A discourse concerning the unreasonableness of a new separation, on account of the oaths with an answer to the History of passive obedience, so far as relates to them. Stillingfleet, Edward, 1635-1699. 1689 Approx. 97 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A61547 Wing S5584 ESTC R16935 13153719 ocm 13153719 98150 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61547) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98150) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 751:43) A discourse concerning the unreasonableness of a new separation, on account of the oaths with an answer to the History of passive obedience, so far as relates to them. Stillingfleet, Edward, 1635-1699. [4], 42, [2] p. Printed for Richard Chiswell ..., London : 1689. Errata: prelim. p. [4]. Advertisement: p. [1]-[2] at end. Includes bibliographical references. Attributed to Edward Stillingfleet. Cf. NUC pre-1956. Reproduction of original in Duke University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Seller, Abednego, 1646?-1705. -- History of passive obedience since the Reformation. Dissenters, Religious -- England. 2004-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DISCOURSE Concerning the UNREASONABLENESS OF A New Separation , On account of the OATHS . WITH An ANSWER to the HISTORY of PASSIVE OBEDIENCE , So far as relates to THEM . LICENS'D , October the 25th . 1689. LONDON , Printed for Richard Chiswell , at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church-Yard , MDCLXXXIX . THE CONTENTS . SOme general Reflections upon the New Separation , on account of the Oaths p. 1 , &c. Of Oaths in general p. 3. Whether the Obligation of the former Oaths continues ibid. The general Good the Measure of Obligation p. 5 Of the State of Slavery p. 6 No such thing as absolute Power in Nature p. 7 Of a State of Vsurpation p. 8 Allegiance to be measured by the Laws ibid. No Apostasie from the Church of England by taking the present Oaths . The History of Passive Obedience considered , and the Force of the whole resolved into three Points , viz. p. 9. 1. That the present Oath is to the Prejudice of a third Person 2. That it is contradictory to our former Oaths p. 11 3. That the Person who had the Right hath given no release p. 12 Dr. Hammond's Arguments considered ibid. Our Constitution considered , and that it is a Branch of it for the three Estates to limit the Succession , and determine the Oaths of Allegiance p. 13 So it was under the British and Saxon Government ibid. England a true successive Monarchy , and yet Reason of State and the publick Good was wont to overrule p. 19 And it was lawful to transfer Allegiance accordingly ibid. Of the Norman Line p. 20 The Case of Maud and Stephen ibid. of York and Lancaster p. 23 The Agreement of Richard Duke of York and Hen. vi . ibid. An Oath of Allegiance , declarative of Right or Submissive p. 25 Of a King in Possession , according to our Constitution , and the difference between a King de Jure & de Facto , and an Vsurper p. 28 , 29 , 30 Of the Rise and Reason of that Difference de facto & de jure p. 32 The Case of the Lady Jane p. 31 The Case of K. John and Lewis . The Homilies considered p. 32 The Case of Tiberius p. 34 and of the Jews under him p. 36 ERRATA . PAge 8. line 21. read of England . P. 10. l. 24. r. to preserve the Right of , &c. P. 18. l. 8. r. tied . P. 27. l. 28. But it may be said , Our — P. 36. l. ult . after place r. , P. 37. l. 1. r. as at that — and after state r. , P. 38. l. ult . for can r. such : Marg. l. 6. r. confestim . A DISCOURSE Concerning the Unreasonableness of a New Separation On account of the OATHS . SIR , YOur former Letter gave me an Account of Your own and others Dissatisfaction about the Oaths ; but your second carries the Point a great deal farther ; for therein you tell me , Those who are unsatisfied , think themselves bound to separate from the Communion of those who have taken them ; and that if Ease be not given to the Scrupulous , new Congregations will be immediately formed ; and therefore you beg my Assistance in clearing these Points , in order to the preventing a New Separation . I was not a little surprized at the reading these Passages ; and I soon apprehended the mischievous Consequence of a new Schism , especially among the Members of the Church of England : But I can hardly think it possible that those who have expressed so great a Sense of the Mischief of it in others , should be so ready to fall into it themselves , and that upon the meer Account of Scruples ; when the Difference is only about the Resolution of a Case of Conscience , wherein Wise and Good Men may easily differ : But it cannot be a Mark either of Wisdom or Goodness , to separate from those who do so . Some think the Oaths lawful , and therefore take them ; others do not , and therefore forbear : But is taking the Oaths made a Condition of Communion with us ? Is it required of all who joyn in our Worship , at least , to declare , That they think the taking of them to be lawful ? If not , what Colour can there be for breaking Communion on the Account of the Oaths ? Suppose those who take the Oaths are to blame ; If they act according to their Consciences therein , what Ground can there be of Separation from them for so doing , unless it be lawful to separate from all such who follow the Dictate of an Erroneous Conscience ? And so there can be no End of Separations , till all Men's Consciences judge alike : for a Man's Conscience in his practical Judgment concerning Moral Actions ; and there are so many Circumstances , which vary the Nature of such Moral Actions , as Oaths , that I do not wonder to see Men differ about them ; but I should wonder and lament to see them separate from each other for the sake of such a Difference . But , there is a great deal of Difference between a Tenderness and a Sowreness of Conscience . There is a natural Tenderness in the Eye , which makes it apt to be offended with Mores ; and in that Case it is to be gently dealt with : But when an ill Humour falls into it , there seems to be greater Tenderness , but from a worse Cause ; and then the best way of Cure is to sweeten or remove the bad Humor which caused it . I cannot imagine why , because some Men's Consciences are so tender in the Point of Loyalty , that they cannot take the Oaths , that they must be so tender too , as not to joyn in Communion with those who do it . This seems to come from another Cause , and not from the Original Scruple : Are they afraid of joyning with others , not so tender as themselves ? This is the Scruple about mixt Communion , which hath been so long exploded among us . What then ? Have we hereby changed the Standard of our Communion , or are there in this Case imposed any new Terms of Communion with us ? How then comes a Scruple about the Oaths , to lead men to think of a Separation ? How come they to make so much Conscience of one , and so little of the other ? Is a Separation from our Church become a Duty with those , who so lately looked on it as so great a Fault in others ? But , I perceive , a tender Conscience is like a tender Constitution , it is soon put out of Order : So much greater Care then ought those to have who forsake any worldly Advantages for the sake of their Consciences , lest that which begun with a Scruple , at last end in Humour and Faction , and the Ruine of that Church , which they have alwaies pretended to value . But to leave these general Reflections , I shall now apply my self to the main Point , Whether there be any Reason for these Scruples about the Oaths ? for if there be not , it will be granted that there can be no Reason for a Separation on the Account of them . If there be any Reason , it must arise , either from the continuing Obligation of the former Oaths ; or from the Nature of the present Oaths : And therefore I shall enquire into two things : First , The Nature and Measure of the Obligation of Political Oaths in general . Secondly , The Difficulties which relate to our Oaths in particular . First , As to the Nature and Obligation of Political Oaths ; by which I mean such as have immediate and particular Respect to Human Society , and the Government we live under ; as all Oaths of Allegiance do . And herein the Difference lies between those and the common Oaths between Man and Man ; because these are founded on an Equality of Right , but the other on the general Security of Human Society . In Political Oaths we must distinguish the particular Intention and Designs of the Persons to whom they are made , from the general End and Scope of the Oaths themselves . I do not deny but such Oaths at first came from the Mistrust , which those in Power had , of such as were at present in Subjection to them . And because the Fears of a Deity made the strongest Impressions on People's Minds , therefore they were not contented with bare Promises , but they added the Solemnities of Oaths , that they might look on God as concerned , both as a Witness and a Judge . But if we search narrowly into this Matter , the Obligation comes not from the bare Oath , but from something antecedent to it , or from the Promise contained in it , to which the Oath adds greater Solemnity on the Account of Religion . And therefore it is generally resolved by the Civilians as well as Casuits , That an Oath follows the Nature of the thing about which it is conversant ; for that , say they , is the Principal , and the other is but the Accessary ; and the Accessary still follows the Nature of the Principal . Even Molina , who is noted for singularity in this Matter , ( for asserting , That an Oath added an Obligation of Justice besides that of Religion ) yet when he comes to explain himself , he founds it on the Promise included in the Oath , and not in the Oath it self : For after an Oath taken , such as the Obligation was before , such is it after , and the Promise contained in an Oath admits of the same Conditions , which it would have had , if no Oath had been joyned with it . If there be a Law , which makes a Contract void , on the Account of the Publick Good , the adding an Oath to such a Contract doth not make it valid : As for Instance , if the Law of a Country makes void all clandestine Marriages ; if a Man marries a Woman after such a manner , although this be an Obligation of the strictest Nature : Yet such is the Force and Power of Laws made for a Publick Good , that although the Intention of one Person was to tie the other in an indissoluble Bond ; yet the Law supersedes that Obligation , or else it is made to no purpose , at least , so far as it relates to the Civil Contract , which is as much as is necessary to my purpose ; for , even that hath an obligation of Conscience going along with it , which however in this Case is superseded for the Publick Good. I do not deny , that the chief Intention of those who require Oaths of