons before ; and that still they understood their language so well , as to serve for interpreters to Augustin and his Brethren . Mr. Cressy who pares and clips testimonies to make them serve his purpose , renders those words , Anglorum gentem desideranter velle converti , & velle fieri Christianam ; only thus , that the English Nation were in a willing disposition to receive the Christian faith : but certainly not a bare disposition , but a desire too is implyed in them , and the latter words with the same ingenuity he thus expresses the sense of ; but that the French Clergy and Bishops their Neighb●urs were negligent and void of all Pastoral solicitude towards them : whereas methinks desideria eorum cessare suâ adhortatione succendere , are words , which although they do blame them for present negligence , do imply withall a former care ; for how could they cease to do that which they had never begun ? And Pope Gregory in his Letter to the Queen whom he calls Aldilberga attributes very much of the success of his Missionaries to her kindness and prudence ; although considering her zeal and learning , it was rather to be wondered that the work was so long in doing : but , he saith , God had reserved the glory of the Conversion of the English Nation , as a reward to her vertue ; and compares her with Helena , hoping that by her means the Conversion of the Whole Nation would be made much more easie ; and he adds that her Fame had already reached as far as Constantinople . By which we see how much the knowledge and establishment of Christianity in thus Nation , is owing to the care and devotion of this good Queen : and that Hadrianus Valesius had some reason to say , that the Christianity of England was owing rather to the Franks , than the Romans . § 4. But supposing , we should yield that Augustin and his Brethren were the first who brought Christianity among the English Saxons ; how comes from thence such a mighty obligation to the Benedictin Order ? Is it so unquestionable that they were all Benedictins who came over , or that any of them were such ? By all the search I can make , this may very well bear a dispute . For it is agreed on all sides that Augustin followed the same rule and was of the same Order that S. Gregory himself was of ; and no meaner a Person than Cardinal Baronius hath utterly denyed that S. Gregory was of the Benedictin Order ; methinks his Authority might at least have made Mr. Cressy not so peremptory in this matter , and not so resolved to stand to it : especially considering the Reasons which he gives . For he plainly proves from S. Gregories own words in his Dialogues , that when he founded his Monastery in Rome , he did not take his Abbot from the Benedictin Monks , who were then removed by the persecution of the Lombards to the L●teran Church ; but sent into the Province Valeria for one Valentius , whom he called his own Abbot ; and withal shews not only that the Benedictin Monastery at Rome had a distinct succession of Abbots , but that the Monasteries of that Province , from whence Valentius was taken , were not under the Benedictin Rule : and that Joh. Diaconus was much to blame for making S. Gregory a Monk under one Hilarion , when himself saith expresly , he was under Valentius . The freedom of this discourse of Baronius brought a swarm of Benedictin Monks about him ; Bellottus , Const. Cajetanus , and others ; but Antonius Gallonius undertook the defence of Baronius ; and at large shews , that the Benedictins produced nothing but trifles , forgeries and lyes to defend themselves ; and Spondanus confesses that Gallonius had with great strength overthrown the Benedictins arguments . But of late the French Benedictins have renewed the quarrel against Baronius , who yet make use only of the baffled arguments of the former Benedictins ; and after all confess , that they are but conjectures ; and that the greatest strength they have lyes in Augustin the Monk and his companions being of that Order . If therefore we desire them to prove Augustin to have been a Benedictin , they presently fly to S. Gregories being so ; if we would have them prove Gregory to have been a Benedictin , then they say he must be because Augustin was so . So that the main proof of the point , is , that it must needs be so ; and it must needs be so and they are resolved to stand to it , because it is for the honour and advantage of their Order . And therefore our English Benedictins have thought themselves more than a little concerned in this Controversie : for what would open the purses and hearts of the people more towards them , than for them to be accounted the Apostolical Order of England ? Alas ! what have the merits of the Iesuits been to theirs ? They , an upstart Order , that have converted some in these latter times to Treason and the Gallows ; but the Benedictins , the ancient Apostolical Benedictins , were the only Persons who Converted England to the Christian faith ; and therefore they deserve greater respect than the Iesuits ; however the others have been too cunning for them . Thus we see , upon what hinge the Controversie turns : and I cannot say , the Benedictins have been wanting to themselves ; for Mr. Cressy hath not been the only Person , who hath resolved to stand to it in this matter . Reynerius hath published a voluminous Book to this purpose , which he calls , the Apostleship of the Benedictins in England ; and he proves it chiefly from the common Tradition of the English Nation . And what demonstration can be greater , than the Infallibility of Oral Tradition ? This is proving it in I. S. his Scientifical way . As though it were possible for the people to be deceived in a matter of such consequence ; which Mothers would be sure to teach their Children ; viz that Augustin the Monk and his c●mpanions were by no means Equitians , or of any other Order , but right and true Benedictins . I confess Reyner hath luckily hit on the right Mathematical way ; the very same Mons. Arnauld hath taken for Transubstantiation : for , saith Reyner , I will instance in an Age wherein all the Monasteries and Cathedral Churches possessed by Monks in England , were in the hands of the Benedictins ; viz. in the Age of William the Conquerour : for which he quotes many Authors , as Mons. Arnauld doth to prove Transubstantiation to have been the faith of the same Age : Now since it is evident that the Benedictin Order was then in possession , and no time can be instanced in wherein the Benedictin Order was brought into England from the time of Augustin , it necessarily follows that Augustin and his Companions brought it in . Here is a demonstration in the case ! which I grant to be altogether as good , as that which the men for Oral Tradition do produce for their Articles of Faith. Thus he proves it , from Testimonies of Authors , and the Foundations of Monasteries , and the particular Histories of them ; by which it appearing , that they were at such a time of the Benedictin Order , and no account being given of any change of the Order , he thinks it sufficiently proved that they were Originally Benedictins . But is it not possible to suppose that the Histories being afterwards written by Benedictin Monks , they would for the honour of their Order conceal any such alteration , if it had happened among them ? We find in other Countries , the Benedictins have done the same thing , and why should we wonder if they have done it in England ? Trithemius , who was no fool , for the greater honour of the Benedictins , reckons Caprasius among the famous men of that Order ; but the mischief of it is that Caprasius lived about a hundred years before S. Benedict : as Vincentius Baralis observes . So likewise he piaces S. C●●sarius among them , who dyed ( after he had been Bishop of Arles forty years ) before S. Benedict , and therefore was somewhat unlikely to be bred up a Monk in his Order : indeed in one of his Homilies he calls S. Benedict our Father ; but the same Vincentius observes , that the name Benedict was soisted in by the Monks , no such name appearing in the antient MS. And it appears by the foregoing Chapter , that this Demonstration will not hold in France ; and certainly there is as little reason it should in England . § . 5. For Mr. Broughton hath taken a great deal of pains to prove , That there were other antient Orders which continued after the coming of Augustin , that neither Gregory nor Augustin , nor his Companions could be Benedictins ; that the Monastick Rules introduced by Augustin were very different from those of Benedict ; both in habit , customs , publick service and other particulars : and that not any one Monastery , till about an hundred years after Augustin 's coming into England , was or could be of S. Benedicts Rule or Order : and in answer to the former Demonstration , he saith , That since it is evident there was no such thing in Ethelbert and S. Austins time : the other latter times are produced to no purpose ; all men granting th●t both Benedictin Monks , and many latter Orders were in England in those dayes . And what doth meek Mr. Cressy answer to angry Mr. Broughton , as he calls him ? He produces the Testimony of our four L●arned Antiquaries Sr. R. C. Sr. H. Sp. Mr. Selden and Mr. Cambden ; which he produ●es falsly and to little purpose . Falsely , for he thus introduces it ; that they expresly in opposition to Mr. Broug●ton test●fie , that whereas he affirmed , that the fi●●t Converters of Saxons in England , were not Benedictins , but Eq●itians , &c. Who affirmed this ? Mr. Brought●n ? I with Mr. Cressy would learn to write either with more honesty , or more care . Fo● M● . Broughton in the very Title page of his Book saith , That the Design of it is to prove , that in the Primitive Church of the Saxons , there was no Rule , nor Order from Egypt , nor of S. Benedict , nor of S. Equitius : and in the body of his Book he very often disproves their opinion who made Augustin and his Companions to be of an Equit●●n Order : and Mr. Broughton writ since their testimony and in con●utation of it . Now their Testimony , as it is set down by Mr. Cressy , is thus , that they having spent much time in searching the Antiquities of our Nation do affirm , they could find only two sorts of Monks in the antient Saxon Churches , the first such as followed the Egyptian form of Monachism , before S. Austin 's arrival ( which plainly makes against Mr. Cressy , being an express acknowledgement , that there was another Order of Monks among the Saxons , and consequently that Christianity was entertain'd by them , before S. Austins arrival in England ) and the other Benedictins compantons of S. Austin . And as for Equitians , no such name was extant in any antient record . Moreover , that whereas they could exactly discover the Original and entrance of all other Religious Orders , and could name the very years , they could not do so of the Benedictins , which firmly argues that S. Augustin and his associates were Benedictins , &c. I could hardly believe that Persons of so much understanding would ever draw up such a Testimony as this ; which at least seems to contradict it self ; for whereas they say , they could not name the year when the Benedictins came in ; and yet say that S. Augustin and his companions did bring the Benedictin Order hither ; the time of whose coming they as certainly knew , as of any other Orders , looks too much like a contradiction for such great men to be guilty of . But we must suppose they meant any year after Augustins coming ; yet I can hardly think such knowing persons should not at least be able to give a very probable conjecture concerning it . For in the MS. life of wilfrid extant in the Library of one of those Learned Persons , and written by one that lived in the same time with him , and whose name is mentioned by Bede in his History , viz. Steph. Eddius or Heddius , we have this account of him ; that at fourteen years of Age , he was sent by Queen Eanf●ed to attend upon a Noble man called Cudda in the Monastery of Lindisfarn : After he had been there a while the Spirit moved him ( suggerente Spiritu Sancto ) to go to Rome , to visit the Apostolical See ; adhuc inattritam viam gentinostrae temptare in cor adolescentis supradicti ascendit ; a road very little frequented by our Nation ( it seems then Pilgrimages , and Appeals to Rome were very little known in those dayes ) . The Queen understanding his desire sends him to Erconbert King of Kent , who found out a companion for him whom he calls Biscop-baducing ; ( but more commonly known by the name of Benedict Biscop , whose life is written by Bede , and their going together is mentioned in his History ) Wilfrid stayes a while behind in France ; but afterwards arrived at Rome , where by the help of Boniface the Arch-Deacon he was well instructed in the Rules of Ecclesiastical Discipline , and admitted to the Popes Favour and Benediction : ( after which he ever continued the Popes most humble servant ) . In his return through France he received the tonsure of S. Peter ; ( for it seems they were so cunning in those days , to know exactly the different cuts of S. Peter and S. Paul , and of Simon Magus , ( as we may see afterwards ) and wilfrid was guilty of no malignant ingratitude for this favour , for he stood to it with great zeal against the Scots who liked S. Pauls Cut better ) Upon his return he was entertained with great kindness by Alchfrid the Son of Oswi , by whom he was drawn off from the customs of his Countrey to those of Rome , from whom Wilfrid received the Monastery of Rippon ; and soon after was made Priest by Agilbertus . Then happened the famous conference between Wilfrid and Colman Arch-bishop of York about the time of Easter , and the right Tonsure , wherein wilfrid shewed a more than ordinary zeal for the Roman Customs ; insomuch that when upon the cession of Colman he was chosen Bishop he refused to be consecrated by any of them , as Schismatical Persons ; and therefore in great humility he desired leave to be consecrated in France . In the mean time Ceadda by King Oswi's consent was made Bishop , and consecrated at home ; Wilfrid upon his return finding the See ●ull , was employed by Vulpher King of the Mercians to settle Monasteries ; and after the death of Deus-dedit he was sent for by E●bert King of Kent , where he went up and down through his Countrey , and then adds , & cum Regula Benedicti instituta Ecclesiarum bene melioravit , he improved the Orders of Churches by the Rule of S. Benedict : which is in effect to say , that he first brought this Order among them ; for how could he better their Orders by it , if they had it among them before ? And he presently adds , Tun● ergo in illis regionibus sancto Episcopo sicut Paulo Apostolo magnum estium fidei Deo adjuvante apertum est : as though the ●eceiving the Order of S. Benedict were of as much consequence as believing the Christian Faith. After three years by Theodore's means then Arch-bishop of Canterbury , he was put into the Archbishoprick Of York and Ceadda deposed ; he had not been long there , but refusing to consent to the making of three Bishops under him , he was deprived by Theodore : Wilfrid appeals to Rome , and hastens thither himself , where he was kindly received ( for Rome from its foundation hath been an Asylum for fugitives especially when their coming helps to increase its Grandeur ) Pope Agatho with his Council orders his restitution ; and threatens deprivation and excommunication to those that refuse him : Wilfrid returns loaden with Reliques , and the Popes Bull ; the King and the Bishops refuse to obey the Popes command ; and instead of restoring him , the King commits him to Prison , and afterwards banished him ; and he returned not home till the second year of Aldfrid , where he continued not long but he was banished again for refusing to submit to the Synodical Constitutions at home . Then a Synod was called of all the Bishops of England to which Wilfrid was summon'd , where he upbraided the Bishops , that they had opposed the Popes command for twenty two years , and wondered they durst prefer the Constitutions of Theodore before the Bull of the Pope . ( Was not England in great subjection to Rome at that time , when all the Bishops ( one factious person excepted ) refused to obey the Pope upon an appeal for two and twenty years together ? and governed themselves by their own Constitutions in opposition to the Popes express command ? ) Notwithstanding , the Bishops persist in their resolution , and would hearken to no terms , unless Wilfrid would submit to their sentence , and oblige himself to run no more beyond Sea ; which he refuses to do , and appeals again to Rome , upon which Wilfrid and all his adherents were solemnly excommunicated . But it is observable , that where Wilfrid speaks the most in his own vindication , he insists on these things as his great merits : that he had been the great instrument of converting the Scots ( and English following them ) to the true Easter and the right Tonsure ; and that he had brought the Monks under the Rule of S. Benedict ; which no man had brought among them before . By which we see , that Wilfrid ( at least , in the Northern parts ) was the first who brought in the Benedictin Order . Which passage Ead●erus a Benedictin Monk in the li●e of Wilfrid , tho●ght convenient to leave out , although he takes most of the rest out of Heddius ; and so doth Fredegodus in the rumbling Verses of his life , published lately by the Benedictins of France : but William of Malmsbury hath the very same words in effect of Wilfrid , that ●e gloried that he had been the first who brought the Benedictin Order into those parts . It is a strange objection of Reyner against this , that he would not boast of doing it there , unless it had been every where else in England before his time ; for we have no mention at all of this Rule here before his time ; and he might think he had cause to glory to begin that Order in the North , and to give an example to others : and if our Historians say true , he brought it into the Midland parts , for he had a great hand in the consecration of the Abby of Evesham , which Pope Constantin in his Bull , saith it was to be under the Benedictin Rule , quae minus in illis partibus adhuc habetur , which is yet very little known in those parts . So that the coming in of the Benedictin Order into those parts of England is not a matter of so great obscurity as those Learned Persons supposed ; and that some time after the death of Augustin and his Companions ; but it hath been therefore thought so obscure , because only this Author , who was never yet printed , makes so express mention of it ; the Benedictins afterwards thinking it made for their honour to conceal it . § . 6. The greatest difficulty seems to be about our Church of Canterbury , of which Mr. Selden saith , that it was alwayes supposed to be of the Benedictin Order , from its first Foundation by Augustin , For , saith he , since there were alwayes Monks there , and no other Order named , we have reason to believe them to have been Benedictins ; for the name of Monk being set without addition of Family , he supposes in the Western parts to have implyed a Benedictin , as in the Eastern one of S. Basils Order . Supposing this were granted of the latter times , after that the Benedictin Order prevailed in the times of Duns●an ; when the Concordia Regularis Anglic● Nationis was generally received after the Expu●sion of the Canon●cal and Secular Clergy out of most Cathedrals ; yet I can see no reason at all for it before , when there were so many different Rules of Monks both here and in Italy and France . All those who lived after the Monastick way , whether they lived by Rule , or only un●er the Government of a Superiour , had equally the name of Monks given to them . But of all sorts of Monks of that time , those whom Augustin brought with him , and were setled at Canterbury , seem to be the farthest from the Benedictin Ru●e ; for any one that looks into that , will easily see that it was intended for illiterate persons , who were to imploy themselves in Work when the Office of the ●●oire was over ; and for such who lived at a distance from Cities , and consequently were to have all conveniencies within themselves , and all the Monks in their Course were to go through the Office of the Kitchin and such like : But those whom S. Gregory sent over with Augustin were Clergy-men , and to be constantly imployed in preaching and other duties of their Function : and when Augustin sent to Gregory for directions ( after he was made Bishop ) how he should live among them ; Gregory takes not the least notice of the Benedictin Rule , which on such an occasion he would certainly have done , if they had been of that Order ; but only tells him , he ought to live with his Clergie after the custom of the Primitive Church , which was to have all things in common . From which it is very plain , that he considered them as Clergy-men ; who if they had been tyed to the Benedictin Rule , could have had very few hours of the day , either for study , or their other imployments . Only he adviseth them in the beginning of this Church to follow the pattern of the Church of Hierusalem , to live in a Community together : Much after the same way which S. Augustin had brought into reputation in Africa among his Clergie , and who from thence in latter times were called Canons Regular . And which is very observable to our purpose , Eugenius the fourth in a Bull in behalf of the Canons of the Lateran Church , saith expresly , that St. Gregory commanded Austin to establish this Order in the English Church . And these Canons ( without the first community ) continued in the Church of Canterbury , long after the Benedictin Monks were brought into it . For I find as low as Thomas Beckets time , that Alexander the third writ to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury , to make good his promise to one whom he had admitted Canon of that Church , and promised him the first Prebend that feil ; from whence the Gloss of the Canon Law deduceth , that a man may be instituted Canon of a Church , and yet expect the next vacancy , supposing that he receives some profits though but small the mean while . And Thomas Becket mentions the Prebends of Canterbury that were vacant in one of his MS. Epistles to Henry 2. And that Monks and Canons have both continued in the same Church , is fully proved by Pennottus . If therefore I should grant , that the Benedictin Monks came early into that Church ; yet that proves nothing as to the conversion of the Nation by them ; for those were of the Clergie who were employ'd in that work ; the Monks by the Benedictin Rule being so strictly tyed to the service of the Choire , as made them fit for very little besides . I shall not therefore disspute with Mal●sbury or Mr. Selden , whether Alfric were the first who brought in the Monks ; or whether they were not settled by Boniface in the time of Laurentius ? but this I insist upon , that whereas by that constitution of Boniface , the Clergie of that Church were required to associate to them a Company of Monks ; in all probability it was intended for this purpose , that while the others were imployed in other duties of their Function , the Monks might be ready to attend the service of the Choire : and yet neither Boniface nor Gregory ever call them by the name of Benedictin Monks ; or so much as once mention that Rule in all the affairs relating to the Saxon Church : which will seem very strange , considering its Novelty at that time , and what small reputation it was in , either in France , or Italy . And however Wilfrid , or Benedict Biscop might in some particular Monasteries introduce the Benedictin Rule ; yet as that Learned Gentleman Sr. Iohn Marsham hath observed , there is no General Constitution prescribing it , before the Council of Winchester under Dunstan , A. D. 965. and then it was not the pure Benedictin Rule , but a Collection of antient Customs accommodated to that Rule ; as will easily appear to any that will compare the Rule and that Concordia Regularis together ; not as it was imperfectly published by Mr. Selden , but as it is extant entire in Reyners Appendix . Methinks so great a zealot , as Dunstan was for the Benedictin Order , should not have continued the old Customs together with that Rule , if he had been of Mr. Cressy's mind , in believing it to have been written by Divine Inspiration : nay , Wilfrid and Benedict Biscop , were not for the pure Benedictin Rule ; for the former , some say , joyned the Gregorian Office with it , and the latter declares expresly , that he had gathered his Rule out of the Customes of seventeen Monasteries : which was a very vain and fruitless labour , if he had thought S. Benedict writ his Rule by the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost . The French Benedictins who have lately undertaken to prove that the Benedictins converted England , do suppose , without reason , that since by the Constitution of Boniface it appears that there were Monks very early in the Church of Canterbury , they must be either Equitian or Benedictin Monks ; we meddle not with Equitian Monks , which our learned Antiquaries upon good grounds say , they meet with no footsteps of in our Records : that was a particular conceit of Baronius , and was quitted by his defender Gallonius ; but we say , that in Italy at that time , there were several institutions of Monks different from those of S. Equitius and S. Benedict . For every Person who affected that kind of Life , and was able to found a Monastery , gave such Rules to it , as he thought fit . Some were first instituted for devotion and labour , as it is plain the Benedictin Order was , by the Rule of it ; others for devotion and study , as it is evident those of Cassiodore were , by the occasion of them , and the Counsel he gives them ; others for those of the Clergy to live together after a Monastick way ; of which sort Penottus shews there were many in Italy at that time , after the bringing over that Order from Africa by Gelasius Son of Valerius a Bishop of Africa , who had been one of S. Augustins Disciples . Now there being so many several wayes and designs of a Monastick Life at that time , it can by no means be sufficient to prove the ancient Monks of Canterbury mentioned by Boniface to have been Benedictins , because they were not Equitians ; and if we suppose them to have been Monks joyned to the Canonical Clergy at Canterbury for attendance on the Choire , as the Benedictin Monks were to the Canons of the Lateran Church after the destruction of the Monastery of Cassino ; yet this is far enough from proving that Augustin or the Preaching Monks were of that Order ; which it is their design to prove . And themselves suggest that concerning the Council of Boniface when Mellitus was at Rome , which affords us a good argument against them ; viz. that when Mel●itus was sent to Rome , about the affairs of the English Church , they confess that a dispute was raised about the Benedictin Monks whether they were capable of Priesthood or no ? But what likelihood was there that should have been ever called in Question at Rome , if it had been a thing so notorious that Gregory and Augustin and his Companions were of that Order , and had born the office of Priesthood ? Who durst have questioned it , after that S. Gregory had declared it not only by his example , but by the Mission of Austin and his Brethren hither to Preach and do all Priestly offic●s ? But the ground of the Question was not for the Monks bred up to Learning , as th●se of S. Gregories own Monastery were , out of which Austin and his Brethren came ; but for those who were bred up only to devotion and Labour , as those of the Benedictin Order must be by their Rule ; as to which it might very well bear a dispute , since their time was to be otherwise employed ; and all that Pope Boniface had to say was , that S. Benedict doth no where forbid it ; but withall by his Rule he gives such directions that no man can observe them , as every one swears to do , and perform the necessary duties of the Priestly Office together . The testimony of Iohannes Diaconus hath been long since answered by Gallonius , who hath shewed him to be a very incompetent witness in this matter . But they have not at all taken notice of the Testimony of Malmsbury , who saith , that the Benedictin Order came into England from the Abby of . Fleury ; being brought hither by Oswald ; who had been a Monk there , not long before the Council of Winchester ; which first made any establishment of it here . I do not then deny , that this Order was introduced by a particular devotion of some persons in some few places before ; to which the testimonies of Wilfrid , Benedict Biscop , and Aldelmus refer ; but the general reception of it was not before the times of Dunstan ; and with what confusions and disorders , with what severities , and injustice to the Canonical and Secular Clergy it was then established , may be easily seen in our Histories . For Dunstan , Oswald , and Ethelwald set themselves with all their power , ( which was great by the Favour of King Edgar ) to drive out the Canons out of the Cathedral Churches belonging to them , and to bring in the Monks in their Rooms : and other Bishops thought it a good way to preferment to follow their example . And from hence forward the Benedictin Monks kept the possession not only of the greater Monasteries , but of several of the Cathedral Churches , contrary to the design of their Rule , if the Cistertian Abbots may be believed , who declare their Resolution to keep to the Benedictin Rule , and therefore would wholly withdraw from Cities , and have nothing to do in Churches , that so they might live retired , not upon the profits of Churches , but upon their own stock and industry , according to the intention of their Rule . And that this Resolution of the Cistertians was most agreeable to the Benedictin Rule , is declared by the many Bulls of Popes which are extant for the confirmation of the Cistertian Order , or rather Reformation of the Benedictin , according to the first design and letter of their Rule . § . 7. Thus far Mr. Cressy's resolution to stand to it , that Christianity was established in England by the Disciples of S. Benedict , hath drawn me to the Discourse of the means and Persons by which England was converted ; but it may be after all this he may find out a reserve to himself , viz. that he did not mean it of the first knowledge of Christianity , but of the firm settlement of it : But neither can this be his meaning , nor if it were , is it any truer than the former . It cannot be his meaning , for his words are , that the English Saxons were indeed converted by the Disciples of S. Benedict , by which it is plain he speaks of the first Conversion ; but suppose he did not , the establishment or settlement of Christianity is no more owing to the Benedictins than the first Conversion of the Nation . For which we are to consider , that a sudden Apostasie soon happened to Paganism after the death of the first Princes who professed Christianity . For Eadbald King of Kent , Son to Ethelbert revolted from it ; but he soon repented his Apostasie and sent for Mellitus and Iustus out of France again ; but the state of Christianity remained more desperate in the Eastern parts after the death of Sebert , and the Apostasie of his Sons : and although some hopes appeared by the Conversion of Erpenwald , yet his death happening soon after , things were as bad as ever , till the return of Sigebert out of France , who brought Felix a Burgundian Priest with him , who was the great instrument of restoring Christianity in those parts . Among the West Saxons Birinus was the first Preacher of Christianity , but he was so far from being a Benedictin , that Mr. Cressy himself confesseth , that he was not by profession a Monk. In the Northern parts , after the revolt of the Sons of Edwin , Christianity was wholly restored in the time of King Oswald by the Scottish Christians , among whom himself was Converted and Baptized . Bede at large relates the coming of Aid●nus and his excellent piety , zeal , and charity ; whose good example many others followed , till by great diligence in preaching and an excellent conversation , they had settled Christianity much more firmly than ever : and from thence Christianity was conveyed into the Middle parts of England in the time of Peada by Finanus ; who carried with him four P●iests , Cedda , and Adda , and Betti , and Diuma , whereof the last was a Scot , and the other English : this Diuma was made Bishop and consecrated by Finanus : after him succeeded Ceolla a Scot too : after him Trum●ere , consecrated by the Scots ; after him Iaruman , after him Ceadda . At the same time , saith Bede , the East Saxons recovered the Christian faith by the endeavours of King O●wi of Northumberland with their King Sigbert : who was likewise Baptized by Finanus , and he consecrated Cedda , to be their Bishop . By which we see that when Christianity was settled and established in England , how much more it was owing to the piety and care of the Scottish Christians , than to the Roman Missionaries ; for all the Northern parts , the Midland and East Saxons were throughly converted by them ; the East Angles by Felix a Burgundian ; the West Saxons by Birinus one sent from Rome , but no Monk ; and only the parts of Kent by the Roman Monks , but not Benedictins . And hath not Mr. Cr. now very great reason to stand to this assertion , That the English Saxons were converted to Christianity by Benedictin Monks ? § . 8. But it may be yet , Mr. Cressy thinks they were never true Christians till they had received the Roman customes : and that the honour of making them good Catholick Christians belonged to the Benedictins , or at least to the Roman Missionaries . For all that I can find , they were very good Christians in Mr. Cressy's esteem , but only in the Customes wherein they differed from the Roman Church . For Mr. Cressy confesseth that the Scots , Picts , and Brittains in all matters of faith agreed with the Saxon , that is the Roman Church : but it is plain withall that the great zealot for the Church of R●me , Wilfrid , refused to receive Orders among them and gives this as the reason of it , because the Apostolical See did not allow th●● 〈…〉 on with it ; for speaking of the 〈◊〉 Scottish Bishops , he saith , 〈…〉 Apostolica sedes in communi●● 〈…〉 neceos qui Schismat●cis consen●●●● : it seems then the Brittish and S●●●●●sh Churches stood excommunicated at that time by the Church of Rome ; and therefore he desires to go into France , ut sine controversia Apostolicae sedis , licet indignus , gradum Episcopalem merear accipere ; so that the Pope would neither allow their Churches nor their Ordinations . So William of Malmsbury saith , that he would neither be ordained by the Scottish Bishops , nor by any ordained by them , because the Apostolical See had rejected their Communion . But what was it I beseech Mr. Cressy , that unchurched the Brittish and Scottish Christians , and nulled their Ordinations , and made them deserve excommunication ? Why , forsooth , they had not the right tonsure among them , and they did not keep Easter on the right Sunday ; these are all the material differences Mr. Cressy will allow , for the causes of so much severity . But doth Mr. Cressy in good earnest think , that these are of weight enough to unchurch whole Nations , and null their Ordinations ? Mr. Cressy hath very learnedly set forth the state of the Controversie about Tonsure ; and he tells us , there were three several kinds of Tonsure ; the first was called S. Peters , which was shaving the top of the head , leaving below toward the forehead and ears a circle or Diadem representing the Crown of Thorns which our Lord bore : the second was S. Pauls which was either a total shaving or at least close polling of the whole head : the third was called Simon Magus his Tonsure , by which only a half crown was formed on the lower part of the head before , from one ear to the other , all the rest of the h●ir being left at full length : Now saith Mr. Cressy , the present dispute was , whether S. Peters manner of Tonsure in use at Rome was to be only received in Brittany ? A very weighty Controversie I confess ; and very fit for the Head of the Church to be so much concerned in ; for so Mr. C. tells us , that the Popes of this Age took care , that S. Peters Tonsure should be only received in Brittany . And was there not great reason for it , since it was to be a mark of their slavery to the Roman See ? Good Lord ! that ever men should pretend to take care of Souls and excommunicate whole Churches for not having the right fashion of shaving their heads ! Could they ever believe that S. Peter and S. Paul were so concerned whether mens hair was cut in the form of a Crown , or all off ? No , they say , that Circumcision is nothing and Uncircumcision is nothing ; but it seems the fashion of shaving is a very great matter . But I suppose the weight of the business lay in the keeping of Easter on a different Sunday from the Church of Rome : Mr. Cressy pretends to some skill in this matter , and undertakes to correct many mistakes of Protestants about it : and therefore to prevent any needless quarrels I will take the Controversie as Mr. Cr. himself states it , and then see what can be made of it against the Brittish and Scottish Churches and the English which followed their example . The errour of the Brittains saith he , ( and consequently of the rest ) consisted not as generally Protestant writers conceive , in conforming to the Asiatick manner of the Quartodecimani , who kept their Easter alwayes the same day 〈…〉 whether it were Sunday or 〈…〉 they made their computation from the fourteenth of the Moon to the one and twenty , by which means it came to pass , that if the fourteenth of the Moon proved to be a Sunday , the Iews and Brittains once in seven years would observe their Paschal solemnity together ; which was contrary to the Universal practice of the Church , and utterly forbidden by the first General Council of Nicea . And a little before , he saith , that to distinguish the Christian Pasch from the shadow of a Iewish observation , they ordained that it should be solemnized only on a Sunday , yet not that on which the fourteenth day of the Moon fell , but the Sunday following , and therefore counted alwayes from the 15 to the 21 , excluding the day of the Iewish Pasch ; which , he saith , was to be celebrated exactly on the fourteenth day of the first Moon after the Vernal Aequinox on what day of the week soever it fell . For Mr. Cressy's satisfaction , or rather for the vindication of the Brittish , and Scottish Churches and the English which followed them , I shall enquire into two things . 