Allegiance to themselves , is to bind men as fast as may be to them ; and there is a Personal Obligation consequent upon it . But then , I say , that the Rule & measure of it , is not to be taken from such Intention of the persons , but from the General Good , which was chiefly intended in such things . For , there is a Common Good of humane Society , which Mankind have an obligation to , antecedent to that obligation they are under to particular persons . For , as Magistrates were designed for a general Good , so the obligation to them must be understood so , as to be still in subordination to the main end . And it is agreed on all hands , That an Antecedent and Superiour Obligation doth void that which is subsequent and inferiour , when they contradict each other ; else an Oath might bind a Man to sin ; which no man will assert . Therefore whatsoever the Intention of the Persons was , How strict soever the Expressions may be , if the keeping of the Oath be really and truly inconsistent with the welfare of a People , in subverting the Fundamental Laws , which support it ; I do not see how such an Oath continus to oblige : For , there is no Relation of Mankind one to another , but there is some good antecedent , which is the just measure of that Obligation they stand in to each other . Thus it is between Parents and Children , Husbands and Wives , Masters and Servants ; and therefore it is most reasonable to be so between Princes and their Subjects . A Vow to God is as solemn a thing as an Oath ; but our Saviour declares , if it hinders that Good which Children are bound to take care of with respect to Parents , it ceaseth to oblige . If Parents , instead of regarding the Good of their Children , do openly design their Ruin , and contrive ways to bring it about ; none will say but that they are bound to take care of their own welfare , although such Parents may call it Obstinate Disobedience . For , even the Government of Parents , as natural as it is , is not Absolute , but is limited by Reason and the Good of their Children . And when they are of age , they are allow'd to judge of what concerns their welfare , and ( if it be necessary ) to withdraw from their Parents immediate care , but preserving a due Reverence and Respect to them . The hardest Case we can suppose , is that of Slavery , i.e. of Dominion by Force ; but altho' the Law of Nations allows it , yet it is with such limitations , as still shew , That whatever the condition of men be , with respect to one another , there is still a Regard to be had to the Benefit of those who are in subjection to others . The only thing which makes a state of Slavery reasonable , is , That when men are taken Captive by others , they are at their Mercy ; and the giving of life is so great a benefit , as cannot be compensated by any thing less than a perpetual Service ; and in consideration of it , the Master is to afford Protection and Maintenance . Still we see all reasonable subjection is in order to some Good of those who are under it ; and without it , as Aristotle saith , They are not used as Men , but as Tools . And it is agreed by the best Writers on this Subject , That if the Slave be kept in Chains , he is under no obligation of Conscience to him that keeps him ; but he may find his own way to escape , because he is treated as an Enemy , and therefore hath all the Right of War on his side . But if he yields upon Terms , then he is under Obligation , but it is according to the Terms upon which he yielded himself . Mr. Hobbs indeed saith , That those who submit upon Compact , are capable of no Injury afterwards ; because they have given up their Wills already , and there can be no Injury to a willing mind . But this is very false reasoning ; for himself grants , That where there is such a Compact , there goes some Liberty or Priviledge along with it . And it is not to be imagined , that such who entred into compact for their Benefit , should renounce all right to it when they have done it ; and if they have Right , they may be wronged . And in the case of the greatest Slavery , Natural Equity was required , and a Common Right was still due to Slaves , as Men : So that Nature owns no such thing , as meer Absolute Power in some over others , meerly for their own advantage ; but all Reasonable Power supposes Consent , and a Good to be attained by it . But when it is carried to a contrary end , it is against the Intention of Nature , which lays an obligation on some men towards others , with regard to a Common Good , which cannot otherwise be attained . It is not denied by the strictest Casuists in these matters , but that under a state of usurpation , notwithstanding their Oaths to the Rightful Prince , men are bound to do those things which tend to the Publick Safety as well as their own . But then they found it upon a presumptive Consent of the absent Prince ; whereas , the true Reason is , That Men are in the first place bound to promote the Publick Good , and consequentially , and with respect to it , to regard the Will of their Princes , who are appointed by God and Nature for that end . And if such be rendred uncapable of doing it , yet the Obligation on others remains . Whereas , if it depended on the Will of the absent Prince , his presumptive Will would not be sufficient ; for that can lay no obligation . But , that the Publick Good is the true and just measure of the Obligation in these Oaths , doth further appear , in that the Oaths are reciprocal . Whereas , if only the Good of the Persons to whom Oaths of Allegiance are made , were to be our Rule , then there would be no mutual Oaths . I am not now enquiring how far in reciprocal Oaths one Party's failing disobliges the other , but I am shewing , That it must be a General Good that is aimed at when both Parties are sworn to each other ; so it was in the strictest Feudal Allegiance , the Lord was as much sworn to the Tenant to protect and defend him in his Rights , as the other was to attend him in his Wars for the security of his Person . And this was certainly founded on a mutual Contract , called by the old Feudists Liga , and thence Ligeas and Ligeantia , and so our Allegiance . The words of Glanvil and Bracton and the Customary of Normandy , are plain , to shew the Reciprocal Obligation in this Case , and the measures on both sides were to be the Rights , and Customs , and Laws of the Land. So that Allegiance originally implies a Compact , and is to be measured by the Laws , which are the Standard of the Publick Good of a Country . 2ly , Having thus in general fixed these grounds to proceed upon , I come to the particular examination of the difficulties which relate to the present Oaths ; and because we are charged with Apostacy from the Principles of the Church of England , and that is made the main ground of the designed Separation , I would fain know what this Charge is built upon , with respect to the Oaths , for that is all we are concerned in . If any particular Persons have advanced new Hypotheses of Government , contrary to the Sense of our Church , let them answer for themselves . The Case of the Oaths is quite of another Nature . Here is no Renouncing the Doctrine of Passive Obedience , or asserting the Lawfulness of Resistance ; but the single Point is , Whether the Law of our Nation doth not bind us to Allegiance to a King and Queen in actual Possession of the Throne , by consent of the Three Estates of the Realm ? and whether such an Oath may not lawfully be taken , notwithstanding any former Oath ? And by this very stating of the case , any one may see how impertinent to this purpose the Book called the History of Passive Obedience is ; the truth is , there are not many passages in it which come near the business ; but those that do , contain in them the main difficulties which relate to the Oaths , and therefore I shall impartially consider them . Which are these , I. That they are to the prejudice of a third Person . II. That they are contradictory to a former Oath . III. That the Person to whom they were made , hath given no release or discharge from them . For the first we have these Testimonies ; Bishop Hall , p. 46. saith , That a Promissory Oath , which is to the certain Prejudice of another man's Right , cannot be attended with Iustice. Bishop Sanderson , p. 61. An Oath imposed by one that hath not a just Authority , is to be declined as much as we can ; if it be forcibly imposed , it is to be taken with reluctancy , upon this condition , that the words imply nothing unlawful or prejudicial to the Rights of a third Person ; for if so , we must refuse the Oath at the peril of our lives . I grant , it is a Rule among the Casuists , That an Oath ought not to be taken to the Prejudice of a third Person ; but so it is likewise , That it ought not to be taken against the Publick Good ; and these two are often put together . It is a sin , saith Zoesius , to make a compact to the publick prejudice and injury of another ; and an Oath that is conversant about such a matter , is unjust , and not to be kept . So that the Right of a Third Person is not to be taken as distinct from the Publick Good ; for , if it be inconsistent with it , there is no ground to set up a personal Interest against a General Good. And so far a Mischief is better than an Inconvenience ; for it is a standing Rule in Reason as well as Law , The publick Right cannot be changed by the Contracts of particular Persons , ff . l. 2. tit . 14. If a Man takes an Oath to a third Person , to do something which the Law forbids ; although he suffers by it , yet it is concluded , That such an Oath doth not bind , because the Publick Good is to be preferred , As often as a Compact doth depart from the Common Right , it ought not to be kept ; nor is an Oath requiring it to be observed . ff . l. 2. tit . 14. Iuris Gentium § . 16. And again , An Oath against the Force of Law and Authority of Right is of no moment . What is the Reason that an Oath doth not bind against the Law ? Is not the Authority of God above that of Men ? No doubt of it ; but since God hath established Government and Laws for a Publick Good , their meaning is , That Men cannot by any Act of their own be bound to overthrow it , in what solemn manner soever it be done . It is resolved in the Text of the Canon Law , in the King of Hungary's Case , That an Oath taken against the good of the Kingdom , doth not oblige , de jurejur . c. 33. intellecto ; although it were to the Prejudice of others , because it was in Praejudicium Regni sui , to the Prejudice of his Kingdom ; which was more to be regarded ; and because it was contrary to the Oath which he took at his Coronation , Iura Regni sui illibata servare , That the Rights of the Kingdom were to be preserved inviolable . Sylvester in sum . 6. juram . 