1. The true state of the Controversie . 2. Whether the Roman Emissaries either then had , or now have reason to charge them with contradicting the Universal practice of the Church , or the decree of the Council of Nice ? § . 9. 1. For the state of the Controversie ; we must consider , what they were charged with by their enemies , and what they had to say for themselves . Bede , where he first mentions it , gives this account of it ; that they did not keep the Sunday of Easter in its own time , for they reckoned from the fourteenth of the Moon to the twentieth : which computation , saith he , is contained in a Cycle of eighty four years : Stephanus Heddius saith , from the fourteenth to the two and twentieth ; but that is a mistake . Pope Honorius charges them , with contradicting the practice of the Universal Church , and the decrees of general Councils . Pope Iohn who succeeded Severinus next after Honorius , charges them , with renewing an old heresie , and keeping Easter with the Iews ; and all was , saith Bede , because they did not reckon the Easter Sunday from the fifteenth to the one and twentieth , according to what was approved in the Council of Nice . Those that came out of Kent and Gaul , saith Bede , charged the Scots that they kept the Easter Sunday contrary to the practice of the Universal church : from this different practice , saith Bede , it sometimes happened , that two Easters were kept in a year , and that which was Easter day to the one was Palm-Sunday to the other : And after Naiton King of the Picts had embraced the then Roman custom of keeping Easter , to shew to all the people the change he had made , he removed the Cycle of eighty four years , and set up that of nineteen . So that the true state of the whole Controversie between them was no more but this , whether the old Roman Cycle of eighty four should continue , or the Alexandrian Cycle of nineteen be followed ? But the Combatants on both sides talked like men that did not understand the matter they were so hot about : however Colman pleaded , for their adhering to the ancient Tradition of their Church in this matter , and that they had no reason to hearken to any innovation by whomsoever introduced ; for supposing the greatest inconvenience that could happen , that they should celebrate Easter on the fourteenth together with the Iews , yet herein they had the example of the Apostle S. John , and those who were inspired by the Holy Ghost ; and we , ( as Polycarp and others ) are not ashamed to follow their example , and therefore we dare not and will not change our custom . Fredegodus makes Colman add further , that they had not only constant tradition for it , but that it was left in charge by S. John and his Disciples that if the Sunday fell on the fourteenth , they should keep their Easter on that day : and so much Heddius saith too , Patres nostri & antecessores eorum manifeste Spiritu Sancto inspirati ut erat Columcille 14 Luna die Dominicâ Pascha celebrandum sanxerunt . Eadmerus makes the command to come from S. Iohn himself in those Churches which were under his care ; which practice , saith Colman , hath been delivered down to us by an uninterrupted succession of holy and prudent men , and hath been inviolably observ'd hitherto , and therefore ought to be so still . What could those of the Church of Rome desire more , than they bring for this practice ? Nay , I. S. would have told them , the Popes infallibility was not to be compared to that of Oral Tradition : what certainty , would he say , could they have had of any thing if they rejected such evidence as this ? But it seems this kind of Tradition was not valued so much then , no nor any thing else when it opposes their interests . It was not this or that day , was , in truth , the occasion of the dispute , but the poor Brittish and Scottish Christians must submit to the present Roman Church , and do as they would have them . Beda saith expresly , that they did not comply with the Iews as to the day of the Week ; but ignorantly and by following uncertain Cycles they mistook in the certain Sunday ; being men of very great devotion and goodness , and learning only what was contained in the Writings of the Prophets , Evangelists , and Apostles ; but , be that as it would , no favour was to be shewed them without present complyance ; and for this purpose Wilfrid was an excellent instrument . Who begins , in Bede , his answer to Colman by saying , the Easter we observe , we saw observed at Rome by all persons where Peter and Paul lived , and taught , and suffered , and were buried ; the same , saith he , is observed in Italy , and Gaul , in Africa , Asia , Egypt and Greece , and all the World over , except these obstinate Brittains and Picts . Very confidently said ! how truly will be seen afterwards . However he confesses , that S. Johns practice was agreeable to theirs : but S. Peter when he Preached at Rome ( there is the Emphasis of it ) appointed otherwise , that it should be kept on the Sunday that did fall between the fifteenth and one and twentieth . It seems S. Peter and S. Iohn differed as much about Easter , as S. Peter and S. Paul did about Tonsure . And this , saith he , all the Churches of Asia after S. Johns death and his successours observed ( it seems his Authority vanished at his death ) and the whole Church , which was not first decreed but confirmed by the Council of Nice . What prodigious ignorance and confidence is here joyned together ! as will appear presently . Colman asked him , what he thought of Anatolius a man much commended in Ecclesiastical history , who declared that the Sunday was to be taken from the fourteenth to the twentieth . Wilfrid tells him , they did not understand him ( no more than himself ) ; and as to their Ancestors he was willing to think charitably of them , and hoped that the keeping Easter on a wrong day would not damn them , as long as they had no better information . But , saith he , for You and Your Companions , if you refuse to obey the Decrees of the Apostolical See , yea of the Universal Church , confirmed by Scripture , without all doubt you sin in it . For , saith he , our Lord hath said , Tu es Petrus , & super hanc Petram , &c. This I confess is home to the business ; although the Saxon Homilies with no less than malignant ingratitude understood the Rock of Christ himself and the faith which Peter confessed ; but however Wilfrid made such a noise with S. Peters Keyes ; that the good King Oswi verily believing that he kept Heaven-gates told them all plainly , that for his part he would follow S. Peter , for fear he should shut Heaven-gates against him when he came thither : and we may be sure the people could not but be mightily moved with this : by which means Wilfrid prevailed and Colman was forced to retire from his Bishoprick . Steph. Heddius adds only farther , that Wilfrid insisted on this , that the Nicene Fathers had appointed the Cycle of nineteen , by which they could never keep Easter on the fourteenth , and that an Anathema was pronounced against those who should keep it otherwise . Thus far we have an account of the State of the Controversie , from the parties engaged in it . § . 10. 2. Let us now see what reason there was for charging the Brittish and Scottish Christians with opposing the practice of the Universal Church , and the Decrees of the Council of Nice in reckoning the Easter Sunday from the fourteenth to the twentieth , and not ( as the Roman Missionaries would have them ) from the fifteenth to the one and twentieth . I shall therefore now shew , that if they were guilty of an error or heresie in so doing , ( so Petavius calls it insignis error , imo haeresis Scotorum ) not only the Apostles and their Disciples , but the Roman Church it self was guilty of as great . The great ignorance which Wilfrid and the rest of the zealots for the Roman customs betrayed , lay in this , that what they saw practised in their time at Rome , they supposed to have been alwayes observed there , and that it came from a command of S. Peter , that the day of Easter should be observed as it was then in the Roman Church ; whereas there was nothing like any Apostolical Precept for it , and the Church of Rome it self had but lately embraced the Alexandrian Cycle , which Wilfrid would with so much Authority have inforced upon the poor Scottish Christians . In the beginning of Christianity nothing was looked on with greater indifferency than the anniversary day of the Christian Pasch ; thence came so different customs among several Churches ; the Churches of Asia , properly so called , Syria , Mesopotamia and Cilicia , observed it on what day of the Week soever it fell ; as any one that knows any thing of Ecclesiastical History understands : For as S. Chrysostom saith , they did not believe that any one should be called to account that he observed the Pasch in this or that moneth : For they had neither the leisure nor the curiosity to examine the Cycles then in use by the rules of Astronomy ; but took them as they found them among the Iews without comparing them with the heavenly Bodies . Now there were two things observed by the Iews for finding out the dayes of Passeover , viz. the beginning and ending of the first month ; and the fourteenth day of the Moon , on the evening of which they were to begin their Passeover ; and these two were observed by all Christians in the beginning of the Christian Church till towards the end of the second Century , according to the Iewish cycle , which was of eighty four years , as Epiphanius tells us ; which although it were not exact according to the motions of the Heavens , yet that was not thought a sufficient ground for the alteration of it . Yea , Epiphanius mentions an Apostolical Constitution ( quite different from what is now extant in the Book that goes under the name of Apostolical Constitutions ) wherein Christians are commanded not to trouble themselves with calculations , but that they should keep the Feast at the same time with the Brethren that came out of the circumcision , although they were mistaken ( in their calculations ) : not with those that remain in the circumcision , but with those that came out of it , saith Epiphanius , which he understands of the Bishops of Ierusalem , fifteen of which continued to A. D. 136. till towards the end of the Empire of Hadrian , at which time Marcus was the first Bishop that was made of the Gentiles . Petavius knows not what to make of this constitution , for by it , he supposes the Christians were obliged to keep Easter with the Iews on the fourteenth day ; for he takes it for granted , that the Bishops of Hierusalem did so : as he confesses some of the Apostles did ; but the Learned Primat of Armagh , thinks Petavius mistaken in this , because although they did then 〈◊〉 the Iewish computation , yet he supposes that they did keep Easter not with the Iews on what day of the Week soever it fell , but on the Sunday in honour of our Saviours resurrections And it cannot be denyed , that Narcissus Bishop of Hierusalem and Theophilus of Caesarea , with Cassius of Tyre and Clarus of Ptolemais , do in their Synodical Epistle declare , that they agreed with the Church of Alexandria , viz. in keeping it on the Lords day , and that this had been the constant practice of the Church of Hierusalem . And it is plain Epiphanius understood it so , or else it was to no purpose to distinguish in this matter , those who remained in the circumcision , and those which came out of it . But notwithstanding these Churches and the Western did observe the Lords day for the Paschal feast , yet in the way of reckoning it , they did observe the Iewish computation , both as to the Age of the Moon and the Vernal Aequinox . For although Constantin in his Letter doth upbraid the Iews , that they kept their Pasch , before the Aequinox ( which was then rightly fixed on March 21. ) yet we are to understand it of the Astronomical Aequinox , and not of that which was in popular use among them , which might anticipate the other about three dayes , ( because according to their beginning the month Nisan from March 5. the fourteenth of the Moon might fall on the eighteenth day , and so their Passeover be kept three dayes before the Aequinox at the time of the Nicene Council . ) For , as Clavi●s observes , God doth not tye his Church to the subtleties of Astronomical Calculations , but to the common judgement of sense , in which the Aequinox hath the latitude of four dayes with us , and as many more in those more Southern parts . The like liberty was used in the Christian Church before the Nicene Council : for in the Council of Caesarea , they do allow the celebration of Easter before the Aequinox , which they then supposed to be March 25. and yet they reckon three dayes before that among those on which the Paschal Sunday might fall , as appears by the Epistle of one Philippus , about the Council of Caesarea , extant in the Works of Bede ; wherein , he saith , that after the Resurrection or Ascension of our Saviour , the Apostles being dispersed abroad , and employed in preaching the Gospel , could appoint nothing concerning the Paschal Feast ; but did observe it on the fourteenth of the Moon what day soever it fell upon . ( Thus far sure the Brittish and Scottish Christians were no Hereticks in doing as the Apostles did ) But after , saith he , the Apostles were gone , the Christian Churches observed different customs , both as to Paschal Fast and Feast ; upon which by the direction of Pope Victor a Council was called at Caesarea for setling the way of keeping Easter ; where after they have fixed the Aequinox on the eighth of the 5. Kal. of April , they determined that the three dayes before should be taken within the Paschal limits ; ( so that the Sunday for Easter might be reckoned on any day from the 11. Kal. of April to the 11. Kal. of May , viz. from the two and twentieth of March to the one and twentieth of April inclusive ; and withal they add , that it should not be lawful for any to exceed these limits . And yet afterwards these limits were so far exceeded , that the Latin Church in Leo ' s time made the Cycle of the Paschal Sundayes to consist of thirty three dayes ; and the Alexandrian Cycle took in two dayes more , viz. the twenty fourth and twenty fifth of April , because they found the former limits too strait , unless they were understood of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they called it , i. e. that the anniversary day of our Saviours passion should alwayes fall between the two and twentieth of March and one and twentieth of April . § . 11. The first person who published a Paschal Canon was Hippolytus Bishop of Porto , A. D. 222. above an hundred years before the Council of Nice , which was found A. D. 1551. and set forth by Scaliger with Notes upon it , in which Canon he makes the nearest Paschal Sunday to be the sixteenth of the Moon which is March 20. beginning the Lunar Month March 5. which is one day before the Nicene Aequinox , and five before that of Caesarea : and in which he reckons the Paschal Sundayes not from the fifteenth to the one and twentieth , but from the sixteenth to the two and twentieth . By which we may easily see , what reason Wilfrid had to make the then practice of the Roman Church to have been the Universal practice of the Christian Church : for the two fundamentals of the Rule then in use were , that the Paschal Sunday should be reckoned from the fifteenth to the one and twentieth , and that it should never be before the Aequinox . The first we meet with who laid down this Rule about the Aequinox , was Dionysius of Alexandria , who sat there from A. D. 247. to A. D. 264. wherein he was followed by Anatolius Bishop of Laodicea , who would by no means have the Paschal Sunday observed before the Aequinox , which he following Sosigenes supposed to be March 25. but made the first Easter day to be March 27. But that which is most observable in him to our purpose , is , that he reckoned neither as the Latins from the sixteenth to the two and twentieth , nor as the Alexandrians from the fifteenth to the one and twentieth , but from the fourteenth to the twentieth , just as the Brittish and Scottish Chruches did , as appears by the second , fifth and eighteenth of his Cycle published out of MSS. by Aegidius Bucherius with learned Annotations , and so makes no scruple at all of that , which Wilfrid and Bede made such a great matter of , viz. of keeping Easter day upon the fourteenth , and therein complying with those notable Hereticks called the Quartodecimani . But Anatolius , in the Preface to his Canon , was so far from supposing an universal consent of the Church in his time , that he complains of very different and contrary Cycles that were then in Use , some following Hippolytus his Cycle of sixteen ; others the Iewish Cycle of eighty four ; others a Cycle of twenty five ; others of thirty ; and he mentions the endeavours of Isidore , Hierom , Clement and Origen , all of Aegypt , to compose this matter . But notwithstanding all the care used to settle this Controversie , the breaches of the Church continued about it ; and if we believe Hen. Valesius , the inhabitants of Syria and Mesopotamia had espoused the celebrating Easter on the fourteenth day , not long before the Council of Nice . But what differences soever happened before the Council of Nice , was not an uniform practice setled by the decree of it , and all Churches obliged to reckon the Paschal Sunday from the fifteenth to the twenty first , and consequently the Brittish and Scottish Churches were guilty of opposing the Universal practice of the Church at least after the Council of Nice ? This is all the pretence that I know can be left in this matter ; but neither was this decreed in the Council of Nice ; nor if it were , was it universally observed after it . A Synodical Epistle was sent out after the ending of the Council , which I suppose was the same with that of Constantin ; wherein all Christians are disswaded from complyance with the Iews , and earnestly exhorted to an agreement upon one day , and the lesser part to submit to the practice of the greater : but no limits are set , no Cycle established by the decree of the Council . For although Dionysius Exiguus who brought in the Alexandrian Cycle into the Latin Church , would have it believed , that herein he followed the Nicene Fathers ; yet Aegidius Bucherius a learned Iesuit , hath fully proved , that no Cycle or certain Rule was at all appointed by the Council of Nice : although soon after he confesses the Cycle of 19. was found out , ( as he probably thinks , by Eusebius of Caesarea ) and afterwards perfected by Theophilus of Alexandria , in the time of Theodosius the elder . But if the Alexandrian Cycle had been determined in the Council of Nice , how comes it to be omitted in the Kalendarium Romanum published by Herwart , which he saith , was set forth the very year of the Nicene Council A. D. 325. wherein though there are Dominical Letters , yet there are no Golden Numbers : ( but if he were mistaken in the time , and it came forth in the Reign of Constantius , the argument will still hold ) . And if there were so universal a consent in the practice of the Church after , how came it to pass that S. Cyrill of Alexandria in his Paschal Epistle saith , there was so much confusion in the account of Easter , in the Church , the Camp , and the Palace ? how came Theodosius to send so earnestly to Theophilus of Alexandria , about it ? But above all , whence came such mighty differences between the Eastern and Western Churches about Easter , long after the Council of Nice ? of which a full account is given by the two learned Jesuits , Petavius and Bucherius : which latter hath at large proved that the Latin Church did still proceed according to the Iewish cycle of eighty four , and not according to the Alexandrian of nineteen , and that they reckoned not from fifteen to twenty one , but from sixteen to twenty two : from whence arose those hot contests about the right Easter between the Bishops of Rome and Alexandria ; especially in the time of Leo in the years 444. and 455. And Paschasinus in his Epistle to Leo about the former Easter , mentions the Romana Supputatio , as distinct from that of Alexandria , and as the occasion of the Dispute . In A. D. 455. there were eight dayes difference between the Easter at Rome and at Alexandria , which caused great disputes , as may be seen in the Letters of Leo to Martianus and Eudocia ; and the answer of Proterius Bishop of Alexandria ; of which Prosper in his Chronicon saith , that although the Latin Church did submit for peace sake , yet that it was in the right , and such an example ought not to be followed : and the same Prosper doth often mention the Cycle of eighty four , as that which the Latin Church did make use of at that time . But this being found too short and insufficient , Victorius was imployed to frame a new Paschal Canon fitted to the use of the Latin Church ; which was first printed by Bucherius ; wherein , although he differed from the old Latin calculation in the beginning of the Lunar month , yet he proceeded still in the old way of reckoning from sixteen to twenty two . Victorius writ his Paschal Canon A. D. 457. to Hilarus Arch-deacon of Rome who succeeded Leo ; and it appears that the occasion of writing it , was from the difference between the Alexandrian and Roman Church in the computation of Easter ; So Hilarus confesses in his Epistle to Victorius : and Victorius shews wherein the difference lay , viz. in three things : the Alexandrians began their Paschal month from March 8. and reckoned it to April 5. inclusive ; the Roman Church from March 5. inclusive to April 3. exclusive . The Alexandrians reckoned the fourteenth Moon from March 21. to April 18. the Romans from March 18. to April 15. inclusive . The Alexandrians reckoned the Paschal Sunday from the fifteenth inclusive to the one and twentieth . The Roman Church from the sixteenth to the two and twentieth . Now Victorius thought by his Canon to accommodate the difference between the two Churches embracing the Alexandrian Cycle of nineteen , as more certain than the old Latin one of eighty four , but agreeing with the Latins in reckoning from sixteen to two and twenty ; and yet according to his Canon , the Easter sometimes differed eight days from that kept at Alexandria : and sometimes it fell a month later than it did according to the former Latin computation . But this Canon of Victorius gave no satisfaction either to the Eastern or Western Church ; all the Eastern Church followed the Patriarch of Alexandria , and the Church of Milan in the West , from the time of S. Ambrose as appears by his Epistle to the Bishops of Aemilia : Victor Bishop of Capua writ against Victorius his Canon , A. D. 550. upon a new controversie risen in the Church about Easter day ; but this was twenty five years after Dionysius Exiguus had brought the Alexandrian Canon into the use of the Roman Church , which was A. D. 525. After which time it did by degrees prevail in the Western parts ; but was never fully received in France till it was setled there by the Authority of Charles the Great . § . 12. This is the short and true account of the Paschal controversie , which made so much noise , and gave so great disturbance to the Christian Church ; let us now bring it home to the case of the Brittish and Scottish Churches , and see what reason Wilfrid then , and the Roman Missionaries since , have had to condemn them . Was it that they opposed the universal practice of the Christian Church in not reckoning from fifteen to twenty one ? but we see the Roman Church it self had but lately embraced that way of computation ; having before made use of the same Cycle the Britains did , of eighty four , and reckon'd from sixteen to twenty two . Was it , that according to their way different Easters would be kept the same year ? but , why should this be worse with the Britains and Scots , than with the Eastern and Western Churches , which differed sometimes a month in their Easter ; as , besides , what hath been mentioned already , appears by the antient Laterculus Paschalis first published by Bucherius , in which he shews , that within the compass of it , viz. an hundred years , the Easter of the Latins was kept a month sooner than the Alexandrians , viz. A. D. 322 , 349 , 406. And A. D. 387. a threefold Easter was kept , some March 21. others April 25. others April 18. as appears by S. Ambrose's Epistle written on that occasion . Again A. D. 577. a threefold Easter was kept , some keeping it the eighteenth of April , as those which followed Victorius , others the twenty fifth of April , viz. those which followed the Alexandrian Canon ; and others again , even in Gaul , as Greg. Turonensis saith on the 12. Kal. of April , March 21. the very day of the Vernal Aequinox : So he tells us , they did in complyance with the Spaniards , who it seems thought it no heresie so to do , even after the decree of the Council of Nice . But I suppose the main fault of the Brittish and Scottish Churches was , that at some times it would so happen that they might keep their Easter - day on the fourteenth of the Moon , and so comply with the Iews . Was this it in truth which unchurched them all , and rendred their Ordinations null ? The Apostles I am sure did far more in complyance with the Iews than this came to , as to matter of Circumcision and other things , and even in this point , if Ecclesiastical History may be credited , and yet I hope their Ordinations were good , and the Churches Orthodox which they planted . Methinks , it might have been called complyance with the Apostles as well with as the Iews ? and will indeed complyance with an Apostolical practice unchurch whole Nations ? it must be surely only with the Church of Rome that it can do so . And yet did not the Church of Rome it self comply with the Iews in the use of their Cycle , and in the beginning of their Lunar Month on the fifth , and not on the eighth of March as the Alexandrians ? And why should one sort of complyance unchurch people , and not another ? If every complyance doth it , farewell to the Church of Rome it self and her Ordinations , even after the Nicene Council . But , what if after all this , the Church of Rome after the embracing the Alexandrian Cycle , did comply more with the Iews than the Brittish Churches did in keeping their Easter on the fourteenth of the Moon : for by that Canon they were to keep it on the fifteenth , and that was the great Festival day among the Iews , for on the evening of the fourteenth they did eat their bitter herbs , but the next day was the solemn Festival : and I would ●ain understand whether it were not a greater complyance with the Iews to feast the same day they did , than to keep that for a Festival , on which they eat their bitter herbs , and began the Passeover only on the evening ? Besides , they who kept it on the fifteenth , must celebrate the memory of Christs passion before the fourteenth , which certainly was as great an incongruity as could happen by keeping it on the fourteenth . But supposing it were a complyance with the Iews ; it is plain it was not a studied and designed complyance with them ; for they kept their Easter on the Lords day in opposition to them ; only it happened once in seven years , saith Mr. Cressy , that the fourteenth of the Moon and Easter met , and then they kept it with the Iews ; If this were it which unchurched them ; how hard was it for such Britains and Scots to enter into the Kingdom of Heaven ! Or rather , how hard is it for such who can Unchurch whole Nations of Christians on such pittiful accounts as these ? S. Paul would have said , I will keep no Easter while the world stands , rather than destroy whole Churches of such for whom Christ dyed . But what do we meddle with S. Paul ; they are only the Usurpers of S. Peter's Chair , that dare so easily , in their own opinion , send whole Churches to Hell ; viz. for doing no more in effect , than themselvs had done not long before . Nay , to conclude all , it is very probably supposed by two learned Persons , that what the Brittish and Scottish Churches , at that time accounted the fourteenth of the Moon , was in truth the sixteenth , ( whether by the correction of Sulpitius Severus , as Bishop Usser supposes , or the shortness of the Cycle , as Bucherius ; is no matter at all ) . And I hope all persons shall not be presently sent to Hell , that do mistake in the Computation of Easter , according to the Judgement of the Roman Church ; for then God have mercy on all those that do not follow the Gregorian Accompt . And I think the difference as great and a weighty now , as it was in the famous Dispute between Wilfrid and Colman : But if notwithstanding this difference the Brittish and Scottish Christians were very good Christians , and so many English Churches were planted by them , Mr. Cressy must harden his forehead in standing to it , that the English Saxons were converted by Benedictin Monks . CHAP. V. Of the Poenal Laws against Papists . § . 1. I Am now come to that which Mr. Cressy looks upon as a very important subject , and deserving serious consideration ; which is , how far those who acknowledge subjection to a forreign Power , as all English Catholicks do , can give satisfaction to the State of their Fidelity to his Majesty ? Which , he saith , the Person of Honour repeats in several places , and is most accurately descanted upon in his nine Questions near the conclusion of his Book . I shall therefore give a short account of what the Person of Honour saith upon this subject ; and then consider what Mr. Cressy offers by way of Reply to it . 1. He saith , that the Personal Authority of the Pope , was that , and that only which first made the Schism , and still continues it , and is the ground of all the animosity of the English Catholicks against the Church of England , and produced their separation from it ; and if they will renounce all that Personal Authority in the Pope , and any obedience to it within his Majesties Kingdoms , they will purge themselves of all such jealousie , or suspicion of their Fidelity , as may prove dangerous to the Kingdom , and against which the Laws are provided : because it is their dependance on a forreign Jurisdiction , which makes them or their opinions taken notice of by the Politick Government of the Kingdom . 2. That it is necessary for the personal security of Kings and Princes , and for the peace and quiet of Kingdoms , that it may be clearly made manifest , what the Authority and Power is , that a forreign Prince doth challenge in another Princes Dominions contrary to , and above the Laws of the Land , and what obedience it is that subjects may pay to such a forreign Prince , without the privity , and contrary to the command of his own Soveraign ; which cannot be done by a general Answer , but by distinct assigning the bounds of the Popes Temporal and Spiritual Power in England ; and what the full intent of them is , that the King may discern whether he hath enough of either to preserve himself and the Peace of the Kingdom . 3. That till such time as the Roman-Catholick Subjects of England give as good security to the King for their Fidelity and peaceable behaviour , as all his other subject do , they have no cause to wonder that they may be made subject to such Laws and restraints , as may disable them from being dangerous ; when they profess to owe obedience to a forreign Prince , who doth as much profess not to be a friend to their Countrey , and will not declare what that obedience is . 4. That the Roman Catholick Subjects of England have a more immediate dependance on the Pope , than is allowed in any Catholick Countryes : and that those who under pretence of Religion refuse to declare , that it is in no Earthly Power to absolve them from their Fidelity to the King , do refuse to give as full satisfaction and security for their Allegiance , as Catholick Subjects do give for their Fidelity to Catholick Kings : there being no French Roman Catholick who dares refuse to do it . 5. That there is so much the more reason to require this , since the late instance of the Irish Rebellion , wherein the Pope absolved the Kings Subjects from their Oaths , and took upon himself to be their General in the Person of his Nuntio , and assumed the exercise of the Regal Power , both at Land and Sea , and imprisoned those Catholicks , and threatned to take away their Lives who had promoted the peace , and desired to return to the Kings subjection ; and hath since given a severe check to those of the Irish Nobility and Clergie , who had declared that the Pope had no Power to dispense with their Fidelity to his Majesty , or to absolve them from any Oaths they should take to that purpose : and imployed his Nuntio to discountenance and suppress that Declaration , and to take care that it should proceed no further ; and that Cardianl Barbarine at that same time put them in mind , that the Kingdom of England was still under Excommunication ; and since that , the Pope hath made many Bishops in Ireland , which his Predecessors had forborn to do from the death of Queen Elizabeth , to A. D. 1640. And therefore there is no reason to believe , that the Court of Rome doth recede from its former principles , as to these things . § . 2. These several particulars carry so much weight along with them , as may easily raise the expectation of any one , to see what Mr. Cressy will reply to them . And in truth he enters the Field like a Champion ; for he saith , his Apologie is published permissu Superiorum ; and what he writes on this special subject , he desires the Person of Honour to consider , not as the inconsiderable opinion of one particular person only . And he doth assure him , that there is not any one Point of Controversie upon which they more earnestly desire to be summoned to give an account before equal Iudges , than this . Thus he enters the lists , and walks his ground , and brandishes his sword , and makes legs to the Judges with more than ordinary assurance , and fails in no point of a Champion , but overcoming his Adversary . Which he is so far from , that after these Bravado's and flourishes he dares not stand before him ; but looks round about him to discern any way to escape . But although it be beneath the Greatness of his Adversary , to pursue him over all his Bogs , and to draw him out of his Fastnesses ; yet I shall endeavour to bring him into the Lists again , that his Adversary may not go away blushing at so mean a Triumph . There are five things which Mr. Cressy offers at by way of Answer to the Discourse of the Person of Honour on this subject . 1. That there is no reason to suspect the Catholick subjects of England to be more wanting in Fidelity to their Prince than of other Nations , whose Catholick Ancestors were so far from acknowledging any Supremacy of the Pope in Temporals , and much less any Authority in him to depose Princes , that even in those times when Church-men had the greatest Power in this Kingdom , Statutes were made with the joynt Votes of the Clergic upon occasion of some Usurpations of the Roman Court , in which the Penalty was no less than a Praemunire against any one who without the Kings License should make any Appeals to Rome , or submit to a Legats jurisdiction , or upon the Popes Summons go out of the Kingdom , or receive any Mandats or Brieffs from Rome , or purchase Bulls for presentments to Churches : and which is most considerable , the ground of their rejecting Papal Usurpations is thus expressed , For the Crown of England is free , and hath been free from earthly subjection at all times , being immediately subject to God in all things touching the Regalities of the same , and not subject to the Pope ; to which he saith , the Bishops assented , and the Lords and Commons declared their Resolution to stand with the King in the cases aforesaid , and in all other cases attempted against him his Crown and Regalitie in all points , to live and to dye . 2. That whatsoever they suffer here in England by vertue of the Poenal Laws , it is purely for their Religion and the Catholick faith ; and therefore he parallels our Poenal Laws , with those of the Medes and Persians against Daniel ; and of Nero , Domitian and Dioclesian against the Apostles and their successors : and yet Mr. Cressy confesses , that the occasion of the Poenal Laws , was the treasonable actions of some of their own Religion ; but he adds , that they were scarce one score of persons , and abhorred by all the rest , for which actions of theirs , he confesseth , that care is taken of exacting Oaths both of Fidelity and Supremacy from Roman Catholicks as dangerous Subjects ; and dayes of Thanksgiving are kept for the discovery and prevention of such personal Treasons ; whereas , saith he , the whole Kingdoms deliverance from almost an universal Rebellion designing the extinction of Monarchy and Prelacy both , and executing the murder of the lawful Soveraign is not esteemed a sufficient motive for such publick Thanksgivings , neither it seems is there at all a necessity of requiring from any a Retraction of the Principles of Rebellion , or a promise that it shall not be renewed . By which we might think Mr. Cressy had been utterly a stranger in his own Countrey , and had never heard of the thirtieth of Ianuary or the twenty ninth of May , which are solemnly observed in our Church , and the Offices joyned with that of the fifth of November , and are purposely intended for that very thing which he denyes to be taken notice of by us , in such a manner . What must we say to such men ? who openly and to our faces deny that , which the whole Nation knows to be true . These stories might have passed abroad , where they have been wont to lye for the Catholick Cause , but to have the impudence to say such things here , which every Boy can confute , is not the way to advance the Reputation of their Church among us . And what doth Mr. Cressy think , the Renuntiation of the Covenant was intended for , if not to prevent the mischief of the former Rebellion ? And is it possible for any man who knows the Laws of his Countrey concerning these matters , to dare to say in the face of the Kingdom , That it seems there is no necessity at all of requiring from any a Retraction of the principles of Rebellion , or a promise it shall never be renewed ? If this be the way of defending the innocency of Roman Catholicks , I had rather be accounted guilty , than have my innocency thus defended . 3. He saith , We also confidently affirm , ( so we have seen he hath done too much already ) that by vertue of the Spiritual Iurisdiction inherent in the Pope , the Temporal Rights and Power of the King ( or even of the meanest of his Subjects ) are not at all abridged , or prejudiced . Which assertion , he saith , hath been alwayes maintained in France , the Pope not contradicting it ; from whence it follows , that it is agreeable to Catholick Religion . After this I expected he should speak home to the purpose , and say , this is all the Power challenged by the Pope as to England , or owned by any Roman Catholicks here ; which , finding what he had affirmed about other matters , I thought he would have made no scruple of ; but I see he durst not , either for conscience or meer shame . But how then doth he get over this difficulty ? Why English Catholicks , saith he , should be suspected not to be as tender of the just Rights and precious lives also of their Soveraign , as the Catholick Subjects of any other Kingdom , and why they should be thought to be willing to acknowledge any Temporal Power director indirect , to be inherent in the Pope over the King or Kingdom , to which not any Catholick Gentleman or Nobleman would submit , I cannot imagine . I am very much to seek for the sense of this , and know not what the submitting relates to ; but I suppose something left out , or struck out by his Superiours , who did not take care to leave sense behind : But is this indeed all the security Mr. Cressy offers , that he cannot imagine it should be otherwise here than in France ? We find , when he pleases , he can imagine strange things : and is this only out of the reach of his imagination ? What doth he think , of the Kingdoms being under Excommunication at Rome , as Cardinal Barbarine takes care to put the Irish Nobility in mind , for some good end doubtless . Is the Kingdom of France so ? What doth he imagine of Bulls from Rome prohibiting the taking the Oaths required ? Are there any such things in France ? What doth he think of the Popes Nuntio appearing in the Head of an Army , and absolving the Kings subjects from their Allegiance ? I confess , it was not much better in France in the time of the Holy League ; but what opinion had they of the Popes temporal Power then ? Cannot Mr. Cressy imagine that there are such people in England as Iesuits ? and it is not many years since their Reasons were therefore shewed to be Unreasonable in pleading an exemption from the Sanguinary Laws , because they did hold the Popes power of deposing Princes , and absolving Subjects from their Allegiance . And do not the Iesuitical party still plead that their opinion is the common doctrine of their Church , confirmed by General Councils , and approved by multitudes of Divines of all sorts ; and that the contrary is only asserted here , by a very inconsiderable party , whereof some are excommunicated at Rome for their zeal in this matter ? And do not we know , how much greater sway the Iesuitical party hath among the Nobility and Gentry , than the despised Secular Priests ? I do not at all question , but the Nobility and Gentry of England would do as much to preserve the just Rights and precious lives of their Soveraigns , as of any Nation in the World , and have as great a sense of their own Honour as well as Interest , and of the Duty they owe to their Countrey . But ought not the Laws to take so much the more care to keep their Consciences untainted in these things ? they being such Persons whose Loyalty cannot be corrupted , but under a pretence of Conscience ; and their Consciences being so much in danger , by being under the direction chiefly of those who are the sworn servants to the Papal Power . 4. He offers by way of satisfaction concerning their Fidelity , that they will subscribe the French Declaration lately made by the Sorbon , or the Censure of the Faculty of Paris A. D. 1626. and that very few if any at all would refuse subscription to that Form prescribed by the State , in case that unlucky word heretical were left out . As though all those who had hitherto refused to take that Oath , had done it only upon this nicety , that the word heretical were to be taken not in the sense of the Givers , but of the Takers of the Oath : whereas Mr. Cressy himself saith , that common Reason teaches , that all Oaths , Professions and Promises are to be understood in the sense of those who frame and require them , and not of those upon whom they are imposed . But if this were all the ground of refusing this Oath among any of them , Mr. Cressy therein charges them with the want of common Reason : whereas I shall make it appear in the progress of this Discourse , that this was far from being the true and only reason of Roman Catholicks refusing the Oath of Allegiance . 5. That since Ordination abroad doth not in the least render English Priests defective in their duties to the Civil Magistrate ; it will follow that whatsoever penalty is inflicted on them on such an account , is not inflicted according to the Rule of Iustice , and by consequence that whatsoever blood shall be shed , the guilt of it before God will be imputed to the whole Kingdom , since it is shed by vertue of the whole Kingdoms votes , and consent given long since upon motives long since ceased . And therefore he charges it deeply upon my conscience to endeavour to free the whole Kingdom from such a guilt . This is the substance of what Mr. Cressy saith upon this very important subject , as himself calls it ; and by vertue whereof he hopes , the poenal Laws may be repealed , and those of their Religion may enjoy the Liberty of their Religion and all the Rights of Free-born Subjects . Which are things too important to be debated in such a manner by persons who by making reflections on the Iustice and Wisdom of a Nation do endeavour to expose the Laws and Government of it to the censure and reproach of the malicious and ignorant . But since our Laws are so publickly accused of injustice and cruelty , and the Kingdom charged with the guilt of innocent blood , I hope I may have leave as an English man to vindicate the Laws of our Countrey , and as a Protestant to wipe off the aspersion of Cruelty from our Religion : which I shall do without the least intention of mischief to any mens persons , or of sharpening the severities of Laws against them . § . 3. And to proceed with the greatest clearness in this matter , I shall consider , 1. The charge of injustice and cruelty which he lays upon our poenal Laws . 2. The proposals he makes in order to the repeal of them , and giving a full liberty to the exercise of their Religion . 1. The charge of injustice and cruelty upon our poenal Laws . Whosoever adventures to charge the publick Laws of a Kingdom in such a manner ought to be very well advised upon what grounds he proceeds ; and to understand throughly the nature , and constitution of Government and Rules of Iustice , and the power of interpreting as well as making Laws , and the certain bounds within which Laws may make actions Treasonable , and how far actions thought Religious by the Persons who do them , may become treasonable when they are against Laws made for the publick safety ; and what actions of Religion make men Martyrs when they suffer for them and what not ; for it is certain , they are not all of equal consequence and necessity ; these and many other things a man ought to come well provided with , that dares in the face of the World to charge the Laws of his own Nation with injustice and cruelty . But Mr. Cr. may be excused in this matter , for that would indeed be an unjust and cruel Law to require impossibilities from men : I wish so noble a subject had been undertaken by a Person fit for it , that could have managed it otherwise than in a bare declamatory manner . But since he is the Goliah that dares so openly defie our Laws and Government , I shall make use of his own Weapons to cut off the heads of this terrible accusation . For , 1. He grants , That the Laws made by their Catholick Ancestors , viz. the Statutes of Praemunire and Provisors were just Laws . 2. That our King hath reason to expect as much security of the Fidelity of his Catholick Subjects , as any Catholick Prince hath from his . 3. That all Christian Kings have in some sense a kind of spiritual Authority , that they ought to be Nursing Fathers to Gods Church , that they ought to promote true Christian doctrine both touching Faith and manners , and to imploy their power when occasion is , to oblige even Ecclesiastical Persons to perform their duties , and all their Subjects to live in all Christian Piety and Vertue . These are his o●n words , which in short come to this , that they are bound to promote and pre●erve the true Religion . 4. That it is absolutely unlawful for them to defend their Religion , being persecuted by Soveraign Magistrates , by any other way but suffering : which , he saith , they do sincerely profess according to their perswasion . 5. That the treasonable actions of persons of their own Religion were the occasion of making and continuing the poenal Laws : for upon their account , he saith , they are thought dangerous Subjects , and care is taken to exact Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy from them . 6. That where the Popes temporal power is owned , especially as to deposing Princes , there can be no sufficient security given as to the Fidelity of such persons . This I prove from his saying , that there is no reason to question their Fidelity , whose Ancestors were so far from any Supremacy of the Pope in Temporals , and much less any Authority in him to depose Princes , that they made the Statutes of Praemunire and Provisors , ( which by his favour is a very weak argument , unless men can never be supposed to degenerate from the Vertues of their Ancestors ) but besides , the satisfaction he offers , is by renouncing the Popes temporal power , and declaring that his power of deposing Princes , and absolving Subjects from their Allegiance , is repugnant to the Word of God , although they dare not call it heretical ; from whence it follows , that Mr. Cressy doth not think those can give sufficient security for their Fidelity , who dare not thus far renounce the Popes power . 7. That where there is no sufficient security given for the Fidelity of Persons , there is great reason they should lye under the severity of Laws . Which Mr. Cressy alwayes supposes ; and only complains of their hardship upon the offers he makes of their Fidelity . And this must hold as to all sorts of persons who may be dangerous to Government , although they may pretend never so much exemption by their Function , or being imployed in Offices not immediately relating to Civil Government . From these concessions it will be no difficult task to clear our Poenal Laws from injustice , and to vindicate the whole Kingdom from the guilt of innocent blood , if I can prove these following assertions . 1. That the same Reasons which justifie the antient Statutes of England and the Laws of Catholick Princes abroad , do vindicate our Poenal Laws from the charge of Injustice and Cruelty . 2. That Laws originally made upon the account of acknowledged treasonable practices , do continue just upon all those who do not give sufficient security against the principles leading to those practices . 1. That the same Reasons which justifie the antient Statutes of England , and the Laws of Catholick Princes abroad , do vindicate our Poenal Laws from the charge of Injustice and Cruelty . For if the penalties do bear no greater proportion to the nature of the offence ; if the Power be as great and as just in our Law-makers ; if the occasions were of as high a nature , and the pleas in behalf of the persons equal : then there can be no reason assigned why those Laws should be just and lawful , and not ours . And the making out of these things is my present business . 1. I begin with the antient Laws and Statutes of England . And I hope no one dares question , but that the power of makeing Laws is as good and just in England since the Reformation , as ever it was before : For if there be the least diminution of Power by vertue of the cutting off the Popes Authority , then so much of the Civil Power as was lost by it , was derived from the Pope : and this is in plain terms to make the Pope our Temporal Soveraign , and the whole Kingdom to be only Feudatary to him : which is asserting his Temporal power with a vengeance ; and contains in it a doctrine that none but very Self-denying Princes can ever give the least countenance to ; because it strikes at the very root of their Authority , and makes them only precarious Princes , ( and in a much more proper sense than the Popes use that Title , The Servants of Servants . ) Supposing then the Legislative and Civil Power to be equal since the Reformation and before ; our work is to compare the other circumstances together ; and if it appear , that the Plea of Conscience and Religion did equally hold then , and notwithstanding that the penalties were as great , upon the same or far less occasions , I hope our Laws will at least appear as just and reasonable as those were . § . 4. To make this out , I must give an account of the State of those times , and the Reasons and Occasions which moved the Law-makers to enact those Poenal Statutes : in which I shall shew these two things . 1. That they began upon a controversie of Religion ; and that the Poenal Laws were made against those persons who pleaded Religion . 2. That the Reasons and Occasions of the Poenal Laws since the Reformation were at least as great as those . 1. That the antient Poenal Laws were made upon a Controversie of Religion : And to give a clear account of the Rise and occasion of them , I must begin from the Norman Conquest ; for then those Foundations were laid of all the following controversies which happened between the Civil and Ecclesiastical Power . On the behalf of the Ecclesiastical Power was the plea of Conscience and Religion , on the behalf of the Civil Power nothing but the just Rights of Princes , and the necessary preservation of their own and the publick safety . And this Controversie between the Two Powers was managed with so much zeal , and such pretences of Conscience on the behalf of the Ecclesiastical Power , that the Civil Power , notwithstanding the courage of some Princes , and the resolution of Parliaments , had much ado to stand its ground , or to be able to preserve it self from the encroachments and Usurpations of the other . So that to see Princes give any Countenance to the same pretences would be almost as strange , as to see them turn Common-wealths-men . I know there were good Laws frequently made to strengthen the Civil Power ; but the very frequency of them shewed how ineffectual they were ; For what need many Laws to the same purpose , if the first had any force at all ? and the multiplication of Laws for the same thing , is a certain sign of defect in the Government . To undeceive therefore all those who judge of the State of Affairs by the Book of Statutes , I shall deduce the History of this great Controversie between the Ecclesiastical and Civil Power in England , so far as to shew the necessity there was found of putting an issue to it , by casting out the Popes pretended Power and Iurisdiction in this Nation . The two first who began this Dispute , were both men of great Spirits and resolute in their undertakings ; I mean william the Conqueror and Gregory the seventh , who was the first Pope that durst speak out ; and he very freely declares his mind about the subjection of the Civil Power to the Ecclesiastical , and the exemption of all Ecclesiastical Persons and Things from the Civil Power . In his Epistle to Herimanus Bishop of Metz about the excommunication of Henry the fourth , and absolving his Subjects from their Allegiance ; he thus expresses himself ; Shall not that power which was first found out by men who knew not God , be subject to that which God himself hath appointed for his own honor in the World , and the head of which is the Son of God ? Who knows not that Kings and Dukes had their beginnings from men who gained their Authority over their equals by blind ambition and intolerable presumption , by rapines and murders , by perfidiousness and all manner of wickedness ? Is not this a very pretty account of the Original of Civil Power by the Head of the Church ? But this is not all ; for he adds , While Princes make Gods Priests to be subject to them , to whom may we better compare them than to him , who is the Head over all the Sons of Pride , who tempted the Son of God with promising him all the Kingdoms of the World , if he would fall down and worship him ? This is better and better ; it seems it is as bad as the sin of Lucifer , for Princes not to be subject to the Pope ; and it is like the Devils tempting Christ , to offer to make Priests subject to the Civil Power . Who doubts , saith he , that Christs Priests are to be accounted the Fathers and Masters of Kings aud Princes and all the faithful ? Now , saith he , is it not a lamentable madness , if the Son should offer to make the Father subject to him ( but one of his Successors did not think so , that set up Henry the fifth against his own Father ) or the Scholar his Master , or to think to bind him on earth , by whom he expects to be loosed in Heaven ? These were the Demonstrations of that Age , and the main supports of the Cause ▪ and in his Epistle to William King of England , he tells him , that God had appointed two kinds of Government for mankind , the Apostolical and Regal ( that is much , that the same Government should come only from the sins of men , and yet be from the appointment of God : but we are to consider he writ this to a King whom he hoped to perswade , and therefore would not tell him the worst of his thoughts about the beginnings of Civil Power ) but , saith he , these two powers , like the Sun and Moon , have that inequality by the Christian Religion , that the Royal Power next under God is to be under the care and management of the Apostolical . And since the Apostolical See is to give an account to God of the miscarriages of Princes , his wisdom ought to consider , whether he ought not without farther delay take an Oath of Fealty to him . For no less than that would content him : but William was not so meek a Prince to be easily brought to this , as Robert of Sicily , Richard of Capua , Bertram of Provence , Rodulphus , and several others were , whose Oaths of Fealty to him are extant in the Collection or Register of his Epistles . But William gives him a resolute answer , which is extant among the Epistles of Lanfranc ; that for the Oath of Fealty , he had not done it , neither would he , because he never promised it , neither did he find that ever his predecessors had done it to Gregories predecessors . The Pope storms at this , and writes a chiding Letter to Lanfranc Arch-bishop of Canterbury ; who like a better subject to the Pope than to the King , writes an humble excuse for himself to the Pope , and tells him , he had done his endeavour to perswade the King , but could not prevail with him : And Cardinal Baronius saith , the Pope took it very ill at his hands , considering the kindness he had received from the Papal See. For Alexander the second favoured his cause against Harold , and sent him a consecrated Banner ; and if we may believe Henricus de Silgrave , the Pope gave him his title to the Crown of England , on condition that he should hold it in Fee from the Papal See : but I find no such thing mentioned by Ingulphus , or Gulielmus Pictaviensis , who understood the Conquerors affairs as well as any , being about him at that time ; neither would Gregory the seventh have omitted it : but however Bertholdus Constantiensis , or rather Bernaldus an Author of that time , and the Popes Poenitentiary , affirms confidently , that William King of England made this whole Nation tributary to the Pope ; which there is no pretence for , but only that he , after some demurr , caused the antient Eleem●synarie Peter-pence , to be sent to Rome . So careful had Princes need to be , of the continuance of Gifts to Rome , which in time are looked on as a Tribute ; and that Tribute an acknowledgement of Fealty ; and that Fealty proves a Subjection in Temporals . But this was not the only dispute between these two Conquerors , for Gregory the seventh at the same time that he sent Hubert his Legat to England about the Oath of Feal●y , he sent Hugo to keep a Council in France against the investitures of Bishops by Lay-hands , and afterwards in a Council at Rome , solemnly condemned them ; and threatned deposition to all that received them , and the vengeance of God upon those that gave them . The bottom of which lay not in the pretence of Simony , but because it was too great a token of their subjection to the Civil Power ; and Gregory the seventh was , as Bertholdus saith , a most zealous defender of Ecclesiastical Liberty , i. e. the total exemption of Ecclesiastical persons from subjection to the Civil Power ; and Eadmerus saith , that the Bishops made their homage to the King before they received investiture by the Staff and the Ring . But notwithstanding all these Decrees and Threatnings , William the Conquerour , as that Author tells us , would never part with the Rights of the Crown in this matter : and he declares that he would not only keep the antient Saxon custom of investiture , ( as Ingulphus and other Authors shew it to have been ) but all the antient customs of his Predecessors in Normandy relating to Ecclesiastical affairs : So that all Ecclesiastical as well as Civil things , saith Eadmerus , were under his command . These customs were , 1. That none should be acknowledged Pope , but whom the King pleased . 2. That no Bulls should be received , but such as were approved by the King. 3. That nothing should be decreed in Provincial Councils , but by his Approbation . 4. That no Persons about the King should be excommunicated without his knowledge : but besides , Pope Gregory charged him with two more enormities , viz. 5. Hindering all appeals to Rome of Bishops and Arch-bishops : which was such a thing , he saith that a Heathen would not have done it . 6. Seizing upon the person of his Brother Odo being a Bishop and imprisoning him ; which he said was plainly against Scripture , Qui vos tangit , tangit pupillam oculi mei ; & Nolite tangere Christos meos ; which no doubt were understood of the Archbishops and Bishops of the Patriarchal and Iewish Church . But I do not find that King William did at all recede from the Rights of his Crown , although the Pope according to his skill quoted Scripture against them ; and although the Bishop of Baieux was clapt up on the account of Treason , as our Historians agree , yet in Pope Gregories opinion he suffered for Religion and the preservation of Divine Laws : and such men as Mr. Cressy might have compared such Laws with those of Nero and Domitian ; but I think they durst not have done it in the Conquerours time ; who at the Council of Illebon in Normandy declared his resolution to maintain the customs of his Predecessors , relating to Ecclesiastical affairs . § . 5. After the death of Gregory the seventh , there was no Pope acknowledged in England for eleven years , because of the Schism between Urban and Clement ; and our King had declared for neither of them : And william Rufus told Anselm , who would fain have gone to Urban the second for his Pall , that he had not yet acknowledged him for Pope , and therefore he should not go . And , saith he , if you own him without my Authority , you break your faith to me , and displease me as much as if you did endeavour to take away my Crown : Anselm however stands upon it , that himself had owned him for Pope , and would do so whatever came of it ; and would not depart from his obedience for an hour . A Parliament being called at Rockingham upon this occasion , the Nobility and Bishops all advised him to submit to the King. Anselm notwithstanding cryes , Tues Petrus & super hanc Petram , &c. & Qui vos tangit , tangit pupillam oculi , as Gregory the seventh had done before him , and to as much purpose ; but no such things , saith he , are said of Kings or Princes , or Dukes or Earles ; and therefore he resolved to adhere to the Pope : The King being acquainted with his answer , sends some of the Nobles and Bishops to him , to let him know , that the whole Kingdom was against him , and that hereby he endeavoured to take away one of the Flowers of his Crown from him , by depriving him of one of the antient Rights of it : and withal that he acted contrary to his Oath to the King. Anselm ( if we may believe Eadmerus , who lived in his time , and was his constant companion ) stood upon his priviledge , that an Archbishop of Canterbury could be judged by none but the Pope : and so by that means was wholly exempt from the Royal Power : and he bore all the affronts he met with patiently out of his firm devotion to the Papal See. The Bishop of Durham whose advice the King asked in this matter , told him , that Anselm had the Word of God and Authority of S. Peter of his side . The King said , he would never endure one equal to himself in his Kingdom : and therefore took off his protection from him , and commands the Nobility and Bishops to disown him : and banishes his Counsellors , and gives him time for a final answer . The mean while the King tryes by several arts to gain him , viz. by sending to Urban secretly for the Pall , and acknowledging him to be Pope , and at last they brought it to this issue , that he should receive the Pall at the Kings hands , which he utterly refused to do , and would take it no otherwise but off from the Altar of Canterbury . After this , he desires leave to go to the Pope , the King denyes it , he persists in his intreaty , the King absolutely denyes it , he resolves to go however , because , saith he , it is better to obey God than men . As though God had commanded him to disobey the King in this matter . When the Bishops had disswaded him from it , and told him they would keep their fidelity to the King : Go , saith he , then to your Lord , and I will hold to my God. Did he mean the same God which the Gloss upon the Canon Law speaks of , our ●ord God the Pope ? and it is hard to conceive any other could be meant in this case . The King sends some of the Bishops and Barons to him to put him in mind of his Oath to observe the Laws and Customs of the Realm ; he told him they were to be understood with the reservation of being according to God , and that it was not so , to keep him from going to the Pope , and therefore he would not observe it ; and so takes his leave of the King to be gone ; and the King after his going seizes upon all his profits . I desire to know of such as Mr. Cressy , whether the King or Anselm were in the right in all this affair ? And if the King had used greater severity to him , whether Anselm had suffered on the account of Religion Or Treason ? But he complains to the Pope , that the Law of God , and Authority of the Pope and Canons were overwhelmed by the Customs of the Realm ; and therefore he resigns his Archbishoprick to him , and desires the Pope to put one into it ; which was contrary to the antient Rights of the King : The Pope in a Council at Rome solemnly excommunicates all Lay-persons that gave Investitures of Churches , and all that received them , and all Ecclesiastical persons that paid Homage to Princes , saying it was very unfit that they who made their God , should put their hands into the obscene and cruel hands of Princes : as Eadmerus relates it , who was present in the Council . § . 6. After the death of Rufus , Anselm returns for England , the new King Henry the first demands the accustomed Homage from him , he denyes it , and gives the late Council at Rome for his reason ; adding further , if the King would submit to the Decrees of that Council , there would be peace between them , otherwise he would be gone again . The King was very unwilling to part with the Rights of his Predecessors in the Investiture and Homage of Bishops ; for saith Eadmerus , it seemed to him as much as to lose half his Kingdom : and yet was afraid to let Anselm go , lest by his means the Pope should have set up his Brother Roberts Title against him ; the King being in this strait , endeavours to gain time , and sends Ambassadors to the Pope , to try , if he could procure his consent , to let him enjoy his own Rights : Pope Paschal the second in his long Epistle to Henry , absolutely condemns them , as inconsistent with God , with justice , or with salvation : and adds that to the wit of his predecessors , that it was a monstrous thing for a Son to beget a Father , or a man to make a God ; ( but Urban gave that , as a reason against it , because Priests were men that did make a God ) now Priests , saith he , in Scripture are called Gods ; and are not Princes or Secular Powers ? The King not at all moved with this Bull , requires from Anselm either to pay him homage , and to consecrate those that had received investitures from him , or immediately to be gone out of the Kingdom : and withal declares , that he would preserve the Rights of his Predecessors , nor would endure any in his Kingdom that would not do him homage ; the Nobility and the rest of the Bishops joyn with the King , and used all perswasions to keep him from submitting to the Pope . The King hoping to compose this matter , sends three Bishops to the Pope to let him know , saith Eadmerus , that if the King did not enjoy his Rights , he would banish Anselm and renounce the Pope . But Brompton hath the smart Letter the King sent upon this occasion , wherein he tells him , he would not fail of that respect and obedience which his predecessors had shewn to the Popes , on condition that all the Honors , Uses and Customs which his Father had in his predecessors times might be freely enjoyed by him ; and that by the help of God none of them should be lessened in his time ; and if , saith he , which God forbid , I should be so base to let them go ; yet my Nobility , nay , the whole people would by no means suffer it . The Pope told them , he would not yield to the King in this matter to save his Life ; and writes word to the King , that by the judgement of the Holy Ghost he had forbidden all investitures by Princes : and encourages Anselm in his opposition to the King , with some impertinent texts of Scripture . ( For of all men , the Popes , notwithstanding their pretence to infallibility , have been very unhappy in applying Scripture in their Bulls ; and it would be one of the strangest Commentaries that ever the World saw , to set down the places of Scripture produced by them with their interpretations of them : but that is not my present business . ) The King called together the Great men of the Nation in Council at London : and sends some of them to Anselm , to know , whether he would observe the customs of his predecessors or be gone ? The Bishops pretending private instructions contrary to the Popes Bulls , Anselm desires time to know the Popes mind , and still stands to the Popes Letters ; upon which the King told him , he would bear these delays no longer ; Quid mihi de meis cum Papa ; what have I to do with the Pope about my own Subjects ? What Rights my Predecessors had , are mine too : whosoever would take them away from me is my enemy , and every one that is my Friend knows it . Anselm tells him , that to save his life he would not contradict the Popes decrees unless he were absolved by him . The King would not so much as hear of the Popes Bulls , nor suffer others to do it , which grieved Anselm much ; and away he goes again to receive comfort from the Pope . The King sends an Ambassadour to the Pope , who told him his Master would lose his Kingdom rather than the Investiture of Bishops ; the Pope very graciously replyed , Before God I will lose my head rather than he shall quietly enjoy them . But at last , the Pope was content he should enjoy other customes excepting this of Investitures ; the King was not at all satisfied with this , but sends word to Anselm he must not set foot on English ground unless he would promise to observe the former customs of the Realm : which he still refused to do , and after several endeavours to compose this difference , the King was at last forced to yield up the ancient Right of Investiture , and retain only homage , which the Pope and Anselm were at present contented with ; but this Agreement held not long ; for notwithstanding the Pope did lay so much weight on this business of Investitures , ( as besides what is mentioned already , he said , that Christ dyed in vain if Lay-investitures were allowed ) yet the King was certainly informed that this same Pope had yielded Investitures to t●e Emperour Henry 5. as Florentius Wigorniensis and Malmsbury report , and therefore Anselm writes to the Pope , that the King would resume his too : and it is evident he did so , for Matth. Paris and Westminster say expresly , that the King invested the next Archbishop of Canterbury , with a staff and a ring after the ancient custom : which was after the Lateran Council wherein the Pope again revoked the Emperours priviledge about investitures , which he saith , is contrary to the Holy Ghost and the Canonical Institution . But where was the Holy Ghost then when he granted this priviledge ? After this , the Pope complains of the King for retaining the other ancient Rights , of hindering Appeals to Rome and not receiving Legats ; but at last Pope Calixtus yielded to the King the enjoyment of the Customs which his Father had in England and Normandy . Was not this Pope very kind to the King who so patiently yielded to those customs which his Predecessors had condemned as contrary to Religion , and making Christs death to no purpose ? The same Callis●us 2. in the Council of Lateran , A. D. MCXXII . put an end to the Controversie of investitures in the Roman Empire : yielding to the Emperour the right of Investitures so it were performed without Simony , and by a Scepter and not by a staff and a Ring ; because , forsooth , if it had been done by a ring , it made it a kind of marriage , and so made a spiritual Adultery between the Bishop and his Church ; as the former Popes very learnedly proved in their Epistles against Investitures . § . 