4. n. 16. saith roundly , That an Oath doth not bind against the Publick Good in the first Place ; but if it be for a Private Benefit principally , and consequentially for the Publick , then the Oath holds ; because still the publick Good is to overrule in all such Oaths . If a Man swears to keep a Secret , and that be to the Prejudice of a third Person , the Casuists say , That Oath doth not oblige ; how much less , where the Publick Interest and safety is concerned ? And it is generally agreed by our Divines , That an Oath of Secrecy , where the Publick Safety is in Danger , doth not bind ; as in Garnet's Case , who pleaded his Oath for not discovering the Gun-powder-Treason . Now if an Oath doth oblige against the common Good , Garnet made a good Plea ; for his Discovery was to the Prejudice of others : but if his Plea was naught , then the Publick Good doth make the Obligation of an Oath to cease . Suppose a Man makes a Contract with another , who thereby acquires a Right ; yet if that Contract be against the common Good , and be confirmed with an Oath ; that Oath doth not oblige , saith Bonacina , de contract . disp . 3. q. 1. p. 1. There are two sorts of Law , saith Suarez , which respect the Publick Good ; some which concern ipsum statum Reipub. & utilitatem communitatis ; the general State of the Commonwealth , and Benefit of the Community : Others which concern Bonum commune mediante privato ; that common Good which results from every Man 's Good : against the former , he saith , an Oath cannot oblige ; but in the latter , it may , as far as concerns his own Benefit . Suarez de juram . l. 2. c. 26. No Obligation , though sworn to , is of any Force against those things which are owing to God and the Kingdom , saith Zei●lerus in his Notes on Grotius de jure B. & P. l. 2. c. 13. § . 7. From all this it appears , That if the Right of a third person be inconsistent with the publick Good , such an Oath doth not oblige . And it is to be observed , That those Persons , whose Testimonies are alledged , never put the Case of the Right in a third Person and a Publick Good standing in Competition ; and therefore they do not reach our present Case . II. It is alledged , That this Oath is contradictory to a former Oath . Bishop Hall again , History of passive Obedience , p. 46. No Oath is or can be of Force that is made against a lawful Oath formerly taken ; so that he that hath sworn Allegiance to his Sovereign , and thereby bound himself to maintain the Right , Power and Authority of his said Soveraign , cannot by his second Oath be tied to do ought that may tend to the infringement thereof ; and if he hath so tied himself , the Obligation is , ipso facto , void and frustrate . No Doubt , if the first Oath continues in Force , the second is void , so far as it contradicts it . But we say , The former Oath is not in Force , as it is repugnant to the publick Good , and so the second may be taken without any Contradiction : And if the Doctrine there laid down holds in our Case , I cannot see how it is consistent with the former Oath , for any such Persons to continue under the Protection of the present Government , or to enjoy the Benefit of the Laws ; or to take out a Writ in their Names , any more than to pray for them ; the one being owning their Authority as much as the other . III. Because the Person who had the Right hath given no Release . For this Dr. Hammond is quoted , in his Practical Catechism , History of Passive Obed. p. 54. S. but was not Tiberius an Vsurper , and yet Christ saith , Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's . C. Julius Caesar wrested the Power out of the Hand of the Senate ; but before the Time of Tiberius the Business was accorded between the Senate and the Emperors , That the Emperors now reigned unquestion'd , without any Competition from the Senate ; which Case , he saith , is distant from other forcible Vsurpations , where the Legal Sovereign doth still claim his Right to his Kingdoms , and to the Allegiance of his Subjects , no way acquitting them from their Oaths , or laying down his Pretensions . To clear this Matter , I shall enquire into two things . 1. How far a Discharge is necessary from the Person concerned . 2. How far our Saviour's Rule holds in our Case ? As to the former , I say , The Resolution of Conscience in this Case doth not depend upon the Will and Pleasure of the Person to whom the former Oath was made , but upon the Grounds on which it was made , and from which it had its force to oblige : And if those cease , the Obligation of the Oath ceases together with them . And whether they do or not , no particular Person is so fit to judge as the three Estates of the Realm ; as I shall now prove from several remarkable Instances to this purpose in our Histories and Parliament Records ; whereby I shall make it appear , That when a Dispute hath happened about the Right of Succession , and to whom the Oaths of Allegiance were to be made , they have looked on it as their proper Right , To limit the Succession , and to determine the Oaths . Under the British Government , we find a considerable Instance to our Purpose ; Vortigern the British King had entered into a Secret League , To bring over the Saxons ; upon which the Great Men of the Nation deserted him , and chose Vortimer in his room . Here it is plain , They thought the introducing a Foreign Power , a sufficient Discharge of their Obligation to him , it being so directly contrary to the publick Good of the Nation , although Vortigern gave them no Discharge . In the Saxon Times , Sigebert King of the West Saxons , was complained of for Misgovernment , and for changing their Laws for his own Ends ; but when he persisted in his Way , there was a Convention of the Nobility and People , ( convenêrunt Proceres Regni cum Populo universo , saith Matt. Westminster ) and they declared themselves free from Allegiance to him , and chose Kineulfus in his room . In the Kingdom of Mercia Beornredus for not governing by the Laws , was by a Convention of the Nobility and People set aside from the Government , and Offa chosen King ; who was of the Royal Stem , but not the next Heir ; and so William of Malmsbury observes , in the West Saxon Kingdom after Ina , That no lineal Succession was then observed ; but still some of the Royal Line sat in the Throne . And of Ina himself , That he was rather put into the Throne for his Virtue , than by Right of Succession . Aethelulphus , King of the West Saxons , went to Rome , and there crowned Alfred , his youngest Son , King , and married the King of France's Daughter in his Return , and made her Queen , against their Laws ; for which Reasons he was excluded his Kingdom : His eldest Son and Alstan , Bishop of Shireburn being at the Top of this Act of Exclusion ; and he came back only upon the Terms of receiving his Son into a Share of the Kingdom : Which shews , That they looked on the Laws as the Measure of their Allegiance ; and where those were openly broken , that it was in their Power to transfer it . If our Allegiance cannot be transferred by the States of the Realm , it must be because ( as some think ) by the fundamental Constitution of this Kingdom we are bound in Allegiance to the next right Heir in a Lineal Succession ; but I find no such thing in the Saxon Times : for although generally they kept to the Royal Line , yet not so , but that when it appeared to be much more for the Publick Good , they did not stick upon the Point of Proximity . I shall not meddle with the Kingdom of the Northumbers , which alone was originally Elective , as appears by Matt. Westminster ; wherein there happened so great Disorders and Confusions , that at last William of Malmsbury saith , None could be perswaded to accept of the Kingdom ; and so it continued thirty three Years , till at last Egbert took it into his Hands ; and so it became a Part of the English Monarchy ; which was established in him . But if by the fundamental Constitution , Allegiance were indispensably due to the next Rightful Heir in this Monarchy , how came Athelstan to be crowned , magno consensu Optimatum , saith Malmsbury , when he was not the Rightful Heir ? Some say ( from an old Monk in Malmsbury ) That his Father left him the Crown by his Testament ; ( which doth not clear the Difficulty as to the inviolable Right of Succession by the Constitution ) . But this cannot be true , for his elder Brother Elwardus died after his Father ; and none pretend that his Father disinherited him : And if Athelstan were lawful Heir , what made him to dispatch his Brother Edwin out of the way , and to build two Monasteries for Expiation of that Guilt ? How came Alfred to oppose his Election , as being illegitimate , as Malmsbury confesses ? But Matt. Westminster gives the Reason , The Times were then difficult , and Edward's other Sons were too young to manage the Government , and therefore they set up Athelstan , as one fit for Business . How came Edred to succeed Edmond , and not his Sons Edwin and Edgar ? Matt. Westminster and Bromton give the same Reason ; They were uncapable by reason of their Age , Repugnante illegitimâ aetate , Patri succedere non valebant . Florence of Worcester saith , The Northumbers sware Allegiance to Edred ; and he saith , He was next Heir , and yet there were two Sons of Edmond before him ; for he confesses , That they were the Sons of Edmond and Algiva his Queen . After the Death of Edred , the eldest Son of Edmond succeeded ; but being found under a Moral Incapacity , ( for in Florentius his Words , and Matt. Westminster , In commisso Regimine insipienter egit ) he was set aside , as to all the Government beyond Thames , and Edgar put into it : And not long after into the whole Kingdom , by general Consent . How came a Dispute to happen about the Election , after the Death of Edgar , between his eldest Son Edward , and Etheldred his youngest ? I lay no Force on his Mother's Endeavours to advance him ; but if there had been such an unalterable Right of Succession , there had not been any Colour or Pretence for it ; especially since it is said , That his Father declared his Mind , That the elder should succeed . But saith Florentius Wigorn. There was a great Contention among the great Men , about the Choice of the King : How could there be any Dispute , if they knew the Constitution of the Kingdom to be , That the next Heir must inherit the Crown ; and that those are perjured who transfer their Allegiance ? After the Death of Ethelred , the Nobility and People were divided , some chusing Canutus the Dane , and swearing Allegiance to him ; others to Edmund the Son of Ethelred . The former pleaded for themselves , That Ethelred had broken his Faith with them , and therefore they deserted him , so as he was fain to fly into Normandy ; and that Edmond was not his legitimate Son. Matt. Westminster saith , That the greatest part of the Nation , Clergy as well as Laity , did swear Allegiance to