7. This Controversie being at an end , the Popes bethought themselves of a more subtle way of effecting their design , which was by engaging the Bishops by oaths of Fidelity and obedience to themselves , as well as taking away their homages and Fealty to Princes , that so with less noise and more security , they might compass the design of Ecclesiastical Liberty or rather slavery to the Pope . Gregory 7. Urban 2. and Paschal 2. did all forbid Clargy-men to give any homage to Princes , as Petrus de Marca proves from the Authentick acts of their several Councils ; instead of which they required an Oath of Fealty to themselves . For it was not a bare oath of Canonical obedience , which the Popes required , but as much an oath of Fealty and Allegiance , as ever Princes require from their other Subjects : which will be made appear by comparing the oaths together . The most ancient form of Allegiance I meet with , is that prescribed in the Capitular of Charles the Great , which is contained in very few words . Promitto ego partibus Domini mei Caroli Regis & filiorum ejus , quia fidelis sum & ero diebus vitae meae sine fraude vel malo ingenio , as it is in the old Edition of the Constitutions ; but in the latter out of Sirmondus his Copy it is somewhat larger . Promitto ego quod ab isto die in antea fidelis sum Domino Carolo piissimo Imperatori pura mente absque fraude & malo ingenio de meâ parte ad suam partem & ad honorem regni sui , sicut per drictam debet esse homo Domino suo . The ancient Form used in this Nation ran thus , Tu jurabis quod ab ista die in antea eris fidelis & legalis Domino nostro Regi & suis haeredibus ; & fidelitatem & legalitatem ei portabis de vitâ & de membro & de terreno honore , & quod tu eorum malum aut damnum nec noveris nec audiveris quod non defendes pro posse tuo , ita te Deus adjuvet : Now let us compare these with the Oath made to the Pope ; I shall take that form which is published out of the Vatican MS. by Odoricus Raynaldus , which was taken by Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury . Ego Edmundus , &c. ab hac hora in antea fidelis & obediens ero S. Petro & S. R. E. & D. Papae Gregerio suisque successoribus canonicè intrantibus . Nonero in facto neque in consilio , aut consensio ut vitam perdant , aut membrum , aut capiantur malâ captione . Consilium vero quod mihi credituri sunt per se , aut per nuntios suos sive per liter as ad corum damnum , mesciente , nemini pandam . Papatum Romanum & Regalia Sancti Petri aajutor eis ero ad retinendum & defendendum salvo meo ordine contra omnem hominem , &c. This is enough to shew , that if the other were properly Oaths of Allegiance to Princes , this is so to the Pope , and thereby they are bound to the very same obedience to the Pope as their Soveraign , as anymen are to their own Princes . For here is no exception at all of the Rights of Princes and the duty they owe to them ; not the least notice being taken of them , as though they did owe them any allegiance : which we plainly see was never intended should be paid by those who first imposed this Oath . That Learned Gentleman Sir Roger Twisden supposes this oath to have been framed by Paschal 2. and it is certain , that Rodulphus being made Archbishop of Canterbury in his time , is the first we read among us , that took an oath of Fidelity to the Pope , with that of Canonical obedience : after whose time we frequently meet with it , but not before : but in truth , it is the very same oath , only applying it to Church-men , which Richard of Capua took by way of Fealty to Gregory 7. as may appear to any one that compares them together : where there are the same expressions word for word : by which we may see the strictest allegiance to the Pope is understood by it , without the least reservation of any other Princes Rights . And considering the doctrine and design of the first imposers of it , it cannot be questioned , but their intention was hereby to exempt the takers of it from all Allegiance to any other than the Pope . But lest this design should be too easily suspected , at first it went only along with the Pall to Archbishops , then it came to Bishops , shops , and at last , as the Gloss upon the Canon Law tells us , to all that receive any dignity , consecration , or confirmation from the Pope ; and now the oath in the Pontifical is much larger than it was , and by it the takers are bound to observe and defend the Papal reservations , Provisions and mandates , and to persecute to the utmost of their Power , all Hereticks , Schismaticks and Rebels to the Pope . Much kindness then is to be expected from all who are sworn to persecution , and much allegiance to Princes from those who own the Pope to be their Soveraign in as express terms as any Subjects can do their Princes : and so Cassander takes notice , that several passages in this Oath relate to meer civil obedience , which we owe to Princes and not to the Pope : and for what relates to the Papacy , if by it be understood the Papal Tyranny , as no doubt it is , be utterly condemns it as an unlawful oath ; and I extreamly wonder at those who make so many scruples about oaths of Allegiance to Princes , that they make none at all about this , which as far as I can see , leaves no room for Allegiance to them , any more than a person who hath already sworn Allegiance to one Prince , hath liberty to swear the same thing to another ; which it is impossible he should keep to both . The first contriver of this Oath to the Pope , was no other than Gregory 7. who could not be thought to understand less than the strictest Allegiance by it , since he required Fealty from Temporal Princes , and forbad all Clergy-men paying homage to them . In the Council held by him at Rome , A. D. 1079. the Archbishop of Aquileia took an Oath in the same form with that published by Raynaldus out of the Vatican MS. and therein he is sworn , to defend the Roman Papacy and the Royalties of S. Peter ; which makes me wonder how the form extant in the Canon Law should have it Regulas Sanctorum Patrum instead of Regalia Sancti Petri , for we are not to imagin that Gregory 9. had any such thought to bring down the Royalties of S. Peter to the ancient Canons ; and the oath which was taken had the Regalia sancti Petri alwayes in it from Gregory 7. time : unless they hoped to deceive the simple by this means , for we find that even Cassander himself thought there had been no other Form besides that in the Canon Law , till the Bishop of Munster sent him the Form he was to take ; wherein were the Regalia sancti Petri , as they are now in the Pontifical . But if the strictest tye of Allegiance to the Pope as their Soveraign were not intended by this oath , why could not the Popes be contented with the former oath of Canonical Obedience , which from the time of Boniface was required by the Pope of all Metropolitans together with the Pall , although many refused to submit their necks to that Yoke . Before A. D. 450. Petrus de Marca observes , nosuch thing as an Oath of Canonical Obedience from Bishops to the Metropolitan was used in the Church ; and therefore Leo 1. reproves Anastasius of Thessalonica for requiring it from Atticus a Bishop under him ; but afterwards by degrees it came into Use , as appears by the words of the Bishops of Aquileia in Baronius to the Emperour Mauricius , and the profession made by Adelbertus to Hinomarus his Metropolitan . Whereas the Metropolitans themselves made only a bare profession of their faith , and a promise to their suffragan Bishops to observe the Canons of the Church . But when Gregory sent Boniface , as his Missionary into Germany , he made him take an Oath over the Reliques of S. Peter in the Vatican , to be true and faithful to the interests of the Roman See , but still it was within the compass of the Catholick Faith and the ancient Canons : and this 〈◊〉 being a very faithful servant to the 〈◊〉 See , makes it his business to perswade the Bishops of Germany and France , to profess subjection to the Bishop of Rome ; and all the Metropolitans to receive Palls from thence , and to give Canonical obedience to the Popes decrees : these things went very hardly down with the Bishops ; for two years after A. D. 744. Boniface complains to Pope Zachary , that he was afraid they would not keep their words ; but he assures the Pope it was none of his fault ; but at last they were wheedled into it under this pretence that it was only a mark of honour to receive the Pall , and not a badge of subjection ; and Hincmarus told Nicolaus 1. That he could receive no more power by it , than the Canons had given to Metropolitans already ; but when they were brought to receive the Pall the promise of subjection went down with it : the Form of which is extant among the ancient Formulae published by Sirmondus , wherein they promise to the Pope only debitam subjectionem & obedientiam , which is properly Canonical Obedience . Now if Gregory 7. had understood no more than that , why did he alter the Oath , and put in so many expressions which properly imply the same Fealty which Vassals owe to their Lords , or Subjects to their Princes ? I know not , how it came to pass that so jealous a Prince of his own Rights as Henry 1. came to suffer the new Archbishop to take this oath to the Pope ; but this is certain that it was extreamly disgusted in other Countries . For Baronius tells us that the Kings and Nobility of Sicily and Poland were very much offended at it , as a thing there was no ground for in the ancient Councils ; as though saith Paschal 2. in answer to them , the Councils could set bounds to the Popes Authority : which was bravely said and like a Prince that endeavoured to make the greatest Bishops his Vassals ; but I cannot imagine what satisfaction this could give to Secular Princes , who might easily discern how much their own Power was lessened by these manifest encroachments upon it , by the exacting oaths of Allegiance from some of the most considerable of their Subjects , to a Forraign Power . § . 8. After the death of Henry 1. the Papal power got more ground in the troublesome Reign of King Stephen , than ever it had done before ; For his title being very bad , he saw it was the more necessary for him to strengthen it by the Popes Authority . To which end , after his Consecration by William Archbishop of Canterbury , who together with Stephen had before sworn Allegiance to Maud the Empress , he sends to the Pope for a Confirmation of his Title , which the Pope very amply sends him ; and the Bull is extant among our Historians ; wherein among other things he takes notice , that on the day of his consecration ( as the Pope calls it ) he promised obedience and reverence to S. Peter ; which no doubt went very far in his Title : and the Bishop of Winchester his Brother told him ( as Malmsbury relates who lived in that time ) that he came to the Crown not by any military power but by the Churches Favour , and therefore he ought to be kind to it ; and so he was it seems at first , for he yielded to their own terms , as Gul. Newburgensis saith , and the Bishops did swear only a conditional Allegiance to him , viz. as long as he preserved the Liberty of the Church . To give them therefore all the satisfaction they desired , he made that Oath extant in Malmsbury , wherein he put all Ecclesia●tical Persons and Things under their own jurisdiction ; and when afterwards he violated this Liberty , his own Brother being then the Popes Legat , presumed to summon him to appear before his Ecclesiastical High Court of Iustice , and to give him an account of what he had done in daring to imprison the Bishops of Salisbury and Lincoln : For , said he , if the Bishops do any thing amiss , the King hath nothing to do to judge them , but they must be left to the Canons ; and withall he adds , that the King was bound to give them an account of what he had done : but the King sent them word that he appealed to Rome ; and so the business fell . Thus we see how much he advanced the Popes power by yielding to a Legatine Power here , to hear causes , and suffering himself to be called to an account before it ; by which example , Appeals grew very frequent and troublesome in his time , as our Historians sadly complain ; and the Bishops and Monks went commonly over to Rome upon Appeals ; nay Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury went to the Pope , then in Frarce , expresly against the Kings command , and the Pope suspended the rest that did not come ; and William Archbishop of York was deposed by the Pope , meerly because nominated by the King , and another put into his Room without the Kings consent , or approbation : the right of Investitures was condemned in a Council held at Westminster , and the infringers of Ecclesiastical Liberty punished with Excommunication , not to be taken off but by the Pope himself ; and after the reconciliation between Stephen and Henry 2. the effect of it , saith Radulphus de Diceto , was , that the Churches Dominion was exalted by it . § . 9. This was the state of things here , when Henry the second came to the possession of the Crown ; all the Customs of his Ancestors which they accounted Rights of the Crown were lost during the Usurpation of Stephen , and strange insolencies and villanies were committed under the pretence of Ecclesiastical Liberty , or the unaccountabless of Ecclesiastical Persons for their actions to Civil Justice : which made the Judges complain to the King of the thefts , rapines , and murders frequently committed by Clergy-men , over whom they had then no jurisdiction ; and as Gulielmus Newburgensis saith , the Bishops were more concerned to defend their priviledges , than to punish offendors , and thought they did God and the Church service in protecting them from the hands of Iustice. By which means things were come to that height between the Civil & Ecclesiastical Power , that one or the other must yeild ; the Ecclesiastical Power being in the hands of Thomas Becket , a man after the Popes own heart , and in whom the very soul of Gregory the seventh seemed to have come into the World again ; and the Civil Power in the management of Henry the second , a Prince of a high Spirit and great courage , and that could not easily bear the least diminution of his Power . And where there was so much matter prepared , and such heat on both sides , it was no great difficulty to fore-tell a storm , when the Clouds that hovered in the air should clap together , or fall upon each other . This was foreseen by the more discerning men of that time when they found the King bent upon making him Archbishop after the death of Theobald : For however Becket himself boasted of the freedom of his election and the consent of the Clergie and Kingdom in it , yet in the Epistle sent to him by the Bishops and Clergie of the whole Province , they plainly tell him , the Kings Mother disswaded him from it , the whole Kingdom was against it , and the Clergie sighed and groaned as much as they durst ; but the King would have it so . For the King being then in Normandy sent over his great Minister Richard de Lucy on purpose to let the Suffragan Bishops and the Monks of Canterbury understand his pleasure , that he would have Becket chosen Archbishop . Which the Bishop of London in his excellent Epistle to Becket ( which gives a more true account of the Intrigues of the whole quarrel than any thing yet extant , and which Baronius could not but see in the Codex Vaticanus , although he takes no notice at all of it ) tells him , was a greater invasion of the Churches Liberties , than any of those things he made such ado about . You , saith he , now tell us that we ought to obey God rather than men : would to God we had done so then ; but because we had not the courage to do it then , therefore we now suffer shame and confusion for it , and the tears run down our cheeks for the calamities that are come upon us . By which we may judge of the truth of the Quadripartite History , written by Thomas his own Disciples , as Baronius confesseth , for therein Herebertus and Iob. Sarisburiensis tell of Thomas his protesting against his being Archbishop to the King , and his being hardly perswaded to it by the Popes Legat ; whereas the Bishop of London proves to Becket himself , that during Theobalds Life he had his eye upon it , and made all the interest he could to obtain it upon his death , that he gave several thousand Marks to the King to be Chancellour , hoping by that means to come the easier into the See of Canterbury , that being in Normandy at Theobalds death , he posted over , and the Kings Favourite brought his command for his election . And it is likewise confessed by Fitz Stephen in the MS. History of Beckets Life , that the whole Clergie knew it was the Kings pleasure he should be made Archbishop ; and that Gilbert , then only Bishop of Hereford , ( afterwards of London ) disswaded all that he could from his election ; and after said , that the King had done a strange thing , viz. he had made a Souldier Archbishop of Canterbury ; for but a little before he had been in arms with the King at Tholouse . And this opposition of his , he calls not only God to witness , was not out of any ambitious desire to have been in his Room , ( as Thomas and the Monks charge him ) but Becket himself , for no man could attempt any such thing , but he must know it , his Favour being so great with the King then . But it seems , the wiser men among the Bishops , thought that by reason of his insolent , rash , and inflexible temper , ( which even his Friends complained of in him ) he would bring all things into confusion . When he was summoned at Northampton to appear before the King , he would needs carry the Cross , with his own hands into the Court ; upon which the Bishop of London told him , he behaved himself as if he had a mind to disturb the whole Kingdom ; You carry the Cross , saith he , and what if the King should take his Sword ? but , said he to one that stood by , He alwayes was a Fool , and ever will be one . These things I only mention , to let men see what apprehensions the more prudent men of that time had of the likelihood of great disturbances coming to the Church by his ill management , although by the rashness of others added to his , he hath had the fortune to be accounted a Saint and a Martyr . § . 10. But my business is not , to write a particular account of all the passages between the King and him , after the difference between them ; which hath been so largely done by Baronius , and our own Historians ; but I shall shew , that the Controversie between them was about Gregory the sevenths principles , and if he dyed a Martyr for any thing , it was in defence of these . Which I shall the rather do , since I find his Life very lately published in French with a high character of him , and dedicated to the King of France ; but especially because I find , that those among us of that Religion , who disown Gregory the sevenths principles , are willing to believe him a Martyr upon other grounds , viz. that his quarrel with the King was upon the account of the antient Municipal Laws of England which had a respect to the immunities of Clergie-men . I shall therefore prove , 1. That the matters in Dispute between the King and Becket , were the very same that Gregory the seventh and his successors contended about , with Christian Princes . 2. That the pleas made use of by Becket and his party were no other , than those , which Gregory the seventh and his successors used , so that they had no relation at all to the Municipal Laws , but to the controversie then on Foot between the Civil and Ecclesiastical Power . In both which I hope to make some passages clearer than they have yet been , having had the advantage of perusing several MSS. relating to this matter , and especially that Volume of Epistles , which Baronius accounts an unvaluable Treasure ; and as far as I can perceive , the Cotton MS. is more compleat than the Vatican , which Baronius made use of . 1. For the matters in Dispute between them . The whole controversie might be reduced to two heads . 1. Whether Ecclesiastical Persons were unaccountable to the Civil Power for any misdemeanours committed by them ? 2. Whether the Pope had the Soveraign Power over Princes and all under them , so that he might contradict the Kings Laws and Customs , and command his Subjects against his consent to come to him ? and whether the Kings Subjects in such cases were not bound to obey the Pope , let the King command what he please ? These , in truth , were the points in debate , and the most weighty particulars in the Customs of Clarendon were but as so many branches of these . In that Copy of them which is extant in the Cotton MS. and was drawn up by the Kings own Order , the occasion of them is set down , to have been the differences which had happened between the Clergie and the Kings Iustices and the Barons of the Kingdom about the Customs and Dignities of the Crown ; the most considerable of those which the Pope condemned were concerning 1. The Tryal of Titles of Advowsons and Presentations in the Kings Courts . 2. The Tryal of Clergie-men before the Kings Iudges ; and the Churches not defending them after conviction or confession . 3. That neither Archbishops , Bishops or others should go out of the Kingdom , without the Kings consent , and giving security to the King , that in going , staying , or returning , they will do nothing to the prejudice either of the King or Kingdom . 4. The profits of Ecclesiastical Courts upon absolutions , for they demanded not barely personal security of all excommunicated persons , to stand to the Churches judgements , but Vadium ad remanens as the Law term was then , which implyes real security , or so much money laid down which was to come to the Court , if they did not perform the conditions expressed . For it was one of the things the Kings Ambassadour complained of to his Mother the Empress , that the matters in controversie were not things of advantage to mens souls , but to their own purses ; and that the Faults of Offenders were not punished in the Ecclesiastical Courts by the injoyning of Penance , but by the giving of money . And the Empress her self in her discourse with Nicholas de Monte the Archbishops Friend , insisted on these pecuniary mulcts for sins as one of the great occasions of the troubles ; which made people suspect this pretence of Ecclesiastical Liberty to be only a cloak for their own profits . But however the good Pope , whether he understood this Vadium ad remanens or no , at all adventures condemned it . For what should the Court of Rome do without exchanging Money for Sins ? 5. That no Person who held of the King in capite , or belonged to him should be excommunicated , or have his Land interdicted without making the King acquainted with it , or his Iustice in his absence . 6. That in matters of Appeal , they were to proceed from the Arch-deacon to the Bishop , from the Bishop to the Arch-bishop , and from thence to the King , and not to proceed further without his express leave . These were the main things in dispute ; and what do they all amount to , but the very same Rights of the Crown which the Kings predecessors did insist upon ? and what could be the sense of Becket in opposing them , but that Clergie-men were not accountable for their Faults to the Civil Power , and in case of the Popes command , whether upon appeal or otherwise , Bishops and others were to go to his Court in spight of the King ? as Anselm and Theobald had done before . It is agreed by Baronius himself , that the quarrel brake out , upon the Arch-bishops denying to deliver up the Clergie-man that was accused and convicted of Murder after Ecclesiastical Censure to the Secular Power ; which the King earnestly desired , and Becket as peremptorily denyed . And upon what principle could this be done , but the highest pretence of Ecclesiastical Liberty , that ever Gregory the seventh or any other asserted ? And it is plain by this , that the King did not deny the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction , nor hindered the proper Censures of the Church upon offenders ; but the Question was meerly this , Whether Ecclesiastical persons having committed crimes against the publick peace , were only to be punished with Ecclesiastical Censures , and never to be delivered over to Civil Iustice ? Which was the main hinge of the Cause , and which Becket stood to , to the last . And that this was the true State of the Controversie appears by the representation made of it to Alexander the third by the whole Clergie of the Province of Canterbury : who confess that the peace of the Kingdom was very much disturbed by the insolence and crimes of some of the Clergie ( for upon the account of this exemption , any Villains were safe , if they could but get into any kind of Orders ; ) the King for the safety of his people , pressed the Bishops after their Censures to give such guilty persons up to the Laws , because bare degrading was by no means sufficient punishment for wilful murder , which was all the Church censures reached to . This all the Bishops at first opposed as derogatory to the Churches Liberty , but afterwards ( Becket excepted ) the rest saw a necessity of yielding at present , for , as they confess themselves , this liberty was extended even to a Lector or Acolythus ; and the Empress Matildis said , that the Bishops gave orders very loosely without titles ; by which we may easily imagine what a miserable state the whole Kingdom might be in if these things were suffered . So that we see the plea insisted upon at the beginning of the quarrell was , that no persons in any Ecclesiastical Orders , upon any crime whatsoever , were to be delivered over to be punished by the Secular Power . And what could such a pretence arise from , but only from Gregory the sevenths principles of Government ? viz. that the Civil Power had nothing at all to do with Ecclesiastical Persons , and that all the Subjection and Obedience they owed was only to the Pope as their Soveraign ; and that this was the Liberty which Christ purchased for his Church with his own blood , as Paschal the second answered the Emperours Ambassadors , and as Becket very frequently expresses it in his Epistles . A blessed Liberty ! and worthy the purchase of the Blood of Christ ; viz. a Liberty to sin without fear of punishment , or at least any punishment which such persons would be afraid of ; for the utmost Becket could be perswaded to in the case of the Canon of Bedford convicted of murder , was only to confine him to a Monastery for a time : which was a very easie expiation of Murder ; So that the Benefit of Clergie was a mighty thing in those dayes . But it is impossible to give any tolerable account of Beckets actions , unless we suppose this to have been his Ground and Principle , that God had exempted by his Law all Clergy-men , by vertue of being such , from any subjection to Civil Power : For if they owe any subjection , they are accountable for their breaches of the Laws to that power to which they are subject ; if they are not accountable for any crimes they must be supposed to be wholly independent on the Civil Government . § . 11. Neither is there any ground for such an exemption by the ancient Municipal Laws of England , either in the Saxon , or Norman times : and I cannot but wonder to see the Laws of Princes concerning Ecclesiastical Persons , brought to prove their total exemption from the power of Princes , which was that Ecclesiastical liberty which Becket did plead for . For according to his principles , neither Alured , nor Edward , nor Canutus , nor any other Prince had any thing to do to appoint the punishments of Ecclesiastical Persons ; but their judgement was to be wholly left to their own Superiours . And supposing there had been such Laws among the Saxons , Becket would not have valued them at all , but rather have thought them a prejudice to his Cause , and an encouragement to Hen. 2. to have repealed those and made others in their place . For why should not the Power of this King be as good as the Saxons to make and alter Ecclesiastical Laws as they saw convenient ? but Becket understood his business better than so . He would not upon any terms be brought to the tryal , whether they were ancient Customes or no which the King contended for ? the King offered it very frequently , and by any fair ways of tryal , and declared he would renounce them if they did not appear to be so , he appealed often to the judgement of the Church of England about it , and would stand and fall by it ; and none of these things would be accepted of : by which it is evident that either there were no Laws could justifie Becket , or he thought the producing them would be hurtful to his cause ; for not one of all the Customs he excepted against , was in his opinion so bad , as for Princes to take upon themselves to determine Ecclesiastical causes , and to appoint the punishments of Ecclesiastical Persons . For then he knew the King need not to stand upon the proof of his other Customes , this one Right of the Crown would put an end to the whole dispute . For if Henry 2. had the same Power that Edgar had , when he said , that the tryal of the manners of Ecclesiastical Persons belonged to him , and therefore gave Authority to Dunstan and the rest to expell criminal Clergy-men out of Churches and Monasteries , why might not he punisht Ecclesiastical persons ? And then to what purpose had Becket contended with the King , if he had allowed him as much power as the Saxon Kings did make use of ? And what if the Saxon Laws did appoint the Bishops to examin Clergy-men , and pass sentence upon them in criminal causes ? was not the punishment already established by the Kings Laws , and the Bishop only the Minister of the Kings Iustice upon Ecclesiastical Delinquents ? And even in the Laws of Edward the Confessour , in case of default in Ecclesiastical Courts , a liberty is allowed of going to other Courts ; and in the Laws of the elder Edward , any one in Orders is appointed to make compensation according to the nature of his crime , and without sureties he was to go into prison ; but in case of a capital offence , he was to be taken , that he might undergo penance from the Bishop for his fault . Where , by capital offence we are not to understand such as were punished with death , but the Poenitential Canons of Egbert tell us by capital crimes were understood Pride , Envy , Fornication , Adultery , Perjury , &c. But the Laws of Canutus appoint degradation for murder by a Clergy-man ; and compensation and banishment withal , which were Civil punishments after degradation , the very thing which Becket denyed , and in case this compensation were not undertaken within thirteen days , then the Person was to be out-Law'd , which to be sure , was a civil punishment . By the Laws of King Alured , if a Priest killed a man he was to lose his priviledges , and the Bishop was to expel him out of the Temple being already degraded , unless due compensation were made ; i. e. if he did not undergo the Civil punishment : For then the greatest crimes , ( excepting murder of a Prince or Lord by his Subject or Vassal , or killing any in a Sacred place , or Treason ) might be expiated by pecuniary Mulcts , and Ecclesiastical Penance , according to the Poenitential Canons . For it appears by the old Poenitential Canons of Theodore and Egbert , that murder had so many years penance appointed for its expiation , which had been a vain thing , if it had been punished with death ; now in this case it was but reasonable that the guilty Person should be delivered to the Bishop to receive his Penance ; whether he were a Clergy-man or Lay-man ; And the Laws of Princes did inforce them to submit to Ecclesiastical Penance . So King Alured commands in case of perjury , that the Person be taken into the Kings custody for forty dayes , that he might undergo the Penance which the Bishop shall impose upon him ; and if he escaped he was not only to be anathematized , but put out of all protection of the Law : and by the Laws of King Edmund any Person guilty of Murder was not to come into the Kings presence till he had undergone the Penance enjoyned him by the Bishop : And from hence I suppose it was , that in the Saxon Times , the Bishop and the Sheriff sate together in the same Court , as appears by the Laws of Edgar and Canutus , not barely to instruct the people in the Laws of God and man ; but as the Sheriff was to appoint the civil penalty , so the Bishop was to enjoyn penance according to the nature of the Fault : and one of these did not exclude the other , but , he that did pay such a pecuniary mulct to the Sheriff , did undergo so many years penance besides . Therefore the Laws which mention persons being delivered to the Bishop for Penance , do by no means imply that they were excused from any Civil penalty either before or after it : as might be proved from the Laws of the Empire , and the Capitulars , if it were needful . So that in the Saxon times , if a Clergy-man were guilty of wilful murder , the poenitential Canons imposed ten years penance upon him , of which seven were to be spent in banishment ; but besides this , the legal compensation was to be made , as is evident by the Laws of Edward and Canutus : from whence it appears , how very slender the pretence is of Beckets contending for the ancient Saxon Laws , when he denyed the giving up a Clergy-man convicted of murder to the Secular Power after Ecclesiastical Censures . But where ●s there the least Foundation in the Saxon times , for such open defiance of the Civil Power , as to the punishment of offenders of what degree or order soever ? and that was the case of Becket , the King only desired that Iustice might be executed indifferently on all Persons , and the ancient Customs revived ; but he would not yield as to either of these , not upon the pretence of former Laws , but the repugnancy he supposed to be in them to that Ecclesiastical Liberty , which he said , Christ had purchased with his Blood. § . 12. After the Norman Conquest , the Ecclesiastical and Civil Courts were first separated , as appears by the Grant of William the Conquerour to Remigius Bishop of Lincoln , and many others to the same purpose ; but I find no particular exemption of a criminal Clergy-man from the Civil Power established . The main plea is from the confirmation of the Saxon Laws , but to how little purpose that is , is already shewed . By the Laws of Henry 1. if a Bishop committed murder , he was to be deposed , and undergo twelve years penance , seven of which were to be with bread and water : if a Priest or Monk , he was to lose his Order and to undergo ten years penance ; if a Deacon , to lose his Orders , and to have seven years penance ; if a Clerk only ( i. e. in inferiour Orders ) six years penance ; and then it follows , if a Lay-man , five years penance ; which was very prudently left out with an &c. by P. W. because it marrs all the rest ; for if according to these Laws , Clergy-men had an exemption from Civil Iustice , so had the Laity too ; and upon better terms , for their penance is but half that of a Priest or a Monk , and not half of a Bishop . But after Henry 1. the penance was turned into a pecuniary mulct , as King Henry 2. complained , and men committed the greatest crimes at a certain rate , by which means abundance of villanies , and murders , and rapines were daily committed ; and in Henry 2. time , the Kings Iustices complained of it to the King , who commands them to punish all offenders severely ; and if any Clergy-men were convicted , they were to be delivered to the Bishop to be degraded by him in the presence of the Kings Iustice , and so to be returned to the Court to be punished ; but in the case of the Canon of Bedford , Becket utterly denies the delivering him up to the Kings Iustice after degrading . Fitz Stephen gives more instances , which exasperated the King , one whereof was , of a person who had destoured the daughter and murdered the Father , whom Henry 2. would have punished according to La● , but the Archbishop would not suffer him to be delivered up to the Kings Iustice. ( Yet methinks it might bear a dispute how far a person degraded is capable of Ecclesiastical immunities ; but Becket , it seems , extended them to all that were or had been such ; or it may be , the indelible character preserved still some title to a legal impunity in sinning . ) The King apprehending the very bad consequences of such an exemption of all sorts of Clergy-men from Civil punishments , and not knowing what the late encroachments upon the Civil Power by the Ecclesiastical might come to ( for so Fitz Stephen saith , some about the King told him , if these things were suffered , and the Archbishop let alone , his Royal Authority would come to nothing , and the Clergy would make whom they pleased King , as they had shewed their power and will already , in the case of King Stephen ) therefore the King resolves to resume all the Rights of his Ancestors , and to have a solemn recognition made of them in Parliament . But first he treats with all the Bishops at Westminster to know whether they would observe the Ancient Customs ? they gave him a shuffling answer , that they would do it salvo ordine suo & jure Ecclesiae : which the King took for a denyal , and was extremely inraged at it . The Bishop of London confesses , that they all agreed in the denyal , and gave this as the reason , because their yielding to those Customs was repugnant to the Liberty of the Church , and the Fidelity they owed to the Pope : which was a plain confession of the true state of the Controversie , whether the King or the Pope were to be obeyed in those matters ? Baronius tells us , that Becket sent over an express to the Pope ( being th●n at Sens ) to know what they were to do in the straits they were in , the Pope encourages them to stand up for Ecclesiastical Liberty to the utmost ; notwithstanding this , the King resolves to have a recognition of these Customs at Clarendon , where the Authors of the Quadripaarite History say the whole Kingdom was present , and they confess , that Becket with the rest of the Bishops did promise the King to observe them Bona Fide : which they parallel with S. Peters fall in denying Christ : But the Bishop of London in his Epistle to Becket gives a more particular account of it , which is worth our not●ce : Three dayes , he sayes , all the Bishops withstood the Kings desire , and no threats could move them , but they resolved rather than to yield to dye upon the spot for Christ and his Church , ( as he speaks ) at last Becket withdrew from them , and coming in again used these words to them ; It is the Kings pleasure I should forswear my self at present , and I will do it and repent afterwards ; ( were not these brave Heroick words for a Saint and a Martyr ? ) at the hearing of them , he saith , they were all astonished , and their hearts failed them ; and so they all promised in verbo veritatis to observe the ancient Customs . Thus , saith he , was the Controversie then ended between the Kingdom and Priesthood , and so Israel descended into Egypt . But notwithstanding this solemn promise , in a few dayes Becket breaks his word , and attempts to go beyond Sea without the Kings leave : at which the King was extreamly troubled , and as the Bishop of London saith , had rather he had wounded his body than his reputation by such an escape into forreign parts , where he was sure to be represented as a Tyrant and persecutor of the Church . Becket was driven back by a Tempest , the King takes no notice of it , uses him kindly , and bids him take care of his Church . Not long after , a Controversie happened about some Lands which Becket challenged as belonging to his Church , the King sends to him to do justice to the Person concerned in it : notwithstanding complaints are brought to the King for want of it , the King sends a summons to him to appear before him , that he might have the hearing of the Cause . Becket refuses to obey the summons , and sends the King word he would not obey him in this matter : at which saucy answer , the King was justly provoked , as a great disparagement to his Royal Authority . Upon this he calls the Parliament at Northhampton , where the People met as one man ; the King represents his case , with becoming modesty and eloquence : however , he consented that his fault should be expiated by a pecuniary mulct : after this the King exhibited a complaint against him for a great summ of money received by him , during his Chancellorship which he had never given account for : ( it was 44000 Marks , as the Bishop of London told the Cardinals who were sent by the Pope afterwards to end the Controversie ) Becket pleaded that he was discharged by his promotion , ( as though , as the Bishop of London said , promotion were like Baptism that wiped away all Scores . ) But this being a meer civil Cause , as the Bishop tells Becket , yet he denyed to give answer to the King and appealed to the Pope , as the judge of all men living , saith sarisburiensis ; and soon after in a disguise he slips over the Sea , and hastens to the Pope ; who received him with great kindness , and then he resigns his Arch-bishoprick into the Popes hands , as our Historians generally agree , because he received investiture from the King , and takes it again from the Pope . This is the just and true account of the state of the Controversie , as it is delivered by one of the same time , that knew all the intrigues , and which he writes to Becket himself , who never answered it that I can find , nor any of his party ; and by one , who was a Person of great reputation with the Pope himself , for his Learning , Piety , and the severity of his Life . And is it now possible to suppose that Gregory 7. if he had been in Beckets place , could have managed his cause with more contempt of Civil Government than he did ? when he refused to obey the Kings summons , declined his Iudicature in a Civil Cause , and broke his Laws against his own solemn promise , and perjured himself for the Popes honour . If this be only defending ancient priviledges of the Church , I may expect to see some other moderate men of the Roman Church plead for Gregory 7. as only a stout defender of the ancient Canons , and an enemy to the Popes temporal Power . But men are to be pittyed when they meet with an untoward objection ( such as that from Beckets Saintship and Martyrdom is to prove the doctrine of Ecclesiastical Liberty and the Popes temporal Power to be the sense of their Church ) if they cannot find that they endeavour to make a way to escape ; and I hope the Persons I now deal with have more ingenuity than to think this new pretence any satisfactory plea for Beckets Cause . And as the Bishop of London tells Becket , it is not the suffering , but the cause which makes a Martyr : to suffer hardship with a good mind is honour to a man ; but to suffer in a bad cause and obstinately is a reproach ; and in this dispute , he saith , the whole weight of it lay upon the Kings power , and some Customs of his Ancestors , and the King would not quit the Rights of his Crown which were confirmed by Antiquity , and the long usage of the Kingdom : This is the cause why you draw your sword against the Sacred Person of the King , in which it is of great consequence to consider that the King doth not pretend to make new Laws , but as the whole Kingdom bears him witness , such as were practised by his Ancestors . And although it appears , that he wished well to the main of Beckets Cause ; yet he blames him exceedingly for rashness , indiscretion and insolency in the management of it ; and bids him remember , that Christ never entred Zacchaeus his house till he came down from the Sycamore Tree ; and that the way of humility did far better become him , and was likely to prevail more with the King , than than which he took . § . 13. But Becket being out of the Kings reach , and backed by the King of France , and favoured by the Court of Rome , made nothing of charging the King with Tyranny ; as he and his party do very frequently in the Volume of Epistles ; and because the Empress his Mother pleaded for some of the Customs as antient Rights of the Crown , she is said to be of the ra●e of Tyrants too . The King finding himself thus beset with a swarm of Horne●● 〈…〉 of his own Power to 〈…〉 farther attempts upon his Crown and Royal Authority , which was exposed to such publick ignominy in forreign parts : and therefore sends this precept to all the Bishops to suspend the profits of all such Clergie-men as adhered to him . Nosti quam male Thomas Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus operatus ● est adversus me & Regnum meum , & quam male recesserit , & ideo mando tibi quod Clerici sui qui circa ipsum fuerint post fugam suam , & alii Clerici qui detraxerunt honori meo , & honori Regni , non percipiant aliquid de redditibus illis quos habuerant in Episcopatu tuo nisi per me , nec hab●ant aliquod auxilium nec consilium a Te , Teste Richardo de Luci apud Marlebergam . After this , the King commands the Sheriffs to imprison every one that appealed to the Court of Rome , and to keep them in hold till his pleasure were known : and he causes all the Ports to be watched , to prevent any Letters of Interdict from the Pope ; and if any Regular brought them , he was to have his feet cut off ; if in Orders , he was to lose his eyes and something else : and if he were a Lay-man , he was to be hanged . Accordingly the Popes Nuntio was taken with Letters of the Popes coming over for England , and imprisoned by the Kings Order . But the difference still growing higher , and the King being threatned with excommunication , and the Kingdom with an interdict ; the King commands an Oath to be taken against receiving Bulls from the Pope , or obeying him , or the Archbishop , and the penalty no less than that of Treason : which is so remarkable a thing , I shall give it in the words of the MS. A. D. MCLXIX . Rex Henricus jurare facit omnem Angliam a laico duodenni vel quindecim annorum , contra Dom. Papam Alexandrum & B. Thomam Archiepiscopum , quod eorum non recipient literas , neque obedient mandatis . Et si quis inve●tus foret literas eorum deferens , traderetur Potestatibus tanquam Coronae Regis capitalis inimicus . Here we see an Oath of Supremacy made so long ago by Henry the second , and those who out of zeal , or whatsoever motive brought over Bulls of the Popes , made lyable to the charge of Treason : but the Archbishop by vertue of his Legatine Power took upon him to send persons privately into England , and to absolve them from this Oath , as is there expressed . The same year , the King being in Normandy sent over these Articles to be sworn and observed by the Nobles and People of England , 1. If any one be found carrying Letters from the Pope , or any Mandate from the Archbishop of Canterbury , containing an Interdict of Religion in England , let him be taken , and without delay let justice pass upon him , as upon a Traytor to the King and Kingdom . 2. No Clergie-man , or Monk , or Lay-Brother may be suffered to cross the Seas , or return into England , unless he have a Pass from the Kings Iustice for his going out , and of the King himself for his return ; if any one be found doing otherwise , let him be taken and imprisoned . 3. No man may appeal either to the Pope or Arch-bishop ; and no plea shall be held , of the Mandates of the Pope or Archbishop , nor any of them be received by any person in England ; if any one be taken doing otherwise , let him be imprisoned . 4. No man ought to carry any Mandat either of Clergie-man or Laick to either of them on the same penalty . 5. If any Bishops , Clergie-men , Abbots , or Laicks will observe the Popes interdict , let them be forthwith banished the Realm , and all their Kindred ; and let them carry no Chattels along with them . 6. That all the Goods and Chattels of those who favour the Pope or Archbishop , and all their possessions of whatsoever rank , order , sex , or condition they be , be seized into the Kings hand and confiscated . 7. That all Clergie-men having revenews in England , be summoned through every County , that they return to their places within three months , or their revenues to be seized into the Kings hands . 8. That Peter-pence be no longer paid to the Pope ; but let them be gathered and kept in the Kings Treasury , and laid out according to his command . 9. That the Bishops of London and Norwich be in the Kings Mercy , and be summoned by Sheriffs and Bailiffs to appear before the Kings Iustices to answer for their breach of the Statutes of Clarendon in interdicting the Land , and excommunicating the person of Earl Hugh , by vertue of the Popes Mandat , and publishing this excommunication without Licence from the Kings Iustices . I hope these particulars will give full satisfaction , that the Controversie between King Henry the second and Becket , was not about some antient Saxon Laws , but the very same principles , which Gregory the seventh first openly defended of the Popes temporal Power over Princes , and the total exemption of Ecclesiastical Persons from Civil Iudicatures . § . 14. 2. This will yet more appear , if we consider that the Pleas used by Becket and his party , were the very same which were used by Gregory the seventh and his Successors . The beginning of the quarrel we have seen , was about the total exemption of Men in any kind of Ecclesiastical Orders from civil punishments , which was the known and avowed principle of Gregory the seventh and his successors ; and it seems by Fitz Stephen , that several of the Bishops were for yielding them up to the Secular Power after deprivation ; and said , that both Law and Reason and Scripture were for it : but Becket stood to it , that it was against God and the Canons ; and by this means the Churches Liberty would be destroyed , for which in imitation of their High-Priest they were bound to lay down their lives : and bravely adds , that it was not greater merit of old for the Bishops to found the Church of Christ with their blood , than in their times to lay down their lives for this blessed liberty of the Church : and if an Angel from Heaven should perswade him to comply with the King in this matter he should be accursed . By which we see what apprehension Becket had of the nature of his cause from the beginning of it : for this was before the King insisted on the reviving the Antient Customs at Clarendon . Where it seems Beckets heart failed him , which the Monks and Baronius parallel with S. Peters denying Christ ; but it seems the Cock that brought him to Repentance , was his Cross-bearer : who told him , that the Civil Authority disturbed all : that wickedness raged against Christ himself ; that the Synagogue of Satan had profaned the Lords Sanctuary ; that the Princes had sat and combined together against the Lords Christ ; that this tempest had shaken the pillars of the Church , and while the Shepherd withdrew , the sheep were under the power of the Wolf. A very loyal representation of the King , and all that adhered to his Rights ! After this , he spoke plainly to him , and told him , he had lost both his conscience and his honour in conspiring with the Devils instruments in swearing to those cursed customs , which tended to the overthrow of the Churches Liberty . At which he sighed deeply , and immediately suspends himself from all Offices of his Function , till he should be absolved by the Pope ; which was soon granted him . The Pope writes to the King very sharply , for offering to usurp the things of Iesus Christ , and to oppress the poor of Christ by his Laws and Customs , and threatens him to be judged in the same manner at the day of judgement ; and tells him of Saul , and Ozias , and Rehoboam , and parallels his sin with theirs , and bids him have a care of their punishments . And was all this zeal of the Pope only for the good old Saxon Laws ? When the Bishop of Exeter begged the Archbishop at Northampton , to have regard to his own safety and theirs too , he told him , he did not savour the things of God : he had spoken much more pertinently according to P. W. if he had told him , he did not understand the Saxon Laws . When the Earl of Leicester came to him , to tell him , he must come and hear his sentence ; he told him , that as much as his soul was better than his body , so much more was he bound to obey God and Him , than an earthly King : and for his part he declared he would not submit to the Kings judgement or theirs , in as much as he was their Father , and that he was only under God , to be judged by the Pope ; and so appealed to him . Which being an appeal to the Pope in a Civil cause about accounts between the King and him , it does plainly shew , that he did not think the King had any Authority over him , but that the Pope had a temporal Power over Princes to hear and determine Causes between them and their Subjects . And in his Letter to the Pope upon this appeal , he saith , that he was called as a Laick to answer before the King , and that he insisted upon this plea , that he was not to be judged there , nor by them ; For what would that have been , but to have betrayed your Rights ? and to have submitted spiritual things to temporal ; and if he should have yielded to the King , it would have made him not a King but a Tyrant . And whereas the Bishops pleaded obedience to the King , he saith , they were bound corporally to the King , but spiritually to himself . What in opposition to the King about his own Rights ? which were so plain in this case at Northampton , that the Bishop of Chichester charged him both with Perjury and Treason , because these things related to the Kings temporal Honour and Dignity ; and therefore the Bishops were not bound to obey their Archbishop . The Pope applauds Becket for what he had done , and nulls the sentence against him , which was still taking more upon him the exercise of a Temporal Power over the King. But Fitz Stephen , who saith he was present at Northampton with Becket , saith , that when the Bishop of Chichester charged him with his Oath at Clarendon , he replyed , that what was against the Faith of the Church , and the Law of God , could not lawfully be kept ; now these customs were never supposed to be against the Faith of the Church till Gregory the seventh had very subtilly found out the Henrician heresie , i. e. the heresie of Princes defending their own Rights against the Papal Usurpations : and he particularly insisted on this , that the Pope had condemned those Customs , and he adds , that we ought to receive what the Roman Church receives ( for he knew no difference between the C●urt and Church of Rome ) and to reject what that rejects : and concludes all with this , that his Oath at Clarendon was an unlawful Oath , and could not bind him . But what pretence were there for this , if he had only contended for the antient Municipal Laws ? what unlawfulness could there be in swearing to observe the Kings Laws , although different from former Laws ? So that the only way to excuse him from manifest perjury , is to suppose , that he looked on the Customs of Clarendon as repugnant to the Popes Decrees , and therefore not to be kept by him : and the Pope tells him , that God had reserved him to this time of tryal for the confirmation of Catholick and Christian Truth ; in which it must be implyed , that which Becket defended against the King , was a part of the Catholick Faith , in the Popes judgement . In his Epistle to Robert Earl of Leicester he pleads for the Liberty of the Church , which Christ hath purchased with his blood ; who then , saith he , dares bring her into slavery ? who art thou that judgest another mans servant , to his own Master he ought to stand or fall ? And all that he adviseth to for making up the breach , is their repentance and satisfaction for the injuries done to Christ and his Church ▪ And whereas the Bishop of London had told him , that the King was willing to submit to the judgement of his Kingdom about his antient Rights ; Becket replyes , Who is there in Earth or Heaven that dares judge of what God hath determined ? humane things may be judged , but divine must be left as they are . In his Epistle to all the Clergie of England , he saith , that at Northampton Christ was judged again in his person before the Tribunal of Pilat ( for him he understands by the name of President ) . In his Epistle to the King , he pleads , that the Liberty of the Church , ( which he contended for ) was purchased by Christs own blood ; and adds farther , to the very hearts desire of Gregory the seventh , that it was certain that Kings did receive their power from the Church , and not the Church from them , but only from Christ : from whence he infers , that the King could not draw Clergie-men to secular Tribunals , or establish the Customs in dispute between them . I do not say as Hoveden doth , that these words were spoken in a Conference at Chinun , for they are a part of the Epistle sent to the King , not long after his banishment ; and written in justification of his opposition to the Rights which the King challenged . Therefore I desire to know what the●e words can signifie to his purpose , unless they do imply such a derivation of Civil Power from the Church , that the Church may take cognizance of male-administration , or of the Civil Authorities taking to it self any of the priviledges belonging to the Church ? For if all this related only to the Ceremonies of Coronation , it were to no more purpose than for an Archbishop of Canterbury to plead now , that the Kings power is derived from the Church , because the ceremony of inauguration is performed by him . Who would not smile at such a consequence ? But we know that the Popes temporal Power over Princes was never more asserted than in that Age , that Alexander the third at that time challenged and exercised it over the Emperour and other Princes , and that no man was more stiff in the Popes Cause , nor more eager for the exercise of his Power over our King than Becket was , and his actions discovered this to be his opinion , why then should men study to find evasions for these words which neither agree with the course of his actions , nor with the doctrine of that Age ? Doth not Becket himself magnifie the Popes power to the greatest height ? In his Epistle to the Bish●p of London , he saith , that none but an Insidel or Heretick , or Schismatick dares dispute obedience to the Popes commands ; that no one under the Sun can pluck out of his hands . And in one of his Epistles to the Pope , he makes very profane addresses to him , applying what the Scripture saith only of God and Christ , to him . Exurge Domine , & noli tardare super nos : ill●mina faciem tuam super nos , & fac nobiscum secundum misericordiam tuam . Salva nos quia perimus : and immediately adds , let not our adversaries triumph over us ; yea , the adversaries of Christ and his Church ; quia nomen tuum invocavimus super nos . And lest any should think these were addresses to God , although contained in a Letter to the Pope ; it follows , Non nobis Domine , non nobis , sed in nomine Domini nostri Iesu Christi fac tibi grande nomen , repara gloriam tuam . For at this time the Kings Ambassadors promised themselves great things in the Court of Rome , and boasted of the Favour they had , which put Becket into such a Consternation , that in the very Agony of his Soul he poured out these prayers to the Pope . And we may judge of Beckets opinion in this matter , by that of his great Friend Cardinal Gratianus , for when the King saw himself deluded by the Pope , he expressed his resentment in some threatning words , upon which the Cardinal said , Sir do not threaten , we fear no threatnings ; for we are of that Court , which hath been wont to command Emperours and Kings . And because Becket suspected the Cardinal of Pavia a former Legat , to be too favourable to the King , he begins his Letters to him , with wishing him Health , and Courage against the insolence of Princes : and saith , that the Church gained her strength by opposition to Princes . We have no reason therefore to question Beckets meaning in the former expression , to be according to the sense of Greg. 7. it being not only most agreeable to the natural sense of the words , but to the course of his actions , and nature of his quarrel , and his expressions at other times . In another of his Epistles to the King he complains , that in his Kingdom , the daughter of Sion was held captive , and the Spouse of the great King was oppressed , and beseeches him to set her free , and to suffer her to reign together with her Spouse : otherwise he saith , the most Mighty would come with a strong hand to deliver her : ( as one of his Friends writ to him , that the Church could not have peace but with a strong hand and stretched out arm . ) Again , he tells the King , that his Royal Power ought not to intermeddle with the Churches Liberties , for Priests ought only to judge Priests , and that the Secular Power had nothing to do to punish them , if they did not offend against faith . It seems then in case of heresie only the Secular Arm is to be called in for help : and is not this very agreeable to Becket's principle that Kings receive their power from the Church ? for their assistance is only to be u●ed for their own interests , but by no means in case of Treason , or Murder , or any other Crimes ; but if Princes have an inherent Right or Power in themselves , methinks they might be allowed to take care of their own and publick safety against all offenders . It is the office , saith he , of a good and Religious Prince , to repair old and decayed Churches , and to build new ones , ( it seems the King was only to be Surveyor General , ) and to h●nour the Priests and to defend them with all Reverence . But that they had nothing to do with the judgement of them , he endeavours to prove after his fashion ; and he makes use of the very same arguments the Popes had done before in his Grandfathers time ; and almost in the same words ; about the relations of Fathers and Children , Masters and Scholars , and the power of binding and loosing . Nay , he doth not let go , Qui vos odit me odit ; qui vos tangit , tangit pupillam 〈…〉 : which were Gregory 7's beloved places , and served him upon all occasions . And then after his exact method , he thunders out the examples of Saul , Ozias , Ahaz and Uzza ; and again saith , that Secular Powers have nothing to do in the affairs of the Church ; but that if they be faithful , God would have them be subject to the Priests of his Church : and yet further , Christian Kings ought to submit their acts to the Governours of the Church , and not set them above them : for it is written , none but the Church ought to judge of Priests ; and no human Laws ought to pass sentence upon such ; and that Princes ought to submit to the Bishops and not to sit as Iudges over them . Which he thinks he cannot repeat too often ; And after all uses the very same argument to Henry 2. which Gregory 7. had done to William the Conquerour , That Princes ought to be subject to the Priests , because they are to give an account of them to God : and therefore he ought to understand , that Princes are to be governed by them ; and not they brought to the Wills of Princes : for , saith he , some of the Popes have excommunicated Kings , and some Emperours . I do not think that ever the Hildebrandine doctrine ( as some call it ) was delivered in plainer terms , and pleaded for by more arguments ( such as they were ) than by Becket and his party , as appears by the Whole Volume of Epistles relating to his quarrel , out of which I have selected these passages . It would be endless to reckon up all the places , wherein they declare it was the Cause of God and his Church which they defended ; that however ancient the Customs were , they ought not to be observed , because contrary to Gods Law ; that they were not only unlawful but heretical pravities , that those who defended them were Henricians and not Christians ; that they were Balaamites , Aegyptians , Samaritans , nay Satanites , and what not ? and that themselves were the poor of Christ , and the persecuted ones , and such as waited for the Kingdom of God. And if these things will not satisfie men , that the Controversie between Henry the second and Becket was not about ancient Municipal Laws , but about the Gregorian principles of Ecclesiastical and Civil Government , I know not what can ever do it . § . 15. But it is still pleaded on his behalf , ( or rather on their own who allow him to be a Saint and a Martyr , and yet deny the Gregorian principles ) that those principles were not the immediate motive of his death ; but only his refusal of giving absolution from Ecclesiastical censures , ( but upon a certain condition ) to some Bishops after the King was reconciled to him . It is no doubt a great piece of subtilty to find out another cause of his death than he thought of himself ; for he declared , that he dyed for God , and Iustice , and the ▪ Liberty of the Church ; i. e. in prosecution of the same cause , which he had undertaken from the beginning . For Becket knew well enough there never was a perfect reconciliation between the King and him ; and that only the necessity of his affairs , and the fears of being served as the Emperour was by the Pope , i. e. deprived of his Kingdom by excommunication , ( which Becket pressed with the greatest vehemency ) and the jealousie he had of the rest of the Bishops , several of whom kept great correspondency now with Becket , and the favour of the People to his cause , forced the King to those shews of reconciliation ; for that they were no more on either side , is manifest by this , that the main Controversie was not taken notice of about the ancient customs ; each party hoping for better circumstances : afterwards all that the King consented to , was laying aside any personal displeasure against Becket , for what was passed , and allowing him freely to return to his Church in expectation of a better behaviour towards him for the future . All which appears from Beckets own Letters to the Pope , upon and after this reconciliation ; for , he saith expresly , the Customs were not once mentioned between them , and that the apprehensions of the Popes interdict and Fredericks condition was that which moved him to this reconciliation . The King indeed failed in no point of complement to the Archbishop , as he very punctually tells the Pope , how he saluted him at first bare-headed and ran into his embraces , how he bare his rebukes patiently , and held his Stirrup at his getting upon his Horse , ( if he had but trampled on the Kings Neck too , he had been equal to the Pope himself , and it might have raised some jealou●ie between them ) . But for all this reconciliation , Becket , supposing himself the Conquerour , resolved not to abate one jot of his rigour against those who had sworn to the ancient Customs ; and therefore procures power from the Pope to excommunicate the Bishops that had done it , and to return to their excommunication those already absolved , and to absolve none without taking an oath , to stand to the Popes command . This the Kings Officers upon his return into England told him was against the Customs of the Realm ; but they promised , they should take an oath to obey the Law , salvo honore Regni : Becket at first said , it was not in his Power to rescind the Popes sentence ; which he knew to be false ; for the Pope had given him power to do it ; and he immediately adds , that he could absolve the Bishops of London and Salisbury if they took the common oath which was in the Cotton M S. se juri parituros , but it is interlined se vestro mandato parituros , as the Vatican Copy in Baronius hath it . But the Archbishop of York told the other Bishops , that the taking such an oath , without the Kings consent , was against the Kings Honour , and the Customs of the Realm . And it is observeable , that the same time , he was so zealous for the Bishops taking this oath to the Pope , he peremptorily refused suffering those of his retinue though required to do it by the Kings Officers , to take an oath of Allegiance to the King , to stand by him against all persons , nec vos excipientes nec alium , saith he to the Pope , neither excepting you , nor any other ; as the Cotton M S. hath it very plainly , but Baronius hath Printed it Nos , whether agreeably to the Vatican M S. I know not , but I am sure not to Beckets sense ; for he gives this reason of his refusing it , lest by that example the Clergy of the Kingdom should be drawn to such an oath ; which would be much to the prejudice of the Apostolical See ; for by this means the Popes Authority would be discarded or very much abated in England . Judge now , Reader , whether Becket did not remain firm to the Gregorian principles to the last ? and whether the immediate motive of his death did not arise from them ? for upon the oath required of the Bishops , they with the Archbishop of York went over to the King in Normandy , upon the hearing of which complaint the King spake those hasty words , from whence those four Persons took the occasion to go over to Canterbury , and there after expostulations about this matter , they did most inhumanely Butcher him as he was going to Vespers in the Church : upon which Ioh. Sarisburiensis , who was his Secretary and present at his murder , saith , that he dyed an Assertor of the Churches Liberty , and for defending the Law of God , against the abuses of ancient Tyrants . But what need we mention his judgement , when the Pope in his Bull of Canonization , and the Roman Church in his Office do say that he dyed for the Cause of Christ ? And what can be more plain from hence , than that to this day , all those who acknowledge him to be a Saint and a Mart●r , cannot with any consistency to themselves reject those principles for which he suffered ; any more than they can reasonably be supposed to reject the Republican principles , who cry up the Regicides for Saints and Martyrs ? But this is a subject lately undertaken by another hand , and therefore I forbear any farther prosecution of it . § . 16. After Beckets death the Royal Power lost ground considerably ; for to avoid the interdict and excommunication threatned the Kingdom , the King by his Ambassadours , and the Bishops by their messengers , did swear in the Court of Rome , that they would stand to the Popes judgement ; for among the terms of the Kings reconciliation by the Popes Legats , this was one of the chief : that he should utterly disclaim the wicked Statutes of Clarendon , and all the evil customs , which in his dayes were brought into the Church : and if there were any evil before , they should be moderated according to the Popes command , and by the advice of Religious Persons . Thus after so many years contest were the Rights of the Crown and the Customs of his predecessours given up by this great Prince ; so true was that saying of Becket , that their Church had thriven by opposition to Princes . And if Petrus Blesensis may be believed , this King stooped so low ▪ upon the Rebellion of his Son , as to acknowledge his Kingdom to be Feudatary to the Pope . The Authority of which Epistle is made use of not only by Baronius , but by Bellarmin and others , to prove , that the King of England is Feudatary to the Pope , or that he holds his Crown of him upon paying certain acknowledgments ; which it is hardly possible to conceive a Prince that understood and valued his own Rights so well as Henry the second did , should ever be brought so low to confess , without the least ground for it . For when it was challenged by Gregory the seventh , it was utterly denyed by William the Conquerour , and never that we find so much as challenged afterwards of any lawful Prince , by way of Fee before his time , but only in regard of the Popes temporal Power over all Princes . Although a late French Monk who published Lanfranc's Epistles , wonders it should be denyed because of the Tribute anciently paid to Rome , viz. of the Peter-pence , which were not so called because paid to S. Peters pretended Successours , but because payable on S. Peters day , as appears by the Law of Canutus to that Purpose ; and were only Eleemosynary for the sustenance of poor Scholars at Rome , as the late publisher of Petrus Blesensis confesses : who withal adds that Henry the second denyed their payment , but was perswaded to it again by Petrus Blesensis ; and him he acknowledges to have been the Writer of the foregoing Epistle . And we must consider that he was alwayes a secret Friend of Becket and his Cause in the whole quarrel , and being imployed by the King in his straits to write to the Pope to excommunicate his Son , he knowing very well the prevalent arguments in the Court of Rome might strain a complement in the behalf of his Master to the Pope , for which he had little cause to thank him ; although it may be , Petrus Blesensis expressed his own mind , whether it were the Kings or no. And we have no ground that I can find , to imagin this to have been the Kings mind in the least ; for upon his submission a Clause was inse●ted , that he was no longer to own the Pope , than the Pope treated him as a Christian and Catholick King ; and as the Popes predecessours had done ●is . And after the writing of that Letter and the reconciliation with his Son , Radulphus de Diceto , Dean of S. Pauls about that time , hath an Authentick Epistle of Henry the second to the Pope , wherein he acknowledges no more than the common observance which was usual with all Princes in that Age , whereas Feudatary Princes write after another Form. So that I cannot but think it to be a meer complement of Petrus Blesensis without the Kings knowledge , or else a Clause inserted since his time , by those who knew where to put in convenient passages for the advantage of the Roman See. It is said by some , that Henry the second A. D. 1176. did revive the Statutes of Clarendon which the Pope and Becket opposed so much , in the Parliament called at Northampton . It is true that Gervase of Canterbury doth say , that the King did renew the Assise of Clarendon , for whose execrable Statutes Becket suffered ; but he doth not say , that he renewed those Statutes ; but others which are particularly enumerated by Hoveden , upon the distributing t●e Kingdom into six Circuits , and appointing the itinerant Judges , who were made to swear that they would keep themselves , and make others to observe the following Assises , ( as the Statutes were then called : ) but they all concerned matters of Law and Civil Iustice , without any mention of the other famous Statutes about Ecclesiastical matters . Whereas at the same time it is said that King Henry the second granted to the Popes Legat , though against the advice of his great and Wise men , that Clergy-men should not be summon'd before Secular Tribunals , but only in case of the Kings Forest , and of Lay-fees ; which is directly contrary to the Statute of Clarendon : but some men love to heap things together , without well considering how they agree with each other ; and so make the King in the same page to null and establish the same Statutes . But it is observable , that after all this contest about the exemption of Clergy-men , and the Kings readiness to yield it , they were made weary of it at last themselves ; for as Richard ( Beckets successour in the See of Canterbury ) saith , in his Letter to the three Bishops , that were then three of the Kings Iustices , the killing of a Clergy-man was more remisly punished , than the stealing of a Sheep : and therefore the Archbishop perswades them , to call in the Secular Arm against Ecclesiastical Malefactors . And now in his opinion the Canons and Councils are all for it , and Beckets arguments are slighted ; and no regard had to the Cause he suffered for , when he found what mischief this impunity brought upon themselves . But for this giving up their Liberties , the Monks revenge themselves on the memory of this Archbishop ; as one that yielded up those blessed priviledges which Becket had purchased with his blood . Notwithstanding the sufferings the King had undergone by his opposing the Ecclesiastical encroachments , we may see what apprehension after all he had of the declension of his own power , and the miserable condition the Church was in by those priviledges they had obtained , by that notable discourse which Gervase of Canterbury relates the King had with the Bishops in the time of Baldwin Archbishop of Canterbury ; wherein with tears he tells them , that he was a miserable man , and no King ; or if a King , he ha● only the name and not the power of a King : that the Kingdom of England was once a rich and glorious Kingdom , but now a very small share of it was left to his Government . And then gives a sad account of the strange degeneracy both of the Monks and Clergy ; and what , saith he , in the day of judgement shall we say to these things ? Besides , Those of Rome see our Weakness and domineer over us , they sell their Letters to us , they do not seek justice but contentions , they multiply appeals , and draw suits to Rome , and when they look only after Money , they confound Truth and overthrow peace . What shall we say to these things ? how shall we answer them at Gods dreadful Iudgement ? Go and advise together about some effectual course to prevent these enormities . Was this spoken like a Feudatary of the Popes ? and not rather like a wi●e and pious Prince , who not only saw the miseries that came upon the Kingdom and Church by these encroachments of Ecclesiastical Power , but was yet willing to do his best to redress them , if the great Clergy would have concurred with him in it : who were a little moved for the present with the Kings Tears and pathetical speech , but the impression did soon wear off from their minds ; and things grew worse and worse , by the daily increase of the Papal Tyranny . And when this great Prince was very near his end , some of the Monks of Canterbury were sent over to him , who had been extreamly ●roublesome to himself and the Kingdom , as well as to the Archbishop by their continual Appeals to the Court of Rome ; and they told the King , the Convent of Canterbury saluted him as their Lord ; I have been , said the King , and am and will be Your Lord , Ye wicked Traytors ; Upon which one of the Monks very loyally cursed him , and he dyed , saith Gervase , within seven dayes . § . 