Canutus ; without any Discharge from Ethelred , while living , or his Son after him . After the death of Canutus , a new difference arose about the Succession ; some were for Harold his supposed Son by Algiva , others for Hardecnute , his Son by Emma . If the lineal Succession were a part of our Constitution , How come such perpetual Disputes to be concerning it ? For , if it had been owned as a Fundamental Law , the Right of Succession must have been clear beyond Dispute . But Reason of State and the Publick Interest still over-ruled this matter , and so Ethelred's Sons by Emma , who were the true Heirs by Legal Succession , were set aside , and Harold , being upon the Place , and so best able to manage the Affairs of the Kingdom , carried it . Hardecnute being dead , how came the banisht Sons of Edmund Ironside , if he were lawful Heir , not to be sent for to succeed ? If Edmund had no good Title , how was the Right of Succession then preserved ? How could Allegiance on these Principles be sworn to him ? If he had a good Title , How could the Oaths be taken to Edward the Confessor , when the Heirs of Edmond Ironside were living ? I perceive some , to salve the Succession , make the Mother of Edmond to have been Ethelred's first Wife , and call her Elgiva Duke Thored's Daughter ; but William Malmsbury saith , She was so obscure a person , that she was not known ; and that Edmond Ironside made up what was wanting in the management of his Father , and the Quality of his Mother . And the same is said by Matt. Westminster . Florentius Wigorn , shews the reason of the mistake ; for he saith , That Emma , Ethelrede's Queen , was in the Saxon Language called Algiva ; and so , out of two Names , they have made two Queens . Bromton leaves the matter in Dispute , and saith some affirm , The Mother of Edmond was betrothed to King Ethelred , and was the Daughter of Count Egbert : Others , That she was a Stranger and a Concubine . Now , if a Man's Conscience be strictly hid in such Oaths of Allegiance , to the Right Heir in a lineal Succession , what satisfaction can he have as to the taking them , since he is then bound to satisfie himself in the strict Justice of a Title ? For , if Edmond's Mother was not married , he had no Title , and no Oath of Allegiance could be taken to him ; and whether he was married or not , for all that we can perceive , there was a great doubt at that time , and so continued . And , it is not easie to determine what is to be taken for Marriage in a Prince , unless the Law be the Rule . And , if the Law determines the nature of Contracts in Princes , why not as well the Obligation of Subjects ? For , if there be no Rule , it is not possible to satisfie Conscience in the Niceties of Titles ; if there be a Rule , the general Consent of the People , joined with the Common Good , seems to have been that which our Ancestors proceeded by . I do not hereby go about to set up the Power of the People over Kings , which is in effect to overthrow Monarchy ; for then the whole Soveraignty lies in the People , and Kings are but their Servants : And so there is but one sort of Reasonable Government , viz. that of a Commonwealth . Whereas , from the eldest times , the Rights of Soveraignty have been placed in single Persons , before any Popular Governments were known ; and Monarchy hath been ever esteemed a distinct and a reasonable Government , especially where it is limited by Laws , and those Laws made by the Consent of the People , i.e. by the Three Estates of the Realm ; which are together the true Representatives of the People . I see no necessity of going about to undermine the Monarchy , that I may come at a resolution of the present case ; for , I take Ours to be a true Original Monarchy , especially after the Rights of the lesser Monarchs were swallowed up or delivered into that of the West-Saxon Kings . And farther , I do not stick to affirm , That it was Hereditary , where the Right of Succession and the Publick Good did not interfere ; i.e. where there was not a Natural or Moral Incapacity : a Natural , as in the Sons of the elder Edmond , when Edred was made King before them ; a Moral , as when Edgar's elder Brother was set aside for his ill Government , by one half of the Nation , and the other never disputed the matter with them ; and when Ethelred was so far deserted , that he went into Normandy , and was recalled upon Promise of better Government . Si ipse vel rectius gubernare , vel mitius eos tractare vellet , are the words in Florentius ; and to the same purpose Matt. Westminster , and Bromton , and Malmsbury : H. Huntingdon adds , That he promised omnia Rege & Populo digna ; all things worthy of the KING and People . These things I mention to shew , That although this were a true & successive Monarchy in ordinary course ; yet where the Publick Good was by the Estates of the Realm judged to require it , they thought it no Perjury , or Breach of Faith , to transferr their Allegiance , although it were without the Consent of the actual Governour , or the next lineal Heirs . Having thus far cleared this Point , as to the Saxon Constitution of our Government , I come to that of the Norman ; and here I shall not go about to shew how broken the Succession was by Force and Faction , but what the Judgment of the Nation was , as to the transferring Allegiance . And , the first Instance I shall bring , is in the Case of the Oath taken to Maud the Daughter of Henry the First , in the One and Thirtieth year of his Reign ; and there is no question , but he designed her to succeed him ; Legitimâ & perenni successione , as Malmsbury's words are ; but Stephen , ( who had before sworn Allegiance to her ) watched his opportunity , and by the help of a Party made by his Brother , ( the Bishop of Winchester ) he was Crowned KING ; and although at first , Malmsbury saith , but three Bishops , and very few Noblemen , joined with him , yet he soon after saith , That most of them went in to him : And even Robert of Gloucester , King Henry the First 's natural Son , took an Oath to him , but with the condition of his preserving his Honour and Covenants . There are several things worthy our observation in this Affair , with respect to Oaths of Allegiance . ( 1 ) That those who excuse them from Perjury , who had Sworn Allegiance to Maud before , do it upon this account , Because it is said by Rad. de Diceto , That Hugh Bigod sware , that King Henry the First , on his Deathbed , disinherited his Daughter , and made Stephen his Heir . Supposing the Story true , what is this to the Discharge of the Oath as to Maud ; ( for the Oath was not made to Henry the First , but to his Daughter , and her Right was chiefly concerned in it . ) If this hold , an Oath of Allegiance may cease , without discharge from the Party to whom it is made . And so the Archbishop of Canterbury , and the Bishops of Winchester and Salisbury , as well as the Nobility , thought themselves at liberty to take a New Oath of Allegiance , without a Release from the Party concerned in the former Oath . ( 2. ) That upon the Agreement between K. Stephen and H. 2. Maud her self was set aside , and Stephen was to continue King for his Life , and H. 2. to succeed him . Now if Oaths of Allegiance must not be interpreted by the Publick Good , here are insuperable Difficulties as to the Obligation of these Oaths . For the Allegiance was transferr'd from the right Heir to an Usurper , as Stephen must be owned to have been by those who deny that Allegiance can be transferr'd from the right Heir . And they must continue Allegiance to the Usurper for his Life ; which is repugnant to the Nature of our Constitution , if it be founded in a Lineal and Legal Succession . And again , Maud , to whom they had sworn , is set aside , and the Reversion of the Crown is entailed on her Son , although she was living . Fortescue , in a Manuscript-Discourse about the Title of the House of Lancaster , saith , this was done in Parliament , Communi Consensu Procerum , & Communitatis Regni Angliae . Rad. de Diceto , who lived nearer the time , saith no such thing ; but Fortescue appeals not only to the Chronicles , but to the Proceedings of Parliament , for it . And Matt. Westminster and Paris say , The Right of H. 2. was declared by K. Stephen in Conventu Episcoporum , & aliorum de Regno Optimatum ; which was the Description of a Parliament of that time ; for , as yet , the Baronage represented the Nation . Gervase saith , The Great Men were summoned to perfect the Agreement , by giving their Assent to it , and confirming it by their Oaths . Fortescue saith further , that H. 2. was crowned King in the Life of his Mother , ( who lived to the 13 of H. 2. ) by the general Consent of the Kingdom . Which shews how far the Publick Good was thought to be the Measure of the Obligation of these Oaths . For Gul. Neuburgensis saith , That the Bonum Publicum was the Foundation of this Agreement . And Matt. Westminster , That the King and the Lords did all swear to it , and a solemn Charter was made of it , and kept in a most secure Place . And thus the Oaths of Allegiance were continued to one that had no Right for his Life ; and made to one who pretended to no Right , but after his Mother , who was set aside in this Agreement . So that here were three Oaths of Allegiance at once , that to Maud the Empress , that to K. Stephen , and to H. 2. and yet the General Good of the Nation must give an equitable sense of these Oaths , or there must be Perjury on all sides . For those who had first sworn to Maud , could not transfer their Allegiance on any other account , either to Stephen , or H. 2. during her Life . For we never read that she was present at the Agreement , or resigned her Right to the Crown . The next Instance I shall produce , is in the Oaths that were taken during the Controversies between the Houses of York and Lancaster . Which was not so plain a Case as Men commonly imagin ; and in Truth , if the just legal Title be the only Rule of Conscience in this Case , it was hard to take the Oaths on either side . For , as on the one side , a lineal Descent was pleaded from the Daughter of the Duke of Clarence , who was elder Brother to Iohn Duke of Lancaster , from whom by Marriage the Duke of York claimed his Title ; so , on the other side , it was objected , that there was no sufficient Evidence of the Legitimacy of Philippa Daughter to the Duke of Clarence ; because , as Fortescue observes , the Duke of Clarence was abroad from before the time of her Conception till after her Birth , and that he never owned her Mother after ; that she never assumed the Arms of the Duke as her Father , nor those descended from her , till the Duke of York pretended to the Crown ; that E. 3. made an Entail of the Crown upon his Heirs Male ; ( of which I have seen a written Account as old as the time of H. 6. which not only