17. Having thus far shewed that the Controversie between the Ecclesiastical and Civil Power , was accounted a Cause of Religion by the managers of the Ecclesiastical Power , and that so far , that the great Defender of it is to this day accounted a Saint and a Martyr , for suffering in it , I now come to shew that the ancient panal Laws were made against that very Cause which Becket suffered for . After the death of Henry the second , Beckets Cause triumphed much more than it had done before ; for in the time of Richard the first , the great affairs of the Nation were managed by the Popes Legats during the Kings absence , and after his return scarce any opposition was made to the Popes Bulls , which came over very frequently ; ( unless it were against one about the Canons of Lambeth , wherein the King and Archbishop were forced to submit ) no hindrance made to Appeals ; and even in Normandy the Ecclesiastical Power got the better after long contests , In the latter end of Richard the first the Pope began to take upon him the disposal of the best Ecclesiastical preferments in England , either by translation , or Provision , or Collation ; which , Fitz Stephen saith that Henry 2. told those about him , ( after the four Courti●rs were gone for England to murder Becket ) was the design Becket intended to carry on , viz. to take away all Right of Patronage from the King and all Lay-Persons , and so bring the gift of all Church-preferments to the Pope , or others under him . Upon the agreement of King Iohn with the Popes Legat he renounced all right of Patronage , and gave it to the Pope ; but it is no wonder in him , who so meekly resigned his Crown to the Popes Legat , and did swear homage to the Pope , declaring that he held the Kingdom in Fee from him upon the annual payment of a thousand Marks . And I desire it may be observed that the Oath of Fealty extant in Matthew Paris . and the Records of the Tower , and the Vatican Register , which King Iohn made to the Pope , hath no other expressions in it , than are contained in the Oath which all the Popish Bishops now take at their consecration , only with the variation of necessary circumstances . And although Sr. Tho. Moor once denyed any such thing as King Iohns Resignation of his Crown , yet the matter is now past all dispute by the concurrence of the Records of the Tower , and the Vatican Register , and the Authentick Bull of the Pope , and the Epistles of Innocent the third , published out of MS. by Bosquet now a Bishop in France ; wherein , the devout Pope attributes thus resignation of his Crown to no less than the inspiration of the Holy Ghost : and saith , the Kingdom of England was then become a Royal Priesthood : and in another Bull he accepts of the Resignation , and declares that whereas before these Provinces were subject to the Roman Church in Spirituals , they were now become subject in Temporals too : and from hence he requires an Oath of Fealty from himself , and all his Successors , and charges all persons under severe penalties not to dare to infringe this Charter . And although the Parliament , 40 Edw. 3. did deny the payment of the Popes Tribute upon the invalidity of King John ' s Charter , not being done by the consent of the Barons ( as the Pope said it was ) yet we are to consider what Gregory the seventh said to the Princes of Spain , that a Kingdom once belonging to the See of Rome can never be alienated from it , but although the Use be discontinued , yet the Right still continues : so that although the thing be never so much null and vain in it self , yet it still serves for pretence to usurp the same temporal Power over our Princes , when opportunity serves them . And it is certain that Henry the third did swear homage and Fealty to the Pope at his Coronation , and promised to pay the tribute ; which was performed several times in his Reign , till the King and People protested against it in the Council of Lyons , as a grievance of the Kingdom , which was extorted by the Roman Court unjustly in a time of War , and to which the Nobles had never consented , and never would . But whatever opinion the Nobles were of , the Pope had the Bishops sure to him , for upon his Message to them they all set their hands to King John ' s Charter of Resignation ; which highly provoked the King , and made him swear that he would stand for the Liberty of the Kingdom , and never pay the Tribute more while he breathed . In the same Council the English complained , that infinite numbers of Italians were beneficed among them , that more money went out of England every year into Italy than the Kings Revenues came to , that the Popes Legats grew more intolerable , and by reservations , and Provisions , and one trick or other , the Patrons were defrauded of their Right , and the Clergy impoverished by unreasonable pensions ; and whoever would not presently submit , his Soul was immediately put into the Devils Custody by Excommunication . Notwithstanding all these complaints , the Pope goes on in the same way with them , and resolved to try how much the Asses back would bear without kicking : the English Ambassadours go away highly incensed from the Council , and resolved to defend their own rights : but they yet wanted a Prince of Spirit enough to head them . Before this time the insolence of the Roman Clergy was grown so intolerable to the Nation , that the Nobility and Commonalty joyned together in a resolution to free themselves from this Yoke , and threated the Bishops to burn their goods if they went about to defend them ; they sent abroad their Letters to several places , with a Seal with two swords , between which were written Ecce duo gladii hic , in abuse of the Roman Court ; and it seems they destroyed the goods of several Roman Clergy-men ; but Matt. Paris saith , they were all excommunicated by the Bishop of London and ten Bishops more : although Matt. Mestminster saith , the Bishop of London was cited to Rome , for favouring them , and having his Purse well emptied was sent home again . It seems the Pope was so nettled at the Remonstrance of the English Nobility at the Council of Lyons , that he entred into a secret consultation with the King of France either to depose the King of England , or to bring him wholly to his will , so that neither he nor his people should so much as dare to mutter against the oppressions of the Roman Court : and the Pope offered the utmost assistance of his Power for it , but the King of France declined the employment . However the Pope goes on with his work and grants a Bull for raising ten thousand Marks out of vacant Benefices in the Province of Canterbury , which so incensed the King , that he made at Proclamation , that whosoever brought Bulls of Provision from Rome should be taken and imprisoned ; but this did little good ▪ saith Matth. Paris , because of the uncertain humour of the King. The same year a Parliament was called about the intolerable grievances of the Roman Court , in which many of the Bishops favoured the Popes party : but at the Parliaments meeting at Winchester , the Ambassadors were returned from the Pope , who gave a lamentable account of their Ambassy , viz. that instead of any redress , the Pope told them the King of England kicks and playes the Frederick ( whom he had deposed from the Empire in the Council , of Lyons ) he hath his Council , and I have mine , which I will follow ; and withal they say , they were scorned and despised as a company of Schismaticks for daring to complain . Upon this the King issues out another Proclamation , that no money should be sent out of England to the Pope . At which the Pope was so enraged , that he sent a severe Message to the Bishops of England under pain of excommunication and suspension , to see his Money punctually paid to his Nuntio by such a day in London ; and the King by the perswasion of the Bishop of Worcester and some others , fairly yields , and gives up the Cause to the Pope . After this the Pope sends for a third part of the profits of all Benefices from Residents , and half from Non-residents , with an Italian Gentleman called Non obstante , that had almost undone the Nation : the Clergie meet at London about it , and make a grievous Remonstrance of their sad condition ; declaring , that the whole Kingdom could not satisfie the Popes demands ; but it seems , the Bishops brought the inferiour Clergie to it against the consent of the King and Parliament . The next year the Parliament made another Remonstrance of the grievances of the Clergie and People of England , which they sent to the Pope and Cardinals ; wherein they declare , that it was impossible for them to bear the burdens laid upon them ; that the Kings necessities could not be supplyed , nor the Kingdom preserved if such payments were made ; that the goods of all the Clergie of England would not make up the summ demanded : but all the effect of this was only a promise , that for the future the Kings leave should be desired ; which , saith Matthew Paris , came to as much as nothing . By which we may judge of the miserable condition of this Nation under the intolerable Usurpations of the Court of Rome . § . 18. After so long tryal of the Court of Rome , by Embassies , Remonstrances , and all fair wayes , and no success at all by them , at last they resolved upon making severe Laws ( the last Reason of Parliaments ) and to see what effect this would have upon the Clergie for the recovering the antient Rights of the Crown . For , we are to consider , that the Controversie still was carryed on under the same pretence of the Ecclesiastical and Civil Power ; and it is a foo●ish thing to judge of the sense of the Ruling Clergie at that time by the Acts of Parliament and Statutes of Provisors and Praemunire . For by this time , the Pope had them in such firm dependence upon him , and they were fed by such continual hopes from the Court of Rome , that they were very hardly brought to consent to any restraints of the Papal Power ; and in the Parliament 13 Rich. 2. The Archbishops of Canterbury and York for them and the whole Clergie of their Provinces made their solemn Protestation in open Parliament that they in no wise meant , or would assent to any Statute or Law made in restraint of the Popes Authority , but utterly withstood the same ; the which their Protestations at their requests were enrolled ; as that Learned Antiquary Sr. Robert Cotton hath shewed out of the Records of the Tower. By which we see the whole Body of the Clergie , were for the most exorbitant Power of the Pope , and would not consent to any Statutes made against it : So that what Reformation was made in these matters was Parliamentary even in that time , and I do not question , but the Friends to the Papal interest made the very same objections then against those Poenal Statutes of Provisors and Praemunire , that others since have done against the Laws made since the Reformation . And all that were sincere for the Court of Rome did as much believe it to be meer Usurpation in the Parliament , to make any Laws in these matters ; For was the King Head of the Church ? might he not as well administer Sa●raments , as make Laws in deregation of the Popes Authority and Iurisdiction ? What was this , but to make a Parliamentary Religion , to own the Popes Sovereign Power no farther than they thought fit ? If any thing were amiss , they ought humbly to represent it to his Holiness , and to wait his time for the Reforming abuses ; and not upon their own Heads , and without so much as the consent of their Clergie to make Laws about the restraint of that Power which Christ hath set up in his Church . How can this be done without judging what the Pope hath done to be amiss ? and who dares say , that his Holiness can so much err , as to aim at nothing but his own profits , without any regard to the good of the Church ? What! are they not all members , and will they dare take upon them to judge their Head ? What! Sons rise up against their Father , and Secular men take upon them to condemn the things which Christs Vicar upon earth allows ? What! and after all the Sufferings and Martyrdom of S. Thomas of Canterbury , that ever we should live to see a Parliament of England make Laws against that good Old Cause , for which he dyed ? This is but to increase the number of Confessors and Martyrs , as all those will be , who suffer by these Laws . For do they not plainly suffer for Conscience and Religion , although the Parliament may call it Treason ? What an honour it is rather to suffer than to betray the Churches Liberty for which Christ dyed ? or to disobey the Head of the Church who commands those things which the Parliament forbids ? And must we not obey God rather than men ? After this manner we may reasonably suppose the Roman Clergie and their adherents at that time to have argued : but it is well Mr. Cressy at least allows these Stasutes of Provisors and Praemunire , and boasts of the Loyalty of those Ancestors that made them : but I fear he hath not well considered the occasions and circumstances of them , and what opposition the Papal Clergie made against them , or else I should think he could not afterwards have declaimed so much against the injustice and cruelty of our Poenal Laws . But even those antient Statutes were passed with so much difficulty , and executed with so little care , that they by no means proved a sufficient salve for the sore they were intended for , as will appear by this true account of them . § . 19. In the time of Edward the first , who was a Prince both wise and resolute ; the grievances of the Kingdom , ( by his connivance at the Papal encroachments for a long time , ) grew to that height , that some effectual course was necessary to recover the antient Rights of the Crown , which had now been so long buried , that they were almost forgotten ; but an occasion happened which for the time throughly awaked him to a consideration of them . Bonif. 8. out of a desire still to advance Ecclesiastical Liberty , had made a Constitution , strictly forbidding any Clergie-man paying any Taxes whatsoever to Princes , without the Popes consent ; and both the payers and receivers were to fall under excommunication ipso facto not to be taken off without immediate Authority from the Court of Rome , unless it were at the point of death . Not long after this , the King demands a supply in Parliament , the Clergie unanimously refuse on account of the Popes Bull , the King bids them advise better , and return a satisfactory Answer ; at the time appointed Winchelsea then Archbishop of Canterbury , in the name of the whole Clergie declares , That they owed more obedience to the Pope than to the King , he being their Spiritual , and the King only a Temporal Soveraign ; but to give satisfaction to both , they desire leave to send to the Pope . At which saucy answer the King was so much provoked , that he put the whole Clergie out of his Protection , and seized upon their Lands ; for which an Act of Parliament was made to that purpose saith Thorn. And although many of the Clergie submitted and bought their peace at dear rates , yet Winchelsea stood it out , ready , saith Knighton , to dye for the Church of Christ : which if he had done , there might have been a S. Robert as good a Martyr , as S. Thomas of Canterbury : For our Historians say , this Constitution of the Pope was procured by Winchelsea's means ; and he caused it to be pulished in all Cathedral Churches . After this , the King sends a prohibition to the Bishops , against doing any thing to the prejudice of himself or his Ministers : and another , against all excommunications of those who should execute this Law ; and herein he declares , that the doing such a thing would be a notorious injury , to his Crown and Dignity a great scandal to the people , the destruction of the Church , and it may be the subversion of the whole Kingdom ; and therefore he charges them by vertue of their Allegiance , that they should forbear doing it . At the same time he issued out Writs for apprehending and imprisoning all such persons as should presume to excommunicate any of his Subjects on the accont of this Bull of Pope Boniface : and our Learned Lawyers mention out of their Books , a Person condemned for Treason in this Kings time for bringing a Bull of excommunication against one of the Kings subjects ; but although they do not mention the time , it seems most probable to have been upon this occasion . Parsons laughs at Sr. Edw. Cook for saying , this was Treason by the antient Comm●n Law , before any Statutes were made ; but it doth sufficiently appear by the foregoing Discourse , that this was looked on as one of the antient Rights of the Crown , that no forreign Authority should exercise any jurisdiction here without the Kings consent . Besides , this King revived another of the antient Customs , forbidding all Persons of the Clergie or La●ty to go out of the Kingdom without his leave , and so stopt the freedom of Appeals to the Pope ; and by the Statute of Carlisle , 35 Edw. ● . All Religious Houses were forbidden sending any Moneyes over to those of their Order beyond Sea , although required to do it by those Superiours whom they thought themselves bound in conscience to obey : And it appears by the Statute of Provisors 25 Edw. 3. that the first Statute of this kind was made in this Kings time , at the Parliament at Carlisle ; notwithstanding that the Pope challenged the liberty of Provisions as a part of the plenitude of his Power . But although this Statute were then made , yet it had the fortune of many good Laws , not to be executed : and therefore in Edward the thirds time the Commons earnestly pressed for the revival of it 17 Edw. 3. upon which they sent for the Statute of Carlisle ; and then , sayes the Record , the Act of Provision was made by the common consent , forbidding the bringing of Bulls or such trinkets from the Court of Rome ; and in the next Parliament it was enacted , that whosoever should by process in the Court of Rome seek to reverse judgement given in the Kings Courts , that he should be taken and brought to answer , and upon conviction to be banished the Realm , or be under perpetual imprisonment , or if not found , to be out-lawed . But notwithstanding these Laws , the Commons 21 Edw. 3. complain still , that Provisions went on in despight of the King : and judgements were reversed by Process in the Court of Rome ; and therefore they pray that judgement may be executed upon delinquents ; and this matter brought into a perpetual Statute , as had been often desired : the King grants their desire , and the Commons bring in a Bill to that purpose , extant in the Records : but the Statute of Provisors did not pass till 25 Edw. 3. which is the common Statute in the printed Books : yet soon after , we find that the Commons pray for the execution of it ; and the Kings answer was , that he would have it new read and amended : then 27 Edw. 3. passed that other Statute of Praemunire , against Appeals in Civil Causes to the Court of Rome ; which we have seen Becket made a considerable part of the Churches Liberty which Christ had purchased , and practised it himself at Northampton , appealing from King and his Parliament to the Pope in a meer Civil Cause of Accompts between the King and him . Yet after all these Statutes 38 Edw. 3. a Re-enforcement of them was thought necessary in another Statute made that year against Citations to Rome , and Provisions ; wherein are grievous complaints , that the good antient Laws were still impeached , blemished and confounded , the Crown of our Lord the King abated , and his person very hardly and falsly defamed , the treasure and riches of the Kingdom carryed away , the inhabitants and subjects of the Realm impoverished and troubled , the Benefices of the Church wasted and destroyed , Divine Services , Hospitalities , Alms deeds , and other Works of Charity withdrawn and set apart , the Great men , Commons and Subjects of the Realm in body and goods damnified : And yet Sr. R. C. saith , that in the Record are more biting words ▪ a Mysterie , he saith , not to be known of all men . In 40 Edw. 3. It was declared in Parliament by common consent , that if the Pope should attempt any thing , against the King by process , or other matters in deed , that the King with all his Subjects should with all their force and power resist the same . Yet still so deep rooting had the Popes power gotten in this Nation , that 47 Edw. 3. The Commons beg remedy still against the Popes provisions , and complain that the Treasure of the Realm was carryed away , which they cannot bear ; and 50 Edw. 3. A long Bill was brought in against the Popes Usurpations , as being the Cause of all the Plagues , injuries , famine and poverty of the Realm ; and there they complain , notwithstanding all former Laws , that the Popes Collector kept his Court in London as it were one of the Kings Courts , transporting yearly to the Pope twenty thousand Marks , and commonly more : and that Cardinals and other Aliens by reason of their preferments here have sent over yearly twenty thousand Marks ; and that the Pope to ransom the Kings enemies did at his pleasure levy a Subsidy of the Clergie of England ; and that to advance his gain he did commonly make translations of Bishopricks and other Dignities within the Realm ; and therefore again the Commons pray the Statutes against Provisors may be renewed : which they repeated 51 Edw. 3. but all the answer they cou●d get was , that the Pope and promised redress , the which if he do not , the Laws therein shall stand : but upon another Petition , promise was made , that the Statutes should be observed . In 1 R. 2. the Commons are at it again upon the same complaints : and it is declared to be one Cause of calling the Parliament 3 R. 2. and an Act then passed , wherein as Sr. R. C. observes , the Print makes no mention of the Popes abuses , which the Record expresly sets down , and that the Pope had broken promise with Edward the third , and granted preferments in England to the Kings enemies . 7 R. 2. another Statute was made against Provisions , wherein the Print differs from the Record , as the same Person desires it may be noted . 11 R. 2. the Commons pray that those that bring in the Popes Bulls of Volumus and Imponimus may be reputed for Traytors . 13 R. 2. the Statute of Provisors was again confirmed , notwithstanding the Protestations of the Bishops in Parliament against any Statute made in restraint of the Popes Authority : and a Praemunire added against those that bring any sentence of excommunication against those that execute it . 15 R. 2. the Archbishop of York being Chancellor told the Parliament one of the Causes of calling them , was the restoring to the Pope what belonged to him about Provisions ; but in the same Parliament Sr. William Brian was sent to the Tower , for bringing a Bull from Rome against some that had robbed him , which Bull being read , was judged prejudicial to the King , his Council , and in derogation to his Laws . 16 R. 2. the Commons grant to the King , that by the advice of his Lords and Commons , he should have power to moderate the Statute of Provisions to the honour of God , saving the Rights of the Crown : so as the same be declared the next Parliament , to the end the Commons may then agree or no. In this Parliament happened an extraordinary thing , For William Courtny Archbishop of Canterbury made his Protestation in open Parliament , saying , That the Pope ought not to Excommunicate any Bishop , or intermeddle for , or touching any presentation to any Ecclesiastical dignity recovered in any of the Kings Courts ; He further protested , that the Pope ought to make no translations to any Bishoprick within the Realm against the Kings will : for that the same was the destruction of the Realm and Crown of England which hath alwayes been so free , as the same hath had none earthly Soveraign , but only subject to God in all things touching Regalities , and to none other ; the which his protestation he prayed might be entred . Then passed the famous Statute of Praemunire upon occasion of the Popes Bulls of excommunication coming into England against certain Bishops , who it seems at last , were brought to obey the Laws ; and that which the Archbishop of Canterbury protested was a part of the Statute , wherein the Commons not only declared their resolution to live and dye with the King in defence of the Liberties of the Crown against the Papal Usurpations ; but moreover they pray and in justice require that he would examin all the Lords as well Spiritual as Temporal severally , and all the States of the Parliament , how they think of the cases aforesaid , which be so openly against the Kings Crown , and in derogation of his Regality , and how they will stand in the same cases with our Lord the King in upholding the Rights of the said Crown and Regality . By which it appears that the Commons had a great suspicion of the Spiritual Lords ; And it seems they had reason , for the Temporal Lords declared frankly their concurrence with the Commons , and that the Cases mentioned were clearly in derogation of the Crown , as it is well known and hath been a long time known . Mr. Cressy would make us believe that all the Bishops present , and the Procurators of the absent unanimously assented ; but the very words of the Statute say the contrary ; for there it is added , that the Lords Spiritual did make their Protestation first , that it is not their mind to deny or affirm that the Bishop of Rome may not excommunicate Bishops , nor that he may make translation of Prelates after the Law of Holy Church : ( but it seems by the Records the Archbishop of Canterbury alone spoke plain to the sense of the Parliament , and entred his Protestation different from the rest . ) Neither do the● declare their assent to the freedom of the Crown of England from all earthly subjection ; and that it is immediately subject to God in all things touching the Regalities of the same , and not subject to the Pope ; ( which they touch not upon ) but only with several clauses of Reservation about processes , excommunications and translations , they declare in such and such cases , they are against the King and his Crown : and in these cases they would be with the King in maintaining of his Crown , and in all other cases touching his Crown and Regality , as they be bound by their liegeance ; which are words very ambiguous , and imply a secret reservation of salvo Ordine suo , & jure Ecclesiae , or with a salvo to the Oath they had taken to the Pope . But however the Act passed , and a praemunire by it lyes against all that procure or bring Bulls , or any other things whatsoever which touch the King against him his Crown and Regality or his Realm , By this Statute , the Parliament 1 H. 4. declared , that the Crown of England was freed from the Pope and all other foreign Power ; and it was one of the articl●s against Rich. 2. at his deposition , that notwithstanding the Statutes , he procured the P●pes excommunication on such as brake the last Parliament in derogation of the Crown , Statutes , and Laws of the Realm . And yet we find new Statutes of Provisors made 2 H. 4. c. 3 , 4. 6 H. 4. c. 57. 7 H. 4. c. 6 , 8. 9 H. 4. c. 8. In the 1 H. 5. it was again enacted that all Statutes made against Provisors from Rome should be observed . § . 20. By which we see that although the Parliament shewed a very good will towards the restraint of the Popes Usurpations , yet it all signified very little , as long as his Authority and Supremacy were acknowledged here ; for what did Laws signifie , when the Pope could null them by a Bull from Rome ? And it was in those days verily believed by those who did acknowledge the Popes Supremacy , and followed the Church-men in their opinions , that an Act of Parliament had no power at all upon conscience , if it were repugnant to the Laws of the Church , i. e. as they then thought , to the Popes decretals . And we need not wonder at that , after the Popes Decretals were digested into a Body of Canon Law , and that looked upon by all the hearty Friends to the Church of Rome , as the Rule of Conscience in what it determined . Which we need not at all to wonder at , since Petrus de Marca himself declares , That the Constitutions of Princes are in themselves null when they are repugnant to the Canons and received Decrees of Popes ; and that Bishops have alwayes abstained from the execution of them as much as they durst ; by which we see that Acts of Parliament were no certain indications of the judgement of the Church or the generality of the People in that time ; but notwithstanding all the Statutes , the good trade of Provisors went on still , and the Court of Rome never wanted Chapmen for their forbidden Wares . For many of our Bishops dying in the time of the Council of C●nstance ▪ Martin 5. assoon as he was well settled in his place , put in several Bishops by way of Provision at his own pleasure ; and nulled elections made by Chapters ; so that in two years time he put in thirteen Bishops in the Province of Canterbury in spight of all the Statutes of Provisors ; and made his Nephew Prosper Colonna Arch-Deacon of Canterbury at fourteen years of Age ; who afterwards had as many Benefices granted him in England as came to five hundred Marks . Besides , he granted Appropriations , Dispensations , &c. as he pleased , without regard to the English Nation . These things the English Ambassadours complained of in the Council of Constance , and at last the Pope came to an Agreement with them , which were called the Concordates between Martin 5 ▪ and the Church of England ; in which no manner of regard was had to the Statutes of Provisors although so often repeated , only some agreements were made between the Pope and the English Bishops , about Unions of Churches , the capacity of English Bishops for any Offices of the Roman Court , and such like . But other Ambassadours who came a little after these , pressed the matter somewhat harder upon the Pope , against Provisions and Aliens and the Kings Supplies out of the moneys raised for the Court of Rome ; the Pope giving them no favourable answer , they replyed , unless he did presently satisfie their demands , the King would make use of his own Right , because it was not necessity but respect that made them seek to him , and pray that they might enter this Protestation before the Cardinals by the Kings Command . At this same time the States of France renewed their Statutes against the Popes Usurpations ; and added , that they would not acknowledge him Pope till he consented to them ; and the Rector of the University of Paris was proceeded against as a Traytor for appealing from the Kings Edicts to the Pope . Notwithstanding all this , the same Pope sends his Nuncio into England to raise moneys ; who was called Ioh. Opizanus , but he was cast into Prison for his pains , for which the Pope expostulated very sharply with the Duke of Bedford about it , H. 5. being then dead . Archbishop Chi●hel● was in that time no friend to the Popes continual encroachments , upon which as appears by the Records , he was cited to Rome , and the Commons make it their request to the King , that he would write to the Pope on his behalf : but we are told by a considerable Lawyer , that the Archbishop of Canterbury and the rest of the Bishops offered the King a large supply , if he would consent that all the Laws against Provisors might be repealed : but it was rejected by Humphry Duke of Gloucester , who had lately cast the Popes Bull into the fire . This is certain that Card. Beaufort , then Bishop of Winchester , incurred the penalties of the Statutes of Provisors 10 H. 6. for which he was questioned in Parliament ; but at last , had his Pardon granted by the King , with the consent of all the Estates : By which we see , that not one of all the Papal encroachments was ever cut off by the severity of the Poenal Laws , as long as the Popes Supremacy was allowed ; for never any thing was more vigorously attempted , more frequently enacted , more severely threatned than this business of Provisors , yet in despight of all the Laws it continued still , as long as the Pope was allowed to have a Power above Laws , and that he could null , abrogate , or dispense with them as he pleased . And thus far I have given an impartial account of the ancient poenal Laws of England : The like to which have been made in France , Spain , Italy , Flanders and other parts of Europe , as might be easily proved if it were necessary ; but I forbear that , § . 21. And come to compare the ancient poenal Laws of our own Nation with the modern , as to the Reasons and Occasions of them , that by them we may judge whether those who allow the ancient Laws to be just , can have any ground to charge the present with injustice and Cruelty , which can be only on one of these two grounds . 1. Either that the Occasions of the present Laws were not so great . Or , 2. That the old Laws did not relate to the exercise of their Religion , as the latter do . I shall consider both of them . 1. For the occasions of the present poenal Laws , Mr. Cressy confesseth them to have been Treasons ; not consequentially only , when an act may be declared to be Treason which in it self is not so ; but such Treasons as all Mankind acknowledge to be such , viz. depriving Soveraign Princes of their Crown and Dignity , endeavouring by open Rebellions , and secret conspiracies to take away their Lives ; if these be not Treasons the●e are none such in the world . And that these were the Occasions of the present poenal Laws , I shall not produce the Testimony of the Lord Burleigh in his Book published on occasion of the poenal Laws , called , The Execution of Iustice in England , not for Religion but for Treason ; imprinted at London , A. D. 1583 ▪ but I shall make use of the Testimony of Persons less lyable to the exception of our Adversaries , viz. The Secular Priests , who printed their Important Considerations , A. D. 1601. wherein their whole design is to shew , that the poenal Laws , considering the many Treasons which were the occasions of them , were very just and merciful . For they acknowledge , 1. That the State of Catholicks was free from persecution the first ten years of Queen Elizabeth ; and that Parsons and Creswel confessed as much . 2. That themselves were the true Causes of the change that was made towards them ; by Pius 5. moving a Rebellion here by Ridolphi , exciting the King of Spain abroad to joyn his Forces , and denouncing a Bull of Excommunication against the Queen , and absolving her Subjects from their subjection , on purpose to foment their Rebellion for depriving her of her Kingdom : which they prove by particular circumstances . 3. That they could hardly believe these things themselves , till they saw them expressed and owned in the Life of Pius Quintus , printed and allowed . 4. That notwithstanding these things , and the Rebellion breaking forth 1569. the Prisoners were only under greater restraint , but none were put to death on that occasion , but only such who were in actual Rebellion : wherein they confess the Queen did no more , than any Prince in Christendom would have done . 5. That upon these occasions a Parliament was called 1571. and a Law made against the bringing any Bulls from Rome , Agnus Dei's , Crosses , or Pardons ; and against all persons that should procure them to be brought hither ; which Law although they think it to have been too rigorous , yet they cannot but confess that the State could not without the imputation of great carelesness of its own safety have omitted the making some Laws against those of their Religion . And although they were in their opinion too severe , yet they acknowledge , 1. That the occasions were extraordinary , most outragious , as they expressed it . 2. That the execution of them was not so Tragical , as was represeuted . 6. They believe that neither this Law nor any other would have been executed upon them , had there not been daily new provocations : such as , 1. Sanders his confession in his Book De visibili Monarchia , that the Pope had sent two Priests , Morton and Web before the Northern Rebellion into the North to excite the Lords and Gentlemen to take up Arms : declaring to them that the Pope had excommunicated the Queen , and her Subjects were released from obedience to her ; and that Sanders doth justifie the said Rebellion , and imputes the miscarriage of it , to the over-late publishing the said Bull ; affirming that if it had been sooner published , the Catholicks would undoubtedly so have risen , as that they must have prevailed against the Queen , and had certainly executed the said sentence at that time , for her deposition from the Crown . 2. Sanders his magnifying the Heads of that Rebellion , after they had been arraigned , condemned and executed by the ancient Laws of our Countrey for high Treason : which course since that time was followed by Parsons and others . 3. The full discovery of the plot of the Pope and King of Spain with the Rebels at home , for the depriving the Queen of her Kingdom . 4. Stukely's attempt in Ireland , assisted by Sanders and others ; which was afterwards encouraged by the Pope himself ; when Sanders publickly appeared as a Ring-leader of the Popes Forces to perswade the Catholicks to joyn with the Rebels already in Arms. 5. Gregory 13. renewing the Bull of Pius 5. against Queen Elizabeth . 6. Upon this the Iesuits coming into England , who were the chief instruments of all the mischiefs against the Queen ; and of the miseries which they or any other Catholicks have upon these occasions sustained . 7. Parsons his endeavour to set the Queens Crown on another Head , as appeared by his Letter to a certain Earl. 8. In all the Plots , none were found to be more forward than the Priests ; and the Laity , they say , if the Priests had opposed themselves to their designs , would have been over-ruled by them . 9. All which considered , they confess , that no King or Prince in the World , disgusting the See of Rome , having either force or metal in him , would have endured the Priests , but rather have utterly rooted them out of their Territories , as Traytors and Rebels , both to him and his Countrey ; and therefore they rejoyce unfeignedly , that God had blessed this Kingdom with so gracious and merciful a Soveraign , who hath not dealt in this sort with them : and that all Catholicks deserve no longer to live , than they hereafter shall honour her from their ●earts , obey her in all things , so far as possibly they may , and pray for her prosperous Reign , and long life ; and to their powers defend her against all enemies whatsoever . 7. They say , notwithstanding all the former provocations from the time of the said Rebellion and Parliament there were few above twelve that in ten years had been executed for their consciences ( as we hold , say they , although our Adversaries say for Treason ) and of those twelve some perhaps can hardly be drawn within our account , having been tainted with matters of Rebellion : and for the rest , although themselves knew them to be free from seditions , her Majesty and the State could not know it , and they had great Cause as Politick persons to suspect the worst . 8. They confess , that a Parliament being called A. 1576. no Laws were made at that time against them : the antient Prisoners that had been more narrowly restrained A. 1570. were notwithstanding the Rebellion in Ireland again restored to their former liberty to continue with their Friends , as they had done before : and such who were not suspected to have been dealers or abetters in the said Treasonable actions were used with that humanity , which could well be expected . 9. The State having notice of the second excommunication , and having found the bad effects of the former was concerned in Policy to prevent the like by the second . And the jealousie was much increased by Sherwin's answer upon examination eight months before the apprehension of Campion . For being asked , whether the Queen was his lawful Soveraign , notwithstanding any sentence of the Popes ? he refused to give any Answer . Then followed a greater restraint of Catholicks than at any time before ; and in Jan. 1581. a Proclamation was made for calling home her Majesties Subjects beyond the Seas ; especially those trained up in the Seminaries , pretending that they learned little there but disloyalty . The same month a Parliament ensued , wherein a Law was made agreeable to the Proclamation , but with a more severe punishment annexed , viz. the penalty of death , for any Iesuit or Seminary Priest to repair into England , &c. 10. They confess , that if all the Seminary Priests then in England , or which should come after , had been of the mind of Morton and Sanders , or Parsons , the said no Law , no doubt , had carryed with it a far greater shew of Iustice : but that was , say they , the error of the State , ( and yet themselves say , the State could not know the difference between them ) and yet they add that it was not altogether ( for ought they knew ) improbable , those times being so full of many dangerous designments and Iesuitical practices . 11. This same year Campion and other Priests were apprehended ; whose answers upon their examinations agreeing in effect with Sherwins did greatly incense the State. For this being one of the Questions propounded , If the Pope pronounce her Majesty deprived , and her Subjects discharged of their obedience ; and after either the Pope , or some by his Authority invade the Realm , which part would you take , or ought a good subject to take ? To this , they say , some answered , that when the case should happen , they would then take counsel what were best for them to do : others , that when the case happened they would answer ; another , that he was not resolved ▪ what to do ; and another , that if such an invasion were made for any matter of his faith , he thinketh he were bound to take part with the Pope . Now , say they , what King in the World would not in the same circumstances , justly repute such persons Traytors , and deal with them accordingly ? 12. After this , a new plot was laid between his Holiness , the King of Spain , and Duke of Guise , for a sudden and desperate designment against her Majesty ; at which time they c●nfess the Iesuitical humour had so possessed the hearts of sundry Catholicks , as they rue and are ashamed at the remembrance of it . And here they give a particular account of the Treasons of Throckmorton , Arden , Somervile , Parry , Northumberland , Babington , Stanley , defended by Cardinal Allen , who laid down this for a Maxim , That in all Wars which may happen for Religion , every Catholick is bound in conscience to imploy his Person and Forces by the Popes direction , viz. how far , and where , either at home or abroad , he may and must break with his Temporal Soveraign . These things , they say , are necessary to be known , to clear her Majesty from the imputations of more than barbarous cruelty towards them cast upon her by the Iesuits , when themselves were the Causes of all the Calamities any of them had indured since her Majesties Reign : and they think , all circumstances considered , few Princes living of her judgement , and so provoked , would have dealt more mildly with such their subjects , than she hath done with them . 13. They confess the Spanish Invasion 1588. to be an everlasting Monument of Iesuitical Treason and Cruelty . For it is apparent in a Treatise penned by the advice of Father Parsons altogether ( as they do verily think ) that the King of Spain was moved and drawn into that intended mischief , by the long and daily solicitations of the Iesuits and other English Catholicks , beyond the Seas , affected and altogether given to Iesuitism ; and that Parsons as they imagine , ( though the Book went under a greater name ) endeavoured with all his Rhetorick to perswade the Catholicks in England to joyn with the Spaniards : but Cara●nal A●en takes it upon himself , and saith the P●●● had made him Cardinal , intending to send him his Legat for the sweeter managing this ( forsooth ) godly and great affair : and there he affirms that there were divers Priests in the Kings Army , ready to serve ever mans necessity : and promises them the assistance of all the Saints and Angels , and of our Blessed Saviour himself in the Soveraign Sacrament ( after a very invisible manner ) and they do not at all deny , that the Pope did joyn and contribute towards this intended Invasion . 14. That in these ten years from 1580. to 1590. the Prisoners at Wisbich lived together without any trouble , Colledge-like , without any wan● ; that of all sorts towards the number of fifty suffered death ; as they think , most of them for conscience , but as their Adversaries do still affirm for Treason : that such Priests as upon examination were found any thing moderate , were not so hardly dealt with ; insomuch as fifty five that might by the Laws have been put to death , in one year 1585. and in a dangerous time , were only banished ; and that although some hard courses were taken against them , yet it was not by many degrees so extream , as the Iesuits and that Crew have falsly reported and written of it . 15. That there being just apprehensions of a new Invasion , a Proclamation was set out 1591. against Sem●nary Priests , as being suspected to 〈◊〉 sent hither to p●●pare a way for it ; and Parsons did not only acknowledge such a design , but said the King of Spain had just cause to attempt again that enterprise : but in the mean time they tryed a shorter course by the several Treasons of Heskett , Collen , both set on by Jesuits , Lopez , York , Williams ; and Squire , animated by Walpole the Iesuit . 16. That Parsons at last set up the title of the Infanta of Spain , and endeavoured to get subscriptions to it , and promises to perswade the Catholicks of England to submit to it ; and that the Seminary Priests were to promote her Title , against the Queen and her Lawful Successors . From all which they confess , that the Iesuitical designs abroad , and the Rebellions and Traiterous attempts of some Catholicks at home have been the Causes of such calamities and troubles , as have happened unto them ; great , ( they confess ) in themselves : but far less ( they think ) than any Prince living in her Majesties case , and so provoked would have inflicted upon us . And what more need to be said , for the Vindication of the Poenal Laws from the charge of Injustice and cruelty , than is here so ingenuously confessed by the Secular Priests , men of the same Religion with those who complain of them , men that suffered themselves in some measure , men that throughly understood the true Reasons and casions of the several Laws that were then made ; and yet a●ter all this , can Mr. Cressy have the impudence to parallel these Laws with those of Nero , Domitian and Dioclesian , and to say , that they who suffered by them , suffered only on the account of Religion ? If the primitive Christians had been guilty of so many horrible Treasons and Conspiracies , if they had attempted to deprive Emperours of their Crowns , and absolved Subjects from their Allegiance to them , if they had joyned with their open and declared enemies , and imployed persons time after time to assassinate them ; what would the whole World have said of their sufferings ? Would men of any common sense have said , that they were Martyrs for Religion ? no ; but that they dyed justly and deservedly for their Treasons . And for all that I can see , all such as suffered in those dayes , for their attempts on their Soveraign and Countrey , are no more to be said to have suffered for Religion , than the late Regicides ; who pleaded the Cause of God and Religion as well as they ; and if the one be Martyrs , let the other be thought so too : but if notwithstanding all their fair pretences of Religion and Conscience , the Regicides shall not be thought to suffer for their Religion , why then should those in Q. Elizabeth ' s or King Iames ' s time , who suffered on the account of actual Treasons , as those did who were engaged in the Gunpowder Treason , as well as those who suffered in the Queens time ? And if the supposition of Conscience or Religion makes all men Martyrs , the Regicides will put in their plea for Martyrd●m ; if it be not , then there is no reason to say they suffered for Religion , whom the Law condemned on the account of Treason . If it be then allowed , that the Laws must determin Treason , then it will follow that those suffer for Treason who act directly against those Laws which determine it to be Treason . § . 22. But suppose the Law should make it Treason for men to serve God according to their Consciences , as for Roman Priests to officiate or say Mass ; can such men be said to suffer for Treason if they be taken in the Fact , and not rather for their Religion ? To this I answer , that a great regard is to be had to the occasion of making such a Law for the right interpretation of it . For if plain and evident Treasonable actions were the first occasion of making it , as it is confessed in Q. Elizabeths time , then all those Persons lyable to the suspicion of the State , may be seized upon in what way soever they discover themselves ; and in this case , the performing Offices of their Function is not the motive of the Law or Reason of the penalty , but meerly the Means of Discovery of the Persons . For by reason of Disguises and Aequivocations , and mental Reservations being set on foot by the Iesuits to prevent discovery , the Law had no certain way of finding them out , but by the Offices of their Function , in which the Magistrates are sure they will not dissemble so far as that a man who is no Priest will not take upon him to say Mass : and therefore the Law looks upon the Office of Religion , as only a certain Criterion of the Persons , and not as the Reason of the punishment ; not as the thing that makes them guilty , but as the way of finding the guilty . As if we should suppose upon the account of the Treasons of many years and frequent Rebellions and conspiracies for the destruction of the King and Kingdom ▪ which any Sectaries among us should be found guilty of ( as for instance , I will put the case of Quakers as more easily differenced : ) I desire to know , whether if the Law made it poenal for men , not to put off their hats , only out of consideration of the Treasonable doctrines and practices they were guilty of , should that man who were taken because he did not put off his Hat be said to suf●er on that account , and not rather upon the first Reason and Motive of the Law ? In the Statute 23 Eliz. c. 1. the whole intent and design of the Law is expressed to be , to keep persons from withdrawing her Majesties Subjects from their Obedience to her : and because the Pope had engaged himself in several Treasons and Rebellions against her , by giving assistance to them , and endeavouring what in him lay to deprive the Queen of her Crown , therefore the drawing any persons to promise Obedience to the Pope is adjudged Treason , as well as to any other Prince , State , or Potentate . And where there is an equality of Reason , why should there not be an equality in the punishment ? If any other Prince should have engaged Persons in the same actions which the Pope did , there is no question they had been Treasonable actions ; the Question this , whether that which would be Treason if any other commands it , ceases to be Treason when the Pope allows or requires it ? If it doth so , then the Pope must be acknowledged to have a supreme Temporal Power over Princes , and they are all but his Vassals , which is expresly against the ancient Law of 16 R. 2. if it remains Treason , then those may be justly executed for Treason who do no more than what the Pope requires them , and which they may think themselves bound in Conscience to do . But on this account may not any act of Religion be made Treason , if the Law-makers think fit to make it so ? By no means ; for in this case , there was an apparent tendency to disobedience and Treason in promising obedience to the Pope ; but there is no such thing in any meer act of Religion , considered as such : but when Priests have been known to be the common instruments of Treasons , as they were then , by the confession of the Secular Priests ; then those actions which are performed by such persons , and are proper only to themselves , are looked on in the sense of the Law and according to the intention of it , but only as the certain means of knowing the Persons whom the Law designs to punish . So that if we do allow , that the Law of the Land can declare Treason in any sort of Persons , and punish Persons for being guilty , and appoint a certain means of discovering the guilty ; then there is nothing in that severe Law 23 Eliz c. 1. which is not according to justice and equity ; alwayes supposing , that some notorious Treasonable actions , and not the bare acts of Religion were the first Occasions or antecedent Motives of those Laws , which is fully confessed and proved in this case by the most impartial witnesses , viz. the Secular Priests . And the Preface to the Statute 27 Eliz. c. 2. gives the best interpretation of the design of it , viz. Whereas divers persons , called or professed Iesuits , Seminary Priests , and other Priests which have been , and from time to time , are made in the parts beyond the Seas , by or according to the Order and Rites of the Romish Church , have of late comen and been sent , and daily do come and are sent into this Realm of England and other the Queen Majesties Dominions of purpose , ( as it hath appeared ) as well by their own examinations and confessions , as divers other manifest means and proofs , not only to withdraw her Highness Subjects from their due obedience to her Majesty , but also to stir up and move Sedition , Rebellion , and open Hostility , within the same her Highness Realms and Dominions , to the great endangering of the safety of her most Royal Person , and to the utter ruine , desolation and overthrow of the whole Realm , if the same be not the sooner by some good means foreseen and prevented . For reformation whereof be it ordained , &c. Can any thing be plainer from hence , than that the whole scope and design of this Law is only to prevent treasonable attempts , though masked only under a pretence of Religion ? If the design had been against their Religion , the Preface of the Law would have mentioned only the exercise of their Religion , which it doth not . But withal is there not a Proviso in the same Act , that it shall not in any wise extend to any Iesuit or Priest that will take the Oath of Supremacy ; then it seems all the Religion they suffer for must be contai●ed only in what is renounced by the Oath of Supremacy . And is this at last the suffering for Religion Mr. Cressy talks of , viz. for the Popes Personal Authority and Iurisdiction here ? But who were the men that first rejected that Autho●ity and Jurisdiction here ? Former Princes long before the Reformation did it as far as they thought fit ; and made no scruple of restraining it , as far as they judged convenient ; and upon the same Reasons they went so far , H. 8. and other Princes might go much farther . For the reason they went upon was , the repugnancy of what they opposed to the Rights of the Crown ; and was there any other ground of the casting out the Popes Supremacy , when long experience had taught men that it was to little purpo●e to cut off the Tayl of the Serpent , while the Head and Body were sound ? But who were the zealous men in Henry the Eighths dayes against the Popes Authority and Jurisdiction ? Were not Stephen Gardner and Bonner as fierce as any against it ? and if they were not in good earnest , they were notorious Hypocrites , as any one may see by reading Gardners Book of True Obedience , with Bonners Preface ; wherein very smart things are said , and with good Reason against making the Supremacy challenged by the Pope any part of Catholic● Religion . Did not all the Bishops in H. 8. time , ( Fisher excepted ) joyn in rejecting the Popes Supremacy ? And was there no Catholick Religion left in England when that was gone ? It seems then the whole Cause of Religion is reduced to a very narrow compass , and hangs on a very slender thread . If there be no more in Christian Religion , than what is rejected by the Oath of Supremacy , it a is very earthly and quarrelsome thing ; for it filled the World with perpetual broils and confusions , and produced dreadful effects where ever it was entertained ; and leaves a sting behind where its power is cut off . But the Author of the Answer to the Execution of Iustice in England , &c. who is supposed to be Cardinal Allen , speaks out in this matter , and saith plainly , that it is a part of Catholick Doctrine , that heretical Princes being excommunicated by the Pope , are to be deprived of their Kingdoms , and their Subjects immediately upon excommunication are absolved from their Allegiance ; which he saith , is not only the doctrine of Aquinas , and Tolet , and of the Canon Law , but of the Council of Lateran , and as he endeavours to prove , of Scripture too : and that War for Religion is not only just but honourable ; and for the deposing of Princes , he brings several instances from Gregory the seventh downwards : particularly King John and Henry the second ; and saith , that the promise of obedience to Princes is only a conditional contract , and if they fail of their faith to God , they are free as to the faith they promised them . This I confess , is speaking to the purpose , and the only way in appearance to make them suffer for Religion ; for no doubt , these were the principles , which led them to those treasonable practices for which they suffered . But the main question remains still , whether Treason be not Treason , because a man thinks himself bound in Conscience to commit it ? and whether Magistrates have not reason to make severe Laws , when such dangerous and destructive principles to Government are embraced as a part of Religion ? If there be any such thing as Civil Government appointed by God , it must be supposed to have a just and natural Right and Power to preserve it self : but how can it maintain it self without a just power to punish those that disturb and overthrow it ? if it have such a Power , it must have Authority to judge of those actions which are pernicious and dangerous to it self ; and if there be such a natural inherent Right , Power and Authority , antecedently to any positive Laws of Religion ; either we must suppose that Religion left Civil Government as it was , and then it hath the Power of judging all sorts of actions , so far as they have an influence on the Civil Government , so that no pretence of Religion can excuse Treasonable actions ; or we must assert that the Christian Religion hath taken away the natural Rights of Government which is very repugnant to the doctrine of Christianity , and all the examples of the Primitive Church . The substance therefore , of what I say about suffering for Religion , or for Treason is this ; that whatever principles or actions tend to the destruction of the Civil Government , are in themselves Treasonable antecedent to Laws ; that Laws may justly determine the nature and degrees of punishment , that those who are guilty of such actions , let them be done out of what principle soever , are justly lyable to punishment on the account of Treason ; and in the judgement of the Law and Reason do suffer on that account , what ever private opinions they may have who do these things , concerning the obligations of Conscience to do them : and where there is just suspicion of a number of persons not easily discerned , the Laws may make use of certain Marks to discover them , although it happens that those marks prove actions of Religion ; which actions are not thereby made the Cause of their suffering , but those principles or actions which were the first occasions and Motives of making those Laws . From which it is , I suppose , evident , that if the antient Poenal Laws were just and reasonable , our modern Laws are so too , because the Occasions of making them were of as high a Nature , and the guilt as proportionable to the penalty ; and that men did no more suffer for Religion by these , than by the Antient Poenal Laws . § . 23. 2. But supposing these Laws were acknowledged to be just and reasonable ▪ as to the Actors of those Treasons , the Question is , Whether they continue just , as to other persons who cannot be proved actually guilty of those Treasons ? And here I confess , as to the principles of natural Reason , the case doth vary according to circumstances : For , 1. In a jealous and suspicious time , when many Treasons have been acted , and more are feared by virtue of bad principles , the Government may justly proceed upon the tryal of the principles to the conviction of Persons who own them , without plain evidence of the particular guilt of the outward actions of Treason . For the very designing of Treason is lyable to the severity of the Law , if it come to be discovered ; and where the safety of the publick is really in great danger , the greatest caution is necessa●y ●or the prevention of evil ; and some actions are lawful for publick safety which are not in particular cases . Especially when sufficient warning is given before-hand by the Law , and men cannot come within the danger of it without palpable disobedience , as in the case of Seminary Priests coming into the Nation , when forbidden to do it under severe penalties ; In which case the very contempt of the Law and Government , makes them justly obnoxious to the force of it . He that owns the principles that lead him to Treason , wants only an opportunity to act them ; and therefore in cases of great danger , the not renouncing the principles may justly expose men to the sentence of the Law. And if it be lawful to make any principles or declared opinions or words treasonable , it cannot be unjust to make men suffer for them . 2. In quiet times when the apprehension of present danger is not great , it hath been the Wisdom of our Government to suffer the course of Law to proceed , but not to a rigorous execution . For the Law being in its force , keeps persons of dangerous principles more in awe , who will be very cautious of broaching and maintaining those principles which they hold ; and consequently cannot have so bad effects , as when they have full liberty to vent them ; but in case Persons have been seized upon by the legal wayes of discovery , who yet have not been actually seditious , it hath been the excellent moderation of our Government , not to proceed to any great severities . 3. There can be no sufficient reason given for the total repeal of Laws at first made upon good grounds , where there is not sufficient security given that all those , for whom they were intended , have renounced those principles which were the first occasions of making them . These things I yield to be reasonable . 1. That where there is a real difference in principles , the Government should make a difference ; because the reason of the Law , is the danger of those principles ; which if some hear●●●y renounce , there seems to be no ground , that they should suffer equally with those who will not ; but since the Law is already in being , and it is easier to preserve old Laws , than to make new ones , whether the difference should be by Law , or by Priviledge , becomes the Wisdom of our Law-makers to determine . 2. That such who enjoy such a Priviledge , should give the greatest satisfaction as to their sincerity in renouncing these principles ; for if there be still ground to suspect their sincerity in renouncing , by reason of ambiguous phrases , aequivocations in words , or reservations in their minds , they give instead of real satisfaction , greater cause of jealousie , because of the abuse they put thereby upon the Government . For if men do aequivocate in renouncing aequivocation ( which it is very possible for men that hold that Doctrine to do ) they thereby forfeit their credit to so high a degree , that they cannot be safely trusted in any Oaths or Protestations . This therefore ought to be made sure , that men use the greatest sincerity in what they do , or else there is no ground to grant any favour upon their offers of satisfaction . 3. Where there is sufficient ground to believe , that the much greater number will not give sufficient satisfaction as to the renouncing the dangerous principles to Civil Government , there is no reason for a total repeal of the Poenal Laws already established . For if the Reason of the Laws was just at first , and the same Reason continues , it becomes not the Wisdom of a Nation to take off the curb it hath upon a dangerous and growing party : and however cautious and reserved many may seem , while the Laws are in force , no man knows how much those principles may more openly shew themselves ; and what practices may follow upon them , when impunity tempts them . I do not plead for sanguinary Laws towards innocent and peaceably minded men ( whatever their opinions be ; and how hardly soever my Adversaries think and speak of me , I would shew my Religion to be better than theirs by having more Charity and Kindness towards them , than I ●ear they would shew me were I in their circumstances ) but I find that even some of themselves think fit not to have those Laws taken off from men of the Iesuitical Principles ; as appears by a Discourse written to that purpose , since his Majesties Return , by one of their own Religion . Wherein he shews , 1. That the Iesuitical party by their unjust and wicked practices provoked the Magistrates to enact those Laws ; and that their seditious principles are too deeply guilty of the Blood of Priests and Catholicks shed in the Kingdom ever since they came into it : and that it is their principle to manage Religion , not by perswasion but by command and force ; and then reckons up the several Treasons in Queen Elizabeth's time , the Iesuitical design of excluding the Scottish succession and title of our Soveraign ; the Gunpowder Treason ; which if it were not their invention , he confesses they were highly accessary to it , by prayers before hand , and publick testifications after the fact was discovered ; nay many years after they did , and peradventure to this very day still do pertinaciously adhere to it . 2. That their practices of usurping Iurisdiction , making Colledges and Provinces in and for Enland ; possessing themselves of great summs of money for such ends , are against the ancient Laws of the Land even in Catholick times ; it being the Law of England that no Ecclesiastical Community may settle here , unless admitted by the Civil Power ; and those that entertain them are subject to the penalties ordained by the Ancient Laws . 3. That it is no evidence of their Loyalty that any of them have been of the Kings side , it being a Maxim or Practice of their Society in quarrels of Princes and Great men to have some of their Fathers on one part and others for the contrary ; which is a manifest sign they are faithful to neither . 4. That there is no ground to trust them , because of their doctrine of Probability ; and their General can make what doctrine he pleases probable , for the opinion of three Divines is sufficient to make a Doctrine probable , and whatever is so , must be done by them when commanded by their Superiours ; so that the tenderness of their Consciences is only about doing , or doing what their Superiours orders them : besides , their doctrines about deposing Princes , Equivocations , mental Reservations , and divers other juggles . 5. That they have never yet renounced the doctrine of the Popes deposing Princes ; that their Generals order against teaching this doctrine was a meer trick , and never pretended to reach England , that Santarellus his Book was Printed ten years after it , teaching the power of deposing in all latitude ; and why should the peace of Kingdoms have no better security than their Generals Order ? Who knows how soon that may alter , when good circumstances happen ? and then it will be a mortal sin not to teach this doctrine : that the Iesuits have never spoken one unkind word against this Power of deposing Princes ; that when the Pope shall think fit to attempt deposing a King of England , no doubt their Generals Order will be released . 6. That by their particular vow of obedience to the Pope , they are bound to do whatever he commands them ; as for example , if the Pope should excommunicate or depose the Prince , and command them to move Catholicks to take up Arms , they are bound by their Vow to do it . 7. That they make themselves Soveraigns over the Kings Subjects , by usurping a power of life and death over those of their Order for pretended crimes committed in England , which is High Treason ; for their Subjects have other Soveraigns besides the King. 8. That there can be no sufficient security given by them , who hold the Popes personal infallibility ; for whatever protestations , or renunciations they may make at present , they will be obliged to the contrary whensoever the Pope declares his judgement so : and therefore no hearty Allegiance can be expected from those who hold it , but such as must waver with every blast from Rome . 9. That they not only renounce the doctrines of Equivocation and Mental Reservation , without which all other protestations afford very little security ; but men ought to be assured , that they do not practise them , when they do renounce them ; and he desires them to find out some way for this , which it seems came not into his head . 10. That without renouncing those doctrines which are dangerous to the Civil Government there is no reason to expect favour from it : for temporal subjection to Princes is the main ground of the peace and good Government of the Common-wealth ; and what is against that is against the Law of God and Nature . § . 24. I now come in the last place to consider the proposals made by Mr. Cressy for satisfaction to the Government and the repeal of the poenal Laws : which are of two kinds , 1. Subscribing the censures of the Faculty of Paris 1663. and 1626. 