affirms the Absence and Divorce of the Duke of Clarence ; but that E. 3. seized all his Lands into his Hands , and in Parliament soon after entailed the Crown on his Heirs Male , and that his Daughters there present agreed to the same . ) But besides they pleaded , that so long a Prescription as the House of Lancaster had of above threescore years , was allowed by the Ius Gentium , to purge the Defects of the first Title : These are things which deserved Consideration against such a meer lineal Descent as the House of York insisted upon . And against the House of Lancaster , the Intrusion of H. 4. upon the Deposition of R. 2. is an invincible Objection to such as found Allegiance on the Right of Succession . But that which I lay the greatest weight upon , is the Way of ending this Difference in Parliament , which hath several remarkable things in it : ( 1. ) That the Duke of York , notwithstanding his Title , takes an Oath of Allegiance in Parliament to H. 6. during his Life ; reserving to himself the Right of Succession after him . For he swears to do nothing to the Prejudice of his Reign or Dignity-Royal , nor against his Life or Liberty ; and that he would to the utmost of his Power , withstand all Attempts to the contrary . The same Oath was taken by his Sons Edward Earl of March ( afterward E. 4. ) and Edward Earl of Rutland . Was this a lawful Oath or not ? To say it was unlawful , is to reflect on the Wisdom of the Three Estates , who looked on this as the best Expedient for the Publick Good , as being the way to prevent the Effusion of Christian Blood. And it is not easy to prove such an Oath unlawful ; as containing nothing unlawful , nor to the Prejudice of a third Person , when he who was chiefly concerned voluntarily took it . If it were a lawful Oath , then an Oath of Allegiance on the account of Possession , is a lawful Oath . For the matter of Right is not mentioned in it , and Richard Duke of York did not renounce the opinion of his own Right hereby , ( whether true or false ) but did bind up himself to do nothing to the Prejudice of the Royal Dignity of H. 6. and yet he look'd on him as meer Possessor of it ; therefore in his Judgment and the Parliament's , an Oath of Allegiance may lawfully be taken , on the account of the Possession of the Crown , although Persons be not satisfied of the Right of it . The Words of his Agreement are remarkable to this Purpose , as they are to be found in the Parliament-Rolls . The said Title notwithstanding , and without Prejudice of the same , the said Richard Duke of York tenderly desiring the Weal , Rest and Prosperity of this Land , and to set apart all that might be trouble to the same ; and considering the Possession of the said King Henry the sixth , and that he hath for his time be named , taken , and reputed King of England and France , and Lord of Ireland , is content , agreeth and consenteth , that he be had , reputed and taken King of England and of France , with the Royal Estate , Dignity and Preeminence belonging thereto , and Lord of Ireland , during his Life natural ; and for that time the said Duke , without hurt or prejudice of his said Right and Title , shall take , worship and honour him for his Sovereign Lord. Here was certainly an Oath taken to a King , whom the Person taking it looked on only as a King de facto , and not de jure ; and yet this Oath was taken and allowed , nay contrived in Parliament ; and that for no less an end , than for the Weal , Rest , and Prosperity of the Land , i.e. for the Publick Good. It may be said , That the Case is different ; for Richard Duke of York parted with his own Right ; but we cannot with anothers , which we have sworn to preserve . I answer , That he did not look on such an Oath as parting with his Right , but as a thing fitting to be done on the account of Possession for the Publick Good. And so many others taken such another Oath of Allegiance , wherein there is no Declaration as to Right , but the same things required , which the Duke of York promised in his Oath to Hen. 6. But Allegiance is not due but where there is a Right to claim it ; and that cannot be , where there is no Right to the Crown . I answer , That an Oath of Allegiance may be twofold : 1. Declarative of Right ; and in that case none can be owned to have Right , but he that hath it . 2. Submissive Allegiance ; where no more is required than is contained in the Duke of York ' s Oath , and yet he declared this was no Prejudice to his Right . But it may be said , He declared so much before he took the Oath , and so gave the Sense in which he took it . I answer , That His putting in his Claim , and his Title being allow'd after the King in being , had been sufficient ; but in our case there is no need of a Declaration , since the declaratory part is left out ; which is a fuller Declaration of the sense of the Oath , than our Words can make . But to proceed ; ( 2. ) The first Objection the Parliament made to the Duke of York's Claim was , from the Oaths they had taken to H. 6. To which the Duke of York gave a large Answer , that Oaths must not bind against Truth and Iustice. But this was to take it for granted , that he had the Truth and Justice of his side , whereas there was a long Possession of threescore Years against him ; surely Matters of Fact which were necessary to the disproving his Title , were then so far out of Memory , that it was impossible to make clear Evidence about them ; and others were not examin'd , as whether the Duke of Clarence were absent so long from his Wife abroad , when Philippa was born ? Whether one Sir Iames Awdely suffer'd about it ? Whether he was divorced from her upon it ? Whether E. 3. after the Death of the Duke of Clarence , did entail the Crown on his Heirs male ? Whether upon the Deposition of R. 2. the Claim of Right on behalf of the Duke of Clarence's Heir , ought not to have been made ? How far Edmond Mortimer's owning the Title of H. 5. and the Duke of Cambridge's Attainder did affect him ? Whether he had not renounced his own Pretentions , by owning H. 6. to be his Supream and Soveraign Lord , as he had often done in a most solemn manner , particularly in his Oaths at the Altar at St. Pauls , which is to be seen in the Book of Oaths , p. 146. and elsewhere . But at that time , H. 6. was under the Power of the Duke of York ; and that was a very unfit time to clear a sinking Title . But however the Lords in Parliament were concerned for their Oaths to H. 6. and proposed the former Expedient , not only for the publick Welfare , but in regard to their Oaths , notwithstanding that they allow'd the Duke's Title to be good . Their Words are , It was concluded and agreed by all the said Lords , that since it was so , that the Title of the said Duke of York cannot be defeated , and in eschewing the great Inconvenience that might ensue , to take the Mein above rehearsed , the Oaths that the said Lords had made unto the King's Highness at Coventry and other places saved . From whence it is plain that they look'd on their Oaths to Hen. 6. as consistent with owning the Right to be in the Duke of York ; and that Possession was a sufficient Ground for continuing their Oaths . ( 3. ) In 1 E. 4. where the Right and Title of the D. of York is most amply set forth , yet there this Agreement , 39 H. 6. is recited , and the Proceedings against H. 6. are grounded upon his Breach of it . Which shews farther that those Parliaments which did assert the Right of Succession highest , ( among which , this of E. 4. ought to be reckon'd ) yet it was never disputed , whether those who had taken the Oaths to H. 6. were perjured ; for they look on the Possession of the Crown as a sufficient Ground for the Allegiance required . But it may be said , That from hence we see that he was look'd on as having the best Title , who had the best Right by lineal Succession . I answer , that we are not enquiring into Titles , but searching into the Reasons and Measures of Oaths of Allegiance ; and whether those do require full Satisfaction about the best Title ? Or supposing one unsatisfied about that , he may not yet be satisfied in taking such an Oath as the D. of York and his Sons did ? But such Precedents prove nothing , unless they be agreeable to our Laws and Constitution . Yes , a great deal , while we are enquiring into our Legal Constitution ; and we find such things allowed in Parliaments ; and not only so , but in such Parliaments which allow'd not the Title of the King to whom those Oaths were made . Our Law owns no King meerly as in Possession , but the Right Heir is the legal King , whether in Possession or not . Our Law does own a King in Possession , if Treason may be committed against Him ; and for this we have not only the Authority of Sir E. C. but of the Year-Books , 9 E. 4. Where it is deliver'd for Law at that time ; and with a particular Respect to H. 6. Et home sera arraigne de Treason fait a dit Roy. H. and therefore Sir E. C. had good Authority for what he said ; and that not in the Reign of a King de facto , but when a King thrust out another for want of Right , and derived his whole Right from a lineal Succession . Bagot's Case goes farther than Grants and judicial Proceedings of a King de facto ; for therein it is declared Treason to compass the Death of a King de facto ; and it is very absurd to imagine Treason against one whom the Law doth not own : for Treason is a high Violation of the Law , and how can the Law be violated against one whom the Law doth not own ? Besides , in Bagot's Case there is a distinction made between a meer Vsurper , and one on whom the Crown is setled by Parliament ; and so H. 6. is denied to be a meer Usurper . Et six le dit Roy H. de fait Merement , come Vsurper , Car le Corone fuit taille a luy per Parliament . So that by our Constitution a great Deference is to be shew'd to the Judgment of the three Estates in matters that concern the Right of the Crown ; Or else , an Entail made by them could make no difference ; but the whole Resolution must be into the lineal Desent . And thus I look on the Statute , 11 H. 7. as agreeable to our Constitution ; for if it be Treason to compass the Death of a King de facto , there is great Reason there should be Indemnity for those who act for Him. But what doth this signify to the Consciences of Men ? Very much , if they are to be satisfied by our Constitution . I grant meer Indemnity doth not clear a Man's Mind ; but its agreeableness to former Proceedings and Judgments shews how far our Constitution allows us to go , and that there is no Argument from thence which can hinder the Satisfaction of Conscience so far . But suppose a King de jure be in Possession of this Act , and another comes and dispossesses Him , and so is King de facto , Doth this Law indemnify those who Fight against the King de jure for the King de facto ? Whosoever is in actual and