2. Taking the Oath of Allegiance , if the word heretical were turned into Repugnant to the word of God. But , 1. It were worth knowing what Authority Mr. Cressy had to make these proposals in behalf of all the Roman-Catholicks of England : he saith indeed , that his Book is published permiss● Superiorum , and what he writes , is not the inconsiderable opinion of one particular person only : And what then ? It may be two or three more may be of his mind , it may be his Superiours are , it may be several Gentlemen not governed by the Iesuitical party a●e : but is the State of Affairs so mightily changed among them since 1662 ? Will not the same Reasons ● old good still , that the Iesuitical party is not to be trusted in these matters ▪ have they made any renunciation since , of any of those doctrines which were thought so dangerous then ? or are they quite gone from us , and to use Mr. Cressy's own comparison , like Rats have forsaken a sinking Ship ? It would be great Joy to the whole Nation to hear we were so well rid of them ? but which way went they ? in what storm were they carried ? Was it in the late great Hurrican ? or were they conveyed invisibly through some passage under ground ? But they are subtle men , they say , and full of tricks , and therefore may seem to be gone and not be gone , even as they please . Mr. Cressy it seems hath a a Power beyond Proclamations , for he can send away the whole Fry in a tr●ce ; but a turn of his hand , and not a Iesuit , or a man of his principles appears more in England . But for all this , neither the Benedictins , nor Secular Priests , can get rid of them so easily ; they swarm and govern too much for their interests ; they have too many Colleges in England to forsake them so easily , and too rich a Bank to run away and leave it behind them : it may be , some of the poorer Orders would fain be fingering of it , and therefore represent the poor harmless Iesuits , as the only dangerous persons to the Civil Government , whereas they think themselves as honest as their neighbours , and say , they hold no doctrines but what other Divines hold as well as they , and if they understood themselves they would find to be the doctrine of the Catholick Church for six hundred years ; only a few temporizing Secular Priests , and some others out of spight to them , and hopes to get a better harvest to themselves when they are gone , would lay all the blame upon the Iesuits : whereas the doctrine they own was the general doctrine of their Church and received here in England , ( the Council of Lateran which decrees the Popes power over Princes having been received here by the Council at Oxford A. 1222. ) and what a●do is made now with the Iesuits , as though they had been the first broachers and only maintainers of the doctrine of the Popes power of deposing Princes , which hath been decreed in Councils , accepted by Churches , and only opposed by some , out of the passions of fear or hopes from temporal Princes ? What do ye tell us ▪ say they , of the Sorbon , a Club of State Divines , that act as if they believed the King of France 's infallibility , though they will not own the Popes ? What matter is it what some few men say that are over-awed by Secular Princes ? Shew us the Divines at Rome , where men may speak freely , that hold otherwise : Was the Popes Nuncio that appeared so bravely for the Catholick Cause in the Head of an Army in Ireland a Iesuit ? or were 〈…〉 adherents that cast off the Kings Authority there Iesuits ? Are all the Anti-Remonstrants in Ireland Iesuits ? And what think we , are not all those who opposed the Irish Romonstrance , very ready to give full satisfaction in these matters ? Nay , in the good humour Mr. Cressy found all English Roman Catholicks , it was pitty , he had not gone farther ; and who knows , but in so lucky a day , the Pope and Cardinal Barbarine might have subscribed the Censures of the Faculty of Paris ? But well fare the honest Apologist for the Iesuits who answered the Reasons unreasonable , and declares that he is no Iesuit , yet he saith plainly , it would be a temerarious oath to for swear in general terms a deposing Power in the Pope , but to detest it as an heresie would be absolutely Schismatical : but he gives very foolish Reasons , why the effect of that power need not be feared in England ; because , forsooth , Constantine left out England in his Donation to the Pope ; did he so indeed ? it was a great kindness to the place of his Nativity . But withall he adds , though there be much talk of King Johns Resignation of his Crown to the Pope , yet the Deed of Conveyance lies so dormant in the Vatican , that it could never be awaked or produced on any provocation . And is this the security the Pope will never exercise his deposing Power in England ? But do not you think the Pope makes too much of it , to shew it to all comers ? and yet this Apologist need not have gone to the Vatican , to have seen that very Bull of the Pope , wherein King John 's Resignation is contained ; for it was ●ately to be seen in England . But suppose King John 's Original were burnt at Lions , as our Historians think ; hath the Pope never challenged any Power over Princes , but where they were feudatary to h●m ? Alas for his Ignorance ! the Pope ●or a need hath a threefold claim to this P●wer , and he can make use of which he thinks best ; the feudatary , the direct temporal , and the indirect temporal . The Feu●ata●y is by voluntary resignation , the direct te●poral by the Canon Law , and the indirect by the Sins of Princes ; for those , if they happen to be of a right kind , as Heresie , Apostasie , Mis-government , &c. give the Pope a notable title to their Crowns , for then they fall to him by way of Escheat as the principal Lord : but suppose the Pope should to save quarrels , quit the Feudatary Claim , what security is there against the two other , that may do as much mischief as the first ? For all that I can see then , Mr. Cressy had not sufficient Letter of Atturney to declare in behalf of all the Roman Catholicks , that they would subscribe the Censures of the Sorbon ; for the Popes deposing Power is yet good doctrine among many of them . But why did Mr. Cressy take no notice of any difference among them about these points ? Must we Protestants be still thought such pittiful Animals , as not to know that which hath been publickly canvased among them about the full Age of a man , viz. near seventy years ! Alas for us ! we never heard of Blackwell , and Barclay , and Widdrington of one side ; nor of Bellarmin , and Singleton , and Fitzherbert of the other : We have only a little Grammar Learning , and can make a shift to understand the Greek Testament , and read Calvins Institutions , or Danaeus upon Peter Lombard ; but for these deep points , it is well we have ever seen those that have heard others say they have seen the Books that handle them . But why should Mr. Cressy so slily pass over the business of the Nuntio in Ireland ? was that nothing to the purpose ? Did not the Person of Honour mention it several times , that he could not avoid seeing it ? But we must forget all those things ; and Cardinal Barbarins Letters about the Irish Remonstrance : and whatever is material , if it cannot be answered , is better let slip . Yet , is it possible for us to believe that all Roman Catholicks are so willing now to renounce the dangerous doctrines ; when there hath been so late , so numerous , so vehement , ( nay , I had almost said ) so Catholick , an opposition to the Irish Remonstrance ? Not , as Mr. Cressy would have it believed , out of indignation at a particular person , ( who had much greater Authority for what he did on the behalf of the rest by his Procuratorium than Mr. Cressy doth appear to have ) nor a quarrel at phrases , but at the very substance of the doctrine contained in it . Was it only about some phrases , that the Popes Internuntio at Brussels de Vechiis condemned it ? when he said , it contained in it propositions agreeing with those already reprobated by Paul the fifth , and Innocent the tenth , and this he expressed as the mind of the Pope . Was it only about phrases , when he said the Remonstrance would do more hurt than all the former persecutions of hereticks ? Was it only about phrases , when Cardinal Barbarin charged the Remonstrants with corrupting faith under a pretence of Allegiance to the King : and he adds too , that the propositions were condemned before by the Apostolical See ; and that his Holiness was troubled to the very heart about it ? Methinks , a few Phrases only , should not have given his Holiness so much disturbance . Was it only for some phrases , that the Dominicans opposed it , as contrary to the doctrine of Thomas Aquinas , who roundly asserts the Popes power of deposing Heretical Princes ? and they pleaded , they were sworn to maintain his Doctrine . It seems then , they can give no security to the State without perjury ; and I suppose there were some of these among Mr. Cressy's Roman Catholicks , who were so ready to renounce this doctrine . Was it only for a few phrases , that the Lovain Divines condemned it , as wholly unlawful and detestable ; and containing things contrary to Catholick Religion ? The true grounds of which , were the taking away the Popes power over Princes , and the great Diana of Ecclesiastical Liberty . If Mr. Cressy accounts these but phrases , the Court of Rome owes him but little thanks for it . But this is so ridiculous a pretence , that all the quarrells about the Irish Remonstrance were only about a few phrases , that either he looks on the parties as extreamly quarrelsome , or it must be some greater matter which he confesses was the occasion of so many commotions , dissentions , and scandalous invectives on both sides . Since then , there hath so long been , and we have reason still to believe there is , such a difference among them about these matters , how can Mr. Cressy undertake so boldly as he doth on the behalf of English Catholicks for the subscribing the Censures of the Faculty of Paris ? But of all sorts of men , I am apt to mistrust great Undertakers . § . 25. 2. But supposing they should subscribe the Sorbon Censures , we may yet question , whether hereby they would give full satisfaction in these matters : Mr. Cressy is of opinion , that this would be a more full and satisfactory testimony of their Fidelity , than can be given by taking the Oath of Allegiance ; which makes me very much wonder , why they should refuse the less satisfactory , and choose that which is more . But men had need to have fast hold , that are to handle such slippery points as these are ; for when we think we have them safe , they slip through our Fingers and escape . Those who have not considered all their arts and evasions in these matters , would think they offer as fair things as any men in the world ; but when it comes home to the point , there is some sly distinction or mental reservation , by which they get through all , and are as much at liberty as ever . That alone which in our Age and Kingdom can give satisfaction , 1. Must reach our own case , and not that of the King of France ; i. e. 1. Of a King not of the same profession of Religion with those who make the profession of Fidelity ; 2. Of a King or Kingdom already under censure of excommunion , as Cardinal Barbarin declared : 3. Of a King , not barely considered as a King , i. e. while he remains such , and the Pope doth not declare him not to be a King ; but so as to declare it , not to be in the Popes power , to make him no King. For men may subscribe the Censures of Sorbon , understanding them of Kings of their own Religion , not excommunicated by the Pope , and while the Pope doth not declare them to be no Kings . 2. What gives satisfaction in our case , must exclude all manner of aequivocation and mental reservation ; For where that is not excluded , there can be no security at all given ; it being impossible to bring aequivocations and reservations within any bounds ; nay , those who hold it lawful to use them , may deny it , and do it in denying it ; therefore the matter of aequivocation must be stated , how far , and upon what terms , and in what cases they allow it ; and yet there may be aequivocation in all this . So that as aequivocation hath all the advantages of lying , it hath the disadvantage too , viz. that those who use it cannot safely be trusted , though they do not use it ; because though it be possible they may not , no man can be well assured that they do not . But the Sorbon censures never mention aequivocation at all , and therefore I do not wonder to see such as Mr. Cressy ready to bring in those , instead of the Oath of Allegiance , because although himself and some others may disown the doctrine of aequivocation , yet if that be not expresly excluded , they know the very Iesuits will swallow a Camel , let them but have the dressing of him . They know so many tricks of Legerdemain , that I do not see why a very cunning Iesuit may not then think himself a fit match for the Devil himself ; for let him make never so many promises in Words , he would have such a secret Reservation in his Mind , as should make his Words to signifie nothing . But it is not safe for them to play such tricks with so old a Sophister , that first found out the way of aequivocation . 3. What gives satisfaction in our case , must exclude absolutely all power of Dispensing in the Pope ; for if that be reserved they are safe enough ; they know how to get out presently , for they have one ready that can knock off all their shackles , and set them as free as ever ; nay , they have yet another fetch concerning the Popes power , for he can null an Oath before-hand , and make it stand for nothing , as well as absolve them from it afterwards . But how then can the Sorbon censures be so satisfactory in our case , when they never so much as mention the Popes power of dispensing , much less disclaim it so plainly as it ought to be done , to give satisfaction ? So that we see , it is not without reason Mr. Cressy would so willingly have the Oath of Allegiance changed for the Sorbon Censures : and I do not at all wonder that fourteen Iesuits in France offered to subscribe the Sorbon censures 1626. which Mr. Cressy offers , as the most satisfactory Form , who never yet could well swallow the Oath of Allegiance ; for they very well knew whatever they did swear in France could be dispensed with at Rome . § . 26. 3. But farther he declares their readiness to take the Oath of Allegiance it self , if the word Heretical were left out . Whose readiness doth he mean ? All Roman Catholicks , Iesuits and all ? And hath this indeed been the only bone of contention thus many years ? Did Bellarmin , Suarez , Lessius , Fitz-herbert and the rest of the opposers of this Oath , find no other fault with it , but only that a Doctrine was declared heretical , which was never condemned in any General Council ? Would they have been content to have called the Popes power of deposing Princes new , false , erroneous , and contrary to the Word of God , though not heretical ? For shame , let not men go about thus to impose upon us , as though all the difference were about this nicety in the signification of a word . It would be needless in so plain a case to shew upon what principles those went who opposed the Oath of Allegiance ; but I shall only instance in Fitzherbert , being of our own Nation , and as considerable as any ; he therefore insists upon it , that it is an unlawful Oath , because it flatly contradicteth the Lateran Council , as to the Popes power of deposing Princes : but that is not all , but his design is at large to prove , that it is repugnant to the Law of God in the Old and New Testament , to the practice of the Church , and express declaration of the Pope by three Apostolical Breves ; and to those that object , that the Popes first Breve was obtained surreptitiously and for want of good information ; he saith , it is not only ignorance but malice in any to say so , because the Pope published another Breve on purpose to declare that the first was not surreptitious , but written upon his own certain knowledge , motion , and will , and after long and grave deliberation had concerning all things contained therein , and that therefore the Catholicks were bound to observe it wholly rejecting all interpretations to the contrary ; and by his third Breve he gave Authority to the Arch-Priest to deprive all Seminary Priests under his Iurisdiction that had taken the Oath , or had taught or did still teach it to be lawful to take it ; Nay , he adds farther to take off that common evasion , that the Pope was not duly informed , that before the sentence passed against it at Rome , it was long debated in certain Congregations of Learned Cardinals , and other great Divines ; wherein Cardinal Bellarmin had but one voyce , and Father Parsons ( whom they suspect to have mis-informed the Pope ) none at all . Now the Pope did not condemn it meerly on the account of the word Heretical , but because he said , the Oath contained in it many things , contrary to faith and the salvation of souls . And therefore all those who have any regard to the Popes Sentence in a matter of such importance have other Reasons to decline taking the Oath , supposing the word Heretical were le●t out . But some men love to pretend that a small alteration in established Laws would satisfie them , to try if by those arts , they could bring the Wisdom of the Nation to yield to them in that , and when they have obtained it , then a thousand other objections are raised that were not mentioned before : so I doubt not but it would be in this Case , if the word Heretical were left out , and when they had gained this point , then they would start another , and another till the whole Oath were brought to Nothing , and I A. B. left to stand alone . But it is a very strange thing to me , that they who can swallow all the other parts of the Oath should stick so much at the word Heretical ; for if they would use some of the same mollifying distinctions that they do about the other parts of it , methinks Heretical might go down as glib as the rest . Were I of their Religion , I should more scruple detesting , abjuring , and abhorring from my heart , than calling a thing Heretical ; the other are downright and plain words capable of no Ambiguity ; but Heretical , is a word , that may signifie this or another thing , as men please . That is Heretical with one that is not with another , and Heretical may be meant in the sense of the Givers , and not the Receivers ; which is Mr. Cressy's way . But besides , what is it is said to be Heretical ? That Princes which be Excommunicated or deprived by the Pope , may be deposed or murthered by their Subjects , or any other whatsoever ; where or being a disjunctive particle , if to say that Princes deprived may be murdered be Heretical , though to say they may be deposed be not , yet that is enough to make a disjunctive proposition true . This is one of Widdringtons wayes ; but he hath yet two more ; viz. that , as heretical doth not imply equality but similitude , and that they do abhor and detest it as much , as if it were formal heresie ; but the main of all is , that a thing is not therefore heretical because the Church defines it ; but because it is repugnant to Catholick Faith , or which is all one to that which is revealed by God ; which he proves to be the proper notion of heresie , from Alphonsus à Castro , Covarruvias and others : and if this were not the true notion of it , the Church would have power to make new articles of Faith ; and therefore upon the same ground that any person rejects any doctrine as repugnant to the word of God , he may reject it as heretical . I cannot therefore imagine , whatever Mr. Cressy says , that it would give such general satisfaction to have the word heretical turned into repugnant to the word of God ; for I cannot think the Roman-Catholick Gentlemen to be men of so weak understandings , to be able to digest all other parts of the Oath , and to refuse taking it only on the account of the word heretical . I must therefore beg pardon , if I be not of too easie a faith in this matter ; it is easie to guess where the Oath pinches , better than so . § . 27. 4. But after all this , I am not satisfied , with the grounds of Mr. Cressy's hopes , that the taking off the objection as to their Loyalty may be sufficient reason for the Toleration of their Religion ; which is the thing aimed at in this Discourse . For although the inconsistency of any Religion with the Civil Government be a sufficient ground against the Toleration of such a Religion ; yet it s not being inconsistent is not enough for its Toleration . For the matter of Toleration , in a Nation where there is a Publick Religion established by Law , hath a respect two wayes , to the Civil Government , and to the Established Religion : and the Civil Government is bound to defend and protect the Established Religion ; because it is agreed on all hands that it is bound to defend the True Religion , and that is declared by the Laws to be the True , which is established by them . Now , if a party appears active and dangerous , whose Principles are destructive to the Religion established by Law , I appeal to any man of common sense , whether it be sufficient ground for the Toleration of it , that one objection is taken off , when the other remains in its fuil force ? That which is then to be considered in this case , is , whether such a party , which is dangerous without Toleration , will grow less dangerous by it ? which I think needs no great consideration ; and it will require as little , to shew the danger that will come to the Established Religion by a Toleration of Popery : not only by the diligence , industry , and number of the Priests , who will be glad to make new Converts to gain new Residences , ( they being at present so much over-stocked ; ) besides their desires to approve themselves to the Court of Rome for preferments by their activity ; and telling brave stories beyond Seas of their exploits against hereticks , ( as a late Miles Gloriosus among them hath done ) how many Legions of Hereticks they have blown away by the Power of Principles and Demonstrations ; but , by the obligation that lyes upon them that receive preferments from Rome , to persecute Hereticks , Schismaticks , and Rebels to the Pope to their uttermost ; which is expressed in the Oath they take to the Pope ; as appears by the Pontifical ; so that these men must either be perjured , or persecute when it lyes in their Power . And can any Nation in the World think it Wise or Safe to give Toleration to Wolfs among Sheep ; to those that have solemnly sworn to persecute to their power all that own the Established Religion ? and that look upon all such as in a damned condition that do not submit to their Church ? Till they abate of their monstrous uncharitableness , till they renounce their Oaths to the Pope , till they can give good security of their quiet behaviour in not seducing others , what pretence can there be , for their being allowed a free exercise of their Religion , supposing they should take the Oath of Allegiance ? But as to their dignified Clergy , I mean such of his Majesties Subjects , whom the Pope hath taken upon him to make Bishops without his consent ( which was not suffered by some Princes , even in times of Popery ) it ought farther to be considered , what security any following Oath can give as to those that have taken a former Oath of Allegiance to the Pope ? as I have already proved it to be ; as much as King Iohn's was , upon the Resignation of his Crown ; nay yet farther , they are bound now by that Oath to defend all those Provisions and Reservations , and Apostolical Mandates , which were accounted the intolerable grievances of this Nation , long before the Reformation . But why may they not enjoy equal liberty with the Sectaries ? I am not pleading the Sectaries Cause , ( neither would others plead it now but for a farther end ) nor would I extenuate the guilt of their Separation ; but they are blind , that do not see the difference between the parties , if not as to number , yet as to interest , forreign dependence , and danger to the Church of England : for surely , a man is not in so much danger of being stung to death by Gnats , as being poisoned by Vipers : I mean in respect of the avowed principle of Persecuting all dissenters , in the Roman Church : which it were easie to manifest , not only from our domestick story , and the entertainment in Queen Maries dayes ; and from the History of the Inquisition abroad ; but from the Cabal at the Council of Trent between the Popes Legats , and the Embassadours of Catholick Princes about the utter extirpation of the Protestant Religion ; and the defigns that were carried on in prosecution of this in most parts of Europe , especially in Germany , Flanders , and France ; but I shall not meddle with the secret Intrigues , but the open and avowed principles . In France , Claudius de Sainctes published a Book against Toleration , A. D. 1561. wherein he pleads with all his strength for the utter extirpation of Protestants ; the like did Iacobus Pamelius in Flanders ; and both of them answer all the common and popular arguments now brought for Toleration : the same did Scioppius in Germany ; and we all know what the dreadful consequences were in all those places . But this is a subject too large to enter upon now : For my part , I am no Friend to Sanguinary Laws on the account of Religion ; and if the Wisdom of our Law-makers should think fit to change that popular way of publick suffering ( which the sufferers would have still believed to be for Religion ) into a more effectual course of suppressing the growth of a party so dangerous to our established Religion , I should more rejoice , it may be , therein , than those who are more concerned in it . Provided , that the pretence of making new Laws more accommodate to our present State , be not carried on meerly with the design of leaving our Church without any security by Law at all against so violent and dangerous a party : for it is a much easier matter to repeal old Laws , than to make new ones . And if the objection against the old Laws be , that they are not executed , it ought to be considered whether the same objection will not lye against others , unless they be such Laws as will execute themselves ; and we have little Reason to believe that they who bid difiance to our present Laws , and make sport with Proclamations , will be perswaded by gentler means to obey others . And is such an affront to Laws a sufficient Motive to Lenity ? And we have good ground to think , that that they look upon all our Laws , whatever they be , as things of no force at all upon their Consciences , as being null in themselves , because they are contrary to the Popes Authority and the Constitutions of their Church . And I believe if our modern Papists were pressed home , the generality of those who are obnoxious to the Poenal Laws , would not acknowledge those Ancient Rights of the Crown , which were challenged by William the Conquerour , William Rufus , Henry the first , Henry the second , ( before his submission to the Pope ) and afterwards by Edward the first , and Edward the third ; viz. No exercise of any forreign jurisdiction here without the Kings consent ; no liberty of going out of the Kingdom , though upon the Popes Command , without the Kings leave ; and while they allow this Power to the Pope to command his Majesties Subjects , they make him Soveraign over them , and make them more fearful of disclaiming his Power ; No Decrees of Popes or Bulls to be received without the Kings approbation ; No Bishops to be made by Papal Provisions out of the plenitude of his Power , &c. Those who will not reject these , which were challenged by the Kings of England long before the Reformation , as their ancient and undoubted Rights , with what face can they plead for the Repeal of the Poenal Laws ? when the ancient Law of England makes them guilty of violating the Rights of the Crown . If they say , the Case is not the same now upon the Change of Religion ; I desire to know of them , whether any ancient Rights of the Crown are lost by casting off the Popes Authority ? if they be not , they are good still , and what are they then that deny them ? if they be lost , then our Kings have lost some of their Soveraign Rights which their Ancestors valued above half their Kingdoms ; and how could they lose them by casting off the Pope , if they did not receive them ●rom him ? If they received them from him , then they make the Kings Power to be so far at least derived from the Pope ; for if it were independent upon him , how could they lose any Power , by casting off the Popes Authority ? If it be said , that these were priviledges granted by the Popes ; I utterly deny it ; for our Kings challenged them in spight of the Popes , and exercised them in direct opposition to their Bulls and Decrees ; even the Decrees of Councils as well as Popes , as is fully manifested in the foregoing Discourse . How then can such men plead for the repeal of Poenal Laws whose principles do so directly contradict the ancient acknowledged Rights of the Crown of England ? For others that will not only own these ancient Rights , but give sufficient security without fraud and equivocation , of their sincerity in renouncing the Popes power of deposing Princes , and other Principles destructive to Government ; since it was never the intention of our Laws to persecute such , they need not fear the enjoyment of all Reasonable Protection by them . But it doth not become me to discourse of such points which are far more proper for the Wisdom and Council of the whole Nation : And I know no true Protestant would envy the quiet and security of innocent and peaceable men , where there is sufficient assurance , that by favour received they will not grow more unquiet . But we cannot take too great care to prevent the restless designs of those , who aim at nothing more , than the undermining and blowing up our established Church and Religion : Which God preserve . Thus much may serve for an Answer to these points of Mr. Cressy's Book , the rest I leave to a better hand . And now My Lord , what reason have I to beg pardon for so tedious a Discourse ! But I know your Lordships love to the Cause , as well as to the Person concerned , will make you ready to excuse and forgive , My Lord , Your Lordships most humble and obedient Servant , Edw. Stillingfleet . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61521-e250 Caramuel . Commentar . in Regul . S. Bened. n. 831. Notes for div A61521-e1610 Prefa●e n. 33. p. 23. P. 7. P. 17 , 19 , ●0 . Epistle Apologet●cal sect . 1 , 2 , 3. from p. 6. to p. 39. P. 6. P. 7. 1 Pet. 2. 23. Mat. 5. 22. 11. 29. Eph. 4. 31. Exod. 32. 19. P. 11 , 12 , 13 , 15 , 16. P. 7. Mr. Cr●s● . Ep. Dedicat. P. 35. P. 52. P. ●2 . Postscript . p. 1●1 . P. 2. P. 3. Epist. ded●c . Preface to the Rea●der . P. 63. Preface to Fa●at . 〈◊〉 . Epistle Apologetic . p. 12. Pr●face to Idolatry . Preface to the first part of the Answer . Epist. Apologet . from ● . 16. to ● . 24. Answer , first part from p. 260. to p. 291. Epist. Apologet . from p. 72. to ● . 84. From n. 53. to n. 72. Notes for div A61521-e4900 Fanaticism sect . 2. n. 10. P. 23. A●madvers . p 26. Epist. Apologet . sect . 26 ● . 27. ib. Fanaticism p. 1. P. 11 P. 181. Epist. Apologet . n. 37. Maximil . Sandaei Clavis Mystica c. 3● Carol H●r●●●nt . Comment in Dio●ys●de Mysti●● Theolog . Pr●●fat . Rom●● Churches Devotions vindicated Sect. 1. Sect. 6. Sect. 7. 〈…〉 . ● 16. c 6. ● . 11. Sect. 1. c. 4. n. 14. Sect. 61. Sect. ● . Epist. Apolog . n. 37● 1 Cor. 2. 14 Tract . Apolog●t int●g . Societ . de Ro●e● Cruce d●fendens . A. 1617. P. 17. V. Ioh. à Iesu Maria Th●olog . Mysti● . c. 6. p. 64. 1 John 5. 3. 4. 20. 12. Joh. 14. 15. 15. 14. O. N. Roman De●votions vindicated , sect . 7 — sect . 51. Fanat●●sm , p. 49. P. 41. A●imadv . p. 58. Roman Devotions vindicated sect . 9 , 10 , 11. Roman Devotions vindicated sect . 16. S. Teresa 's Life , p 2. c. 1. E●i● . 16 ▪ 1. at A●●●p . c. 4. p. 16. P. 17. C. 5. p. 25. P. 26. C. 6. p. 28. P 32. P 33. P. 38. C. 10 , 11 , 12 , &c. P ●0 . P. 62. P. 111. P. 113. P. 122. P. 140. P. 141. P. 142. P. 148. P. 149. P. 150. P. 42. P. 18● . P. 66. & 176. p. 236. P. 181. P. 194. p. 180. P. 18● . P. 181. P. 184. P. 185. P. 187. P. 204. P. 215. P. 216. P. 221. P. 224. P. 225. P. 226. P. 228. P. 234. P. 229. P. 232. P. 233. P. 238. P. 240. P. 237. P. 240. P. 241. P. 242. P. 244. P. 245. P. 246. P. 247. P. 261. P. 323. P. 324. Roman Churches Devotions vindicated p. 23. 2 Cor. 12. 1 , 2 , 5 , 6. P. 364. P. 312. O. N. sect . 13. O. N. ●●ct . 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23. O. N. sect . 29. O N. sect . 13. p. 20. O. N. sect . 14. Ba●on A. D. 173 n. 7. 25 Euseb. Eccl. histor . l. 5. c. 16. C. 17. Epiphan . har●s . 48. sect . 2. Sect. 3. Sect. 4. Psal. 115. 11 Di●inarum g●atiarum Cor ●atio o●rium Re●●la●ion●m mat riam a eriens . Venet . 1626. p. 14. P. 34. S●ct . 7. Sect. 10. Hiero●y● . prafat . in Nahu● . Prafat . in Habac. 1 Cor. 14. 30. V● 33. P●afat . in Isai. l. 1. ● 1. in Isai. 33. S. 〈◊〉 . in Psa. 45. 1. In 1 Cor. 12. hom . 29. S. Basil in Isai. 〈◊〉 1. 〈◊〉 O. N. p. 16. T●rtull . de A●im●●9 . O. N. sect . 6. Dia●o de Diano . ● 24. O. N. p. 13. O N. from sect . 32. to sect . 40. Aug. ● . Fortunat . Tom. 6. Confess . l. 7. c. 2. C. 1. L. ● c. 4. L. 10. c 40. L. 7. c. 10. L. 9 c. 10. De quantit . anim . c. 33. De M●rib . Eccles Cathol . c. 31. C. 32. Ioh. Bo●a de discret . Spirituum c. 14. n. 4. Lut. Paris . 1673. Paul. Zacch Quaest. M●dico-legal . l. 4. tit . 1. q. 6. n. 4. Plato in Co●viv . in orat . Al●ibiadis , p. 220. ed. Ser● . A. G●ll. Noct. Att● . 1. c. 1. caj● t. i●● . 2. 7. 175. a●t . 1. Pro●l●● . c. 30. B●rniers Memoires , par . 2 p. 136 〈…〉 c. 4. 2. 2. q. 175. art . 1. corp . art . Card. Bona de d●ser . Spirit . c. 14. n. 5. Ioh. à Iesu Maria Theolog . Myst. c. 8. Cajet . in 1. 2. q. 17. art . 7. Sanct. Sophia tr . 3. sect . 4. c. 3. n. 11. Fortunat. S●acch . de not & sign . Sanct. sect . 8. c. 3. 〈…〉 Sanct Soph. ● . 19. Bo●a ib. p. 250. Caset . ● 12 2. q. 173. art . 3. 〈…〉 Carol Cl● not . in Ga●● ab 〈◊〉 c. 3. Paul. Zac●h . qu●st Medico l●g . l. 4. 〈◊〉 1 , qu. 7. Pa●l . Zacch . l. 4. t●t . 1. q. 6. n. 33. Bona de dis●ret . Spirit . c. 20. p. 411. Scacch . p. 612. Sa●cta . Sophia Tr. 3. sect 3. c. 6. n. 22. Bona ib. & p. 415. 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B●d . oper . To● . 2. sab tit . de V●●nali Aequino●tio . Eus●b . l. 7. c. 20. Aegyd . 〈◊〉 . de doctr . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 464. Vales. not . in Euseb. l. 5. c. 23. E●s●b . vit . Constant. l. 3 c. 18 , 19. Dio●ys . Exigui ●p . prima in ●ppend . Bucherii . p. 485. Bucher . Commentar in Victorii Canon . Pa●ch . c. 3 c. 6. V. E● seb . vit . Const. l. 4. c. 34. Cyrill . Epist. in Append. Bucherii p. 482. Petav. Doctr. T●m . l. 2. c. 63. p. 531. Bu●h . doctr . T●m● . c. 4 , 5 , 6. Paschas●i Ep. Leon. 1. inter Ep. Leon. 63. Leo Ep. 64 , 65. Prosper . Chro● . A. 455. Prosper . Chronic. A ▪ D. 46 , 1●0 , 214 , 298 , 382. V. Bucher . Comm●nt . in Victorii Ca●o● . Paschal . p. 9● . Victor . Prolog . ad Ca● . n. 3 , 4 , 5. Bucher . Com. mentar . c. 8 , 9. Ambros. ep . 83. Bucher . Comment . p. 264. V. Labb . Chronolog . Te●hnic . ad A. 387. & ad A. 577. Greg. Turon . l. 5. c. 1● . Aegid . B●cher . Comment●● . in Pas● b. Canon . p. 190. Usser . de Pri●o● d. Eccles. Britan . p. 934. 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P. 32 , 33 ● P. 34. P. 38. P. 39. P. 40. P. 43. P. 53. P. 56. Ead. p. 60. P. 61. Brompton . C●ro● . p. 999. P. 63. P. 65. P. 70. P. 73. P. 76. P. 87 , 91. Mat Paris A. 1107. P. 63. Petr. de Marcá de Co●co d. Sa●erd . & I●p . l. 8. c. 20. ● . 2. Floreat . Wigorn. A. D. 1111. Malmsbur . de g●st . Reg. Angl. l. 5. Mat. Paris A. 1113. P 65. Mat W●stminst . A. 1113. Eadm . l. 5. p. 115 , 118. Malsmbur . de Hear . 1. p. 95. Petr. de Marc● de Co●ord . Sacerd. & Imper. l. 8. c. 21. ● . 4. Co●stit . Caroli Magni c. 2. p. 263. Histor. Fraac . Scriptores ed. ab A● . Du Chesn . Tom. 2. p. 186. Sp●lma● . Glossar . ●Fid●l●tas . O●oric . Ray●ald . A●●al . E●clesiast . A. 1233. ● . 65. Historical Vindicat. Chapt. 3. n. 50. Eadmer . l. 5. p. 113. Rad. de Diceto p. 534. Gervas . Do● r●born . p. 1307. Mat. Paris p. 414. vit . Abbat . p. 140. Thorn. p. 1899. Decr●tal . de jure jurand . l. 2. tit . 24. c. 4. Pontifical . Ro●an . p. 86. to 97. A●tw . 1627. Epistolae select . Cent. 1. ●p . 21. p. 94 , 97. Co●cil . Gene●al . To. 11. p. 2. p. 379. De Conco●d . Sac●rd . & I● per. l. 6. c. 3. n. 13. Baron . ad A 590. n. 42. Form●l . antiquae pro●ot . in append . ad Tom. 2. Concil . Gall. form . 12. S●rrar . Rerum Moguntiae● , l. 3. c. 19. Boni●●c . Epistol . p. 163. Bonifacit epist. 105. p. 144. Bonifac. cp . 141. p. 211. Hin●mar . ep . 26. p. 310. Tom. 2. Formul . antiq . 13. append . ad To. 2. Co●cil . Gall. p. 656. Baron . A. 1102. n. 5 , 8● Richa●d . Prior. H●guls● ad . i●ter 10. Script . p. 313. Mal●sb●● . hist. No●ell . l. 2. p. 103. Gul. N●wburg . l. 1. c 4. Malmsb. l. 1. p. 10● Radulph . de Di●c●o . p. 509. Chron. Gervas . Dorobonn . p. 1363. Richard. Ha●ulst . 326. Hovede● . A. 1143. Radulph . de Dic●to . Imag. hist. p. 528. 〈…〉 Cod Cotton . l. 1. Ep. 125. Codex C●ttonian . Epistol . l. 1. Ep. 123. Hov●d●a . Annal part . post . p. 292. Baron . A. 1167. n. 32. Gilbert London . Epistol . T●onae Cant●ar l. 1. Ep. 126. in Cod. Cotton . MS. Baron . A. 1162. ● . 21. Vit. S. 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