quiet Possession of the Crown , by Consent of Parliament , hath the Right to challenge the Benefits of this Act for those who serve Him. But I do not say , that this Act gives any Man Right to oppose a Rightful King ; but it only provides for the Indemnity of those who assist the present Possessor , although another had the Right by Descent . For , after the D. of York's challenging the Crown by Right of Succession against the Possessor , there were two Parties in the Nation , the one was for the Right of Succession , and the other for the Right of Possession by a National Consent . And the Disputes between these two continued as long as the Differences between the Houses of York and Lancaster lasted . When H. 7. was setled in the Throne , without regard to the Right of Succession , although there was a general Submission , yet there was still a great Dissatisfaction in the York Party ; which occasion'd all the Disturbances of H. 7th's Reign , from setting up an Heir of the House of York . ( And Sir William Stanly was gained to that Party , which cost him his Life . ) And they went so far as to conclude it Treason to stand by the Possessor against the next lineal Heir . Which I take to have been the true Occasion of the Statute 11 H. 7. which doth certainly Indemnify those who adhere to the Possessor , although another may claim a better Right ; and thereby declares a Possessory Right to be a sufficient Ground of Allegiance , as far as that Act goes . There are three sorts of Persons may be said to have Possession of the Crown , an Vsurper , a King de jure , and a King de facto ; and because the distinction between these doth not seem to be well understood , I shall briefly explain it . An Usurper is one , who comes in by Force , and continues by Force . A King de jure is one , who comes in by lineal Descent , as next Heir , and whose Right is owned and Recognized by the Estates of the Realm . A King de facto is one , who comes in by Consent of the Nation , but not by Virtue of an immediate Hereditary Right ; but to such a one being owned and receiv'd by the Estates of the Realm , the Law of England , as far as I can see , requires an Allegiance . Or else the whole Nation was perjur'd in most of the Reigns from the Conquest to H. 8. for the two Williams , six at least of the seven Henries , King Stephen , and King Iohn were all Kings de facto , for some time at least , for they came not in as next Heirs in a lineal Descent . But still Oaths of Allegiance were taken to them ; and no such Scruples appear to have been made all that time ; nor any charge of Perjury , on those who did what our Law and Constitution required . Was the Nation perjured in the Time of H. 7. who , as all know , had no Pretence of an Hereditary Right ? Yet being received and Crowned , the Oaths of Allegiance were taken to Him , before he was Married to the Daughter of E. 4. For , he was Crowned 30 Octob. 1485. Had the Crown entailed in Parliament Nov. 7. and was Married Ian. 18. But the first Parliament of R. 3. endeavoured to make void the Title of the Children of E. 4. upon pretence of a Precontract with the E. of Shrewsburies Daughter ; and of George Duke of Clarence by his Attainder , thereby to make R. 3. Right Heir to the Crown ; but lest these things should fail , to his Claim of Inheritance , they join their own Election , and desire him to accept the Crown ▪ as to him of Right belonging , as well by Inheritance as by lawful Election . It seems , they would have made him a King de jure as well as de facto ; but the excluding the Children of E. 4. never gave Satisfaction since the Lady Lucy her self disowned it to the Mother of E. 4. And if such an Allegation would hold , the whole Succession both of York and Lancaster might be questioned ; for both derive from H. 3. whose Mother was believed at that Time to have been precontracted at least to Hugh le Brun , before She was married to K. Iohn , and was married to Him , whilst his former Wife was living . And if Q. Eleanor's Divorce from the K. of France were not Good ( as it is hard to prove it so ) what becomes of all the Line of H. 2. who married Her , after She had two Children by her former Husband ? But if Mens Consciences are tied to a strict legal and lineal Descent , they must be satisfied in all these Points . But supposing the Right of the Children of E. 4. to have been never so Good ; what doth this make towards the justifying the Oaths of Allegiance , which were made to H. 7. whom some will not allow to have any Claim by the House of Lancaster , since they say , the same Act which legitimated Iohn of Gaunt's Children by Kath. Swinford , did exclude them from any Title to the Crown ? Yet the Oaths of Allegiance were taken by the whole Nation in the time of H. 7. and no Dispute was then made about it ; because it was then believed , that quiet Possession was a sufficient Ground for Allegiance . It is objected , That it cannot be agreeable to the Law of England to swear Allegiance to a King de facto , when the Duke of Northumberland suffered by the Law for adhering to a Queen de facto . A King de facto according to our Law ( as I said ) is one in quiet Possession of the Crown , by Consent of Parliament , without Hereditary Right ; such as H. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. were all thought to be , by those who made this Distinction . For , as far as I can find , the Distinction of a King de facto and de jure was then started , when the House of York so much insisted on their Hereditary Right ; and so many of our Kings had governed the Kingdom by Consent without it . Therefore the Lawyers , to find a sufficient Salvo for the Kings of the House of Lancaster , framed this Distinction of Kings de facto and de jure ; but still they meant Kings Regnant , as they called them , or in full Possession of the Royal Dignity by a National Consent . ( The Distinction had been better of a two-fold Right , viz. Possessory and Hereditary . ) But this was far from being the Case of Queen Iane , who was set up by a particular Party against the General Sense of the Nation , as soon appeared ; for the main Point her Title stood upon was this , Whether the King by his Grant could dispose of the Crown against an Act of Parliament which setled the Succession ? and that this was the true Point , appears evidently by Judge Mountague's Papers , who was imployed against his Will , in drawing up the Grant. So that the Duke of Northumberland's Case doth by no Means reach the Point of a King de facto . But it is further urged from our Homilies , That our Church therein condemns those English who did swear Fidelity to the Dauphin of France , breaking their Oath of Fidelity to their Natural Lord the King of England . To which I answer , ( 1. ) That King Iohn was only a King de facto himself , if a Legal Succession makes a King de jure . For , ( 1. ) His eldest Brother's Son Arthur was then living , as all confess . ( 2. ) He was convicted of Treason against his Brother R. 1. and the Sentence pronounced against him by Hugo de Pudsey Bishop of Durham , as the King of France pleaded to the Pope's Legat who came to solicit for him . ( 3. ) Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury declar'd at his Coronation , that he came not in by Hereditary Right , but by Election ; and he accepted of it so . ( 4. ) What Right he had after the Death of his Nephew , he gave up by the Resignation of his Crown to the Pope . He could have no Hereditary Right while Arthur's Sister lived , who survived him , and was kept in the Castle at Bristol . But supposing it , I do not understand how he that gave up his Right of Dominion to the Pope , could still retain it ? And if he was Feudatary to the same , he could not challenge Allegiance as due to him , but to the Pope as Lord Paramount . And it was pleaded against him , That although he could not dispose of his Crown without Consent of his Barons , yet he might demise it . And upon his Resignation he ceased to be King ; and so the Throne was vacant . And by that means there was a devolution of Right to the BARONS to fill up the Vacancy ; who made choice of LEWIS by the Right of his Wife , who was Heir to King John. If after all this , an Oath of Allegiance to him was lawful , then , I say , an Oath to a King de facto is so , for King Iohn was no more . ( 2. ) As to the Barons calling in Lewis , and forsaking K. Iohn , it is necessary to observe on what Reason it is that our Homilies condemn it . For the whole design of that Homily is , to shew the Popes Vsurpations over Princes , and their stirring up Subjects to Rebellion against them , by discharging them from their Oaths ; and for those the Instance of King John is produced . As appears by the words just before ; Now had English-men at that time known their Duty to their Prince set forth in God's Word , would a great many Nobles , and other English-men natural Subjects , for this foreign and unnatural Vsurper his vain Curse of the King , and for his feigned discharging them of their Oath and Fidelity to their Natural Lord , upon so slender , or no Ground at all , have rebelled against their Sovereign Lord the King ? Would English Subjects have taken part against the King of England , and against English Men , with the French King , and French Men , being incensed against this Realm by the Bishop of Rome ? ( 3. ) This doth not concern the present Case . For Men may condemn those English Men who sent for Lewis , and yet may lawfully take the present Oaths . By which Men are not bound to justify such Proceedings , but to promise Faith and Allegiance to such as are in actual Possession of the Throne . Which the Oaths taken to K. Iohn will justify . Thus I have considered the greatest Difficulties I have yet met with about taking the Oaths , and have not dissembled the strength of any of them . There is only one thing remains , and that is the Answer given to the Case of Tiberius , who was an Vsurper , and yet our Saviour said , Give unto Cesar the things that are Cesar's . The Answer is , That although it were a forcible Vsurpation in Julius Cesar , yet before that time the Matter was accorded between the Senate and the Emperors , and they reigned unquestioned without any competition from the Senate . So that it was not lawful to swear Allegiance to Iulius Cesar , who had the full Possession of the Power , but it was to Tiberius : And why so ? Where was the Right of Government in the time of Iulius Cesar ? In the Senate and People . And so it continued all Iulius Cesar's time . But how came the Senate and People to lose their Right in the time of Tiberius ? ( 1. ) Had they given it up by any solemn Act of theirs , as many say they did by the Lex Regia , which Iustinian confidently affirms ? Then all the Right which the Emperor had , was by Devolution from the People ; and so they acted by virtue of that Power which the People gave them ; ( Populus comprehends both Senate and Community . ) And then the Emperors had their Rights of Soveraignty from the People , and not from God. For here was no other Act but that of the People giving up their Right . And then the Case of Obedience to the Roman Emperors will be found very different from that of the Northern Kingdoms , where the People never gave up their Rights in such a manner ; but in Cases of Difficulty concerning Succession , the three Estates did look on themselves as particularly concerned ; as might be easily proved , if it were needful , in all the Northern Kingdoms . ( 2. ) But suppose they did not formally give up their Right , but were partly wheedled and partly forced out of it ; Doth this give a good Title ? Suppose Augustus had by his Acts procured the Consent of the People , as to his own Government ; What was this to Tiberius ? Did they give him a Power to make whom he pleased his Successor ? Something may be said from Dion and Strabo as to the former ; but there is no Pretence as to the latter : For it was a meer Arbitrary Act in Augustus to nominate Tiberius ; and all the Title he had at first was from the Praetorian Band and Legions : Afterwards the Consuls , and Senate , and Souldiers , and People did swear Allegiance to him , as the Historians tell us . Now here I desire to know , whether Tiberius were any more than Emperor de facto , when they did thus swear to him ? For all the Right he had was from their voluntary Submission to him at Rome . As to the Roman Provinces , Tacitus saith , They were content with the present change of Government , because they suffered by the Factions and Avarice of the great Men ; which made them weary of the Government by the Senate and People . But this only shews they were willing to change their Masters , hoping they might mend their Condition , but signifies little to the matter of Right . Since after they were made Provinces , they owned their Subjection to the Roman Government , by paying Tribute , and receiving Magistrates from it , however that Government was managed , whether by Senate or People , or by one who had the Imperial Power , whatever Name he were called by . But as to the Province of Iudea in particular , there are several Conditions of it to be considered . ( 1. ) While it was tributary to the Kings of Persia and Syria . Jaddus the High Priest told Alexander that they had taken an Oath of Fidelity to Darius , and therefore could not bear Arms against him while he lived . But was Darius King de jure or de facto over the Iews ? He was not King over them by a lineal Succession from their own Princes ; nor by the Fundamental Constitution of their Government , which owned no legal King that was not of their Brethren : I do not say they were not to submit to , but not to chuse any other . But what Right had Darius over the Iews , any more than succeeding in the Persian Monarchy gave a Right to the Chaldean Conquests ? I grant , the Iews did act under the Persian Monarchs , as Nehemiah was Governour under Artaxerxes , and that they did swear to them , appears by Iaddus ; but the Question is , On what Right that Oath was founded ? and whether upon Alexander's Conquest , they could not as well take a new Oath to him ? For why should not present actual Dominion give as much Right , as succeeding into anothers Right of Dominion , which was at first gained by Conquest ? If Possession gives Right in one case , why not in the other ; since there is more Reason for Allegiance , where there is a Power of Protection , than where there is none . And so we find Iaddus and the Iews did submit to Alexander afterwards , and some of them went into his Army , although Darius was still living ; which shews , that as they were not forward to break their Allegiance sworn to Darius ; so they were not obstinate in opposing Alexander , but yielded to the over-ruling Hand of Providence . ( 2. ) When the Iews had their Liberty granted them by the Kings of Syria . For Antiochus Eupator made Peace with them , by which they were to have the Liberty of their own Laws ; and although he soon brake his Agreement with them ; yet the Lacedaemonians and Romans owned them as a Free-People , and treated with them as such . And Simon pleaded to Athenobius in this War ; We have neither taken other Mens Land , nor holden that which appertaineth to others ; but the Inheritance of our Fathers , which our Enemies had wrongfully in Possession a certain time . Wherefore we having Opportunity , hold the Inheritance of our Fathers . Which plainly shews , that they look'd on those who ruled over them as unjust Possessors ; at that time when they were so far under them , as to swear Allegiance to them . After this Antiochus Pius did grant them their Liberty upon Composition ; which they enjoyed as their Neighbours did , and suffered not as Slaves to the Kings of Syria , but as sometimes oppressed by them . ( 3. ) When they were reduced into the form of a Roman Province ; which was done by Pompey . And from that time they were in Subjection to the Roman State ; being only permitted to enjoy the Liberty of their Religion . But I shall take notice only of the case of the Iews Subjection to the Roman Emperor in our Saviour's time . Suetonius takes notice of the strange Impudence of Tiberius , in seeming so long to decline the accepting the Soveraignty , when from the very first he had assumed the Soveraign Power , without asking the Leave either of Senate or People . * Tacitus saith , That he took upon him the Government immediately upon the Death of Augustus ; and did exercise the Imperial Power every where ; only when he was in the Senate he seemed to demur , for Fear of Germanicus and his Legions . † Dio , That he exercised all the parts of the Government , having secured the Italian Forces to himself ; but he declined the Name , till he understood the Design of Germanicus . So that here we have a plain Original Usurpation in Tiberius ; there being no consent of Senate and People to his assuming the Soveraign Power . And yet Tacitus saith , First the Consulls and great Officers , then the Senate and People did swear Allegiance to him . Which was before he had their Consent . For he used his own Art afterwards , that he might seem to be chosen by them ; and not to come to his Power by the force of Arms , or the Intrigues of his Mother . But what Appearance of consent soever afterwards he gained from the Senate , it was extorted from them by Force or Fraud ; as is evident from the same Historians . But what Right can such a Consent give ? And he took away the Remainder of the Peoples Liberties in their Comitia , and never asked their Consent . What then was the Right of Tiberius to the Government founded upon ? Augustus had several repeated Acts , whereby they continued his Government from time to time , and thereby shewed their Consent , as Dion and Strabo affirm , that the whole Government was committed to him from the Senate and People ; But what is there like this in the Case of Tiberius ? He was Augustus his Wife's Son , and he made him his Heir by his Testament : And what was that to the Roman State ? Was not Agrippa Posthumus , then living , much nearer to Augustus , who was his own Grand-child ? And by , the Story in Tacitus of Fabius Maximus , seemed designed by him to succeed him ; but upon the Discovery of it , first Augustus , and then Agrippa was sent out of the World to make way for Tiberius , who had before-hand engaged the Italian Legions . So that he trusted to no Testamentary Right , as appears by all his Collusions with the Senate , which there had been no place for , if he had assumed the Government by virtue of Augustus his Testament or Adoption . Here we have then a plain Instance of one who was in the Possession of Power without Colour of Right , and yet Oaths of Allegiance were taken to him , both by the Senate and People . And when these Oaths were taken , there was no adjusting the matter between him and the Senate ; for he had newly assumed the Government by Force when they took these Oaths . Here was no unquestion'd Authority from the Senate ( whatever Vell. Paterculus pretends ) but when he had gotten the Power into his Hands , he required them to own it . Augustus was so wise , as when they offer'd him their Oaths , he refused them for this Reason ; He considered well , saith Dio , that if they gave their free Consent , they would do what they promised without swearing ; and if they did not , all the Oaths in the World would not make them . But Tiberius was of another Mind , and he required their Oaths in the first place ; and it is not improbable that the same were required in several Provinces . When our Saviour appeared in Iudea , Tiberius was in Possession of this Power , over the Roman Empire ; and because the Jews were more scrupulous than other People , on account of their Fundamental Laws , as to the owning any usurped Jurisdiction over them ; some among them put the Question to him about paying Tribute to Caesar , i. e. about owning any Act of Subjection to an Usurped Power . For there were plausible Arguments on both sides ; one was from the Strictness of their Laws ; the other was from the Benefit they received from the Roman Protection . The former seemed to have more of Conscience , and the latter of Human Prudence . Our Saviour takes a wise Method to answer the Doubt ; he asks for the Currant Tribute-Mony , and finding it had Cesar's Superscription , saith , Give to Cesar the things that are Cesar's . They might have replied , they are his de facto , but not de Iure . Why did not our Saviour answer this Difficulty , but leave them to collect their Duty from the use of Cesar's Coin among them ? Might not one that had no Right , have the Power of coining Mony , and dispersing it , so that it should be in common use ? And was not Tiberius such an one ? What then doth he mean by this Answer ? Either we must say , that he declines the main Question , or that he resolved it to be lawful , upon general Reasons , to shew Acts of Subjection to such a Power , which we may not be satisfied , is according to our Laws . For so it is plain the Roman Power was not agreeable to the Jewish Constitution ; and although that were from God , yet our Saviour , who gives the best Directions for Conscience , would by no means have Men to be peevish or obstinate in such Matters . But paying of Tribute is quite another thing from Oaths of Allegiance . It is so , as to the manner of testifying our Subjection ; but the main Question is , Whether any Act of Subjection be lawful or not ? If it be lawful to testify it one way , why not another ? If in paying Tribute , why not in solemn promising to pay it ? If in promising , why not in swearing , i. e. in calling God to witness that I do it ? Thus far then we may go ; we may swear to pay Tribute ; But on what account ? Is it not as a Token of Allegiance , i. e. of a Duty owing on the account of Protection ? Then we have gained one step farther , viz. that we may swear to perform some parts of Allegiance . But why then may we not do so as to all that such an Oath implies ? If it respects no more than the Duty which we owe , with respect to the Publick . And that is certainly the meaning of an Oath , when all Declarations of Right are left out , and only those of Duty expressed , as it is in our present Case . As to the dreadful Charge of Perjury and Apostacy , which some , of much greater Heat than Judgment , have made use of against those who hold it lawful to take the Oaths ; If what I have said be true , it is little less than ridiculous : And it would have had more appearance of Reason , if the Pharisees had urged it against our Saviour's Resolution of the Case about Tribute-Mony . For , had not God by his own Law settled the Government among them ? And was it not a Fundamental Article of that Law , that none should rule over them , but one of their Brethren ? Was the Roman Emperor , or Pontius Pilate such ? Have not all the ancient Zealots of the Law opposed any such Foreign Power ? What can it be then less than Perjury and Apostacy to give any Countenance to such an open Violation of this Law , and to incourage Men to renounce it ; when they find such Liberties allowed by such a Teacher ? But I forbear . To conclude then ; I have , at your earnest Desire , taken this Matter into serious Consideration , and have impartially weighed the most pressing Difficulties I have met with ; I cannot promise to give you Satisfaction , but I have satisfied my self , and have endeavoured to do the same for you . I am heartily sorry for any Breaches among us at this time , and it is easy to foresee who will be the Gainers by them . But I am glad to understand that the chiefest of those who scruple the Oaths , have declared themselves against the Attempts of such an unseasonable Separation , and I hope others will be so wise as to follow their Example . I am , Sir , Yours . Octob. 15. 1689. Books lately Printed for Richard Chiswell . THE Case of Allegiance in our present Circumstances considered , in a Letter from a Minister in the City to a Minister in the Country , 40. A Breviate of the State of Scotland in its Government , Supream Courts , Officers of State , Inferiour Officers , Offices and Inferiour Courts , Districts , Jurisdictions , Burroughs Royal , and Free Corporations . Fol. Some Considerations touching Succession and Allegiance . 4to . Reflections upon the late Great Revolution : Written by a Lay-Hand in the Country , for the satisfaction of some Neighbours . The History of the Desertion ; or an Account of all the publick Affairs in England , from the beginning of September , 1688 , to the Twelfth of February following . With an Answer to a Piece called , The Desertion Discussed , in a Letter to a Country-Gentleman . By a Person of Quality . K. William and K. Lewis . Wherein is set forth the inevitable necessity these Nations lie under of submitting wholly to one or other of these Kings ; And that the matter in Controversy is not now between K. William and K. Iames , but between K. William and K. Lewis of France , for the Government of these Nations . A Sermon preached at Fulham , in the Chappel of the Palace , upon Easter-Day 1689. at the Consecration of the Right Reverend Father in God Gilbert Lord Bishop of Sarum : By Anthony Horneck , D. D. The Judgments of God upon the Roman Catholick Church , from its first rigid Laws for universal Conformity to it , unto its last End. With a prospect of these near approaching Revolutions , viz. The Revival of the Protestant Profession in an eminent Kingdom , where it was totally suppressed . The last End of all Turkish Hostilities . The general Mortification of the Power of the Roman Church in all parts of its Dominions . In Explication of the Trumpets and Vials of the Apocalypse , upon Principles generally acknowledged by Protestant Interpreters . By Drue Cressener , D. D. A Discourse concerning the Worship of Images ; preached before the University of Oxford . By George Tully , Sub-Dean of York , for which he was suspended . Two Sermons , one against Murmuring , the other against Censuring : By Symon Patrick , D. D. now Lord Bishop of Chichester . An Account of the Reasons which induced Charles the Second , King of England , to declare War against the States General of the United Provinces in 1672. And of the Private League which he entred into at the same Time with the French King to carry it on , and to establish Popery in England , Scotland , and Ireland , as they are set down in the History of the Dutch War , printed in French at Paris , with the Priviledg of the French King , 1682. Which Book he caused to be immediately suppress'd at the Instance of the English Ambassador . Fol. An Account of the Private League betwixt the late King Iames the Second and the French King. Fol. Dr. Wake 's Sermon before the King and Queen at Hampton-Court . Dr. Tennison's Sermon against Self-love , before the House of Commons , Iune 5. 1689. Mr. Tully's Sermon of Moderation , before the Lord-Mayor , May. 12. 1689. An Examination of the Scruples of those who refuse to take the Oath of Allegiance . By a Divine of the Church of England . A Dialogue betwixt two Friends , a Iacobite and a Williamite ; occasioned by the late Revolution of Affairs , and the Oath of Allegiance . The Case of Oaths stated . 4to . A Letter from a French Lawyer to an English Gentleman , upon the Present Revolution . 4to . The Advantages of the present Settlement , and the great danger of a Relapse . The Interest of England in the Preservation of Ireland . The Answer of a Protestant Gentleman in Ireland to a late Popish Letter of N. N. upon a Discourse between them , concerning the present Posture of that Country , and the Part fit for those concern'd there to act in it . 4to . An Apology for the Protestants of Ireland , in a brief Narrative of the late Revolutions in that Kingdom ; and an Account of the present State thereof : By a Gentleman of Quality . 4to . A true Representation to the King and People of England how Matters were carried on all a long in Ireland by the late K. Iames , in favour of the Irish Papists there , from his Accession to the Crown to the 10th of April , 1689. The Mantle thrown off : or the Irish-Man dissected , 4to . Reflections upon the Opinions of some Modern Divines , concerning the Nature of Government in general , and that of England in particular . With an Appendix relating to this Matter , containing , 1. The Seventy fifth Canon of the Council of Toledo . 2. The Original Articles in Latin , out of which the Magna Charta of King Iohn was framed . 〈◊〉 The true Magna Charta of King Iohn in French : By which the Magna Charta in Matth , Paris is cleared and justified , and the Alterations in the Common Magna Charta discovered . ( Of which see a more particular Account in the Advertisement before the Appendix . ) All three Englished . The Doctrine of Non-Resistance , or Passive Obedience no way concerned in the Controversies now depending between the Williamites ▪ and the Iacobites . Jacobi Usserii Armachani Archiep. Historia dogmatica Controversiae inter Orthodaros & Pontificios de Scripturis & Sacris Vernaculis , nunc primum edita . Accesserunt Ejusdem dissertationes de Pseudo-Dionysii scriptis , & de Epistola ad Laodicenos ante hac inedite . Descripsit , digessit & notis atque Auctuario completavit Henricus Wharton , A. M. R. Archiep. Cantuar. à Sacris Domest . 4 o. A Discourse concerning the Unreasonableness of a new Separation on Account of the Oaths . With an Answer to The History of Passive Obedience . A Discourse concerning the Ecclesiastical Commission opened in the Ierusalem . Chamber , Octob. 10. 1689. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A61547-e930 Less . de Iust. & Iure , l. 2. c. 17 n. 52. Molina de Iust. & Iure , tr . 3. disp . 150. De Cive c. 8. n. 7. Arist. Nic. l. 8. c. 13. Sen. de Clem. l. 1. c. 18. Mutua quidem debet esse Dominii & Homagii fidelitatis connexio , ita quod quantum debet homo Domino ex homagio , tantum illi debet Dominus ex Dominio praeter solam Reverentiam . Glanvil . l. 9. c. 4. Bracton . l. 2. §. 2. Cust. Norm . c. 43. Zoës . in Dig. l. 12. Tit. 2. n. 66 Jus publicum privatorum pactis mutari non potest . A. G. 454. Magnates Brit. Regem Vortigernum penitus deserentes , unanimiter filium suum in Regem sublimaverunt . Mat. West . p. 83 , Cum autem modis omnibus male tractaret eos , legesque antecessorum suorum propter commodum suum , vel depravaret , vel mutaret . Matt. West . A. D. 756. H. Huntingd. l. 4. p. 196. A G 758. Gen. de Regno Merciorum , contra Regem suum Beornredum insurgens , pro eo quod Populum non aequis legibus , sed per tyrannidem gubernaret , convenerant in unum omnes , tam nobiles quam ignobiles , & Offa Duce ipsum à Regno expulerunt , Mat. West . Nam & ipse Brithricus & caeteri infra Inam Reges licet Natalium splendore gloriantes , ( quippe qui de Cerdicio originem traherent ) non parum tamen à lineâ regiae stirpis exorbitaverant , Will. Malmsb. de Gestis Reg. Angl l. 1. c. 2. Regnum per Inam novatum qui Cinegisli ex Fratre Cuthbaldo pronepos magis pro insitlvae virtutis industria , quam successivae sobolis prosapia in Principatum ascitur . id . ib. Matth. West . A. D. 854 , 867. Mat. West . p. 101. Bromton p. 862. W. Malmsbur . l. 1. c. 3. p. 14. Mat. West . A. D. 934. A. D. 939. Mat. West . A. 946. Bromton . p. 862. Flor. Wigorn . A. 949. A. 957. A. 975. Florent . Wigorn. A. D. 1016. W. Malm. l. 2. p. 35. 2. Mat. West . A. D. 1013 , 1015 , 1016 A. 1055. Wil. Malm. l. 2. p. 40. Mat. West . A. 1015. Florent . A. 102. Append. 7. ad vit . Alt. Bromton inter 10. Script . p. 877. Florentin . Wigor . A. D. 1014. H. Huntin . l. 6. p 207. 2. Malmsb. hist. Novel . l. 1. p. 100 , 105. 2. Rad. de Diceto , A. D. 1153. Matt. Westm. A. 1153. Mat. Paris . ib. Gervas . A. D. 1153. Gul. Neoburg . l. 1. c. 30. Matt. Westm. S. 1153. Rot. Pa l. 39. H. 6. n. 21. N. 20. Mat. West . A. 1200. Sixth Part of the Homily against wilful Rebellion . Mat. Paris . f. 280. Matt. Westm. A. 1216. Mat. Paris . A. 1199. Mat. Paris . A. 1216. l. 281. Tacit. l. 1. Tacit. ib. Joseph . l. 11. c. 8. Deut. 17. 15. Neh. 8. 9. Joseph . 12. c. 13. 1 Maccab. 14. 16. 40. 15. 33. 34. * Principatum , quamvis neque occupare confetim , neque agere dubitâsset , et statione milirum , hoc est , vi et specie dominationis assumpta , diu tamen recusavit impudentissimo animo . Sutton . c. 24. † Sed defuncto Augusto , signum praetoriis cohortibus , ut Imperator dederat , Excubiae , Arma , catera Aulae ; Miles in forum , miles in curiam comitabat ; literas ad Exercitus , ranquam adepto Principatu misit ; nusquam cunctabundus nisi cum in Senatu loqueretur . Tacit. l. 1. Dio. l. 57. Dio l. 54.